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 contents

contents by genre xxv

thematic table of contents xxxi
Preface xxxix

Part i composing: an overview 1

1 The Prewriting Process 2

Reading for Writing 2
James Joyce, Eveline 3
Who Are My Readers? 6
Analyze the Audience 6
Why Am I Writing? 7
Reasons for Writing 7
What Ideas Should I Use? 8
Reading and Thinking Critically 8
Discovering and Developing Ideas 9
Self-Questioning 10
Directed Freewriting 11
Problem Solving 11
Sample Student Prewriting: Directed Freewriting 12
Clustering 13
What Point Should I Make? 13
Sample Student Prewriting: Clustering 14
Relating a Part to the Whole 15
Finding the Theme 15
Stating the Thesis 16

2 The Writing Process 17

How Should I Organize My Ideas? 17
Arguing Your Interpretation 17
The Elements of Good Argument 18
Building an Effective Argument 19
Arranging the Ideas 20
Developing with Details 21
Questions for Consideration 21
vii
viii Contents

Maintaining a Critical Focus 22

Distinguishing Critical Comments from
Plot Details 22
How Should I Begin? 23
Postpone If Nothing Comes 23
Write an Appealing Opening 23
State the Thesis 23
How Should I End? 24
Relate the Discussion to Theme 24
Postpone or Write Ahead 24
Write an Emphatic Final Sentence 25
Composing the First Draft 25
Pausing to Rescan 25
Quoting from Your Sources 26
Sample Student Paper: First Draft 26

3 Writing a Convincing Argument 30

Interpreting and Arguing 30
Identifying Issues 31
Making Claims 32
Using Evidence 33
Using Reasoning 34
Answering Opposing Views 35
Organizing Your Argument 36
Using the Inductive Approach 36
Making a Counterargument 38
Arguing through Comparison 38
Sample Student Paper: An Argument 40
Dagoberto Gilb, Love in L.A. 43

4 The Rewriting Process 46

What Is Revision? 46
Getting Feedback: Peer Review 47
Revising in Peer Groups 47
What Should I Add or Take Out? 49
Outlining After the First Draft 49
Making the Outline 49
Checking the Outline 50
Sample Student Work: After-Writing Outline 50
Examining the Sample Outline 51
What Should I Rearrange? 52
 Contents ix

Does It Flow? 53
What Is Editing? 55
Combining for Conciseness 56
Rearranging for Emphasis and Variety 57
Varying the Pattern 57
Which Words Should I Change? 58
Check Your Verbs 58
Use Active Voice Most of the Time 59
Use Passive Voice If Appropriate 59
Feel the Words 60
Attend to Tone 61
Use Formal Language 61
What Is Proofreading? 62
Try Reading It Backward 62
Look for Your Typical Errors 63
Read the Paper Aloud 63
Find a Friend to Help 63
Sample Student Paper: Final Draft 64

5 Researched Writing 68
Using Library Sources in Your Writing 68
Conducting Your Research 69
Locating Sources 70
Using the Online Catalog 70
Using Indexes and Databases 70
Using the Internet 71
Evaluating Online Sources 72
Using Reference Works in Print 73
Working with Sources 73
Taking Notes 73
Using a Research Notebook 74
Using the Printout/Photocopy Option 74
Summarizing, Paraphrasing, and Quoting 74
Sample Student Entry in a Divided-Page Notebook 75
Devising a Working Outline 76
Writing a First Draft 77
Organizing Your Notes 77
Using Quotations and Paraphrases 78
Integrating Sources 78
Block Quotations 79
Quoting from Primary Sources 80
Avoiding Plagiarism 81
x Contents

Rewriting and Editing 82

Documenting Your Sources 82
Revising the Draft 82
Formatting Your Paper 82
Sample Student Paper in MLA Style 83
Sample Published Article 87
Explanation of the MLA Documentation Style 90
In-Text Citations 90
Preparing the List of Works Cited 91
Sample Entries for a List of Works Cited 92
Citing Print Publications 92
Citing Online Publications 95
Citing Other Common Sources 96

Part ii Writing about short Fiction 99

6 How Do I Read Short Fiction? 100

Notice the Structure 100
Consider Point of View and Setting 101
Study the Characters 102
Foils 102
Look for Specialized Literary Techniques 103
Examine the Title 103
Investigate the Author’s Life and Times 103
Continue Questioning to Discover Theme 104

7 Writing About Structure 106

What Is Structure? 106
How Do I Discover Structure? 107
Looking at Structure 107
Tim O’Brien, The Things They Carried 108

The Writing Process 120

Prewriting 120
Writing 120
Relating Details to Theme 121

Ideas for Writing 121

Ideas for Reflective Writing 121
Ideas for Critical Writing 121
Ideas for Researched Writing 122
MultiModal Project 122
 Contents xi

Rewriting 122
Integrating Quotations Gracefully 122

8 Writing About Imagery and Symbolism 124

What Are Images? 124
What Are Symbols? 125
Archetypal Symbols 125
Phallic and Yonic Symbols 125
How Will I Recognize Symbols? 126
Reference Works on Symbols 126
Looking at Images and Symbols 126
Shirley Jackson, The Lottery 127

The Writing Process 133

Prewriting 133
Interpreting Symbols 133

Writing 134
Producing a Workable Thesis 134

Ideas for Writing 134

Ideas for Reflective Writing 134
Ideas for Critical Writing 135
Ideas for Researched Writing 135
MultiModal Project 135

Rewriting 136
Sharpening the Introduction 136
Sample Student Paper on Symbolism: Second
and Final Drafts 137

9 Writing About Point of View 146

What Is Point of View? 146
Describing Point of View 147
Looking at Point of View 148
Alice Walker, Everyday Use 148

The Writing Process 156

Prewriting 156
Writing 156
Relating Point of View to Theme 156
xii Contents

Ideas for Writing 157

Ideas for Reflective Writing 157
Ideas for Critical Writing 157
Ideas for Researched Writing 157
MultiModal Project 158

Rewriting 158
Techniques for Sharpening the Conclusion 158

10 Writing About Setting and Atmosphere 159

What Are Setting and Atmosphere? 159
Looking at Setting and Atmosphere 160
Tobias Wolff, Hunters in the Snow 160

The Writing Process 171

Prewriting 171
Writing 171
Discovering an Organization 172

Ideas for Writing 172

Ideas for Reflective Writing 172
Ideas for Critical Writing 172
Ideas for Researched Writing 173
MultiModal Project 173

Rewriting 173
Checking Your Organization 173
Improving the Style: Balanced Sentences 174

11 Writing About Theme 176

What Is Theme? 176
Looking at Theme 177
Flannery O’Connor, A Good Man Is Hard to Find 177

The Writing Process 188

Prewriting 188
Writing 189
Choosing Supporting Details 189

Ideas for Writing 189

Ideas for Reflective Writing 189
Ideas for Critical Writing 190
 Contents xiii

Ideas for Researched Writing 190

MultiModal Project 190

Rewriting 191
Achieving Coherence 191

Editing 191
Repeat Words and Synonyms 191
Try Parallel Structure 192

12 Critical Casebook: Joyce Carol Oates’s

“Where Are You Going, Where Have You Been?” 193
Joyce Carol Oates, Where Are You Going,
Where Have You Been? 193
The Story’s Origins 205
Four Critical Interpretations 205
Topics for Discussion and Writing 208
Ideas for Researched Writing 208
MultiModal Project 209

13 Anthology of Short Fiction 210

Nathaniel Hawthorne, The Birthmark 210
Edgar Allan Poe, The Cask of Amontillado 221
Sarah Orne Jewett, A White Heron 227
Kate Chopin, The Story of an Hour 234
Charlotte Perkins Gilman, The Yellow Wallpaper 236
James Joyce, Araby 248
Katherine Anne Porter, The Grave 252
Zora Neale Hurston, “Spunk 256
William Faulkner, Barn Burning 261
Ernest Hemingway, Hills Like White Elephants 274
Arna Bontemps, A Summer Tragedy 278
Tillie Olsen, I Stand Here Ironing 284
Hisaye Yamamoto, Seventeen Syllables 290
Rosario Morales, The Day It Happened 300
Raymond Carver, What We Talk About When
We Talk About Love 303
T. Coraghessan Boyle, The Love of My Life 312
Louise Erdrich, The Red Convertible 324
xiv Contents

14 A Portfolio of Science Fiction Stories 331

Ray Bradbury, There Will Come Soft Rains 332
Ursula K. Le Guin, The Ones Who Walk Away
from Omelas 336
Octavia E. Butler, Speech Sounds 341
MultiModal Project 351
Sample Student Paper: Comparing Dystopias 351

15 A Portfolio of Humorous and Satirical Stories 355

H. H. Munro (“Saki”), The Open Window 355
John Updike, A & P 358
Margaret Atwood, Happy Endings 363
Ron Hansen, My Kid’s Dog 366
MultiModal Project 370

16 A Portfolio of Stories about Singular Women 371

Katherine Mansfield, Miss Brill 371
John Steinbeck, The Chrysanthemums 375
Eudora Welty, A Worn Path 384
Katherine Min, Secondhand World 390
MultiModal Project 392

Part iii Writing about Poetry 393

17 How Do I Read Poetry? 394

Get the Literal Meaning First: Paraphrase 394
Make Associations for Meaning 395

18 Writing About Persona and Tone 398

Who Is Speaking? 398
What Is Tone? 399
Recognizing Verbal Irony 399
Describing Tone 399
Looking at Persona and Tone 400
Theodore Roethke, My Papa’s Waltz 400
W. D. Ehrhart, Sins of the Father 401
Thomas Hardy, The Ruined Maid 402
W. H. Auden, The Unknown Citizen 403
Edmund Waller, Go, Lovely Rose 404
 Contents xv

The Writing Process 405

Prewriting 405
Asking Questions About the Speaker in
“My Papa’s Waltz” 405
Devising a Thesis 406
Developing a Thesis 408
Formulating a Thesis 408

Writing 409
Explicating and Analyzing 409

Ideas for Writing 410

Ideas for Reflective Writing 410
Ideas for Critical Writing 410
Ideas for Researched Writing 411
MultiModal Project 411

Editing 411
Quoting Poetry in Essays 411
Sample Student Paper: Persona and Tone 412
Analyzing the Student’s Reflection 414

19 Writing About Poetic Language 415

What Do the Words Suggest? 415
Connotation and Denotation 415
Figures of Speech 416
Metaphor and Simile 416
Personification 417
Imagery 417
Symbol 417
Paradox 418
Oxymoron 418
Looking at Poetic Language 418
Mary Oliver, August 418
Walt Whitman, A Noiseless Patient Spider 419
William Shakespeare, Shall I Compare
Thee to a Summer’s Day? 420
Kay Ryan, Turtle 420
Hayden Carruth, In the Long Hall 421
Donald Hall, My Son My Executioner 422
xvi Contents

The Writing Process 423

Prewriting 423
Writing 423
Comparing and Contrasting 423

Ideas for Writing 424

Ideas for Reflective Writing 424
Ideas for Critical Writing 424
Ideas for Researched Writing 424
MultiModal Project 425

Rewriting: Style 425

Choosing Vivid, Descriptive Terms 425
Sample Student Paper: Persona and Tone 425

20 Writing About Poetic Form 432

What Are the Forms of Poetry? 432
Rhythm and Rhyme 432
Alliteration, Assonance, and Consonance 434
Stanzas: Closed and Open Form 434
Poetic Syntax 436
Visual Poetry 436
Looking at the Forms of Poetry 436
Gwendolyn Brooks, We Real Cool 437
A. E. Housman, Eight O’Clock 438
E. E. Cummings, anyone lived in a pretty how town 438
Robert Frost, The Silken Tent 439
Billy Collins, Sonnet 440
David Shumate, A Hundred Years from Now 440
Roger McGough, 40-----Love 441

The Writing Process 442

Prewriting 442
Writing 443
Relating Form to Meaning 443

Ideas for Writing 443

Ideas for Expressive Writing 443
Ideas for Critical Writing 444
Ideas for Researched Writing 445
MultiModal Project 445
 Contents xvii

Rewriting: Style 445

Finding the Exact Word 445
Sample Student Paper: Poetic Form 447
Sample Published Essay: Poetic Form 451

21 Critical Casebook: The Poetry

of Langston Hughes 455
Langston Hughes: A Brief Biography 455
Langston Hughes 457
The Negro Speaks of Rivers 457
Mother to Son 458
The Weary Blues 458
Saturday Night 459
Harlem (A Dream Deferred) 460
Theme for English B 460
Critical Commentaries 462
Arnold Rampersad, On the Persona in
“The Negro Speaks of Rivers” 462
Margaret Larkin, A Poet for the People 463
Karen Jackson Ford, Do Right to Write Right:
Langston Hughes’s Aesthetics of Simplicity 463
Peter Townsend, Jazz and Langston Hughes’s Poetry 464
Langston Hughes, Harlem Rent Parties 465
Ideas for Writing About Langston Hughes 466
Ideas for Researched Writing 466
MultiModal Project 466

22 The Art of Poetry 467

Poetic Interpretations of Art 467
Lisel Mueller, American Literature 467
Edward Hopper, Nighthawks 469
Samuel Yellen, Nighthawks 469
Susan Ludvigson, Inventing My Parents 470
Peter Brueghel the Elder, Landscape with the Fall of Icarus 471
W. H. Auden, Musée des Beaux Arts 471
Paolo Uccello, St. George and the Dragon 472
U. A. Fanthorpe, Not My Best Side 472
Vincent Van Gogh, The Starry Night 473
Anne Sexton, The Starry Night 473
xviii Contents

Henri Matisse, The Red Studio 474

W. D. Snodgrass, Matisse: ‘The Red Studio’ 474
Kitagawa Utamaro, Two Women Fixing Their Hair 476
Cathy Song, Beauty and Sadness 476
The Art of Poetry 477
Questions for Discussion 477

Poetry and Art: Ideas for Writing 481

MultiModal Project 482
Sample Student Paper: Reflection on Poetry and Art 482
Making Connections 484

23 Anthology of Poetry 485

Thomas Wyatt, They Flee from Me 485
William Shakespeare 486
When in Disgrace with Fortune and Men’s Eyes 486
Let Me Not to the Marriage of True Minds 487
That Time of Year Thou Mayst in Me Behold 488
My Mistress’ Eyes Are Nothing Like the Sun 488
John Donne 489
Death, Be Not Proud 489
The Flea 490
A Valediction: Forbidding Mourning 491
Andrew Marvell, To His Coy Mistress 492
William Blake 494
The Lamb 494
The Tyger 495
The Sick Rose 496
William Wordsworth 497
The World Is Too Much with Us 497
I Wandered Lonely as a Cloud 498
George Gordon, Lord Byron, She Walks in Beauty 499
Percy Bysshe Shelley, Ozymandias 500
John Keats, Ode on a Grecian Urn 501
Alfred, Lord Tennyson, Ulysses 502
Walt Whitman 505
When I Heard the Learn’d Astronomer 505
Song of Myself (Section 11) 505
Matthew Arnold, Dover Beach 506
Emily Dickinson 508
Faith Is a Fine Invention 508
I’m Nobody! Who Are You? 508
Much Madness Is Divinest Sense 509
Because I Could Not Stop for Death 510
 Contents xix

Some Keep the Sabbath Going to Church 511

Wild Nights—Wild Nights! 511
Christina Rossetti, In an Artist’s Studio 512
Gerard Manley Hopkins 513
Pied Beauty 513
Spring and Fall 514
A. E. Housman 515
To an Athlete Dying Young 515
Loveliest of Trees 516
William Butler Yeats 516
The Second Coming 517
Sailing to Byzantium 518
Edgar Lee Masters 519
Lucinda Matlock 519
Margaret Fuller Slack 520
Paul Laurence Dunbar, We Wear the Mask 521
Robert Frost 522
Mending Wall 522
Birches 523
”Out, Out—” 525
Fire and Ice 526
Design 527
Carl Sandburg 527
Fog 527
Chicago 528
Mina Loy, Moreover, the Moon 529
William Carlos Williams 530
Danse Russe 530
The Red Wheelbarrow 531
D. H. Lawrence, Piano 532
T. S. Eliot, The Love Song of J. Alfred Prufrock 533
Edna St. Vincent Millay 537
Oh, Oh, You Will Be Sorry for That Word 537
First Fig 537
E. E. Cummings 538
in Just- 538
pity this busy monster,manunkind 539
Stevie Smith,Not Waving but Drowning 540
W. H. Auden, Funeral Blues 541
Elizabeth Bishop, One Art 542
Karl Shapiro, Auto Wreck 543
Octavio Paz, The Street 544
Dudley Randall 545
Ballad of Birmingham 546
To the Mercy Killers 547
xx Contents

William Stafford, Traveling Through the Dark 547

Dylan Thomas, Do Not Go Gentle into That Good
Night 548
James Dickey, The Leap 550
Lisel Mueller, Losing My Sight 551
Maxine Kumin, Woodchucks 552
Frank O’Hara, Having a Coke with You 554
David Wagoner, The Escaped Gorilla 555
Anne Sexton, You All Know the Story of the
Other Woman 556
Adrienne Rich, Aunt Jennifer’s Tigers 557
Ruth Fainlight, Flower Feet 558
Marge Piercy, Barbie Doll 560
Sharon Olds 561
Sex Without Love 561
The Death of Marilyn Monroe 562
Edward Hirsch, Execution 563
Jimmy Santiago Baca, There Are Black 564
Judith Ortiz Cofer, Latin Women Pray 566
Cornelius Eady, The Supremes 567
Martín Espada, Bully 569

24 Paired Poems for Comparison 571

Christopher Marlowe, The Passionate Shepherd
to His Love 571
Sir Walter Raleigh, The Nymph’s Reply to the Shepherd 572

Robert Browning, My Last Duchess 574

Gabriel Spera, My Ex-Husband 575

Walt Whitman, Of the Terrible Doubt of Appearances 578

Tony Hoagland, Romantic Moment 579

Edwin Arlington Robinson, Richard Cory 581

Paul Simon, Richard Cory 582

Robert Hayden, Those Winter Sundays 584

George Bilgere, Like Riding a Bicycle 585

Gwendolyn Brooks, The Bean Eaters 587

Katha Pollitt, The Old Neighbors 587
 Contents xxi

25 A Portfolio of Poems About Work 590

Jean Toomer, Reapers 590
John Updike, Ex-Basketball Player 591
Marge Piercy, To Be of Use 593
Alberto Ríos, In Second Grade Miss Lee I Promised Never to
Forget You and I Never Did 594
Dorianne Laux, What I Wouldn’t Do 595
Lynn Powell, Acceptance Speech 596
Stephen Cushman, Beside the Point 598
Nancy A. Henry, People Who Take Care 599
MultiModal Project 600

26 A Portfolio of War Poetry 601

Richard Lovelace, To Lucasta, on Going
to the Wars 601
Stephen Crane, War Is Kind 602
Amy Lowell, Patterns 603
Wilfred Owen, Dulce et Decorum Est 606
Mitsuye Yamada, To the Lady 607
Peg Lauber, Six National Guardsmen Blown
Up Together 609
Yusef Komunyakaa, Facing It 611
MultiModal Project 613

27 A Portfolio of Humorous and Satirical Poetry 614

Linda Pastan, Marks 614
Ron Koertge, Cinderella’s Diary 615
Billy Collins, Introduction to Poetry 616
Andrea Carlisle, Emily Dickinson’s To-Do List 617
Craig Raine, A Martian Sends a Postcard Home 619
Jan Beatty, A Waitress’s Instructions on Tipping or Get the Cash
Up and Don’t Waste My Time 620
Jeanne Marie Beaumont, Afraid So 621
Peter Pereira, Reconsidering the Seven 623
MultiModal Project 624

Part iV Writing about Drama 625

28 How Do I Read a Play? 626
Listen to the Lines 626
Visualize the Scene 627
xxii Contents

Envision the Action 628

Drama on Film 629

29 Writing About Dramatic Structure 631

What Is Dramatic Structure? 631
Looking at Dramatic Structure 632
Sophocles, Antigone 633
The Writing Process 664
Prewriting 664
Writing 665
Discovering a Workable Argumentative Thesis 665
Quoting from a Play 666
Ideas for Writing 667
Ideas for Reflective Writing 667
Ideas for Critical Writing 668
Ideas for Researched Writing 668
MultiModal Project 668

Rewriting 668
Avoiding Unclear Language 669
Sample Student Paper 670

30 Writing About Character 675

What Is the Modern Hero? 675
The Classical Tragic Hero 675
The Modern Tragic Hero 676
Looking at the Modern Hero 676
Tennessee Williams, The Glass Menagerie 676

The Writing Process 718

Prewriting 718
Writing 718
Choosing a Structure 718
Ideas for Writing 719
Ideas for Reflective Writing 719
Ideas for Critical Writing 719
Ideas for Researched Writing 720
MultiModal Project 720
Rewriting 720
Developing Paragraphs Specifically 721
 Contents xxiii

31 Critical Casebook: The Glass Menagerie:

Interpreting Amanda 722
Eight Critical Interpretations 722
Burton Rasco, Review of The Glass Menagerie 722
Durant Da Ponte, Tennessee Williams’ Gallery of
Feminine Characters 724
Joseph K. Davis, Landscapes of the Dislocated Mind 724
Marc Robinson, Amanda 725
C. W. E. Bigsby, Entering The Glass Menagerie 726
Chris Jones, A Domestic Drama of Dashed Dreams 726
Charles Isherwood, Gritty Polish for a Tennessee
Williams Jewel 726
Ben Brantley, The Shape of Memory, Both Fragile and Fierce 727
Responding to the Critics 727
Ideas for Researched Writing 728
MultiModal Project 729

32 Anthology of Drama 730

William Shakespeare, Othello, the Moor of Venice 730
Susan Glaspell, Trifles 816
Henrik Ibsen, A Doll’s House 827

33 A Portfolio of Humorous and Satirical Plays 878

Jane Martin, Beauty 878
David Ives, Sure Thing 883
MultiModal Project 892

Part V critical approaches to Literature 893

34 Critical Approaches for Interpreting Literature 894

Literary Criticism 894
Formalism 895
Historical Approaches 895
Biographical 896
Cultural 896
Marxist 896
Psychological Approaches 897
Mythological and Archetypal Approaches 897
Gender Focus 898
Reader Response 898
xxiv Contents

Deconstruction 899
Intertextual Approaches 899
Where Do You Stand? 900

35 Critical Casebook: Writing

About Culture and Identity 901
What Is Cultural Analysis? 901

Short Stories
Kate Chopin, Désirée’s Baby 902
Sherwood Anderson, Hands 906
Chinua Achebe, Dead Men’s Path 910
Andre Dubus, The Fat Girl 914
Toni Cade Bambara, The Lesson 924
Sandra Cisneros, Geraldo No Last Name 930
Celeste Ng, How To Be Chinese 931

Poetry
William Blake, London 936
Claude McKay, America 937
Countee Cullen, Incident 937
James Wright, Autumn Begins in Martins Ferry, Ohio 938
Audre Lorde, Hanging Fire 939
Gina Valdés, My Mother Sews Blouses 941
Gregory Djanikian, Immigrant Picnic 942
Essex Hemphill, Commitments 944
Richard Blanco, América 945

Drama
Alice Childress, Florence 948
Luis Valdez, Los Vendidos 958

The Writing Process 967

Prewriting: Exploring Cultural Themes 967
Ideas for Writing: Making Connections 968
MultiModal Projects 969
glossary of Literary and rhetorical terms 971
credits 982
index of authors, titles, and First Lines of Poems 988
subject index 996
Another Random Scribd Document
with Unrelated Content
 “That your Majesty with many thanks expresseth yourself most
sensible of the great expense and charge his Lordship hath been at
for your service, far more than any man else, considering what I
have had as well as Sir John Byron’s [expenses], that it is most true
at this time, much lieth at stake both of your Majesty’s honour and
power for want of a little money, since £20,000, with what you have,
would further your Majesty’s designs to a most hopeful condition; for
want whereof, your Majesty is enforced to dally (though you will
never yield), and at this present you offer that which is worth
£100,000 for £50,000, besides my Lord Capell, Sir William Savill and
others of good estates do offer also theirs for security;—yet no want
nor occasion can make your Majesty to press my Lord, who hath
already done so much, but if he and his friends could procure
£10,000, your Majesty would suddenly (if it please God to restore
you) see it repaid, and would presently in token of thankfulness send
my father the Garter, to be put on when he pleased, and also having
the Great Seal in your Majesty’s own custody you would pass a
patent of Marquis of what title my father should desire, and keep it
private as long as he thought fitting; and to show that this
proposition is far from urging him to his inconvenience, and so much
doth your Majesty acknowledge yourself already beholding to him,
as that even without procuring his Majesty this unspeakable
advantage, your Majesty is graciously pleased that if he desire either
or both these, your Majesty, at my return unto you, will vouchsafe
them; but if this could be possibly performed, then the Crown, which
hitherto your Majesty confesseth to stay upon your head by his
assistance, will be then confirmed by him, and your Majesty; and
your Majesty esteemeth so much of his understanding, as well as
passionate zeal to your service, that if he will send your Majesty his
advice (upon the relation of the state of business which your Majesty
hath commanded me to make unto him) your Majesty will as soon
follow it as any man’s, and the power you give, or intend to give me
is, as I am subordinate, and most dutiful unto him to whom your
Majesty esteemeth it to be given when it is to me; and your Majesty
doth not only faithfully promise on the word of a King but of a
Christian, that you will punctually perform your engagements
advantageously to him and his, and never forsake either, whilst you
breathe, joining his safety with your own, which is, and ever shall be
your Majesty’s resolution.”

We have here a summary of the interview between Charles the

First and Lord Herbert at Nottingham. The King was no doubt very
gloomy, and the discourse between them most serious. There was
on all occasions an imperturbable dignity of manner about his
Majesty, although his personal appearance operated against him, his
visage being long, with a narrow forehead, large nose, grey eyes,
thick lips, and peaked beard. He stammered, too, in his speech,
being also somewhat impetuous and hurried amidst all the apparent
coolness and calmness of his conduct and conversation. Lord
Herbert, on the contrary, in the very prime of life, was a man of
cheerful aspect, with small dark full eyes, and smooth, oval,
delicately formed features. Both wore the flowing locks in fashion,
the one in ample curls, the other in plain long wavy hair. The
Marquis fastidiously observed all courtly etiquette; without the
accomplishment of fluency in speech, his conversation would be
deferential, simple, without any show of boldness other than what
conscious integrity of purpose might naturally inspire; unaffected,
direct, and straightforward; displaying much suavity without any
taint of selfishness, and profound zeal without the slightest
hypocrisy.
We almost see and hear again the wily financier, (such is the
freshness of the reported conversation) while the meek,
unsophisticated Lord Herbert is scrupulously noting each suggestion
as it is dictated by his suppliant royal master, anxious to give in their
integrity the identical honeyed phrases the Sovereign employs in
depicting his obligations, his necessities, his securities, with the
readiest means for extricating the royal cause and assuredly giving
stability to the already tottering crown. His Majesty is gracious to an
extreme; he will in very “thankfulness send the Earl the Garter,” and
having “the Great Seal” in his “own custody,” he offers to “pass a
patent of what title the Earl should desire;” nay, should he desire
unconditionally to have either or both “his Majesty will vouchsafe
them.” It was by such unworthy arts in diplomacy that Charles the
First drew the loyal, warm-hearted, sincerely attached Lord Herbert
into his toils, inducing him by unremitting flattery, artfully simulated
condescension, and consummate sophistry to become instrumental
in the ruin of both himself and his father. There is not the slightest
ground to suppose that from the first to the last advance of money
made by this family to the King, a single offer in the first instance
came direct from either the Earl or his son; but there are abundant
proofs that his Majesty held out from time to time every possible
inducement he could conceive to sap the wealth of the too-confiding
Earl of Worcester. Transparent as the craftiness of the present
transaction must appear to the reader, it was not so obvious to the
peer whom it interested, for he having once made his election to
support the royal cause magnanimously proceeded as he had begun,
until he exceeded even the bounds of common prudence.
It will be requisite, as we progress, to notice many particulars
which might at first appear irrelevant, as relating more considerably
to the father than to the son; but it is important to bear in mind,
that Lord Herbert becomes intimately associated with events then
apparently only concerning his father, but which really are those
most seriously affecting that turn in events which colour all his
future history, whether as regards his early military career or his
later cheerless destiny.
Raglan Castle was then in its glory; it was often gay with
numerous noble visitors. Lord Herbert resided there with his lady,
particularly at that disturbed period; his father too had a numerous
family and household. Although rather isolated in position, it must
have been a place possessing considerable internal comfort. The
good old Marquis was constituted to make all around him as happy
as circumstances would permit; with strong religious and moral
principles he combined the strictest possible sense of honour, of a
gentlemanly and military bearing, with a joyous temperament that
refused no source of accidental innocent amusement, turning the
very ills of life to sources either of merriment or moral reflection as
the case might be: which, with his princely means and liberal spirit,
must have largely contributed to the promoting of good feeling and
hilarity within the fortress of Raglan.
The Castle crowns one of the many broad low verdant hills
occupying a valley of immense extent in Monmouthshire. It is at
present so embowered in a forest of ancient lofty trees, as to be all
but hid from view within the circuit of a mile radius. There is just
one point from which may be seen at the same time towering above
the foliage the Tower of Gwent or Citadel on the right, and the
Closet Tower on the left. The Citadel, which in reality stands outside
the Castle, as being the loftiest object, is visible from the village, the
Warrage, and other points of view. In its palmy days there were
attached to the Castle an extensive, well-wooded and highly
picturesque home-park, with a well-stocked red-deer park; also
various gardens, orchards, lawns, pleasure grounds, and fish-ponds
artfully constructed, affording islands here, fountains there, and
summer houses where they could be most advantageously placed.
Thus were the demesnes of Raglan characteristic of its noble
possessor’s distinguished position.
 DISTANT VIEW OF RAGLAN CASTLE, MONMOUTHSHIRE.

The most ancient portions of the Castle itself, were probably

raised in the reign of Henry V., others are of more recent
construction, but not much, if any of it, dates later than that of
Elizabeth. Its mixed styles of architecture are very obvious. Among
its later improvements were, no doubt, those large windows, which
were better suited for an elegant domestic mansion, than for a
fortress. The grand entrance was secured by its double portcullis, as
likewise by a gate, leading to the paved or pitched court; a portcullis
also protected the south-eastern entrance, leading from the fountain
court to the pleasaunce or bowling-green, supposed by some to
have originally been the tilt-yard; both of which entrances were
further guarded by draw-bridges. The tower of Gwent, citadel, or
keep, stands before, and a little removed from the castle,
surrounded with a broad moat, which it would appear could be
crossed by two bridges; one permanent, connected with, and for the
special use of the castle, reaching to the walls of the bastions,
whence communication was kept up by a draw-bridge with the keep
itself; the other a draw-bridge only, in an opposite direction,
whereby to pass over the moat to the sunk walk, for ordinary use.
The tower is of extraordinary strength, its form hexagonal, its walls
ten and a half feet thick, and its summit reached by a stone
staircase.
The Castle may be described as presenting two portions,
distinguished by two courts and two fortified arched entrances. The
grand entrance between two hexagonal towers leads to the paved
court, with the closet tower or library to the right, a withdrawing or
ball-room over head, and the banqueting or stately hall to the left,
which last attracts much notice from its size, nobleness, and state of
preservation. It had a magnificent oak roof lighted by a lantern or
cupola window at the top; at one end is a large stone carving of the
arms of the Beaufort family, with their celebrated motto, Mutare vel
timere, sperno; at the opposite end rose the minstrels’ gallery. One
entire side is occupied with an ample fire-place, having large
windows above, and on the right hand side a magnificent bay
window; the opposite side of this great apartment is a mere lofty
blank wall. Returning to the court we see the kitchen-tower, larders,
and other domestic offices. Passing to the second, or Fountain Court,
we observe a small chapel, marked only by its foundation stones.
Above it, on the same level and of no greater width, ran the picture
gallery, which may have been 126 feet long by 13 feet wide. In it
were, among others, many family portraits, particularly one of
Charles, the first Earl, and another of Henry, the second Earl of
Worcester.[93] The Marquis’s private chamber was probably over the
gate; but here, the outer walls excepted and the grand staircase,
few remains of the ruin rise above the ground to distinguish their
character.
The vaults and cellars are numerous, but not so large as is
generally supposed, although sufficiently capacious. Some were
undoubtedly used as cells for prisoners, others for various stores,
while certain vaults are even reputed to have served the purpose of
underground stables.
 The Fountain Court, derives its name from formerly possessing a
handsomely carved fountain which stood in its centre, supposed to
have been supplied with water by means of water-works erected by
Lord Herbert, in contiguity with the citadel, and sufficiently near for
that purpose, as already noticed.
Such then was Raglan Castle in the days of its magnificence,
during the life-time of its last munificent lordly resident. But the time
had arrived to protect it against the worst consequences of civil war.
Its paved court afforded ample scope for the drilling of recruits, and
the reviews of the regular soldiery, when the open ground could not
be safely taken. A mill was also erected for the home manufacture of
gunpowder, in which we imagine the combined skill of Lord Herbert
and Caspar Kaltoff was actively exercised. The clang of arms, the
beat of drum, the constant firing of artillery, with all the noise, the
show, and circumstance of war, soon transformed the once quiet
homestead into a most mortifying scene of discomfort, alarm,
watchfulness, care, anxiety and activity.
Charles, Lord Somerset, the Marquis’s sixth son, officiated as
governor of the castle. The garrison, originally amounting to 300
foot,[93] was considerably augmented to meet the threatening aspect
of public affairs.[90]
Warfare, as at that time conducted, bore but a slight analogy to
modern practice. The bow and cross-bow, it is true, were entirely
superseded by the use of gunpowder, but that material was
comparatively indifferent, and the ordnance and arms employed of
the clumsiest possible description. Great guns weighing from 3½
tons to half and less that weight were denominated cannon, demi-
cannon, culvering, demi-culvering, saker, minion, drake, &c. Then for
small arms, they had the musket, carbine, arquebuse, blunderbuss,
pistol, &c. Their weapons were chiefly swords and pikes. Armour
was employed to a considerable extent. The curious in such military
matters may consult with advantage “The exercise of arms for
Calivers, Musketts, and Pikes,” in the masterly executed folio
engravings by Jacob de Gheyne, printed at the Hague in 1607. The
soldiers of the 17th century had to carry immense unwieldy fire-
arms, requiring a crutch or rest on which to steady them while
taking aim, and had to fire with the ignited end of prepared rope,
used as a match for that purpose, and which for security against
accidental extinction was usually kept lighted at both ends.
In respect to the Marquis’s wealth, a contemporary authority
informs us in reference to that period, that,—“His whole estate
ubique was esteemed 24 thousand pounds per annum.”[93] Indeed
he was almost an universal landlord in the county.[29] He had then
altogether raised 1500 foot and near 500 horse, the command of
which he gave to his son, Lord Herbert; thus raising the first horse
levied by the King.
The writer of a contemporary pamphlet published at Oxford,
entitled—“A short view of the late troubles,” states: “Moreover,
within few days following, one John Davis discovered [12th Nov.] to
the House that the Earl of Worcester had large stables under
ground, at Raglan Castle, and a number of light horse in them;
likewise arms for a hundred and forty horse, and two thousand men,
whereof seven hundred were then in pay, and ammunition
proportionate.”[90]
We learn little more personally affecting the Marquis of Worcester
for about two years, during which his time must have been both fully
and painfully absorbed in superintending the warlike preparations
which environed his domicile.

Footnotes
[88] Sandford.
[4] Annual Register, 1769.
[A] 1640. 16 Car. I. vol. ii. p. 75.
[B] Journals of House of Commons, 1641. 17 Car. I. vol. ii. p.
317.
[C] From MSS. Badminton.
[D] From MSS. Badminton.
[E] Ibid.
[F] Sir Arthur Hazilrigge, Bart.
[G] Journal, House of Commons, 1642. 17 Car. I. vol. ii.
[H] From MSS. at Badminton.
[93] Symonds.
[93] Symonds.
[90] Somers.
[93] Symonds.
[29] Corbet.
[90] Somers.
 CHAPTER V.
LORD HERBERT IN HIS MILITARY CAPACITY.
The sad necessities of the times and the perilous position in which
his tortuous policy had placed him, obliged Charles the First to court
the assistance and presence of the wealthiest among the nobility,
than whom none then ranked higher than the Marquis of Worcester,
who, as we have seen, his Majesty pressingly sues, through his son,
Lord Herbert, at Nottingham, for still further monetary supplies.
It is not surprising then to find Lord Herbert, even against his
better judgment, considering his tastes, habits and experience,
taking an active part in military affairs, and the mailed philosopher
actually setting forth as an enthusiastic Cavalier.
In one of the political tracts of the day, published at Oxford in
1642, the writer gives as a reason for the Marquis of Hertford
declining the service in which the King had employed him:—“For that
the King hath not only given way to the raising of a popish army in
the North, but hath granted commission to the Marquis of Worcester,
a known papist, to be general of the forces in those parts, where he
is; whose army consists of profest papists.”[90]
As early as 1640, rumours had been falsely circulated against the
Marquis of Worcester, charging him with being concerned in a design
to raise a large popish army in Lancashire, as also another in
Ireland. In 1642, however, he did raise a great number of Welsh in
support of the royal cause;[105] and the same year Lord Herbert was
made General of South Wales.[95]
Thus Lord Herbert, in command of troops raised by his father,
being in favour with his sovereign, and generally esteemed both for
his high nobility and his wealth, held a most important influential
position. Fully to prepare himself for such a post, it appears most
likely that he commenced the requisite course of training even
previous to his second marriage, for so early as March, 1638, Lady
Harley writes to inform her son:—“They say, my Lord of Worcester’s
son shall be general of the horse.”[46]
In his first considerable exploit he appeared before Gloucester,
then in the Parliamentary interest, stoutly defended by a company of
volunteers, who had raised very extensive fortifications. In February,
1642, it was summoned by Prince Rupert, and again later, but
without effect. About the middle of the same month, Lord Herbert,
with a body of about 1500 foot and 500 horse, well armed,
attempted the reduction of the garrison. His eldest brother, Lord
John Somerset, commanded the horse, while Sir Jeremiah Brett was
general of the foot. A third time the city not only refused to
surrender, but received with ridicule the summons from a Welsh
brigade; the Welsh troops therefore encamped at Highnam within
the distance of one mile and a half, where they lay still in their camp
for five weeks in mistaken security, not even attacking the
outguards, or attempting any great action, seemingly deluded by
expectations of aid from Prince Rupert; who, however, could not
leave Bristol. Sir William Waller, crossing the river by means of flat-
bottomed boats, advanced on them with a body of light troops,
numbering about 2000. The Welsh, without taking the least
advantage arising from their strong position, sounded a parley, and
surrendered on conditions which were readily granted; in
consequence of which, 1300 foot and three troops of horse were led
prisoners into Gloucester, where several were kept for some time
under strict confinement. Rushworth states, under date 19th of
March, 1642–3, that Lord Herbert lost 500 men killed, and above
1000 taken prisoners. Lord Herbert, we find from his own account,
was not present on the occasion of this defeat, for in reference to
this disaster he says:—“God forgive those of the King’s party, who
were the occasion that 1500 gentlemen were surprised, and I not
despatched from Oxford until the day after. Yet at 14 days’ warning I
brought 4000 foot and 800 horse to the siege of Gloucester.” But
Rushworth and others erroneously speak of his escaping to Oxford.
[87]
From first to last the defeat cost his Lordship, according to his
own showing, £60,000.[90] Such was the unpromising result of his
earliest enterprise in his new career, offering a very gloomy
foreboding of the future. He had been untiring in his exertions to
raise those troops throughout Monmouthshire, Herefordshire, and
adjacent counties, in which, as also in efforts to obtain sufficient
stores for the garrison at Raglan, he appears to have acted with
extraordinary energy.[A]
During the progress of operations against Gloucester, Lady Harley
in her correspondence with her son, on the 14th of February, 1642,
says:—“Nine days past my Lord Herbert was at Hereford, where he
stayed a week. There was held a council of war, what was the best
way to take Brompton [Castle—her residence]. It was concluded to
blow it up, and which counsel pleased them all. The sheriff of
Radnorshire, with the trained bands of that county, and some of the
Hereford soldiers, were to come against me. My Lord Herbert had
appointed a day to come to Preston, that so his presence might
persuade them to go out of their county. He had commanded them
to bring pay to victuals for 10 days. The soldiers came to Preston,
but it pleased God to call my Lord Herbert another way, for those in
the Forest of Dean grew so strong, that they were afraid of
them.”[102]
We ascertain from his own later statement of expenditure that
from February, 1641, to October, 1642, or thereabouts, he was
actively engaged in dispensing his father’s immense loans in support
of the royal cause; he says,—“With as much privacy as might be,
keeping good correspondence with the Parliament; remaining in
London, to avoid suspicion, being then trusted both by King and
Parliament.”
Taking amounts as stated by his Lordship, the dates may be pretty
correctly supplied from Iter Carolinum.[90]

Between 28th February, and 18th March, 1641, he sent

to Theobalds for the “pressing necessities of his dear
master,” the sum of £3,000
About the same time to Huntingdon, after the King’s
departure from Theobalds 3,000
On or after the 19th March, to York 8,000
 On or after 21st July, 1642, to Nottingham, “where his
Majesty set up his royal standard.” [90] 4,000
Officers’ expenses to York 1,500
Besides, by his Majesty’s command, victualling the
Tower, Sir John Byron being Lord Lieutenant, for which
purpose, he “sent him in old plate, under pretence of
coining it” 2,500
And further, obtaining through some pretence, leave of
absence, from the Parliament, he proceeded with their
pass to York, carrying to the King in ready money 15,000
And in bills and assurances 80,500
For these his Majesty giving his “note for ninety-five
thousand five hundred pounds,” his Lordship returned in
two days.
Raising Sir John Byron’s regiment of Horse, the first
completed 5,000
Representing a total of £122,500

Annexed to the record of this vast outlay, Lord Herbert has left us
a short piece of autobiography. “Things being thus set in order, (he
says) between his Majesty and me, I fairly took leave of the
Parliament, to go down to my father; where I no sooner arrived but
there came directed unto me from his Majesty a Commission of
Array; whereof I presently, by a servant of my own, sent word to the
Parliament, with a letter to the House of Lords, which I directed to
my Lord of Holland, and to the House of Commons, to Mr. Pym; in
both which I offered to intercede to his Majesty, and conceived I
should prevail to suspend the Commission of Array, if they should
make an Act that their Militia should not come into my country. But
they with civil compliments and thanks replied that his Majesty’s
[proceedings] was so illegal, and theirs for the good of the kingdom
so just and necessary, that by no means would they waive the one
for the other. At which I declared myself irritated, to see that they
durst tell me that anything commanded by my master was illegal,
and professed I would obey his Majesty’s commands, and let them
send at their perils. So immediately, and in eight days’ time, I raised
six regiments, fortified Monmouth, Chepstow, and Raglan, fetching
away the magazine [of powder and ammunition] from the Earl of
Pembroke’s town, Carlyon, and placed it in Raglan Castle, leaving a
garrison in lieu thereof. Garrisoned likewise Cardiff, Brecknock,
Hereford, Goodrich Castle and the Forest of Dean, after I had taken
them from the enemy.”
We have here a striking instance of his unflinching loyalty, of his
first public expression of his political sentiments, with a brief sketch
of the course he adopted in his first decisive military measures.
In the month of September several horses, the property of Lord
Herbert, being seized in Gloucestershire, the same was formally
reported, as appears first from the Journals of the House of
Commons,[B] as follows:
“Diè Martis, 13º Septembris, 1642.

“A letter, from the city of Gloucester, from Mr. Perry, &c.

concerning the Lord Herbert, son of the Earl of Worcester, seven
horses of war stayed there; and concerning some provisions they
desire for the safety of the city; was this day read: And
“It is ordered, that Sergeant Wilde do prepare an Order
concerning both these particulars.
“That Mr. Speaker shall write his letter to the Lord Herbert, son of
the Earl of Worcester, to appear here, and attend the House.
“Mr Glyn to prepare this letter.
“That the Lords be moved to send for the Earl of Worcester, to
attend the Parliament.”
And further, afterwards, from the particulars afforded by the
annexed document:—
“Die Jovis, 15º Septembris, 1642.

“Whereas information hath been given to the Lords and Commons

assembled in Parliament, that seven great horses or geldings, of the
Lord Herbert, son of the Earl of Worcester, were lately brought to the
city of Gloucester, to be by them employed (as is justly suspected)
upon some design against the Parliament; and that great
endeavours are used by divers commissioners of array, and other ill-
affected persons, in the several counties of Hereford, Monmouth,
Glamorgan, Carmarthen, Brecknock, and Radnor, to draw the said
counties by way of association against the Parliament, and their
adherents, and in particular against the said city, as a place the most
advantageous for the furtherance of their malignant designs;
therefore upon the humble desire of the citizens of the said city of
Gloucester, and for the better preservation of the safety of the said
city, being a place of great importance, and of the counties and parts
adjoining; it is thought fit and Ordered by the said Lords and
Commons, that the Mayor, aldermen, and citizens of the said city,
shall have the use and disposal of the said horses, for the defence of
the said city and parts adjacent, and the services of the Parliament;
and that, for the same purpose, they shall have power to raise one
or more troop or troops of horse and men, and to train, exercise,
and employ the same, and other forces of the said city, as by the
ordinance concerning the militia is appointed; and further, that, for
their better encouragement and assistance in this behalf, some such
small pieces of ordnance shall be forthwith sent down to the said
city, to be used, ordered, and employed for the uses and purposes
aforesaid, as to them shall seem most meet and expedient; and that
they and every of them, in so doing, shall be protected and assisted
by the power and authority of both Houses of Parliament.”
The records of Gloucester frequently allude to these seven great
horses, which were afterwards placed under the command of
Lieutenant Backhouse, and kept together till the close of the war.
In February, Lord Herbert wrote to Prince Rupert,[100] as follows:—
“May Highness [Prince Rupert],
it please your
“Your commands came unto me but the last night late, and
being now upon making my entry into the Forest [of Dean], I cannot
so suddenly execute the same; but as soon as it is any way feasible,
there shall be no delay therein. Upon Thursday next, I have given
order, that accordingly as I shall receive intelligence from the other
side of Severn (which when I have taken order to receive), there
shall be men sent over, hoping by that time to master all on this side
of Severn. And in what I may I shall ever most readily obey your
Highness’ commands, and remain, Sir,
“Your Highness’ most affectionately
devoted Servant,
“Ed. Herbert.
“Raglan Castle,
“This Tuesday morning, 7th Feb. 1643.”
A contemporary, a clergyman,[29] has preserved an interesting
account of Lord Herbert’s operations before Monmouth, on the 1st of
April, 1643. Sir William Waller having accepted the invitation of a
number of resident gentlemen, when he came near the town of
Monmouth, where Lord Herbert had begun to place a garrison, his
presence occasioned the precipitate flight of his Lordship’s troops.
But Waller, although so far victorious, failed in obtaining needful
supplies, owing to the devotion of the stream of the people, most of
whom were the Marquis’s tenantry.
Lord Herbert afterwards united with Sir John Winter, the reputed
plague of the Forest of Dean, who had strongly fortified and
defended his own residence; he was, too, considered a most active
enemy, as well as a chief agent of the popish faction. His Lordship’s
horse so materially assisted Sir John’s operations as to compel the
rebels to quit the forest, having made a passage over the Severn, at
Newnham.
Soon after this affair, rumours were current that forces were
expected from Oxford for Paineswick and Stroud, while the Irish it
was believed were to lie on one side of Berkeley, Lord Herbert and
Sir John Winter holding the Forest. The same chronicler assures us
that the taking of Monmouth gave a fearful alarm to the whole
country, the Marquis of Worcester calling in Prince Rupert’s horse to
their assistance. The result of these preparations was that Sir
William Blaxton, with his brigade of horse, joined the country train-
bands, with the forces from Raglan and Chepstow, making together
about 500 horse and 1200 foot. They fell upon the enemy’s horse
quarters, where were lodged two troops and ten musketeers; while
150 musketeers speedily came from Monmouth to their assistance.
With these and further supplies of foot the Monmouth party routed
the cavaliers, of whom many were slain and threescore taken
prisoners.
Sir John Winter, despairing of longer subsistence, at length
deserted the Forest, after first firing his house at Lidney, and
somewhat revenging himself for past disasters by spoiling the Forest
itself.[29]
In June, Charles I. addressed the following letter[C] to the
harassed Marquis of Worcester, conveying promises as usual, after a
personal interview with his son:—
“Worcester,
“I am very sensible of the miseries and dangers which of late
you have been in, and do hope the time will come when I shall be
able to requite all my good subjects, and none sooner than you;
concerning the changing of your title, and other particulars, I leave
to your son’s relation, who knows my mind therein, who will ever
remain
“Your most assured constant friend,
“Charles R.”
“Oxford, 19th, June, 1643.
“For the Marquis of Worcester.”

Lady Harley, writing on the 13th of June, 1643, observes:—“My

Lord Herbert and Colonel Vavasour, who is to be Governor of
Hereford, is gone up into Montgomeryshire to raise soldiers.”[46]
On the 25th of July, 1643, Lord Herbert, having sent a dispatch to
Prince Rupert,[D] in which he found he had omitted some important
particulars, afterwards transmitted the same day by letter, dated
from Raglan Castle, to the following effect:

“May Highness,
it please your
“Since my dispatch to you this morning there occurs one thing
which I then omitted, which I thought fit to represent to your
Highness; that some Parliament ships now lie in and about Milford
Haven, which hath hitherunto so far countenanced the county of
Pembroke, that they (dissenting from all Wales besides) have only
showed themselves refractory to his Majesty’s commands; and could
your Highness so dispose, that some of the ships late come in might
speedily (before notice be given them there of their professing
themselves for the King) surprise them, or draw them to their
allegiance that county would be soon reduced to its due obedience,
which otherwise by land will not without much difficulty and loss be
done. One other thing I likewise forgot in my last; that in case your
Highness became master of the city of Bristol, and the castle holding
out, your Highness should need pioneers, for undermining the same,
which (the situation considered) will easily be effected, upon notice
from your Highness I shall procure some of the forest miners, who
being very expert at those works shall speedily attend your pleasure.
I wish all fortunate success in all your attempts as becomes your
Highness’
“Most obedient and humble servant,
“Ld. Herbert.[E]
“Ragland Castle, 25th July.
“After 10 of the clock in the morning.”
Lord Herbert (probably immediately after the defeat at Gloucester)
raised a regiment of foot and ten troops of cavalry, offering,
however, according to Sir William Vavasour, to act only under the
command of Prince Rupert or the King: the former writes:—[F]
“Whereas the Right Honourable Henry Marquis of Worcester hath
by his care and expenses long saved the town and county of
Monmouth from the hands of the enemies, and of late regained the
said town from them; and in regard likewise that the towns of
Monmouth and Chepstow are belonging to him of inheritance, and
the interest he hath in the whole county, my desire is, that the
Commander-in-chief of the said county and the Governors of both or
each of those towns, or of any other garrison within the said county,
should be complying with or observing any desires of his, intimated
unto them: either concerning his Majesty’s service, the good of that
county, or the particular safety and interest of him and his (whereof
I am very tender). As also the High Sheriff, Commissioners of Array,
Justices of the Peace, or other officers of the said county, martial or
civil (as they tender my pleasure), and will answer the contrary at
their perils. And for their so doing, the sight of these, or a copy
hereof, attested by that Right Honourable Henry Marquis of
Worcester, shall be their and either of their warrant. Given under my
hand at Oxford, the 5th day of January, in the twentieth year of his
Majesty’s reign.
“Rupert.” [G]
The accounts we have of Lord Herbert’s military operations are
extremely meagre; in a patent hereafter to be noticed, the sieges
and battles at which he was present are briefly announced; with
what courage and successful conduct he took Goodrich Castle, the
Forest of Dean, and the city of Hereford; indeed with what
remarkable good fortune, with what unhoped-for success, he made
himself master of the strongly fortified town of Monmouth.
The achievements, as thus recorded, are sufficiently high
sounding, but no contemporary historian seems to have considered
them of sufficient importance to put on record. Neither his own
letters, nor those of his numerous family and connexions, neither
political nor religious partizans nor opponents give us a glimpse of
our general’s skill, bravery, and final successes; while the few
particulars actually recorded leave but a faint impression as regards
facts, and a most unfavourable one as regards results. In short, in
his military capacity he bears a most mythical character.
We have his own statement[H] that, through the means supplied by
his father and himself, the Marquis of Hertford, after his defeat in
the West, was supplied with recruits to attend his Majesty at Oxford,
at a cost of £8000. They also raised Sir John Byron’s regiment of
horse, at an expense of £5000.
He further expressly alludes to having rendered his Majesty’s army
considerable service before Edge-hill, by the men he furnished. And
he was likewise at the charge, if not personally engaged in the
reducing of Abergavenny and Carlyon to the service of the Crown.
His own troop of Life Guards, consisted of one hundred and
twenty noblemen and gentlemen, whose estates amounted to above
sixty thousand pounds per annum, most of whom he supplied with
arms and horses. This troop he acknowledges to have raised without
consulting his father, who reproving him said: “The consequence
would be that the love and power he had in the country would be
perspicuous, although he should have thanks from the King, yet
others, though his Majesty’s well-wishers, through envy, would hate
him for it.” His Lordship adds:—“which I confess I have found too
true, my services having been more retarded by those who called
themselves the King’s friends, than obstructed by his enemies.”
It is certain that Lord Herbert acquired no military celebrity. He
was bold, determined, and energetic when acting on the defensive,
but he was not remarkable for any adventurous or brilliant
aggressive successes. His troops were formidable in number, well
paid, and abundantly supplied with every requisite; but in all his
reputed sieges, in all his encounters with the foe, we seek in vain for
any return of the slain, the wounded, the prisoners taken, the
disasters surmounted and inflicted, and the splendid store of spoil
acquired. The red hand and unpitying slaughter of war are only
shadowed forth to us like shapeless forms, creations of the
imagination rather than even faint pictures of reality. His Lordship’s
naturally studious habits would seem to have incapacitated him from
entering ardently into the wanton destruction of human life and the
infliction of severe injuries on multitudes, regarded by him more as
deluded neighbours than cruel adversaries. Above forty years having
passed over his head in the experience only of plenteous, peaceful
times, and scholarly pursuits, he was no longer like the pliant
sapling, but partook more of the stability of the sturdy oak. In
perfect agreement with his own noble and generous spirit, he no
doubt expected, as he desired, an early and complete compromise
of the political differences which were then spreading their baleful
contagion over the land.
Nevertheless, it is rather remarkable that operations on so
extensive a scale, prosecuted at a large cost by a single family,
should have obtained comparatively so little renown in the annals of
the civil war: among which we search in vain for details
characterising the martial deeds of Edward Somerset, Lord Herbert
of Raglan.

Footnotes
[90] Somers’ Tracts, vol. iv. p. 459.
[105] Whitelock.
[95] Thomas—also Clarendon.
[46] Harley.
[87] Rushworth.
[90] Somers’ Tracts, vol. v. p. 312.
[A] Rapin states that after thus relieving Gloucester, Sir
William Waller took first Chepstow, and afterwards Monmouth.
[102] Washbourn.
[90] Somers’ Tracts, vol v. ed. 1811, 4to. page 263.
[B] Journals of the House of Commons. 18 Car. I. 1642. vol.
ii. page 763.
[100] Warburton.
[29] Corbet.
[29] Corbet.
[C] From MSS. Badminton.
[46] Harley.
[D] “Rupert’s correspondence, No. 18,980, vol. i.” Brit. Mus.
[E] The letter is in a clerk’s writing; the autograph in a
different ink.
[F] From MSS. Badminton.
[G] Endorsed in the same hand—“Prince Rupert, his Warrant.”
And endorsed by a private hand,—“Prince Rupert’s Warrant to the
Marquis of Worcester, Oxford, January 5, 1644.”
[H] See Chapter XVIII, giving the entire statement.
 CHAPTER VI.
LORD HERBERT CREATED EARL OF GLAMORGAN. IRISH AFFAIRS.
Although many successes had early attended the Royalists’ arms,
the chances of war in 1643 were interminably perplexing to all
parties. The royal cause was becoming desperate, and the King,
never over-scrupulous, then endeavoured to obtain speedy
assistance at all hazards. After taking the sacrament at Oxford, in
sacred repudiation of employing papists, yet was he privately urging
his generals to engage all who would serve. The fact of the Marquis
of Worcester being of the proscribed religion was no obstacle to his
maintaining correspondence with him, personally communicating
with his son, and constantly draining their fortunes and other
resources.
The impoverished monarch was at least liberal in promises and
niggardly in fulfilling even those referring to mere dignities in
acknowledgment of immense services, so long as farther demands
might thereby possibly be the better secured; such was his
insincerity in all social relations, and such his intriguing policy in all
his acts of sovereign power.
At home the battle of Edge-hill had just been fought, and in
Ireland a rebellion had to be suppressed, and troops to be raised to
swell the royal army. The King must have been much confounded
how best to conciliate friends and enemies, protestants and papists,
until he could fearlessly assert his claims in accordance with his own
construction of regal rights.
In the early part of the year 1644, the King conferred on Lord
Herbert, during his father’s lifetime, the dignity of Earl of Glamorgan.
“But,” says Sir Harris Nicolas,[A] “great doubt exists whether the
patent ever passed the great seal.” And Mr. Nichols states that, on
reference to the original Docquet Book of grants made by the King
at Oxford, commencing in December 1642, and ending in June 1646,
nothing of the kind occurs among the numerous grants of Dignities
there recorded.[74] Yet the title was constantly employed by Charles
the First in his several letters and commissions, and later in a
message to the Houses of Parliament; and the following is a copy of
the Patent he privily granted to his Lordship on the 1st April, 1644.[13]

“Charles, by the Grace of God, King of England, Scotland, France,

and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. to our right trusty and right
well-beloved cousin, Edward Somerset, alias Plantagenet, Lord
Herbert, Baron Beaufort of Caldicote, Grismond, Chepstow, Ragland,
and Gower, Earl of Glamorgan, son and heir apparent of our entirely
beloved cousin, Henry Earl and Marquis of Worcester, greeting.
Having had good and long experience of your prowess, prudence,
and fidelity, do make choice, and by these nominate and appoint
you, our right trusty and right well-beloved cousin, Edward
Somerset, &c. to be our Generalissimo of three armies, English,
Irish, and foreign, and Admiral of a fleet at sea, with power to
recommend your lieutenant-general for our approbation, leaving all
other officers to your own election and denomination, and
accordingly to receive their commission from you; willing and
commanding them, and every of them, you to obey, as their general,
and you to receive immediate orders from ourself only. And lest
through distance of place we may be misinformed, we will and
command you to reply unto us, if any of our orders should thwart or
hinder any of your designs for our service. And there being
necessarily great sums of money to the carrying on so chargeable an
employment, which we have not to furnish you withal; we do by
these empower you to contract with any of our loving subjects of
England, Ireland, and dominion of Wales, for wardships, customs,
woods, or any our rights and prerogatives; we by these obliging
ourselves, our heirs and successors, to confirm and make good the
same accordingly. And for persons of generosity, for whom titles of
honour are most desirable, we have intrusted you with several
patents under our Great Seal of England, from a Marquis to a
Baronet; which we give you full power and authority to date and
dispose of, without knowing our further pleasure, so great is our
trust and confidence in you, as that, whatsoever you do contract for
or promise, we will make good the same accordingly, from the date
of this our commission forwards; which for the better satisfaction,
we give you leave to give them, or any of them, copies thereof,
attested under our hand and seal of arms. And for your
encouragement, and in token of our gratitude, we give and allow
you henceforward such fees, titles, preheminences, and privileges,
as do and may belong unto your place and command above-
mentioned, with promise of our dear daughter Elizabeth to your son
Plantagenet, in marriage, with three hundred thousand pounds in
dower or portion, most part whereof we acknowledge spent and
disbursed by your father and you in our service; and the title of
Duke of Somerset to you and your heirs male for ever; and from
henceforward to give the Garter to your arms, and at your pleasure
to put on the George and blue ribbon. And for your greater honour,
and in testimony of our reality, we have with our own hand affixed
our Great Seal of England unto these our Commissions and letters,
making them patents.
“Witness ourself at Oxford, the first day of April, in the 20th year
of our reign, and the year of our Lord, One thousand six hundred
and forty-four.”

Under any ordinary circumstances there would appear to be no

possibility of obscurity respecting this title, and that any should exist
only occasions the more surprise, when considered in reference to a
family so eminently in favour with Charles the First. But the subtle
Monarch might have his own reasons for favouring any source of
possible remote obscurity, until assurance of the Earl of Glamorgan’s
success in his new enterprise should embolden him to make his title
clear; for it has been well observed of him, that he was not only a
most unscrupulous but a most unlucky dissembler.[67]
This much disputed title is, however, acknowledged by Charles the
Second in a royal warrant, bearing date the 6th of April, 1661, as
one, he is informed, “settled by our Royal Father, of blessed
memory.”[74]
 His Majesty gave the Earl the following instructions:[B]
“Oxford, this 2nd of January, 1644. Several heads whereupon you
our right trusty and right well-beloved Cousin Edward Earl of
Glamorgan may securely proceed in execution of our
commands.
“First, you may engage your estate, interest and credit, that we
will most really and punctually perform any our promises to the
Irish, and as it is necessary to conclude a peace suddenly,
whatsoever shall be consented unto by our Lieutenant the Marquis
of Ormond, We will die a thousand deaths rather than disannul or
break it; and if upon necessity anything be to be condescended
unto, and yet the Lord Marquis not willing to be seen therein, or not
fit for us at the present publicly to own, do you endeavour to supply
the same.
“If for the encouragement of the Lord Marquis of Ormond you see
it needful to have the Garter sent him, or any further favour
demonstrated from us unto him, we will cause the same to be
performed.
“If for the advantage of our service you see fit to promise any
titles, even to the titles of Earls in either of our kingdoms, upon
notice from you we will cause the same to be performed.
“For the maintenance of our army under your commands, we are
graciously pleased to allow the delinquents’ estates where you
overcome to be disposed by you, as also any our revenues in the
said places, customs or other, our profits, woods, and the like, with
the contributions.
“Whatever towns or places of importance you shall think fit to
possess, you shall place commanders and governors therein at your
pleasure.
“Whatever order we shall send you (which you are only to obey)
we give you leave to impart the same to your council at war, and if
they and you approve not thereof, we give you leave to reply; and so
far shall we be from taking it as a disobedience, that we command
the same.
 “At your return we will accept of some officers upon your
recommendation, to the end no obstacle or delay may be in the
execution of your desires in order to our service, and our commands
in that behalf.
“At your return you shall have the command of South Wales,
Herefordshire, and Gloucestershire of the Welsh side returned to you
in as ample manner as before.
“In your absence we will not give credit or countenance to
anything which may be prejudicial to your father, you, or yours.
“C. R.”

Next month his Majesty wrote the following letter:[C]

“Glamorgan,
“I herewith send you the rest of my dispatches for Ireland,
whither I pray hasten, time being most considerable. I am sensible
of the dangers you will undergo, and the great trouble and expenses
you must be at, not being able to assist you, who have already spent
a million of crowns [£250,000] in my service; neither can I say more
than I well remember to have spoke and written to you that already
words could not express your merits, nor my gratitude: and that
next to my wife and children I was most bound to take care of you,
whereof I have, besides others, particularly assured your Cousin
Byron, as a person dear unto you.
“What I can further think at this point is to send you the Blue
Ribbon, and a Warrant for the Title of Duke of Somerset, both which
accept, and make use of at your discretion; and if you should defer
the publishing of either for a while to avoid envy, and my being
importuned by others, yet I promise your antiquity for the one, and
your Patent for the other shall bear date with the Warrants.
“And rest assured, if God should cross me with your miscarrying, I
will treat your son as my own, and that you labour for a dear friend
as well as a thankful master, when time shall afford means to
acknowledge, how much I am
“Your most assured, real, constant
“and thankful friend,
 “Charles R.
“Oxford, Feb. 12th, 1644.”

The Earl being from some cause detained at home, his Majesty
wrote in March, as follows:—[D]

“Herbert,
“I wonder, you are not yet gone for Ireland; but since you
have stayed all this time, I hope these will overtake you, whereby
you will the more see the great trust and confidence I repose in your
integrity, of which I have had so long and so good experience;
commanding you to deal with all ingenuity and freedom with our
Lieutenant of Ireland the Marquis of Ormond, and on the word of a
King and a Christian I will make good anything, which our Lieutenant
shall be induced unto upon your persuasion; and if you find it fitting,
you may privately show him these, which I intend not as obligatory
to him, but to myself; and for both your encouragements and
warrantise, in whom I repose my chiefest hopes, not having in all my
kingdoms two such subjects; whose endeavours joining, I am
confident to be soon drawn out of the mire, I am now enforced to
wallow in; and then shall I show my thankfulness to you both; and
as you have never failed me, so shall I never fail you, but in all
things show how much I am...
“Oxford the 12th of March, 1644.”

The newly created Earl of Glamorgan was now just entering on

what afterwards proved to be the most perilous period of his life. He
no doubt felt the weighty importance of the duties he was
undertaking, and one cannot help imagining that it was under a
lively impression of the possible change in his fortune, which,
whether for good or for evil, it was past human wisdom to divine,
that he addressed the following most reverential letter to his
honoured father, in August, 1644.[E]

“May Lordship,
it please your
“Amongst other memorable expressions which have taken
deep root in my heart, I assure your Lordship, that those you were
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