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Algorithms in a Nutshell 2nd Edition A Desktop Quick
Reference George T. Heineman Digital Instant Download
Author(s): George T. Heineman, Gary Pollice, Stanley Selkow
ISBN(s): 9781491948927, 1491948922
File Details: PDF, 5.63 MB
Year: 2015
Language: english
www.it-ebooks.info
 SECOND EDITION

Algorithms in a Nutshell 2E

George T. Heineman, Gary Pollice, and

Stanley Selkow

Boston

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Algorithms in a Nutshell 2E, Second Edition
by George T. Heineman, Gary Pollice, and Stanley Selkow
Copyright © 2010 George Heineman, Gary Pollice and Stanley Selkow. All rights re‐
served.
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While every precaution has been taken in the preparation of this book, the publisher
and authors assume no responsibility for errors or omissions, or for damages resulting
from the use of the information contained herein.

ISBN: 063-6-920-03288-5
[?]

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 Table of Contents

1. Thinking Algorithmically. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Understand the Problem 1
Naive Solution 3
Intelligent Approaches 4
Greedy 4
Divide and Conquer 5
Parallel 5
Approximation 6
Generalization 7
Summary 8

2. The Mathematics of Algorithms. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9

Size of a Problem Instance 9
Rate of Growth of Functions 10
Analysis in the Best, Average, and Worst Cases 15
Worst Case 18
Average Case 18
Best Case 19
Performance Families 20
Constant Behavior 20
Log n Behavior 21
Sublinear O(nd) Behavior for d < 1 23
Linear Performance 23
n log n Performance 27
Quadratic Performance 28
Less Obvious Performance Computations 30
Exponential Performance 33
Benchmark Operations 33

iii

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 Lower and Upper Bounds 36
References 36

3. Algorithm Building Blocks. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37

Algorithm Template Format 37
Name 38
Input/Output 38
Context 38
Solution 38
Analysis 38
Variations 39
Pseudocode Template Format 39
Empirical Evaluation Format 40
Floating-Point Computation 40
Performance 41
Rounding Error 41
Comparing Floating Point Values 43
Special Quantities 44
Example Algorithm 45
Name and Synopsis 45
Input/Output 46
Context 46
Solution 46
Analysis 49
Common Approaches 49
Greedy 49
Divide and Conquer 50
Dynamic Programming 51
References 56

4. Sorting Algorithms. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57
Overview 57
Terminology 57
Representation 58
Comparable Elements 59
Stable Sorting 60
Criteria for Choosing a Sorting Algorithm 61
Transposition Sorting 61
Insertion Sort 61
Context 63
Solution 63

iv | Table of Contents

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 Analysis 65
Selection Sort 66
Heap Sort 67
Context 72
Solution 73
Analysis 74
Variations 74
Partition-based Sorting 74
Context 80
Solution 80
Analysis 81
Variations 81
Sorting Without Comparisons 83
Bucket Sort 83
Solution 86
Analysis 88
Variations 89
Sorting with Extra Storage 90
Merge Sort 90
Input/Output 92
Solution 92
Analysis 93
Variations 94
String Benchmark Results 95
Analysis Techniques 98
References 99

5. Searching. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101
Sequential Search 102
Input/Output 103
Context 103
Solution 104
Analysis 105
Binary Search 106
Input/Output 106
Context 107
Solution 107
Analysis 108
Variations 110
Hash-based Search 111
Input/Output 113

Table of Contents | v

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 Context 114
Solution 117
Analysis 119
Variations 122
Bloom Filter 127
Input/Output 129
Context 129
Solution 129
Analysis 131
Binary Search Tree 132
Input/Output 133
Context 133
Solution 135
Analysis 146
Variations 146
References 146

6. Graph Algorithms. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149

Graphs 151
Data Structure Design 154
Depth-First Search 155
Input/Output 160
Context 161
Solution 161
Analysis 163
Variations 164
Breadth-First Search 164
Input/Output 167
Context 168
Solution 168
Analysis 169
Single-Source Shortest Path 169
Input/Output 172
Solution 172
Analysis 174
Dijkstra’s Algorithm For Dense Graphs 174
Variations 177
Comparing Single Source Shortest Path Options 180
Benchmark data 181
Dense graphs 181
Sparse graphs 182

vi | Table of Contents

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 All Pairs Shortest Path 183
Input/Output 186
Solution 186
Analysis 188
Minimum Spanning Tree Algorithms 188
Solution 191
Analysis 192
Variations 192
Final Thoughts on Graphs 192
Storage Issues 192
Graph Analysis 193
References 194

7. Path Finding in AI. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195

Game Trees 196
Minimax 199
Input/Output 202
Context 202
Solution 203
Analysis 205
NegMax 206
Solution 208
Analysis 210
AlphaBeta 210
Solution 214
Analysis 215
Search Trees 217
Representing State 220
Calculate available moves 221
Using Heuristic Information 221
Maximum Expansion Depth 223
Depth-First Search 223
Input/Output 225
Context 225
Solution 225
Analysis 227
Breadth-First Search 230
Input/Output 232
Context 232
Solution 233
Analysis 234

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 A*Search 234
Input/Output 236
Context 236
Solution 239
Analysis 243
Variations 246
Comparing Search Tree Algorithms 247
References 251

8. Network Flow Algorithms. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 255

Network Flow 257
Maximum Flow 259
Input/Output 261
Solution 262
Analysis 267
Optimization 268
Related Algorithms 270
Bipartite Matching 270
Input/Output 271
Solution 271
Analysis 274
Reflections on Augmenting Paths 274
Minimum Cost Flow 279
Transshipment 280
Solution 280
Transportation 283
Solution 283
Assignment 283
Solution 283
Linear Programming 283
References 285

9. Computational Geometry. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 287

Classifying Problems 288
Input data 288
Computation 290
Nature of the task 291
Assumptions 291
Convex Hull 291
Convex Hull Scan 293
Input/Output 295

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 Context 295
Solution 295
Analysis 297
Variations 299
Computing Line Segment Intersections 302
LineSweep 303
Input/Output 306
Context 306
Solution 307
Analysis 310
Variations 313
Voronoi Diagram 313
Input/Output 321
Solution 322
Analysis 327
References 328

10. Spatial Tree Structures. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 329

Nearest Neighbor queries 330
Range Queries 331
Intersection Queries 331
Spatial Tree Structures 332
KD-Tree 332
Quad Tree 333
R-Tree 334
Nearest Neighbor 335
Input/Output 337
Context 338
Solution 338
Analysis 340
Variations 347
Range Query 347
Input/Output 349
Context 350
Solution 350
Analysis 351
QuadTrees 355
Input/Output 358
Solution 359
Analysis 362
Variations 363

Table of Contents | ix

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 R-Trees 363
Input/Output 368
Context 368
Solution 369
Analysis 374
References 376

11. Emerging Algorithm Categories. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 379

Variations on a Theme 379
Approximation Algorithms 380
Input/Output 381
Context 382
Solution 382
Analysis 384
Parallel Algorithms 386
Probabilistic Algorithms 392
Estimating the Size of a Set 392
Estimating the Size of a Search Tree 394
References 400

12. Epilogue. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 401

Principle: Know Your Data 401
Principle: Decompose the Problem into Smaller Problems 402
Principle: Choose the Right Data Structure 404
Principle: Make the Space versus Time Trade-off 406
Principle: If No Solution Is Evident, Construct a Search 407
Principle: If No Solution Is Evident, Reduce Your Problem to
Another Problem That Has a Solution 408
Principle: Writing Algorithms Is Hard—Testing Algorithms
Is Harder 409
Principle: Accept Approximate Solution When Possible 410
Principle: Add Parallelism to Increase Performance 411

A. Benchmarking. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 413

x | Table of Contents

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 CHAPTER 1
Thinking Algorithmically

Algorithms matter! Knowing which algorithm to apply under which

set of circumstances can make a big difference in the software you
produce. Let this book be your guide to learning about a number of
important algorithm domains, such as sorting and searching. We will
introduce a number of general approaches used by algorithms to solve
problems, such as Divide and Conquer or Greedy strategy. You will be
able to apply this knowledge to improve the efficiency of your own
software.
Data structures have been tightly tied to algorithms since the dawn of
computing. In this book, you will learn the fundamental data struc‐
tures used to properly represent information for efficient processing.
What do you need to do when choosing an algorithm? We’ll explore
that in the following sections.

Understand the Problem

The first step to design an algorithm is to understand the problem you
want to solve. Let’s start with a sample problem from the field of com‐
putational geometry. Given a set of points, P, in a two-dimensional
plane, such as shown in Figure 1-1, picture a rubber band that has been
stretched around the points and released. The resulting shape is known
as the convex hull, that is, the smallest convex shape that fully encloses
all points in P.

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Figure 1-1. Sample set of points in plane

Given a convex hull for P, any line segment drawn between any two
points in P lies totally within the hull. Let’s assume that we order the
points in the hull in clockwise fashion. Thus, the hull is formed by a
clockwise ordering of h points L0, L1, … Lh-1 as shown in Figure 1-2.
Each sequence of three hull points Li, Li+1, Li+2 creates a right turn.

Figure 1-2. Computed convex hull for points

With just this information, you can probably draw the convex hull for
any set of points, but could you come up with an algorithm, that is, a
step by step sequence of instructions, that will efficiently compute the
convex hull for any set of points?

2 | Chapter 1: Thinking Algorithmically

www.it-ebooks.info
What we find interesting about the convex hull problem is that it
doesn’t seem to be easily classified into existing algorithmic domains.
There doesn’t seem to be any sorting, although the points are ordered
in clockwise fashion around the hull. Similarly, there is no obvious
search being performed, although you can identify a line segment on
the hull because the remaining n-2 points are “to the right” of that line
segment in the plane.

Naive Solution
Clearly a convex hull exists for any collection of 3 or more points. But
how do you construct one? Consider the following idea. Select any
three points from the original collection and form a triangle. If any of
the remaining n-3 points are contained within this triangle, then they
cannot be part of the convex hull. We’ll describe the general process
in using pseudocode and you will find similar descriptions for each of
the algorithms in the book.

Slow Hull Summary

Best,Average,Worst: O(n4)
slowHull (P)
foreach p0 in P do
foreach p1 in {P-p0} do
foreach p2 in {P-p0-p1} do
foreach p3 in {P-p0-p1-p2} do
if p3 is contained within Triangle(p0,p1,p2) then
mark p3 as internal

create array A with all non-internal points in P

determine left-most point left in A
sort A by angle formed with vertical line through left
return A

Points not marked as internal are on convex hull

These angles (in degrees) range from 0 to 180.

In the next chapter we will explain the mathematical analysis that ex‐
plains why this approach is considered to be inefficient. This pseudo-
code summary explains the steps that will produce the correct answer
for each input set (in particular, it created the convex hull in
Figure 1-2). But is this the best we can do?

Naive Solution | 3

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Intelligent Approaches
The numerous algorithms in this book are the results of striving for
more efficient solutions to existing code. We identify common themes
in this book to help you solve your problems. There many different
ways to compute a convex hull. In sketching these approaches, we give
you a sample of the material in the chapters that follow.

Greedy
Here’s a way to construct the convex hull one point at a time:

1. First locate and remove low, the lowest point in P.

2. Sort the remaining n-1 points in descending order by the angle
formed in relation to a vertical line through low. These angles
range from 90 degrees for points to the left of the line down to -90
degrees for points to the right. pn-1 is the right-most point and p0
is the left-most point. Figure 1-3 shows the vertical line as a thick
blue line, and the angles to it as light gray lines.
3. Start with a partial convex hull formed from these three points in
the order {pn-1, low, p0}. Try to extend the hull by considering, in
order, each of the points p1 to pn-1. If the last three points of the
partial hull ever turn left, the hull contains an incorrect point that
must be removed.
4. Once all points are considered, the partial hull completes.

Figure 1-3. Hull formed using greedy approach

4 | Chapter 1: Thinking Algorithmically

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towards Paris, leaving such an enemy behind them, they made a
feint of attacking Ypres; and then, suddenly marching on Tournay in
the night of the 27th of June, they presented themselves before it
on the 7th of July. The place was strong, but the garrison was weak.
It consisted of only twelve battalions of infantry and four squadrons
of horse, in very inefficient condition. Villars endeavoured to throw
into the place seven thousand fresh troops, but he could not effect
it. The governor, Lieutenant de Surville, was a man of great military
skill and determination, and he maintained the siege with such
vigour that the Allies were not only detained before the place for a
long and invaluable time, but lost many men. The town capitulated
on the 28th of July, when the Allies were about to carry it by storm,
but the citadel held out till the 3rd of September. The same day,
leaving a detachment under the Earl of Albemarle to level the
defences, the Allies crossed the Scheldt and determined to besiege
Mons. They sent forward a detachment under the Prince of Hesse to
attack the French lines from the Haine to the Sambre, which were
abandoned at his approach. At this juncture Marshal Boufflers
arrived to support Villars, and, though his superior in command,
agreed to serve under him. Marlborough, hearing that Villars had
quitted his camp, and that the French were on the march to attack
the Prince of Hesse and cut off the approaches to Mons, made a
rapid movement, which brought him face to face with the French
army, which consisted of one hundred and twenty thousand men—
ten thousand more than the army of the Allies. Villars and Boufflers
were encamped behind the woods of Lanière and Tasnière, in the
neighbourhood of Malplaquet. The Allies encamped with their right
near Sart and Bleron, and the left on the edge of the wood of
Lanière, the headquarters being at Blaregines. On the 9th of
September the outposts of the two armies began to skirmish; but
the French fell back on an encampment near Malplaquet, and spent
the night in fortifying their position. Had the Allies immediately
attacked them the battle would have been less obstinate; but
Marlborough was waiting for the coming up of eighteen battalions,
left to rase the fortifications of Tournay. For the two days that he
thus continued to wait, the French, with unremitting activity,
proceeded to cast up triple entrenchments; and were, in fact, so
completely covered with lines, hedges, entrenchments, cannon, and
trees laid across, that the Dutch field-deputies declared that it would
be madness to attack them in such a situation. But on the 10th,
when the expected battalions had arrived, Marlborough and Eugene
determined to give battle.
Early on the morning of the 11th of September they availed
themselves of a thick fog to erect batteries on each wing, and, the
day clearing about eight o'clock, the engagement began. The battle
began on the right by eighty-six battalions, commanded by General
Schuylemberg and the Duke of Argyll, supported by two-and-twenty
battalions under Count Lottum, who broke through the French lines,
and fought with such fury that, notwithstanding their strong
barricades, the French in less than an hour were forced from their
entrenchments, and compelled to seek refuge in the woods of Sart
and Tasnière. The contest was far more desperate on the left, where
the Prince of Orange and Baron Fagel, with six-and-thirty battalions,
attacked the right of the enemy, posted in the woods of Lanière, and
covered with three entrenchments. The Prince of Orange led on the
charge with wonderful bravery, having two horses killed under him,
and the greater part of his officers killed around him. The
engagement was now general, and the French continued to fight
with the fury of despair from eight in the morning till three in the
afternoon, when, seeing all their lines forced, their left being utterly
routed, and the centre under Villars giving way, Villars himself being
dangerously wounded, they began to retreat towards Bavay, under
the direction of Boufflers, and retired to a position between Quesnoy
and Valenciennes. The forest of Ardennes served to protect the
French from the pursuit of their enemies, and enabled them to carry
off most of their cannon and standards. About forty colours and
standards, and sixteen pieces of cannon, were taken by the Allies,
with a considerable number of prisoners. But on surveying the field
of battle they found that this was the dearest victory which they had
ever purchased. About twenty thousand of their soldiers lay slain,
and about ten thousand of the enemy. Thirty thousand lives
sacrificed in one battle! Neither Blenheim nor Ramillies could
compare with Malplaquet in monstrosity of carnage. Nor was the
impression produced equal to the destruction. The French, under the
able command of Villars, notwithstanding their defeat, felt rather
reassured than depressed. They had inflicted far more damage than
they had received; and Villars declared that, had he not been so
severely wounded, he would not have left the field without the
victory. The French having retired into Valenciennes, the Allies
continued the siege of Mons, which capitulated on the 23rd of
October, and the armies then retired into winter quarters, after
which some resultless negotiations ensued.

FIVE-GUINEA PIECE OF ANNE.

The Parliament of Great Britain met on the 15th of November, and
the queen, opening it in person, announced in her speech that
France had been endeavouring, by false and hollow artifices, to
amuse the Allies with a prospect of peace, but with the real intent to
sow jealousies amongst them; that the Allies had wisely rejected the
insidious overtures; that our arms had been as successful as in any
former campaign, and had now laid France open to the advance of
the confederate troops; and that if they granted her, as she trusted
they would, liberal supplies, she believed that she would now soon
reduce that exorbitant and oppressive power which had so long
threatened the liberties of Europe. Both Lords and Commons
presented addresses fully approving of the rejection of the king of
France's delusive overtures. They thanked the Duke of Marlborough
for his splendid victory at Malplaquet. The Commons voted six
million two hundred thousand pounds for the services of the year,
and established the lottery and other schemes for raising this heavy
sum.

FARTHING OF ANNE.
The great topic, however, which engrossed almost the whole
attention this Session, not only of Parliament, but of the whole
nation, was not foreign affairs, not the general war, but a party war
at home, which was carried on with the most extraordinary furor,
and put the whole public into a flame. The ostensible cause of this
vehement conflict was the publication of a couple of sermons by a
clergyman, hitherto of no mark; the real cause was the
determination of Harley and the Tories to damage the Whigs
irremediably, and to drive them at once from the service of the State
and the support of the people. They therefore seized with
consummate tact on these sermons, which were, as printed, stupid
though rabid performances; and which, had they not been adroitly
steeped in party spirit—the most inflammable of all spirits—and set
fire to, might soon have slept forgotten in the linings of trunks, or as
wrappers of butter and cheese.
 TWO-GUINEA PIECE OF ANNE.
On the 13th of December, 1709, Mr. Dolben, the son of the
Archbishop of York, denounced, in the House of Commons, two
sermons preached and published by Dr. Henry Sacheverell, Rector of
St. Saviour's, in Southwark. The first of these sermons had been
preached, on the 15th of August, at the assizes at Derby, before the
Judge and Sheriff. The second had been preached, on the 5th of
November, before the Lord Mayor and Corporation in St. Paul's
Cathedral. In both these sermons he had made an attack, if not
avowedly on the Government, on the principles on which the Throne
and the whole Government were established. He professed the most
entire doctrines of non-resistance and passive obedience, which, at
the same time that they made him appear incapable, if he had the
power, of over-turning any Government, led him to entirely sap and
undermine the Government and title of the queen, by representing
the resistance which had been made to the encroachments of the
Stuarts, and especially to James II., as perfectly impious and
treasonable, contrary to the laws of God and the political institutions
of men. He reprobated the Revolution and all that flowed from it;
and thus, pretending to passive obedience, he was, in the fullest
sense, preaching resistance and a counter-revolution. Whilst crying
non-resistance, he was, as far as in him lay, arming all those who
were hostilely inclined to overturn the throne of Anne, as built only
on rebellion and on maxims subversive of the divine right of kings.
In his second sermon, which he called "Perils of False Brethren," he
preached flamingly against the danger to the Church; danger from
the false and democratic bishops who had been put in by the
usurper William of Orange; danger from the Dissenters, whom he
had by law tolerated, and made powerful in the State and against
the true Church. With such a jubilant avidity was this war-note
responded to by High Church clergy, High Church zealots of all sorts,
and the Tories ready to rush to the assault on any promising
occasion, that no less than forty thousand copies of these sermons
are said to have been sold. "Nothing," says Dr. Johnson, "ever sold
like it, except 'The Whole Duty of Man.'"

ROBERT HARLEY, EARL OF OXFORD. (After the Portrait by Sir Godfrey

Kneller.)
 [See larger version]
The motion made by Mr. Dolben in regard to Sacheverell in the
House of Commons was seconded by Sir Peter King, one of the
Aldermen of London, who had listened to the sermon in St. Paul's
with astonishment and indignation. He denounced it as abounding
with matter false, injurious, impious, and tending to sedition and
schism in the Church. This had not been the case with all the City
dignitaries on that occasion. Sir Gilbert Heathcote had indeed been
equally astonished at it, and declared that the preacher ought to be
called to account for it; but the Lord Mayor, Sir Samuel Garrard, had
applauded it, and had allowed it to be published with his sanction.
Neither was it the first of the kind which had been preached in
London. One Francis Higgins had been haranguing on the same
topics in the pulpits all over the metropolis, with the most
outrageous declamations on the dangers of the Church. Sacheverell,
however, had brought the fever to a crisis. The most violent
paragraphs were read in the House of Commons, and voted
scandalous and seditious libels. The doctor was summoned to the
bar of the House, and, having acknowledged the authorship of the
sermons, pleaded the encouragement which he had received from
the Lord Mayor to print the one on "The Perils of False Brethren." Sir
Samuel Garrard, who was a member of the House, now repudiated
his encouragement, and the doctor being ordered to withdraw, it
was resolved that he should be impeached of high crimes and
misdemeanours at the bar of the Lords, and Mr. Dolben was ordered
to conduct his impeachment. A committee was appointed to prepare
the Articles, and Sacheverell was taken into custody.
When the impeachment was carried up to the Lords, Sacheverell
petitioned to be admitted to bail, but this was refused. The
Commons committed him to the custody of the Deputy-Usher of the
Black Rod, but the Lords afterwards admitted him to bail. The
Articles were carried up to the Lords on the 13th of January, 1710,
and Sacheverell drew up an answer, in which he wholly denied some
of the Articles, and endeavoured to justify himself in respect to the
rest. The Commons made a reply, and declared themselves ready to
prove the charge. A long delay, however, took place before the day
of trial could be fixed. The queen was more than suspected of being
favourable to Sacheverell, as influenced by Harley, Mrs. Masham,
and the Tories. When the doctor appeared before the Commons, he
was attended by Dr. Lancaster, the Vice-Chancellor of Oxford, and
above a hundred of the most distinguished clergymen of London and
other towns, conspicuous amongst them being several of the
queen's own chaplains. From the moment that Sacheverell was
taken into custody by the Commons, the Church and Tory party had
set all their engines to work to raise the populace. These agents
were everywhere, distributing money, treating the mob to ale, and
spreading the most alarming rumours—that the Puritans, the
Presbyterians, and the Dissenters were all combined to pull down
the Church and restore the old republican practices, and that the
prosecution of Sacheverell was a trial of their strength. The pulpits
resounded in all quarters with these alarms, with the intention of
working up the people to a pitch of desperation, and they
succeeded. The mob became furious, and paraded the streets and
round the palace, crying, "God save the Queen and Dr. Sacheverell!
Queen and High Church!"
Marlborough took his departure for Holland, and the trial of
Sacheverell was fixed for the 27th of February in Westminster Hall.
The managers for the Commons were the Lords William Paulet and
Coningsby, Sir Thomas Parker, Sir Joseph Jekyl, Sir John Hollis, Sir
John Holland, Sir James Montague, Sir Peter King (Recorder of
London), Mr. Robert Eyre (Solicitor-General), Mr. James Stanhope,
Mr. Robert Walpole, Mr. Spencer Cowper, Mr. John Smith, Mr. John
Dolben, and Mr. William Thompson. The prisoner was defended by
Sir Simon Harcourt and Mr. Constantine Phipps, and was attended by
Drs. Smallridge and Atterbury. The Lord Chancellor Cowper
demanded of the Lords whether it was their pleasure that Dr.
Sacheverell should be called before them; and the answer being in
the affirmative, he was placed at the bar, his friends Atterbury and
Smallridge standing at his side. Silence being ordered, the doctor
was asked whether he was ready to take his trial; to which he
answered with great confidence that he was, and should always be
ready to obey the laws of the land. The Articles of Impeachment
were then read. They accused him of having publicly reflected on
the late Revolution; of having suggested that it was brought about
by odious and unjustifiable means; of having defamed the Act of
Toleration, and cast scurrilous reflections on those who advocated
religious toleration; of asserting that the Church was in great peril
from her Majesty's Administration; of maintaining that the civil
Constitution of the country was also in danger; of stigmatising many
of the dignitaries of the Church—some of whom the queen herself
had placed in their posts—as false brethren; and of libelling her
Majesty's Ministers, and especially of branding the Lord High
Treasurer with the name of "Volpone;" and, finally, with having, in
discharge of his sacred office, wickedly wrested and perverted the
Holy Scriptures.
These charges were well supported by various members of the
Commons, and amongst them Robert Walpole particularly
distinguished himself. The counsel for the doctor then pleaded in his
behalf, and endeavoured to answer the arguments adduced against
him. Sacheverell, however, was not contented with this; he delivered
a defence himself which has been generally considered to be the
work of the high Tory divine Atterbury, and probably with good
reason. In this he dwelt much on his responsibility as a clergyman,
and represented the interests of all his brethren and of the Church
as involved in this attack made upon them through his person. He
expressed the utmost loyalty towards the queen and the
Constitution; denied having called in question the Revolution, though
he had certainly condemned in the strongest terms the resistance by
which it was achieved. He declared himself in favour of the
Protestant succession, and asserted that, as his principle was that of
non-resistance in all cases, he could not by any word or act of his
own endanger the Government as by law established; as if his very
declaration of the principle of non-resistance and passive obedience
did not condemn in toto the Revolution, the means by which the
queen came to the throne, and encourage all those who were
seeking to restore Popery and the Stuarts as the rightful religion and
rightful possessors of the throne, both of which had been, according
to his doctrines, forced from their legitimate place by ungodly and
un-Christian violence; and he concluded by calling on God and His
holy angels to witness that he had never been guilty of the wicked,
seditious, or malicious acts imputed to him in the impeachment.
As the doctor went to and from the Hall, his chair was thronged
round by dense crowds, which attended him to his lodgings in the
Temple, or thence to Westminster Hall. Numbers pressed forward to
kiss his hand; they lifted their hats to him with the utmost
reverence. The windows were crowded by ladies and gentlemen,
who cheered him vociferously, and many flung down presents to
him. The doctor returned the salutations by continual bows and
smiles, and seemed wonderfully elated by his sudden consequence.
His chairmen seemed to partake of his glory, and stepped on as
proudly as if they had been carrying the queen. "This huzzaing,"
says Defoe, "made the doctor so popular that the ladies began to
talk of falling in love with him; but this was only a prelude to the
High Church affair. An essay was to be made on the mob, and the
huzzaing of the rabble was to be artfully improved." Accordingly
after the trial the next day, February 28th, the mob assembled in
dense masses—sweeps, link-boys, butchers, by a sturdy guard of
whom the doctor was always escorted to and from the Hall—
collected in the City and began to cry "Down with the Dissenters!
High Church for ever!" And they soon put their cries in practice by
assaulting the Dissenting chapels, and sacking their interiors. The
Tory writers of the time pretend that the rioters did this of their own
accord, as the mobs had destroyed the Catholic chapels in 1688; but
this was not the case. The proceedings of the mob were stimulated
and directed by gentlemen, who followed them in hackney coaches,
according to Cunningham, who is the only writer who has furnished
us with full details of these outrages. They then directed their rage
against the house of Bishop Burnet, which stood on the other side of
St. John's Square, and attempted to demolish it. This they must
have done under instructions from their disguised instigators, for
Burnet was hated by the High Church and Tory party for the
distinguished part which he had borne in the Revolution, for his
constant attachment to King William and his measures, and
especially for his advocacy of toleration. They vowed they would put
the Low Church Bishop to death if they could catch him; but the
respectable inhabitants vigorously interposed in defence of the
Bishop's house and life, and the mob were compelled to desist.
So long as the rioters were only burning and ruining the Dissenting
chapels, the Court remained most calmly quiescent; but when the
news came that they were beginning to attack "Low Church as by
law established," there was a bustle and a fright at St. James's. This
fright was wonderfully increased when Sunderland rushed into the
presence of the queen and announced that the mob was on the
march to pull down and rifle the Bank of England in honour of "High
Church and Dr. Sacheverell." At this news the queen turned deadly
pale, and trembled. She bade Sunderland send instantly the Horse
and Foot Guards and disperse the rioters. Captain Horsey, the officer
on duty at St. James's, was at once summoned into the royal
presence, and Sunderland delivered to him the queen's order to
disperse the mob, but to use discretion, and not to proceed to
extremities. Horsey was one of the anti-Marlborough faction, and
received the command in evident dudgeon. "Am I to preach to the
mob, or am I to fight them?" he asked. "If you want preaching,
please to send some one with me who is a better hand at holding
forth than I am; if you want fighting, it is my trade, and I will do my
best." Sunderland could only repeat the order. Horsey easily
dispersed the rabble, who were more valiant against peaceable
Dissenters than against soldiers. In one or two places they seemed
as though they would make a stand; but on any attempt of the
Guards to charge them they flew like leaves before the wind.
 DRINKING TO THE HEALTH OF DR. SACHEVERELL. (See p. 593.)
[See larger version]
The trial lasted for three weeks, and every day the same crowds
assembled, the same hurraing of Sacheverell, the same appeals to
the queen on behalf of the Church and Dr. Sacheverell were shouted
by the enthusiastic mob. No one scarcely dared to appear abroad
without an artificial oak-leaf in his hat, which was considered the
badge of restored monarchy, and all the time the doctor carried the
air of a conqueror. At length, on the 10th of March, the Lords
adjourned to their own House to consider this point, raised by the
counsel for Sacheverell—whether in prosecutions by impeachments
the particular words supposed to be criminal should be expressly
specified in such impeachments. The question was referred to the
judges, who decided that the particular words ought to be so
specified. It was objected that the judges had decided according to
the rules of Westminster Hall, and not according to the usages of
Parliament, and it was resolved to adhere to the usages of
Parliament, lest it should become a practice for the judges to decide
on questions of Parliamentary right and privilege. On the 16th of
March the Lords came to the consideration of their judgment, and
the queen attended incognita to hear the debate, which was long
and earnest. In the end Sacheverell was pronounced guilty by a
majority of seventeen; but four-and-thirty peers entered a protest
against the judgment, and his sentence bore no proportion to the
usual ones in such cases. He was merely suspended from preaching
for three years, and his sermons were condemned to be burnt by
the common hangman.

MAKING FRIENDS WITH MRS. MASHAM. (See p. 594.)

[See larger version]
This gentle sentence was regarded by the people and the Tories as a
real triumph. It was proof of the decline of the Whig party, and of
the fear of offending the public. The event was celebrated by
Sacheverell's mob-friends by bonfires, and by the inhabitants of
London and Westminster by illuminations. There was plenty of beer
supplied to the populace from some quarter, and every one passing
along was compelled to drink the health of Dr. Sacheverell, the
"champion of the Church." Sacheverell himself went from house to
house in a state of triumph to thank the lords and gentlemen who
had taken his side. From some of these, as the Duke of Argyll, he
met with a rebuff; but the great doctor, with a roaring mob at his
heels, was generally flatteringly received, and he took care to boast
that after his sentence it was clear that the Whigs were down and
the Church was saved. The University of Oxford, which had received
a snub from the Lords by their ordering its famous decree asserting
the absolute authority and indefeasible right of princes, to be burnt
with Sacheverell's sermons, was loud in professed triumph and
sympathy with the doctor. The House of Commons was indignant at
the lenity of his treatment, and declared that his sentence was an
actual benefit to him, by exempting him from the duties of his living,
and enabling him to go about fomenting sedition.
The queen prorogued Parliament on the 5th of April, expressing her
concern for the occasion which had occupied so much of the
Session. She declared that no prince could have a more zealous
desire for the welfare of the Church than she had, and that it was
mischievous in wicked and malicious libels to pretend that the
Church was in danger; and she trusted that men would now study to
be quiet, and mind their own business, instead of busying
themselves to revive questions of a very high nature, and which
could only be with an ill intention. But every one knew all the while
that Anne was only too pleased at the demonstrations which had
been made through Sacheverell; that they had damaged the Whigs
essentially, and brought the day near when she could safely send
them adrift, and liberate herself for ever from them and the
Marlboroughs. Mrs. Masham now ruled triumphantly, and disposed
of commissions and offices as royally as ever the duchess had done.
It was openly said in the army that fighting was not the road to
promotion, but carrying Mrs. Masham's lapdogs, or putting a heavy
purse into the hand of Mrs. Abigail Earwig. The Duchess of
Marlborough did not abate her exertions to recover favour, but they
were in vain; and the great Marlborough complained in a letter to
the queen that all his victories for her Majesty's honour could not
shield him from the malice of a bedchamber-woman.
Indeed, the display of the queen's bias now became rapid and open.
The Duke of Shrewsbury, who had now joined the Tories, returned
from his long residence at Rome, where he had married an Italian
lady, and had taken the part of Sacheverell in the trial. The queen
immediately dismissed the Marquis of Kent, a staunch Whig, from
the office of Lord Chamberlain, and, much to the grief and
consternation of the Lord Treasurer, Godolphin, bestowed it on
Shrewsbury. There was great alarm among the Whigs, and Walpole
recommended the instant and entire resignation of the whole
Cabinet as the only means to intimidate the queen and her secret
advisers; but Harley is said to have persuaded the rest of the
Ministers that the only object was to get rid of Godolphin,
Marlborough, and his son-in-law Sunderland. The rumour of
Sunderland's dismissal became general, and not without foundation.
The queen had an extreme dislike to him, not only because of his
belonging to Marlborough's clique, but on account of his blunt and
outspoken manners. He was perfectly undisguised in his expressions
of dislike for Mrs. Masham, and of his resolve, if possible, to turn her
out of the palace; but, with the queen's devotion to that lady, he
could have taken no surer way of getting himself out. The Duchess
of Marlborough, who could not now obtain access to the queen, yet
wrote to her, imploring her to defer any intention of removing Lord
Sunderland till the duke's return; but the queen forthwith gave
Sunderland his dismissal, and appointed Lord Dartmouth, an actual
Jacobite, in his place. Anne endeavoured to qualify Lord
Sunderland's dismissal by offering him a retiring pension, but he
rejected it with disdain; and such was the fear that the Duke of
Marlborough, on this act of disrespect to him, would throw up the
command of the army, that all the leading Ministers—including
Cowper, Somers, Halifax, Devonshire, Godolphin, and Orford—wrote
to him, imploring him to retain his command, as well for the security
of the Whig Government as for his own glory and the good of the
country. The Allies on the Continent were equally alarmed at this
indication of the declining favour of Marlborough, and France was
just as elated at it. But nothing could now stay the fall of the Whigs.
Anne, indeed, ordered Mr. Secretary Boyle to write to the Allied
sovereigns and to the States-General to assure them that nothing
was farther from her thoughts than the removal of the Duke of
Marlborough from his command, and that she still proposed to
conduct her government by the same party. The hollowness of these
assurances was immediately shown by her also dismissing Godolphin
from the Treasury, and appointing Harley Chancellor of the
Exchequer. Harley thereupon proposed to Lord Chancellor Cowper
and Walpole to make a coalition, but they rejected the overture; and
as a Tory Cabinet could not expect to carry on with a Whig House of
Commons, a dissolution was determined upon, and Parliament was
dissolved accordingly, and writs were issued for a new election.
The nomination of the Tory Cabinet immediately followed. Lord
Rochester, the queen's High Church and deep-drinking uncle, was
made President of the Council in place of Somers; the Duke of
Buckingham succeeded the Duke of Devonshire as Lord Steward; St.
John succeeded Mr. Secretary Boyle; Sir Simon Harcourt, as Lord
Chancellor, superseded Lord Cowper; the Duke of Ormonde took the
Lord-Lieutenancy of Ireland from Lord Wharton; the Duke of
Somerset had anticipated these changes by throwing up his post of
Master of the Horse, and the Earl of Orford was removed from the
Admiralty, and that office was put in commission. In the room of
Walpole, George Granville was made Secretary at War. Here was a
clean sweep of all the Whigs, except some subordinate officials, who
clung to office as long as it was permitted. Dr. Sacheverell had done
a mighty work for the Tories, and, having a living in Wales conferred
on him, he made quite a triumphant progress thither in May, during
all the heat and violence of the elections, still labouring in his
vocation of self-glorification, and of damaging the Whig cause as
much as he could, in which he was energetically supported by his
patrons.
On the Continent war and negotiation were going on at the same
time whilst the Sacheverell fever had been raging at home. Early in
the spring Louis XIV., sensible of the miserable condition of his
kingdom, had again made overtures for peace. The Ministers of the
two parties met at first on board a yacht at Maardyk, but the French
preferred the wretched little town of Gertruydenberg for their
sojourn, where they complained of the miserable accommodations
they obtained. The Dutch States-General had sent a pressing
request that Marlborough might be allowed to go to Holland in time
to give his advice in these negotiations, and the two Houses of
Parliament seconded this request. The queen readily consented,
though it was suspected the whole was done at the suggestion of
Marlborough himself, to show how essential his services were
deemed by the Allies. Though Marlborough hastened to the Hague in
consequence, he did not in any way appear openly in the matter, but
appeared busy with Prince Eugene in setting early on foot the
campaign. The French ambassadors represented themselves as
being not only most meanly entertained, but as meanly and narrowly
watched—their letters being opened, and their propositions met by
haughty discourtesy. Certainly, if we were to regard the concessions
made by Louis XIV. on this occasion as honestly offered, the Allies
had never a fairer opportunity of closing the war triumphantly, and
were most culpable in refusing them. Louis offered to give up all
Spain, and the Indies, East and West; to acknowledge Charles king
of undivided Spain; to give no support to Philip, but to claim for him
only Sicily and Naples. When it was objected that Naples was
already in the possession of Austria, and could not be given up, the
ambassadors waived the claim of Naples, and contented themselves
with Sicily and Sardinia for Philip. As a security for Philip evacuating
Spain, they offered to give up four cautionary towns in Flanders; to
restore Strasburg and Brisac; to destroy all their fortifications on the
Rhine from Basle to Philippsburg; to level all the fortifications of
Dunkirk; and to surrender to the Dutch Maubeuge, Condé, Furnes,
Menin, Ypres, Tournai, and Lille.
Surely nothing could be more complete. By gaining all these
advantages the Allies gained everything they had been fighting for.
They wanted not only an agreement for the surrender of Spain, but
a sufficient guarantee for it; and this guarantee they demanded in
the shape of an engagement that Louis should help them with actual
money and arms to expel Philip from Spain if he refused to evacuate
it, and really to place Austria in possession of it. This was certainly
putting the sincerity of Louis to sufficient test, and Louis failed under
it. He contended that it would be monstrous and unnatural to take
arms against his own grandson, but that he would contribute money
for this purpose—which, to ordinary intellects, looks quite as
monstrous. He offered, according to his able Prime Minister De
Torcy, to pay five hundred thousand livres a month towards this
object, or even to raise it to a million of money if the Allies would
not be satisfied with less. But as the Allies, in the first place, knew
that Louis had not money to meet the demands of his own
Government, and, in the second place, that Philip had sent an
express declaration to the Allies, when this question was mooted
before, that he stood on his rightful claim through the will of Charles
II., the late King of Spain, and would recognise no pretensions of
any party to deal with his patrimony—they declined the offer, and
declared they would be contented with nothing less than the actual
possession of the country. They knew that at the very time that
these negotiations were going on, Philip was making fresh and
strenuous exertions to drive Charles from Spain; that he had
appealed to Louis to send him the Duc de Vendôme to take the
command in that country, with which request Louis promptly
complied. They knew that France had only to close the passes of the
Pyrenees, and, under the pretence of protecting her own frontiers
from the armies in Spain, shut out all attack on Philip, except by sea.
On this rock, therefore, the whole negotiation was wrecked. Louis
had flattered himself that Marlborough, distracted by the state of
affairs in England, would be anxious to make peace, in order that he
might be on the spot to resist the fall of the Whig party at home,
and with it of his influence. But the wiser De Torcy reasoned very
differently. He saw that the party of Marlborough was already ruined,
and for him to return home would be to return to insignificance,
mortification, and insult. His only safety and strength lay in the
continuance of the war; on the chance of reaping new victories, and,
therefore, new humiliation to his enemies. And in this De Torcy was
correct. Marlborough did not appear in the matter. Lord Townshend
for England, and Count Zinzendorff for the Emperor, were consulted
by the States-General on all the points of the treaty; but the
Pensionary Heinsius, the devoted friend of Marlborough and Eugene,
kept them au fait on the whole subject, and influenced the States-
General as they dictated. The result was that, after the negotiations
had continued from the 19th of March to the 21st of July, during
which there was a rapid and frequent interchange of messages with
Versailles, the conference broke up.
The campaign had not paused for the issue of the conference.
Eugene and Marlborough left the Hague on the 15th of March, and
assembled their troops, which quartered on the Meuse, at Tournai.
The confederate army amounted to sixty thousand men, with which
they invested Douay, and, Eugene remaining to carry on the siege,
Marlborough advanced to Vitry, where he encamped. Marshal Villars
—at the head of an army numerous and well appointed, considering
the distresses of France, and all the more numerous because men,
destitute of the means of livelihood, flocked to the royal banners—
passed the Scheldt and encamped at Bouchain, declaring that he
would engage the Allies; but he thought better of it. His aim was to
embarrass the siege of Douay, in which there was a strong French
garrison, commanded by General Albergotti. The defence was
vigorous, Albergotti making frequent sallies, and altogether the Allies
suffered severely before the town. It was compelled, however, to
capitulate on the 26th of June. Eugene and Marlborough, being
again united, contemplated forcing the lines of the enemy between
Arras and Miramont, but finding them too strong, they resolved to
besiege Béthune, which in spite of the menacing attitude of Marshal
Villars, who marched out of his entrenchments as if going to attack
them, surrendered on the 29th of August. They afterwards took also
the inconsiderable towns of Aire and Verrant, and there the
campaign ended. The armies broke up and retired to winter
quarters.
This was a poor result after the grand schemes of storming
Boulogne and marching upon Paris. The fact was, that the anxious
condition of affairs at home completely paralysed Marlborough. He
was no longer the man he had been. His mind was dragged different
ways, and was harassed with anxieties. He could no longer
concentrate his attention on one great plan of warfare, and the
consequence was, that his action was spiritless and indecisive. He
seemed to have lost the secret of success, and met with annoyances
which his vigilance and promptitude had hitherto prevented. On one
occasion a great supply of powder and other stores was intercepted
by the enemy, though under the guard of twelve hundred foot and
four hundred and eighty horse. In a word he was discouraged,
divided in his own mind, and the spell of victory, or rather of high
enterprise, was broken.
In other quarters the scene was not more encouraging. Nothing of
consequence was effected on the Rhine, and in Piedmont the Duke
of Savoy, still out of humour with the Emperor, did nothing. The
Imperial forces were commanded by Count Daun, who endeavoured
to cross the Alps and penetrate into Dauphiné, but was effectually
kept back by the Duke of Berwick, who held the mountain passes. In
Spain, after a brilliant commencement of the campaign, everything
went to ruin. General Stanhope, having passed in his Parliamentary
character through the Sacheverell campaign, joined the Imperial
general, Count Stahremberg, in Catalonia, in May. On the 10th of
July they encountered the army of King Philip at Almenara. Stanhope
had the charge of the cavalry, killed with his own hand the
commander of Philip's guards, General Amessaga, and routed the
whole body of horse, upon which the infantry retired precipitately on
Lerida. General Stahremberg pursued the flying army to Saragossa,
where King Philip made a stand, but was again defeated, with a loss
of five thousand men, seven thousand taken prisoners, with all his
artillery, and a great number of colours and standards. Charles and
his confederates entered Saragossa in triumph, and Philip continued
his flight to Madrid. Whilst victory was with them, General Stanhope
urged King Charles to push on to Madrid, drive Philip into the
Pyrenees, and secure the pass of Pampeluna, the only one by which
Louis could send reinforcements. But the inert Austrian loitered away
a whole month at Saragossa, and it was not till the middle of
September that Stanhope could induce him to advance. On the 21st
of that month Stanhope, still leading the way, entered Madrid
without opposition, Philip and all the grandees having retreated to
Valladolid. On the 28th Charles himself made his entry into Madrid,
but General Stanhope soon perceived that he had no welcome. The
Castilians to a man were for Philip, and did the army of Charles all
the mischief they could, cutting off his supplies, attacking his
outposts, and destroying all the stragglers and foragers that they
could meet with. Stanhope still urged Charles to send on a
detachment to secure Toledo, and to keep open the passage of the
Tagus to facilitate an expected advance of Portuguese troops in his
favour. The Portuguese, however, did not make their appearance;
provisions failed in Madrid, for the peasantry held back the supply,
and the whole army marched to Toledo, where it found itself still
worse off. Philip, meanwhile, had sent in haste to request
reinforcements from Louis under the command of the Duc de
Vendôme, and these approaching, the timid Charles hastened back
into Catalonia as the only place of security.
THE DUKE OF MARLBOROUGH'S INTERVIEW WITH ANNE. (See p. 599.)
[See larger version]
Such was continually the fluctuating condition of the war in Spain.
The Spaniards had no inclination to support Charles, and the Allies
only sent troops sufficient to win victories, but not to maintain them,
still less to secure the passes in the Pyrenees and keep back fresh
French armies. It was another of our futile attempts to support a
man who, unless he could support himself, had no business there. At
this juncture the Tories, having risen into power, withheld fresh
reinforcements. They were not hearty in the war, and our small army
there was left to contend with impossibilities. The English and
Imperialists unwillingly following in the track of the king towards
Catalonia, for the sake of better procuring provisions on the route,
had separated and marched at some distance from each other,
though in parallel lines. In this condition they were suddenly
overtaken by Vendôme on the 8th of December, and Stanhope, with
his five thousand men, found himself surrounded by the main army
of the French. This was an instance of want of circumspection which
was not anticipated in General Stanhope after his vigorous and able
operations hitherto, and procured him severe blame. He managed to
despatch a messenger to Stahremberg for help; but his powder was
nearly exhausted, and after courageously defending himself till the
next day, he was compelled to surrender himself in the little town of
Brihuega. Stahremberg was accused of tardy movement for the relief
of Stanhope, but he was probably prevented from coming up by the
forces of Vendôme, who attacked him also on the 10th at
Villaviciosa. Vendôme's troops are said to have doubled in number
those of Stahremberg. Stahremberg's left wing was routed, and
great slaughter made of them; but Stahremberg himself maintained
the fight with his right wing till night, when the French retreated,
having suffered equally severely with the troops of Stahremberg.
The Imperial general, however, found himself unable to pursue the
advantage; he ordered all the guns to be spiked, and retreated as
fast as possible into Catalonia. Vendôme pursued him, took Balaguer
on the way, in which he left a garrison, and followed Stahremberg to
the very walls of Barcelona. About the same time the Duc de
Noailles invested Gironne, and took it in the severity of the winter
weather; and thus was Charles, after a few months' campaign,
which began so splendidly, stripped of the whole Spanish monarchy,
with the exception of Catalonia, which was itself greatly exposed and
very inefficiently defended.
At home the new Parliament met on the 25th of November. There
was a strong infusion of Tories sent up, but there was still also a
strong party of Whigs. The Tories, however, carried the Speakership
in the person of Mr. Bromley, in the place of the late Whig Speaker,
Onslow; but the chief managers of the Sacheverell trial had
managed to secure their own return. The queen, on the other hand,
showed her prejudice by knighting Mr. Constantine Phipps,
Sacheverell's counsel, and making him Lord Chancellor of Ireland,
and giving other promotions to marked Tories. In her Speech, Anne
declared that she would support the Church of England, maintain the
Constitution, and grant the indulgence allowed by law to scrupulous
consciences. The word was no longer "toleration," but "indulgence,"
the very phrase used by Sacheverell—another proof of the queen's
leaning towards the doctor. And this phrase now became general in
the High Church, the doctrine being that whatever liberty the
Dissenters enjoyed was of indulgence, and not of right. In the House
of Lords the Earl of Scarborough moved the usual vote of thanks to
the Duke of Marlborough, but the Duke of Argyll opposed it; and the
duke's friends let the matter drop, hoping to carry it when the duke
returned. Other signs of the great change which had taken place in
the domestic policy of the nation quickly followed. The Earl of
Peterborough, who had so long suffered from the overwhelming
shade of Marlborough, was appointed Ambassador-Extraordinary to
the Imperial Court. The Earl of Rivers was appointed Ambassador to
Hanover; and Richard Hill, a kinsman of Mrs. Masham, Ambassador-
Extraordinary to the States-General, and also to the Council of State
appointed for the government of the Spanish Netherlands, in the
place of Lieutenant-General Cadogan. Colonels Meredith, Macartney,
and Honeywood, were deprived of their regiments for drinking
confusion to the enemies of the Duke of Marlborough. The
Marlborough reign was at an end.
The Tories being now in power, there was an entire revolution of
opinion and of measures. Everything which had been applauded and
encouraged under the Whigs was now to be decried; everything
which had been kept down was to be set on high. When
Marlborough, therefore, arrived during the Christmas holidays, it was
to a most cold reception. There were no longer popular
acclamations, nor Lords and Commons hurrying to offer him thanks
and eulogies for his eminent services. The public mind had been
carefully indoctrinated on this point, and the great commander
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