TVA BOK 0013248 Census of India Sirumalai
TVA BOK 0013248 Census of India Sirumalai
VOLUME IX
MADRAS
PART Vi
29. SIRUMALAI
P. K. NAMBIAR
OF THE INDIAN ADMINISTRATIVE SERVICB
SUPERINTENDENT OF CENSUS OPBRATIONS, MADRAS
AND
A.K. VITAYA BHANU Ma.B.L.,
OF THE MADRAS CIVIL SERVICE
DEPUTY SUPERINTENDENT OF CENSUS OPERATIONS, MADRAS.
£967
CENSUS OF INDIA 1961
Apart from laying the foundations of demography in this sub-continent, a hundred years of the Indian Census
has also produced ‘elaborate and scholarly accounts of the variegated phenomena of Indian life—sometimes with
no statistics attached, but usually with just enough statistics to give empirical underpinning to their conclusions”.
In a country, largely illiterate, where statistical or numerical comprehension of even such a simple thing as age was
liable to be inaccurate, an understanding of the social structure was essential. It was more necessary to attain
a broad understanding of what was happening around oneself than to wrap oneself up in ‘statistical ingenuity’ or
‘mathematical manipulation’. This explains why the Indian Census came to be interested in ‘ many by-paths’ and
‘nearly every branch of scholarship, from anthropology and sociology to geography and religion’.
In the last few decades, the Census has increasingly turned its efforts to the presentation of village statistics.
This suits the temper of the times as well as our political and economic structure. For even as we have a great
deal of centralization on the one hand and decentralization on the other, my colleagues thought it would be
a welcome continuation of the Census tradition to try to invest the dry bones of village statistics with flesh-and-
blood accounts of social structure and social change. It was accordingly decided to select a few viilages in every
State for special study, where personal observation would be brought to bear on the interpretation of statistics to
find out how much of a village was static and yet changing and how fast the winds of change were blowing and
from where.
- Randomness of selection was, therefore, eschewed. There was no intention to build up a picture for the
whole state in quantitative terms on the basis of villages selected statistically at random. The selection was
avowedly purposive; the object being as much to find out what was happening and how fast to those villages
which had fewer reasons to choose change and more to remain lodged in the past as to discover how the more
‘normal’ types of villages were changing. They were to be primarily type-studies which, by virtue of their number
and distribution, would also give the reader a ‘feel’ of what was going on and some kind of a map of the country.
A brief account of the tests of selection will help to explain. A. minimum of thirty-five villages was to be
chosen with great care to represent adequately geographical, occupational and even ethnic diversity. Of this
minimum of thirty-five, the distribution was to be as follows:
(a) At least eight villages were to be so selected that each of them would contain one dominant community
with one predominating occupation, e.g., fishermen, forest workers, jhum cultivators, potters, weavers, salt-makers,
_ quarty-workers etc. A village should have a minimum population of 400, the optimum being between 500 and 700.
(b) At least seven villages were to be of numerically prominent Scheduled Tribes of the State. Hach village
could represent a particular tribe. The minimum population should be 400, the optimum being between 500 and 700.
(c) The third group of villages should each be of fair size, of an old and settled character and contain
variegated occupations and be, if possible, multi-ethnic in composition. By fair size was meant a population of
$00-700 persons or more. The village should mainly depend on agriculture and be sufficiently away from the major
sources of modern communication, such as the district administrative headquarters and business centres. It should be
roughly a day’s journey from the above places. The villages were to be selected with an eye to variation in terms
of size, proximity to city and other means of modern communication, nearness to hills, jungles and major rivers.
Thus, there was to bea regional distribution throughout the State of this category of villages. If, however,
a particular district contained significant ecological variations within its area, more than one village in the district
might be selected to study the special adjustments to them.
iv
It is a unique feature of these village surveys that they rapidly outgrew their original terms of reference, as my
colleagues warmed up to their work. This proved for them an absorbing voyage of discovery and their infectious
enthusiasm compelled me to enlarge the inquiry’s scope again and again. It was just as well cautiously to feel
one’s way about at first and then venture further afield; and although it accounts to some extent for a certain
wnevenness in the quality and coverage of the monographs, it served to compensate the purely honorary and
extra-mural rigours of the task. For, the survey, along with its many ancillaries like the survey of fairs and
festivals, of small and rural industry and others, was an ‘extra’, over and aboye the crushing load of the 1961
Census,
It might be of interest to recount briefly the stages by which the Survey enlarged its scope. At the first Census
conference in September 1959, the Survey set itself the task of what might be called a record in situ of material
traits, like settlement patterns of the village; house types; diet; dress; ornaments and footwear; furniture and
storing vessels ; common means of transport of goods and passengers; domestication of animals and birds ; markets
attended; worship of deities; festivals and fairs. There were to be recordings, of course, of cultural and social
traits and occupational mobility. This was followed up in March, 1960 by two specimen schedules, one for each
household, the other for the village as a whole, which, apart from spelling out the mode of inquiry suggested
in September, 1959 conference, introduced groups of questions aimed at sensing changes in attitude and behaviour
in such fields as marriage, inheritance, movable and immovable property, industry, indebtedness, education,
community life and collective activity, social disabilities, forums of appeal over disputes, village leadership
and organisation of cultural life. It was now plainly the intention to provide adequate statistical support to empirical
‘feel’, to approach qualitative change through statistical quantities. It had been difficult to give thought to the
importance of ‘just enough statistics to give empirical underpinning to conclusion’, at a time when my colleagues
were straining themselves to the utmost for the success of the main Census operations, but once the Census count
itself was left behind in March, 1961, a series of three regional seminars in Trivandrum [May 1961], Darjeeling and
Srinagar (June 1961], restored their attention to this field and the importance of tracing social change through a number
of well-devised statistical tables was once again recognised. This itself presupposed a fresh survey of villages
already done; but it was worth the trouble in view of the possiblities that a close analysis of statistics offered and
also because the ‘Consanguinity’ Schedule remained to be canvassed. By November 1961, however, more was
expected of these surveys than ever before. There was dissatisfaction on the one hand with too many general
statements and a growing desire on the other to draw conclusions from statistics, to regard social and economic
data as inter-related processes, and finally to examine the social and economic processes set in motion through
land-reforms and other laws, legislative and administrative measures, technological and cultural change. Finally,
a study camp was organised in the last week of December, 1961, when the whole field was carefully gone through
over again and a programme worked out closely knitting the various aims of the Survey together. The Social Studies
Section of the Census Commission rendered assistance to State Superintendents by way of scrutiny and technical
comment on the frame of Survey and presentation of results,
This gradual unfolding of the aims of the Survey prevented my colleagues from adopting as many villages as
they had originally intended to. But I believe that what may have been lost in quantity has been more than made
up for in quality. This is, perhaps, for the first time that such a Survey has been conducted in any country,
and
that purely as a labour of love. It has succeeded in attaining what it-set out to achieve: to construct a map
of
village India’s social structure. One hopes that the volumes of this Survey will help to retain for the Indian
Census its title to ‘ the most fruitful single source of information about the country’. Apart from other features,
it will perhaps be conceded that the Survey has set up a new Census standard in pictorial and graphic docu-
mentation. The schedules finally adopted for this Monograph have been printed in an Appendix.
P. K. NAMBIAR
LIST OF VILLAGES SELECTED FOR THE SURVEY
Sunnambukulam*
NO
Thadagam* ”
*
Arkavadi*
கச
Pappanaickenpatti*
para
இற.
5௫௬௨த3௬உத
Aladipatti* 32
Iswaramoorthipalayam*
ம் வன் நவம்
Kumbalam ”
*
கட்ட ௯
Kinnakorai
மை
a.
ஒட
Sirumalai**
டட
ஹம்
Periyur*
ச்
Thiruvalavayanallur >
க
Thiruvellarai*
ட
Ariyur bad
க
தச
Kunnalur* ச
Kodiakkarai >
35. Odaimarichan 3
36. Kuvalaikanni 9
39. Kottuthalazhamkulam* ச
40. Kadukkara*
”
{ S. DHANASEKARAN, M.A.,
Field Study ose க்க Tabulation Officer
Photographs: . we N. D. Rayan,
Photographer
CHAPTERS PAGE
VI CONCLUSION on "203
_ APPENDICES
ILLUSTRATIONS — ட
MAP Fasing ‘Page No.
PHOTOGRAPHS
1. A view of Sirumalai Hills a -6
2. Astreet in Pazhaiyaur ,
5. The pack-ponies \ ~ §
is surrounded by dense forests, coffee plantations and From Dindigul, the village lies about 16 miles on
plantain gardens. Chakkiliapatti may be said to be the south and one has to proceed three miles along
surrounded entirely by coffee -plantations and Pudur the Dindigul-Natham road from where a ghat road
by plantain gardens for the most part. branches off to the village, It is a narrow mud road
winding along as many as 16 hair-pin bends which are
Boundary
unprotected but for the piles of stones kept on their
edges. The State Government have come forward to
4. We see no other villages on the Hill Sirumalai.
take up the work of widening this road at certain
The nearest villages are only on the plains. On the
select points in order to provide safety to the vehicular
east of Sirumalai Hill Jie the villages of Anjilipatti
and Konapatti and the Azhagarmalai, as well as pedestrain traffic. But mere widening is
Op the north
not enough. A regular black-topped road of sufficient
lie the villages of Thabasimedai, Nochi Odaipatti,
Trandalaparai and Vazhakaipatti. width with proper culverts is a most urgent necessity;
On the west lie the
villages of Vellodu, Ambathurai and Chinnalapatti. During rainy season, there is a lot of erosion and land
slide and rock-slide. During a heavy cyclone in
We find Kodai road which is a railway station,
Alanganallur, Palaimedu and Vadipatti villages on the December 1964, the road was awfully damaged and
south. rendered useless. The bridle-paths are rugged, uneven
Some of these villages are right on the foot
of the hills while others are within a radius of about and irregular and they are used only when the traveller
is anxious fo cut short the distance and reach the
ten miles: Dindigul, the nearest Municipal Town
village urgently. These foot-paths often put to a
which is also the head-quarters of a Revenue division
most exacting trial even the sturdiest men and horses.
is a town of some repute and has got historic associ-
ations. The villagers of Sirumalai frequent this town
Mode of transport
for making purchases of various goods and household
provisions and take buses and trains to go to distant 6. Horses are common mode of transport. Some-
places. It is about 16 miles away from the village. times carts are also engaged to transport goods from
It is a big commercial centre and the plantains and plains and vice-versa, but these are rare as the road
other hill produce grown in Sirumalai are marketed is irregular and steep and has dangerous curves,
there. The place is very much noted for its iron safes People generally travel in private vans which ply bet-
and locks which are manufactured there, From the ween Sirumalai and Dindigul twice or thrice a day.
point of view of Revenue administration, Dindigut
It is a facility which is made much use of though
occupies a place only next to Madurai, Sirumalai many take the foot-paths on ponies’ back. The
falls within the Dindigul Revenue division.
people belonging to the lower strata of society cannot
afford to take the van since the hire charges are little
Trausport and communication
high, i.e., Rs. 1°75 for up-trip and Rs. 1°50 for down-
trip per passenger.
3. Sirumalai is one of the few backward villages
that have not yet caught up with the modern trends. Communication
No modern amenity worth the name is seen here, The
Village is not easily accessible. It does not have a 7, There is a branch Post Office in Pazhaiya Ur
good macadamised road. To reach the village, one aud a local Homoeopathy Doctor performs the duties
has to use old country-tracks and bridle paths which ofa Post Master also. Mail arrives not daily, but
wind in endless zigs and zags. There is a mud road only thrice a week. For Telegraphic facilities, one
which is more an apology for a road through which has to go to Dindigul.
a jeep can ply with extreme difficulty, negotiating
during its course many risky angles and steep ascents, Soil
8. The village of Sirumalai with its two hamlets
To reach this village, the traveller has to arrive at
is embosomed ina forest, a considerable portion of
Dindigul which is the junction of the Tiruchy-Madurai
which has been cleared for coffee and cardamom
and Dindigul-Palgkat railways. The Benaras-Cape
Comorn
plantations and plantain gardens. Sirumalai contains
National Highway also passes through a good deciduous scrub jungle, and it meets most of
Dindigul. Moreover, it is the centre of a network
the fuel requirements of Dindigul and many places
of inter-district roads connecting the neighbouring
around. It also meets the firewood needs of Madura}
districts of Coimbatore, Tiruchy and Ramanathapuram,
City on account of its close proximity,
SIRUMALAI 3
The plateau of the Sirumalai Hill, where plantain The hottest part of the yearin the plains is from
is mainly.cultivated, has a good content of loamy soil. April to June as elsewhere. But the climate of
In the highest elevations where we come across dense Sirumalai is usually salubrious though it is a little
forests, the soil is usually very fertile, usually a thin malarial. During winter, the high slopes of the
layer of black peaty earth over yellow clay. In the mountain are mist-clad.
deciduous forests at the lower slopes, the soil is not
so very fertile and in certain places it is just barren Rainfall
and exposed to heavy erosion.
10. Sirumalai has the highest rainfall duriog
Climate October and November while February and March are
the driest months. Thunder showers occurring in
9. The climate of Madurai district, though a little April and May give a passing relief from the
hot and dry, is fairly agreeable and never swings bet- oppressive summer heat. The average monthly rainfall
ween extremes. The variation in temperature in the figures (in Inches) for Dindigul and St. Joseph’s Estate
plains is between 60°--108° F or 15°6° and 422°C, in Sirumalai are furnished below.
a] e
ய 2 5 ல் 5 en
= &€ 38 6& 8. 8
>
sas
i2 இaq
Description 3 5 ல 3
>» 8 §B $ 8
Zz,
8
A <
&
ப ய் = < = 2 2 < 3 8
2:36 2°60 13 1333 203 600 395 202 235
Dindigul 0°82 1:22 1°28
os BS 38 &, Be 8 &, BS Sh
$2 Se Se 85 Se 85 82 Se se Bo
68 88 82 cS 8S SS oS 82 SS oS S2 BS cS 88 BS
a2 3s ne Z a de Z 2 ms Z « be a 2 ne
January 2 085 O51 ய் wee os 2 045 O35 1 0°26 0:26 oes
red hill mongoose, the Nilgiris morten-cat, the Malabar kannadi virian (asin ecg. fluc) and non-venomous
short-tailed and brown squirrel are common in. types like suvai (@smav) ௪/0.
Sirumalai Hills. Monkeys of all varieties are found
in the lower slopes of the hill. Flora
Birds of many charming hues are also found in
plenty in Sirumalai. The usual game birds occurring 13. The Sirumalai Hili belongs to the Sholavandan
here are sand grouse and florican. The wood cocks Forest Range. The Sholavandan Range has nine
are a common sight, if one goes a little inside the reserved forests extending over an area of 4,4769°74
forest. Also, different kinds of falcons, kites, eagles, acres, five ex-Panchayat reserved forests of 7,037°41
musical birds like cuckoo, mynas and parrots are acres and two ex-estate forests of 2.4558°80 acres. Of
found in considerable number, But crows are an these, the Sirumalai Hill has a minor portion of re-
absolute rarity. They are nowhere to be seen. The served forest and a major portion of ex-estate forests
vermina commonly found are the mosquitoes of the belonging to the Ammainayakkanur ex-Zamin. The
malarial type and pests affecting coffee and banana Zamin estate extends to an area of 2,1532°16 acres.
plantations. Thanks to the sustained efforts of the
Naticnal Malaria Eradication Project, mosquitoes Being a forest area, the flora of Sirumalai Hill is
have been very largely eradicated. The common rep- widely varied and at times highly interesting. Varia-
tiles of the hills are cobra, kattu virian (=_@ வீரியன்) tions in altitudes and rainfall over the entire range
SIRUMALAI த்
have a bearing on the vegetation in general. The teak and with undergrowth constituting mostly of
floristic divisions of the Sirumalai forests may be tall coarse grass and Phoenix acaulis (or Ichampul).
classified as follows. The Gali-nut in these forests fetches a. handsome
revenue as the minor forest produce.
1. The semi-evergreen low level sholas;
2, The Savanna type or gall-nut type ;
The dry deciduous forests
3. The dry deciduous fuel forest;
4, {nferior deciduous thorn forests or the Car- 16. This type is economically important and con-
natic umbrella thorn forests. sists of open mixed deciduous fuel forests in the lower
slopes of the Sirumalai. This type constitutes the
The semi-evergreen low level sholas main fuel resources for the city of Madurai, Dindigul
town and other nearby villages on the plain. The
14. These are found in most protected valleys of more important species occurring in this type are:
a height of 3,000’ and above. It is surrounded by forests
of a mixed deciduous typeand is not of any vast extent, Albizzia amara: (usi!, Thurinji)
being confined to moist valleys and sheltered hill Chlorokylow swieteria: (Povasu, Vaimaram, Varimarai.
slopes. Transitional stages between these two types Bast Indian Satin wood)
are often met with at the margins. The chief species, Canthium didymum: (Naluvay, Navugu)
occurring in the sholas are: Albizzia labbeck: (Vagai or East Indian wall nut)
Bischofia jovanica: (Milachadayan, Gholavengai, Atalantia monophylda: (Malamandarai, Malainarallu)
Malapuvarasu or Bishop’s weed)
Limonia acidissima: (Kattu elimichai)
Cedrela toona: (Malavembu, Santhana vembu, Karansuli
Anogeissus lalifolia: (Vekkali, Vallanagai or axle wood)
or Toon)
Chunrasia tabularis: (Agil, Vedivembu, Madagiri Terminalia Paniculata: (Pillamarudu)
vembu or Chittagong wood) Cassia fistulia. (Konnai, Sarakonnai)
Eleocarpus tuberculatis: (Pathrachi, Malampinnai or Strychuos Potatorum: (Thethankottai or clearing nut
Rudrachana) tree)
Canarium strictum: (Karunkungiliam or black dammar) Strychnos nux vomica: (Ettic, Kanjiram)
Myristiea species: (Jathikai) Feronia elephantum: (Velam, Vila, or wood apple) -
‘Phere are also some smaller varieties of trees. They
are: ்
Nephelium Congcina: (Shempuvam, Kattu puvan or The condition of this type of forest is particularly
Logan tree) bad as they were subject to excessive grazing, goat
Agrosbstachys longifolia: (Manikulikki) pruning and indiscriminate and unregulated fellings
Agrostistachys indica: (Mancharu) in the past by the villagers and Zamindars alike resul-
ting in their over exploitation and absolute denuda-
On the border areas of the shola forests, fires occur tion that they are now in a most dilapidated condition.
frequently during the hottest part of the year due to Trees of useful species have become almost extinct.
natural friction. Generally the areas under this type
of forest vegetation is considered suitable for culti-
Inferior deciduous thorn forests
vation of cardamom (Elettaria Cardaumum) under the
shade of the standing trees.
17. These are commonly called scrub jungles.
These extend along the foot-hills and are mostly
Savanna type or Gall-nut type
found in elevations varying from 500’ to 1250’. Due
15, This type has a low moisture content and has to intensive grazing, the soil is exposed and barren
the Terminalia chebula (Gall-nut), as the predominant and the frequent tread of cattle has left the surface
species with a mixture of fire resistant species such as hard and caked preventing the germination of seed.
Buchanam inalalifolia (Kodaman kattumaram), Shorea Therefore, natural regeneration looks almost out of
talura (Kungiliam or lac tree), Ptevdcarpus marsupium question. It is also unsuitable for artificial regenera-
(Vengai or Bija sal, Kino tree), Anogeissus latifolia tion as the soil is generally shallow and poor in quality
(Vetateali, Vellanagai or Axle wood) and Phyllanthus witha lot of stone content. The vegetation consists
‘emplica (Nelli), These are interspersed with stunted of low, thorny, open, degraded type of forests, being
6 VILLAGE SURVEY
often a promiscuous collection of bushes interspersed plantains and coffee are the most important crops. A
with blanks. The tree growth is as a rule stunted and total of 2,550-82 acres are under cultivation as per the
mais-shapen, usually thorny species predominating, of village Revenue records. But this does not include
which Acacia forms a formidable proportion, Acacia the Government lands illicitly brought under culti-
planifrons (odai or umbrella thorn) are common in this - vation by the ryots. Silver oak is a common tree that
forest. There is an ill-defined lower storey of smaller is found almost everywhere in the plantations along
trees and large shrubs, mostly spiny and often with side plantain trees and coffee plants, Fruit trees
other xcrophytic characters, The ground is lightly such as orange, lime, jack, etc., are also found in
covered with sparse thorny shrubs and grass. This Sirumalai. Cardamom which is another cash crop is
type of forest is found in and around the Sathiar raised in small patches of few acres under the sholas..
valley where a number of tamarind trees too are found. Tea is not grown in Sirumalai.
The species generally found in this forest are Acacia
latronum, Acacia planifrons, Acacia leucophloea, Residential pattern
Acacia sundra, Azadirchta indica, Gyrocarpus fac-
quini, Zizhyphus jujuba and Tamarind indica, 19, The very first glance itself would suggest that
Sirumalai is a fairly small village. Its area is 4:03 sq.
Apart from this floristic list, there is an occurrence miles. As has been said elsewhere, it comprises three
of sandal wood trees (Santalum album) over about 100 hamlets, i.e., Pazhaiya Ur, Pudur and Chakkiliapatti.
acres in the Sathiar Valley, over 1,000 to 1,500 acres The former two are inhabited by Vellalas, Naidus,
on the northern slopes of Sirumalai (Endlaparai area) Konars, Nadars, Gounders, Chettiars and the Pallars
and to a minor extent of 15 acres in the Ammai- while Chakkliapatti has an exclusive concentration of
nayakkanur ex-Zamin forest near Vellimalai. - the Scheduled Caste Chakkilias, except for two
Muslim households.
Plantations
A detailed account of the’ communities in each
18, Where are vast |plantations in Sirumalai and hamlet is given in Table No. 1.
Table No. ft
85 2 5 $53 88 £88
gs 4 8 38s.
wea
ees -3¢
62 882 822.8282
eg 28a S28 E28 B EME
PrP OAMS ZEZOO 238
CELA CHORE825 ECRES BS
SB
Pazhiya Ur. 140 62 622 10 11 4 4 OH நே வ வ வெப்பப் 1 1 8 4 ue
In all the- three! hamfets; houses stand out: ina ete, Thete is alsoa Montessory School for small
cluster at one single site, built almost close one upon children situated at Pazhaiyaur, There are two Social
another. They are not sparse and scattered as we see Educational Centres, one in Pudur hamlet and the
in a few of the hill villages. The brick and mortar other in Chakkiliapatti hamlet, But theré is not
houses form a small proportion while the number of enough evidence that these institutions are working
thatched houses and small hovels preponderates. The satisfactorily and that they have not been thrown out
ground being undulated, houses are often found one of gear for want of public enthusiasm.
above the other over different parts of the slopes and
stone pathways are provided for access. In Pudur
hamlet, the ground level being even, the lay-out is - There are three drinking water wells, one in each
uniform and resembles those in the plains. It goes hamlet. The Scheduled Caste people living in Pudur
without saying that there is no proper street system in and Pazhaiyaur hamlets do not have wells oftheir own.
PazhaiyaUr and Chakkilipatti hamlets, In Pudur hamlet They use the water from the wells used by Caste
too, the streets do not conform to any plan. It is Hindus. They are‘not actully allowed to draw water
bisected by a banana garden and the respective portions from those wells, but the caste Hindu women, after
are called the North Street and South Street, The. filling up their pots, pour water into the pots of the
houses in all the three hamlets are a confusing jumble waiting Scheduled Caste women which the later carry.
with poverty and backwardness writ large on them. This is the genera] practice. There appears to be no
They are steeped in an antique atmosphere and one has active opposition on the part of the Caste Hindus to
the feeling that one has been transported backwards the Scheduled Caste women drawing water occasio-
by about a century. - nally from these wells themselves due to compulsion
of circumstances. But these occasions are consciously
Segregation of dwellings on caste basis is conspi-
kept toa minimum. For bathing purposes, the villa-
cuous and the dwellings of the low caste Pallans and
gers go to the river Sathiar and sometimes to the wells.
Chakkilians are sufficiently removed from those of
The Pazhaiyaur people take bath in a small pond that lies
caste Hindus. The Chakkiliapatti hamlet is exclusively
in the village itself.
inhabited by the Chakkilians and the other Sche-
duled Castes living in the other two hamlets live suffi-
ciently away from caste Hindus. The Pallans of Pudur
live in a cornerofa banana garden that bisects the There are eight temples, big and small, in all the
hamlet. three hamlets: Of these, the Kaliamman Koil,
Vinayagar Koil, Vellimalai Koil, and Satha Koil are
Pablic places in Pazhaiyaur. There are another Vellimalai Koil,
another Vinayagar Koil, and one Palichiamman
20. Most of the public institutions of-the village Koil in Pudur. There is one Muthalamman Koil in
like Panchayat Board Office, Mathar Sangam, Mater- Chakkiliapatti. ்
nity Centre etc., are located in Pazhaiyaur hamlet. There
is a Co-operative Credit Society for the villagers in
Pudur hamlet which was, for quite a long time, lan-
There are as many as six cremation grounds in the
guishing. It has now been recently put on a sounder
main village and the two hamlets; two in Pazhaiyaur,
footing and is gradually picking up speed and life.
two in Pudur and two in Chakkiliapatti. The - first
The Chakkilians have their own Co-operative Society
original settlers of this village whose descendants live
in Chakkiliapatti hamlet which bas been started a few
even now at Pazhaiyaur go by the appellation ‘Ezhu
years ago and which for sometime had just a nominal
Veetu Pillaimar’ (Pillais of seven families). They
existence only on paper. Though. it is now found to
have a separate cemetery of their own. It isa masonry
work somewhat satisfactorily, it has a spasmodic
structure of considerable size with a crude resem-
existence and unless sustained enthusiasm on the part
it may gradually blance to a temple wherein is provided an arrangment
of the Chakkilians is forthcoming,
for laying down the corpses into the earth and closing
die a natural death. ்
up the passage with a stone slab, The Vellalas have
are three Elementary Schools, one at each their own cremation ground on the east of St. Joseph's
There
The school at Pazhaiyaur has a small masonry Estate. The Naidus teo -have thelr own cremation
hamlet.
But ithas no amenjties like playgrounds ground which is near Chakkiliapatti-on the north. The
byilding.
8 VILLAGE SURVEY
Chakkilians also have their own burial ground’ some- and trees, which adventure is hard to undertake, In
where here. At Pudur, the Pillais and other caste one of the ancient villages called Thenmalai, the
people have their own separate cremation grounds and remains of foundations, drainage, the arena of bull
Christians, their burial ground on the eastern side of fight and what is more interesting, a big brass tray in
the hamlet. a brittle condition, are found. Apart from these
relics, a number of curious idols belonging to the
Etymology Hindu pantheon are also found in Sirumalai which
proclaim its one-time glory.
2], Sirumalai has a number of legends, quite
interesting and amusing,’ handed down from genera-
tion to generation. It is said that Sirumalai originally Settlement History
consisted of seven villages. They were: Thenmalai
Uradi,- Makkattu) Ur, Vellaiyampatti or Patti,
22. The settlement history of the village also has
Sannasikoil Ur, Pazhaiyaur, Sermankinar Pudupatti,
Durgai Amman Koil Ur, and Araliamman Koil Ur.
its own legends of which one may be related here.
Six of them became extinct for reason which nobody ‘The early settlers are said to bea group of ‘Vellalas’
knows leaving Pazhaiyaur alone. . The story that .has from Kollimatai Hills (in Salem-Trichi districts). The
gained some currency and has survived in ‘popular story goes that seven families of Hindu Vellalas sought
belief is as follows: safety in this hill from the fury of a Muslim potentate
whose wrath was provoked when one Vellala girl called
‘A troupe of acrobats had invited the people from Ammani, preferred death to ignominy at his hands.
the seven villages to attend to one of their performan- These people reclaimed lands for cultivation in fertile
ces, hoping to give them a plentiful treat of gymnas- tracts amid forests and jungles, The descendants of
tics and magic to their eyes and thus win their these seven families, of whom reference has already
acclamation. But to the great dismay of the troupe been made, are popularly known as ‘Ezhu Veetu
none of the villagers turned up. Their excuse was that Karar’, They stand high in popular esteem in the
the mosquitoes which abounded at the place in profuse village. The departed girl Ammani has become the
numbers would give them a hell of trouble and community deity of the Vellalas here and pooja is
endanger their health. The troupe promised to insu- offered to her every year on the day of ‘Masi Magham’.
late the people by their power of magic from the bite Her belongings such as the saree and the toys suppo-
of mosquitoes and the promise was kept up. Astoun- sed to have been used by her are still preserved in a
ded by the magical powers of the acrobat troupe, the casket in the village. Her memory is cherished, her
people assembled, got possessed by fear, and they story is chanted by pious tongues around the hearth, her
were on their nerves. One individual in the gathering, example is underlined by the elders for imitation by
whose fear and alarm had been exceeding all bounds, the fair sex, and with the passage of generations, her
in a fit of cowering despair, cut the pole on which a name is acquring added lustre. The ‘Ezhu Veetu
pregnant acrobat woman was playing, This caused Karar’ are supposed to be still so very important that
the death of the woman. The woman, in her agonies the practice of chanting manthras over the sacred ash
of death, is stated to have uttered a curse to the effect during important ceremonies is, down to this day,
that of the seven villages, only one would survive. their exclusive right.
The words of a dying individual, especially if the
death fs caused by the misdeed of another, are said to
possess unfailing efficacy. The villagers believe that These Vellalas were followed by other Vellalas,
the curse of the acrobat woman had its effect and it is Naidus and Chakkilias to this village. A majority of
because of that Pazhaiyaur alone had escaped the the minor communities like Konars, Nadars, Pallans,
destroying hand of fate. The word ‘Pazhaiyaur’ means Gounders, Chettiars, Asaris, Muslims etc, are recent
Ancient Village and in contrast, ‘Pudur’ means New immigrants from the neighbouring districts of
Village. Chakkiliapatti derives its name from the Coimbatore and Ramnad. On the whole, 324 house-
community of Chakkilias who exclusively inhabit it, holds out of the present 418 in the village claim to be
the original inhabitants of the village, dating back to
Itisrelated that traces of extinct villages are still four or five generations, The settlement pattern of
found in Sirumalai, To see them, one has to struggle the different communities in the village is shown in
his way through immense thickets of jungle creepers Table No. If,
ted,
_ The hamlet of Chakkiliyapatti, where Chakkiliyans are exclusively concentra
Table No. If
Settlement History
3328 2.த்
மு ஒத §
of households
Total number
ee 35 $9 8 59
Community wns 3 3 Places from which the families’ have migrated
2s
to நீFoம் நீFOao 68உ £ 9ல்
a ௦ Place Taluk District
@ ஐ மு ® © @ Q) (10) (ம
Mangalam Coimbatore
Karupatti Dindigul
Nilakottai
Vadagupatti Dindigul n-
Sembatti Palani ”
Ottanchathram
Mulaiyur Melur
Pudupatti Dindigul
Natham Melur
Batlagundu Nifakottai™ க
Sukravarapatti_
Bl.
Madurai
௩.
Karupatti Dindigul 2
Andipatti
10 VILLAGE SURVEY
Settlement History
Vedasandur Dindigul
Sholavandan Nilakottai
Veliapatti Nilakottai.
கவியும் Thirumangalam
Boothagudi Melur
Chinnalapatti Dindigul இர
Achambattu Palani
Marappagoundanpatti Coimbatore
Chinnalapatti Dindigul
Ambur Nilakottai
Vedanaliur Dindigul
Valiapatti Nilakottai
Settlement History
Naicker 6
Ottanchathram Palani ”
Mapparagoundanpatti Coimbatore
Parayar 2 wee
Mangalam Periakulam
Agamudayar 1
ooo
Oddar 1
aye
Pandithar } ய *1₹ ont
12 VILLAGE SURVEY
Settlement History
ம @® © © © 0 ® இ (10) (ம
Karasalpatti Sathur ”
Muraiyur வ tne
A. Vellodu ave »
Ottanchathram Palani »
Ambur Nilakottai ல
Ganguvarpatti ரு ல
an Kanyakumari
Pudupatti oe Coimbatore
Musiim
Rowther 7 5 2 Udumalpet Pollachi Coimbatore
Maualim
Pattani 2 ove 2 ens ௧௯ ன
Ethnic Composition
Ethnic Composition
Hindu Brahmin 1 1 . 1
Oddar 1 4 3 த
ர்ச்
Pandithar 1 1 1 த
Maravar 1 4 2 2
Piramaiai kallan 1 3 1 2
Valayar Maniam 11 58 32 26
Ambalam 1 6 2 4
Moopanar 1 7 4 3
Nadar 11 35 19 16
Naicker 6 29 16 13
Gounder 4 22 9 13
Chettiar 3 8 4 4
Muslim Rowther 8 35 22 13
Pattaai 1 5 3 2
ims
ETHNIC
Musil
4
் வ் cette.
502௮5. Osetia
Se fae?
sthUMAEAI 45
in number, either five or seven. Often the bridegroom's Pongal (rice cooked with sugar, milk, ghee, dhal etc.),
party goes with-the accompaniment of drummings and turmeric smeared rice, flowers, fruits and sandal paste
pipings. The gathering consists mostly of the close re- etc, are placed before it. The Muhurthakkal
latives, thick friends as well-wishers of both the parties Naduthal or the hoisting of the milk post which
wherein the leading local gentry also are present. The is a sacred ceremony of much importance is done
respectable elders in the assembly pose a formal question either on the day previous to the marriage or on the
to both the parties whether they agree to thealliance and day of the marriage itself at a sufficiently early hour.
itgoes without saying that the answers are in the affir- It is usually tied to a pole of the marriage booth
mative: The terms of the marriage also are now discussed (Manayarai). The priest officiating at the marriage
formally and made known to the assembly, Then the blesses the milk post. The so-called milk post is
parties exchange betel leaves and nuts between them- usually a small bundle of green twigsof some milky
selves and they smear sandal paste to each other. This trees.
is symbolical of the confirmation of the agreement
between the parties to have the alliance. Then It is planted by the bridegroom, assisted by some
‘ Thamboolam’, Le., betel leaves and nuts are distribu- elderly venerable persons, the number being usually
ted to the people assembled, the Gounder families and odd. The Purohit, ic. the priest, ignites the Homan
the Nattanmaikaran families receiving the Thamboolam- fire and offers poojas to Lord Vigneswarar who is sym-
first. The practice of giving dowry is not in vogue bolised bya triangle shaped turmeric paste, invoking
among the Vellalas of this village, but they have a His blessings and seeking His guidance and protection.
system of ceremonial presentations which goes by the Then the bridegroom undergoes the Kanganam
traditional name of Seer Varisai which the bride’s Kattuthal ceremony. Kanganam is a small tur-
party makes to the bridegroom’s party: This costs meric - smeared cord to which is attached a small
the bride’s party so much sometimes that, except for amulet which the priest ties to the right wrist of the
the technical distinction, it is scarcely distinguishable bridegroom. The priest then hands over the wedding
from dowry. This is usually made in the form .of clothes to the bridegroom who wears them.
cooking vessels, silver or ever-silver, bedding and dra-°
wing room furniture, clothes, jewels etc. Dindigul is The bride is then led to the Pandhal accompanied
the usual place which they choose to hold their by the bridegroom’s sister and a group of sumangalis
marriages. Marriages are celebrated at the public (women whose husbands are alive) amidst Nathaswaram
choultries or at the houses of relatives in Dindigul, music. She first touches the Muhurthakkal with both
Very rarely matriages are celebrated in Sirumalai even her palms. Then she goes to the dais to undergo the
when both the patties belong to that village, Kanganam kattuthal ceremony. Now the Purohit hands
There is a superstitious belief which has not worn out over to the bride her wedding clothes which is known
with ‘Time’ that marriages should not be celebrated in as Muhurtha Pattu or the bridal vestments. While
places where the crows do not fly. Usually in hill the bride goes to a separate apartment with her coms
tracts one does not see crows. But the more plausible panions for putting on the clothes, the bridegroomis
reason seems to be that there. afte not enough facilities taken to the nearest Vinayagar temple for Vinayagar
for the movement of the people and the difficulties of. Dharsanam. At the temple, the bridegroom offers
transport very much come in the way. prayer to Lord. Vinayagar and breaks a coconut, ins
voking His grace fora happy wedded life. When he
28. The erection of marriage dais which is called in returns to the marriage pandhal, accompained by a
local jargon Manavarai is an important job in considerable gathering, he is received by the bride’s
which many skilled and beloved hands are employed. sister, usually the junior-most, who washes his feet
Itis a raised platform with a decorated canopy over it. with water and puts ona silver ring called Minchi to
The decoration of the Manavarai reflects the financial his right toe and hands him the wedding dress. The
status of the parties, Sometimes it is illuminated bridegroom puts on the wedding dress.
with twinkling electric bulbs of varied colours, The
canopy is studded with stars made of aluminium foils, 29. The ceremony culminates in the most important
Kolam or free hand designs of chunam ase drawn ritual known as Thali tying. The priest chants vedic
before the dais and sometimes around the dais. On manthras before the Homam fire in which he pours
the day of marriage, various auspicious articles like every now and then ghee, to be more precise clarified
* Avasanipanai (decorated earthen pots), plates with melted butter. He invokes the blessings of all the.
A Naidu old man. eee
StRUMALAI 17
great Gods of the Hindu pantheon, and blesses the The consummation of the marriage is celebrated on
Thali or the marriage badge, and placing it in a plate the marriage day itself unlike in some of the com-
overa heap of turmeric-smeared rice and coconut, munities where a separate auspicious day is fixed
sends it round the assembly for the blessings of the for it. The bridegroom is given a cash present by the
elderly and the venerable, who touch the Thali with bride’s party which is usually placed at the’ nuptial
both their palms which manifest piety and good wishes. cot decorated with flower festoons: At the dawn of
While doing this, they take a pinch of turmeric rice next day, the bride’s sister receives the bridegroom at
from the tray which they keep in their hands. After the threshold of the nuptial room with the end of her
the round is over, the plate reaches back the hands of saree spread on her hands. The bridegroom drops
the priest who takes the Thali out of itand hands it to some coins in it.
the bridegroom. Now the groom ties the Thali around
On the third day, the bridal couple are invited
the neck of the bride accompanied by a mounting
to the bride’s house when a grand feast is arranged.
crescendo of Melam and Nathaswaram music. In the
This is called ‘Maruveedu Puguthal’. On the
tying of the Thali, the bridegroom is assisted by his
fifteenth day of the marriage, the bride’s party sends a
sister. This is immediately followed by the bride and
handsome consignment of popular local edibles and
bridegroom garlanding each other:
dainties, put {na pot or along with a pot, to the bride-
groom’s house. This is known as the sending of
Tharai varthal
‘ Paniyarakudam’. Along with this, they also give
30. Wharai Varthal {is an important ceremony a cash present tied in a yellow cloth, which is opened
laden with a precious significance, The bride’s father, at the bridegroom’s house by his sister after a series of
or in his absence some elderly male relative of the oblations to the family deity. These eatables are then
bride who is usually next of kin or her guardian, takes distributed to the relatives and friends on the bride-
the hands of the bride and puts them on the hands of groom’s side. The bridal couple are also invited to the
the bridegroom and pours milk over them, signifying bride’s house on festive occasions like Deepavali,
thereby that he is making a sacred gift of the girl to Pongal,” Eighteenth of Adietc., duting the year when
the bridegroom. The ‘Seer Varisai’ or the bridal the couple are presented with cash, clothes etc.
presents are also now recounted by the priest as going
Birth customs
with the bride to the groom's house.
31. There are certain customs which are observed
Another ceremony known as * Nalangu’ is common before and after a child is born. The pre-natal
among most communities in Tamil Nad. It is in vogue ceremonies begin as early as in the seventh month of
among the Vellalas of this village also. There are the girl’s conception. The girl's parents Invite the
certain traditional songs sung on this occassion by the girl to their house for confinement after treating the
womenfolk of both the parties; This ceremony, is husband, his parents and his relatives to a sumptuous
{intended to ward off the effect of evil eyes on the bridal food which they take with them to the husband’s
pair. During this ceremony, sandal and vermilion house in the form of a bundle which is called
powder etc., are smeared on the forehead and cheeks ‘ Kattusoru’. The food is usually of different
of the couple by the men and women who take part in varieties of rice-bath prepared out of curd which
this ceremony. A tray with burning camphor is waved is known as தயிர் சாதம் * curdrice’,and rice prepared
round the heads of the couple. In the ‘Nalangu’ with tamarind or lemon which is known as ‘ pulicha-
ceremony, itis the bride’s party that takes the lead ‘tham? and sweet edibles and many other kinds of
and dominates the occasion, The members of the dishes prepared out of vegetables. On this occasion,
‘Ezhu Veettu Karar’ are prominently associated with the bride’s parents make a formal cash present of
this function; of Rs. 5 to thehusband. The girl is brought to her
parent’s house on an auspicious day and certain
Then the invitees for the marriage are treated to a rituals are observed to avert devilish influences and
sumptuous feast with a variety of dainties, delicacies the effects of the evil eye.
and succulencies: In the evening, the bridal pair go
to the bridegroom’s house where they are received Valaikappu and Poochchoodathal
with application of sandal to their forehead and
Arathi i.e., the waving of burning camphor in a plate 32. There isa maternity assistant stationed in the
containing turmeric red water. village who usually attends to all the deliveries.
3
18 VILLAG2 SURVEY
Formerly, the villagers used to get the services of the also tends to become nominal. An astrologér is also
local elderly women called ‘ Thais’ or elderly barber invited to cast the horoscope of the child during the
women who make a profession of attending to naming ceremony.
deliveries and in which they have some experience
too. There are also people who take the expectant
mothers to Dindigul town at the bottom of the Ear-borlng
Sirumalai Hill to be attended to by some Lady Doctor
or to be admitted ia some hospital, The new-born 34. The first tonsure ceremony of the child is
baby is first given sugared water. Usually a few usually done in the nearby temples only. Some
drops of sugared water are put on the tongue of people take a vow to distant famous temples to
the child by a venerable elderly gentleman conduct the tonsure ceremony of their children there,
of the village and this practice is known ‘as ‘ Seeni and are particular in fulfilling their vows.
Koduthal’. What is the rationale behind this
practice and how it originated, we are not able to The ear-boring ceremony for the child is usually
tell. But, we can give a poetical interpretation and performed when the child is about one or two years
say that this practice is symbolic of the elders’ old. It is done on an auspicious day chosen by some
blessings that the life of the child be sweet throughout.
local astrologer or on a festival day. For the first
It is certainly not without some significance that the
child, this is generally done on a fairly grand scale and
chiid, the moment it appears on this earth, is made to
some of the well-to-do Vellalas even send out printed
taste something that is sweet. For about three or invitations to their friends and relatives. The piercing
four days, the mother is kept on a very light and of the ear by a gold pin is done by a goldsmith ar by
restricted diet. the maternal uncle in the presence of a goldsmith, It
is an occasion when friends and relatives make certain
Birth entails pollution for thirty days and on the presents in the form of cash or articles known as
thirtieth day, the purification ceremony known as ‘Moi Murai’. These are traditional customs that
© Punniakavachanam’ is performed. The house is are scarcely departed from. The maternal uncle is
white-washed, and the mother and the baby are given expected to take a prominent part in this ceremony
ceremonial bath. The household utensils and other and the presents he makes, whatever they are, are
atticles are cleaned. The old mud pots are replaced supposed to be of special importance. The other
by new ones. Every nook and corner of the floor of relatives also call on the child, with trays of presents
the house is sprinkled with cow-dung solution. The accompanied at times with musical band etc., and
mother and baby, who till then were confined to a this is known as ‘Thattu Azhaiththal’. It is a well-
private apartment, are now invited into the established custom that the ear ornament worn by the
house, child at time of the ear-boring ceremony should be
presented only by the maternal uncle of the child.
33. The naming of the child is also performed on the
same day. Some name is chosen. The child is kept
on the mother’s arm while its maternal uncle whispers Vidyarambam
the chosen name thrice into its ears. The close rela-
tives are also invited sometimes. The maternal uncle 35. The first teaching of the alphabets to the child
presents the child with gold ornaments like chain, is commenced in a ritualistic way and this is known as
ring or waist chord and the mother with new clothes, ‘Vidyarambam’. The child is made sit at the
The naming ceremony is followed by a good feast for feet of the teacher and make a nominal present of
the friends and relatives. Of course, the scale of the cash to him which is known as ‘ Dhakshinai’ which
ceremony varies with the financial status of the parties, is placed on a tray containing fruits, pansupari and
The mother and the baby are then taken to the flowers and a cocoanut. The Guru, i,e., the teacher,
busband’s house on an auspicious day and the invokes the blessings of Lord Vinayagar, the remover
occasion is marked by the distribution of sweet - candy of all obstacles and Saraswathi, the Goddess of knows
to friends and relatives, The ceremonies are a little ledge, in asmall pooja performed on his part. The
more elaborate in the case of the first child. As the teacher then writes the first Tamil alphabet “s)” on the
number of children increases, these ceremonies tongue of the child and he holds the hand of the
gradually tend to be informal and expenditure incurred child and makes it write the same letter on the slate.
சயம் 19
Puberty ceremony hand it, over the head, to the womenfolk that stand
behind the girl who do the same thing in their turn at
36. Another important ceremony in the life cycle the back. This is known as ‘ Aarathi Eduthal’.
of a girl is her attainment of puberty. The moment Then the girl undergoes the ‘ Adaisuthu’ ceremony.
the fact is known to the mother and the other A sieve with sweet edibles is first waved before the
womenfolk in the house, the girl is given a bath and girl and then at the back as has been said afore. This
certain rites are observed. The maternal uncle’s is done thrice. This is followed by ‘ Nirainazhi
wife takes the lead in giving a bath to the girl and Suthuthal’ in which a local measure full of paddy,
making other arrangements. In the meantime the with a burning wick placed on the top, is waved
closest relatives living around are informed, The before the girl thrice. Then the girl wears the dress
girl is then led into a small thatched apartment, presented by the maternal uncle. Then a mock marriage
specially erected for the occasion by the maternal is conducted to make the girl shed her shyness and put
uncle of the girl. Before erecting the hut, the herin a humour that would agree with the pleasant
maternal uncle brings a bundle of ‘ Tharugam’ grass atmosphere around. One of small tender boys of the
which he throws on the roof of the hut. The relatives maternal uncle who is usually called the ‘Murai
who visit the girl on that day bring with them gingelly Mappillai” is seated with the girl and a few mock
oil, edibles made out of raw rice, coconut and jaggery. ceremonies of a marriage are gone through. This is
In the former days, the hut was wholly constructed mere a fun and a farce, intended to make the giri
out of ‘Tharugam’ grass. Now only a handful of aware that she is no longer a child, but an adult
grass is put on the hut symbolically. woman fit to enter the portals of married life; The
mock couple undergo the ‘ Nalangu* ceremony in
Pollution, consequent on puberty, lasts for 15 days which they are garlanded and smeared with sandal
and sometimes 21 days also. If any village festival paste. Then the girl prostrates before the maternal
jntervenes, the purification ceremony is postponed to uncle who makes some cash presents and ties the
auspicious articles to the end of her saree. This és
a date subsequent to the conclusion of the village
festival. During the pollution period, the girl is followed by the presents made by the other relatives
segregated from other family members and she is given and friends which are usually sarees and blouses and
separate vessels for her use. During this period of 15 other household and toilet articles.
days when she is exclusively occupying the thatched
apartment, she is given specially nutritious food. The
relatives bring her substantial items of food, usually Death cerenronies
fon-vegetarian, every day in turn.
37, The dead among Vellalas is either buried or
The purification ceremony is called ‘ Punniathanam* burnt. When death occurs in a house the relatives
in local parlance. On that day, the house is white~ are informed through the village menials. Before
washed and there is a sort of spring-cleaning. There the funeral, a series of rites are gone through. First,
is sprinkling of cow-dung water and urine in all the corpse is bathed by the water brought from the
corners of the house. The girl is given a ceremonial village tank, The fetching of water is called the
purificatory bath by her mother, assisted by the wife of ‘ Neermalai’ ceremony, ia which, the chief mourner,
the maternal uncle. The day is sometimes celebrated usually the eldest son of the deceased brings water in
with much eclat and even printed invitations are sent' a new pot accompanied by other mourners. As they
to friends and relatives. The maternal uncle is come back from the tank, a white cloth is held asa
prominently associated with the function. It is a canopy over the pot. If the deceased is a married man,
custom that on that day the girl should wear only the the widow also takes bath along with the corpse in such
saree and the blouse presented by the maternal uncle a way that the water from the widow flows over the
and he also presents some other articles mainly of dead corpse. The grandsons of the deceased hold the
toilet, all of which go together under the name of burning torches called ‘Nei Pantham’. They also
‘ Thaimaman Seer’. Thegirlis seated ina spacious hall apply oil to the corpse with the back of their palms.
or room inside the house where the invited womenfolk Meanwhile some elder women in the family conéwét
assemble. The female members of the Nattanmaikaran the ‘ Sithevi Irakkuthal’ ceremony. She takes a
or the Gounder family wave a tray of turmeric red measure full of paddy, with a wick lamp on it and
water and burning camphor before the gir] and then goes round the corpse thrice and gives it to the
20 VILLAGE SURVEY
married female head of the household. When the general. On that day, she is made to put on all her
corpse is bathed, the ‘kodi mathal’ ceremony is ornaments, flowers etc, and after the observations of a
performed. A new pair of cloth, white in case of few minor rites, an elder widow removes her Thali
male, and red in case of female, is worn on the and drops it into a cup of cold milk. None of the
corpse. married women is allowed to witness the scene since it
is supposed to be inauspicious. At the burial ground,
The corpse is taken to the burial ground in a Brahmin priest performs ‘Punniathanam’
a bier in sitting posture or lying posture, accompanied ceremony. The grave is washed and four pots of
by the mourners carrying the funeral pot full of water. water are placed in four corners. Small coins are
Some others carry incense, and funeral fire. At the kept immersed in water. The priest ignites the holy
funeral ground the last homage is paid to the corpse fire and does oblations for the repose of the soul. He
during the ‘ Vaikku Arisi Poduthal’ ceremony. In invests the funeral celebrant with sacred thread known
this ceremony, the mourner and other attendants drop as ‘Poonool’ across his chest and a ring made of
a pinch of rice on the mouth or in the sieve over * Durba” grass is worn by the celebrant, which he
the corpse. The chief mourner drops it last. Then casts away during the bath which he subsequently
he goes round the corpse with the funeral pot full of takes. On the following day, the mourners take oil
water on his head thrice. At the end of every round, bath and eat a non-vegetarian feast.
a hole is made on the pot by a barber with the tip
of a sickle and finally it is broken at the side where the Now follows the ceremony known as ‘ Urumal-
head of the corpse is ‘laid. If buried, the chief kattuthal’ which usually takes place in the evening
mourner throws the first sod of earth as ‘soon as the extending into the night. The people belonging to
body is lowered into the pit. If cremated, the funeral the wife’s side of the celebrant decorate the head
celebrant sets fire to the pyre with his face averted of the chief celebrant with a long costly towel by
from the corpse. When the rites are over in ‘the tying it on his head in several windings. The result is
cremation ground, the chief mourner gets his head a-sort of crude turban.
shaven to mark his mourning which lasts for 10 days.
After burial the assembled people are treated to a
small meal with vegetables and a‘ green called Naidus
‘ Agathi?, The following day after burial or cremation,
the ‘ Kuzhi. Aththuthal’ ceremony ig observed. The 38. Naidus, a Telugu speaking people form the
mourners visit the burial ground and pour milk on the second largest community among the caste-Hindus that
burial or cremation spot; cereal seeds and other Inhabit this village. They account for about 18,18
flower seeds are sown on the spot, and oblations are per cent of the total households and 17.45 per cent
done for the soul of the departed to rest in peace. of the total population. Traditionally they belong to
They leave a burning mud Jamp at the spot. At home, the Seddinaickenvalli village, 19 miles away from Siru-
the parents-in-law of the funeral celebrant incur the malai. They migrated to this village long ago seeking
expenditure on that day. their livelihood.
In the districts of Madurai and Tanjore, the Balijas sprang from a sacrifice (Bali) the Balijas derived their
are known as Vadugas and the Sirumalai Naidus also origin and name.
call themselves Vadugas. They are also commonly
called Kavarais by the other caste people. The 40. There are many sub-divisions among Balijas,
Balijas in this part claim themselves as descendants of viz, Gazula, Gamdavallu, Kavarai, Linga, Panchama
the Nayaks and proudly declare themselves as Tota, Ralla, Pagadala, Pusa, Racha and Vyasa. The
Kshatriyas, They trace their ancestry to the Kasyapa 1901 Census Report classified the sub-divisions of
gotra. About the claims of Kasyapa group of Jakkulas, Adappa, Santa Kavarai and Ravur as Balija
Balijas, there are many number of disputes. They are community, The Balijas also have exogamous septs
not admitted by the other sects of Balijas as belonging and gotras, The following are some of the septs
to their caste and consider these Kshatriyas as an off- found among them. Tupakala (Musket), samudram
shoot of the Kapus. Referring to this controversy, (ocean), pappu (split pulse), gantle (bell), puli (tiger),
Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, “Concerning the origin of balli (lizard), avula (cow). gandham (Sandal paste),
this caste, several traditions exist, but the most jilakkara (cumin seeds), miriyala (pepper) ete.
probable !s that which presents them ‘as a recent off-
shoot of the Kapu or Reddi caste, The caste is Only a very few Naidus of Sirumalai are aware of
rather a mixed one for they will admit without much the different sects that exist ia their community.
scruple, persons who have been expelled from their Some of our Naidu informants belong to the Jilakkara
proper caste or who are the results of the irregular sept, but they are not sufficlently well informed
unions. The bulk of the Balijas are now engaged to reason out their being called so. They are
in cultivation and this accounts for so many having Vaishnavites by religion and ardent worshippers of
returned Kapu as their main caste for kapu is also Lord Venkatachalapathi. They paint their forehead
a common Telugu word used for a ryot. It is not with a sacred trident mark in red and white. Their
improbable that there was once a closer connection womenfolk are more religious minded and observe
than now between the Kapus and Balijas and the fast on Saturdays. Such pious women often take the
claim of the Balijas to belong to the Kapu caste may lead in performing the Nalangu rites on auspicious
- have a foundation in fact”. ன occasions. They have Angalamman, a demon
goddess as their clan deity (Kula Deivam) to which
According to Mr. Thurston the origin of the vows and oblations are offered during festivals,
Balijas is as follows: “ The name Balija is said to be
derived from the Sanskrit Bali (sacrifice) and ja (born) Marriage ceremonies
signifying that the Balijas owe their origin to the
performance of a yagam. The legend is current that 4l. As in the marriages of other communities,
on one occasion Siva wanted his consort Parvathi betrothal is the formal starting point. It is the
to appear before him in all her beauty and glory. initiating ritual At the time of the betrothal
When she stood before him, fully decorated, he ceremony, the prospective bridegroom’s party proceed
laughed and said that she was not as charming as she to the house of the girl, carrying the following
might be. On this, she prayed that Siva would help auspicious articles in an odd number of plates or
her to become so, From his braid of hair, Siva trays, usually 5 or 7—Mustard, fengugieek (Trigovella
created a being who descended on the earth, bearing Foenum Graecum), cumin seeds, curds, jaggery, dhal,
a number of bangles and turmeric paste with which balls of condiments, coconut, salt, plantains, flowers,
Parvathi adorned herself. Siva being greatly pleased new cloth, black bead, ornaments etc. The bride's
with her appearance, told her to look at herself in a party and the groom’s party confirm their mutua]
looking glass’. This being who brought the bangles consent to enter into the marital alliance by exchanging
fs believed to have been the ancestor of the Gazula pansupari and coconut. Now the girl is seated ona
Balijas. The other tradition says that at the request plank and garlanded. The bridegroom’s party then puts
of Parvathi to Brahma to make her more attractive, on marks of sandal paste on her forehead and cheeks.
the Jatter ordered her to make penance (Tapas). From This ceremony is loosely called Na/angu though Nalangu
the sacrificial fire rose a being, leading a donkey proper should form part of the regular marriage itself,
laden with heaps of bangles, turmeric, palm leaf roils Now she is presented with new clothes by the groom’s
for the ears, black beads, sandal powder, a comb, party. Wearing this, she once again sits on the plank
perfumes etc. From this Maha Purusha who thus and then the bridegroom’s sjster or a near married
22 VILLAGE SURVEY
female relative of the bridegroom ties the Karugumani Kanganam, i.e, the yellow string intertwined with
Pottu {a string of black beads) round her neck, black wool and thread with a piece of turmeric tied to
Though this is not the actual tying of the Thali which it and a chaplet known as Basingam on the forehead.
takes place only during marriage, this is a very near Then the bridegroom performs a small worship of his
substitute for it and this brings the commitment of ancestors and duly receives the marriage apparel from
both the parties to a high degree. When the the priest. A sect among the Balijas wear the marriage
prospective bride. wears the Karugumani, almost apparel dipped in turmeric water and this is prepared
half the marriage is deemed to have been celebrated by some married woman. The ancestor worship being
and the sanctity attached to this ceremony is indeed concluded, all the finger nails of the arms and the feet
very great, and the seeking of any fresh alliance by ate clipped and trimmed. Then he goes to the Pillalyar
either party under any circumstances is almost ruled temple to offer worship and theré breaks a coconut at
out and any individual or family with a sensitive the temple. Here he is presented with a pair of sandals
conscience recoils at the very thought of it. This and an umbrella by the bride’s party. The bridegroom
Karugumani forges a rigid bond between the is then led to the marriage pandhal, his brother-in-law
prospective bride and the groom which is next in washes his feetand after throwing flowers and turmeric-
importance or sanctity only to the actual marriage stained rice over him, he puts the toe-rings (Minji)
itself. The date for the marriage is fixed on the day on the toes of the bridegroom. While the bridegroom
of the betrothal invariably. That day itself several is away in the temple, the bride is decorated with the
handfuls of different cereal grains are sown in a place, Kanganam and Basingam.
so that the saplings may be ready for Molaippavi on
the day of marriage. Mbolaippari consists of a Tharat varthal
number of earthen pots containing cereal saplings
43, On the arrival of the bridegroom to the
which young damsels carry on the day of marriage
marriage booth, the Tharai varthal ceremony is per-
and which are then used for decorative purposes,
formed. This consists in the parents of the bride
pouring water into the hands of the bridegroom and
42. The marriage commonly takes place in the
exchanging Thamboolam (betel leaves and nuts) with
bridegroom’s house. But on occasions, if the circum-
his parents. This signifies the giving away of the
stances are unavoidable, it would be held in the bride’s
gitl to the bridegroom as a sacred gift. Then the
house also. But most marriages take place in public
Purohit, i.e., the officiating Brahmin priest offers
choultriesin Dindigul. The reasons why most marriages
pooja to Vigneswara and the Bottu (marriage badge
are held in Dindigul have already been dealt with
attached to a string) is blessed by the elders assembled
elsewhere.
and handed to the bridegroom by the priest. The bride-
groom and the bridenow remain separated by a screen,
A Brahmin priest officiates at the marriage who held between them by some men and women present.
conducts the different ceremonies in vedic style, often The bridegroom places his right foot on that of the
in front of the sacred fire. The marriage ceremonies bride and ties the Thali around her neck. The bride
commence with the ‘Muhurthakal Naduthal’ (hoisting also wears the ‘ Appan Thali’ which signifies that she
of the milk post), The milk post or the Muhurthakal has rights and claims in her parents’ house too. The
consists of a green bamboo with branches of Odhiyan couple then exchange seats and turmeric «stained rice
tree (Odina Wadier) fastened to it. The milk post is is showered on them by the elders and others present.
tied to one of the poles of the marriage dais proper Now a total of seven married men and women do the
by the bridegroom, assisted by an odd number of ‘ Nalangu’ in which sandal paste and vermilion are
married men. A pooja is then offered to it and an iron applied to the bridal couple on the forehead. Then a
ring, a string of cotton and wool twisted together tray with betel leaves, a lump of turmeric paste and
known as Kanganam are now attached to it. The burning camphor is waved before them. This is known
marriage dais called Manavarai is usually a beautiful as ‘ Aarathi Eduthal’, This concluded, the couple then
handywork, decorated with hanging festoons, bearing apply to each other’s forehead sandal paste and ver-
plantain trees, electric illuminations etc. Before it milion. Next, they go round the marriage dais thrice
are spread the Arasani pots or the coloured pots with and at the close of the second round, the bride places
water, trays laden with auspicious articles etc. The her right foot on a grinding stone which is kept ready
bridegroom is led to the marriage booth or the for the purpose. At the end of the third round, the
Manavarai by his brother-in-law. The priest ties the souple are directed to look at the star Arunthathi
arrbMaLAi 23
(Pole star). The significance of this ceremony is that is a ceremony when she is bedecked with new bangles.
the bride should cultivate the highest womanly virtues These two ceremonies are conducted separately on
and it is also an invocation of the blessings of the different occasions to which friends and relatives,
Goddess ‘Arunthathi’ for a life of uninterrupted con= mostly womenfolk, areinvited. A sumptuous feeding
juga! felicity. As itis well known, Arunthathi is a also of the invitees takes place and these ceremonies
woman highly celebrated in the Hindu puranas for her are meant to ward off the evil eyeand to earn the well
chastity. This ceremony cites her as an example for wishes and blessings of the relatives and friends.
imitation by the bride. This is followed by some cere-
Delivery entails pollution for 30 days during which
monies which are nothing but light-hearted merry-
period the mother and the new-born are kept aloof in
making by the friends and relatives of both the parties.
a separate room and the mother is fed ona light food
One of the ceremonies may be described here. Into
and the diet is restricted. They are invited into the
one of the marriage pots which {s full of water a pap-
house after the conclusion ofthe purificatory ceremony
bow! and a ring are put and the couple are asked to
known as‘ Puniathanam’ conducted on the 30th day
put their hands into it and snatch anything that comes
in which very often a Purohit officiates. The naming
to their hand. It is a sort of funny sport. If the
18 also done on the same day in consultation with the
bridegroom happens to take the pap-bowl, the child
family astrologer who suggests a number of names
that is going to be born for them will be a boy. If he starting with a particular letter auspicious to the star
happens to take the ring, it willbe a girl. In another
in which the child was born. But naming the child
ceremony, the bridal couple play a mock - imitation of
with reference to the stellar position is done only in
domestic life. The surrounding womenfolk make fun
very orthodox families with great respect for horos-
of the couple and the groom is compelled to call his
cope. During the naming ceremony, the child is kept
wife by name, They also have a mock ploughing
on an elder’s lap, preferably the father’s, and its
ceremony. Nuptial takes place on the day of the
tongue is sweetened by honey with the help of a gold
marriage itself and before entering into the nuptial
ring and its name is loudly proclaimed thrice. Some-
room, the bridal couple are stopped by the groom’s
times relatives and friends make cash presentations
sister at the threshold and compels them to give her a
and occasionally presents in kind. But many ordinary
promise to take her daughter if a son is bornor to give
families dispense with a ceremony for this purpose and
their daughter to her son ifa daughter is born. In
they simply give a name, any name they like, any name
fact, the sister while extracting the promise from the
that they fancy and it is done on any day they like,
bridal pair, uses the words that their coral (daughter)
should be given to her pearl (son) or vice versa. “On 45, The female children undergo the ear-boring
-an auspicious day, the bridal couple are invited to the ceremony normally during their third or fourth year,
bride’s house where they are again made to undergo a It is again a ceremony that involves some expense and
few more ceremonies ona small nominal scale with the is marked by a gathering of relatives and friends and
usual Nalangu rites performed to the couple. This accompanied by a feast. But the present tendency is
is known as ‘ Maru Veettu Kalyanam’ to minimise the scale of expense and to conduct it in
the most informal manner. In some cases it is never
intimated to anybody at all except to very close kith
Birth and kin. In cerfain cases even this too is dispensed
with and the ear-boring is done as a matter of course,
44, The girl is invited to her parent’s house on the
seventh month of her conception and the occasion is Vidyarambam
marked by entertaining the husband, his family people
and his relatives with certain conventional prepara- 46. The child is admitted in a school in its fifth
tions of food which include among others curd rice year normally. The child is made to sit before the
and tamarind rice. When she is in her parents’ house, teacher and a ‘ Dhakshina’ or a monetary present is
two important ceremonies known as ‘Poo Mudippu’ made to the teacher and a plate of betel leaves and
and ‘Valai Kappu’ are conducted, sometimes on a nuts, coconuts, fruits and flowers and some edibles are
grand scale if the financial status of the party permits. placed before him. The teacher offers an impromptu
Evén in the case of not so well-to-do families, these prayer to Lord Vigneswara and makes the child write
ceremonies are supposed to be of some importance and with a pencil on the slate the first alphabets, himself’
conducted with some eclat. ‘Poo Mudippu’ consists holding its hand and writing the letters. Before that
{n decorating the girl with flowers and ‘ Valai Kappu’ he pronounces the letters himself and asks the child to
24 VILLAGE SURVEY
repeat them. In some cases the teacher chants a few shining vessels cleaned for the purpose, The priest
lines of holy invocation from the sacred texts and asks makes pooja and oblations to Lord Vigneswara and
the child to repeat them, and the child repeats them sanctifies the house by sprinkling holy water from a
with the help of the teacher. vessel held in his hand with the help of a mango leaf.
After the bath, the girl is adorned in new clothes றாக
Puberty sented toher by the maternal uncle and every care is
taken to make her look a paragon of beauty since that
47, The attainment of puberty opens a new chapter provides occasion for the visitors present to know
in the life history of a girl. She now receives the seal something of the physical appearance of the girl and
of nature that qualifies her for family life. The exact quite possibly many in the gathering may be prospec-
time of the attainment of puberty is astrologically tive bridegrooms, or from their families. Now, seven
important and many people consider this time more married women living prosperously with their husbands
significant than even the time of her birth. perform the Nalangu, Adaisuthy and Arathi ceremo-
nies. The last ceremony is meant to ward off the
Formerly the news of the attainment of puberty was
effects of the evil eye. The relatives then make
communicated to even remote places and to even dis«
differet kinds of presents‘to the. girt and the invitees
tant friends andrelatives. Now it is intimated only to
are then treated to a lavish dinner,
very close friends and relatives.
Death ceremonies
As soon as the fact is known, the girl is given a bath
by the mother, assisted by five or seven married women 43. Almost all that has been said regarding the
and the wife of the maternal uncle of the girl takes the death ceremonies of Vellalas applies to Naidus also,
dominant part. The girl is then made to change her But the head of the bier constructed by the Naidus to
clothes, and a few rites follow. ் take the dead to the grave resembles the hood of a
cobra. The Naidu women do not take to wearing
The attainment of puberty entails pollution for
white sarees after the death of their husbands, as is the
sixteen days during which the gielis kept in a separate
case with Vellalas and most other communities. It {s
room, or more often in a thatched hut usually built
almost invariably the Brahmin priest that removes the
by the maternal uncle of the girl who takes the leading
Thali of the widow unlike in Vellala community where
part in it: This is now-a-days becoming merely symbo-
it is done by an elderly woman.
lical. The girlis kept in this hut or dormitary during
the period of pollution and every day she is given rich
Other social customs
spicy nutritious food by the families of her relatives
jn turn who bring the food to her apartment.
49, Naidus are Vaishnavites and paint their fore
head with the trident mark in red and white which is
During the last eight days of purification, the girl is
called ‘Namam’, .They ate the particular worshippers
beautifully decorated in different attires depicting the of the deity Venkatachalapathi in Tirupathi Hills in
various Gods and Goddesses of the Hindu pantheon,
Andhra Pradesh. Their clan deity (Kula Deivam) is
along with a small boy of her maternal uncle. A few
Angalamman, a female Goddess, Widow marriage
small farces are conducted to put the girl and the
and divorce are not allowed. But polygamy is found
gathering in good humour and impart to the house an
to be quite common though in Sirumalai we do not
atmosphere of cheer and gaiety. But these are cere-
806 many cases. They enter into consanguineous
monies that smack of old by - gone days and the people
marriages, the preferable choice being the children of
at present with a matter - of - fact and businesslike maternal uncle aud paternal aunt, Our enquiry shows
attitude, are gradually giving up these customs.
that among 27 marriages in twenty households in this
village, as many as eleven are consanguineous
On the sixteenth day, the purification ceremony is marriages, five being with maternal uncle’s children,
conducted, where a Brahmin priest officiates. Some well- four with paternal aunt’s children and two with own
to - do people send out printed invitations to friends sister’s daughters.
and relatives and a big gathering meets amid melo-
dious pipes and drummings. The girl is given a puri- Other Caste Hindas
ficatory bath and the house already white-washed for
the occasion glistens with a glow along with the costly 50. The other minor caste Hindus are represented
colourful sarees worn by the women present and the by Konar, Valaiyar, Nadar, Asarl, Pandaram, Agamu-
SIRUMALAI 25
daiyar. Brahmin, Oddar, Pandithar, Maravar, Valaiyans of this village have their social ceremonies
Piramalaikallan, Naicker, Gounder and Chettiar.. similar to those of other communities in the village.
Except the communities of Konar, Valayan and Among them consanguineous marriages are preferred
Nadar, somewhat numerically significant compared to and a Valaiyan according to his caste tradition has
the other communities in this list, all the other castes the privilege to marry his maternal uncle’s daughter.
are negligible in number. The bridegroom should obtain the previous consent
of his maternal uncle to marry someone other than
Konars the latter’s daughter. Marriage invariably takes
place at night and the bride’s sister ties the Thali
round the neck of the bride. Widow remarriage and
51. Konars or Yadhavas are the shepherd caste.
divorce are allowed among Valaiyans: However,
They form a total of 73 persons in the village and are
in divorce, the initiating party should pay a fine to the
distributed in seventeen households. They are generally
caste Panchayat. On the attainment of puberty, the
called Idaiyars and there are many sub - divisions Valaiyan girl lives in a secluded hut and young
among the Yadhavas. They are the Kalkatti, Pasi- companions of her age often sing songs. Their dead are
Idaiyars (being called so from their custom of wearing
buried with similar rites found among other
sixteen glass beads to their Thali), the Semban Idaiyars
communities in the village. Among them the fast
(named after Siva), Kallar Idayars (named after homage to the deceased is paid by the widow also.
Kallar), Podumattu Idayars (of Tirunelveli origin) and She goes round the body thrice with a pot of water
the Pancharamkatti Idaiyars (called so after the neck
on her shoulder and breaks it down at the third
ornaments worn by their women). They assume titles end pleading the departed soul to leave her and
like Konar, Pillai, Pongadan and Karaiyalan, They the children in peace. Valaiyans are demon worship-
are Vaishnavites by religion and Sri Krishna is their pers and Veeru Chinnammal, Karuppuswamy, Palani
caste deity. Since Krishna was also the divine tender
Andavar are their principal deities,
of cattle, the Yadhavas claim a social superiority over
other communities and probably call themselves as
Vaishnava Brahmins. They trace a sort of puranic Nadars
kinship with Lord Krishna and glory In it. Brahmin
ptiests officiate at their weddings. The Thali is tied 53. There are eleven households of Nadars in the
_ by the groom’s sister to the bride. They also observe village. The traditional occupation of Nadars as a
some other peculiar customs in their marriages, The community was formerly toddy tapping. Now
sister of the bridegroom collects the bride groom’s gold they have taken to trade and commerce and in
from the bride’s party. Likewise, the bridegroom pays some places agriculture. The Nadars of Sirumalai,
a similar gift to the bride’s party when he goes to the almost all of them, are engaged as plantation
bride’s house. Divorce and widow marriages are labourers in a big estate here known as St.
prohibited. Their dead except infants are cremated. Joseph’s Estate. Most of them are migrants
from the plains. The Nadars are also known as
Shanans which title has gradually fallen into disuse and ©
Valaiyans which is greatly resented by the members of the
community. Economically they are now one of the
52. There are thirteen Valaiyan households in Siru- most forward and soundest communities in Tamil Nad.
malai with a total population of 71 persons. Traditio- Cultivation and trade are now their chief pursuits.
nally, they area hunting caste and derive their name The attitude of the society towards them has now
from Valai,anet by which they net games in jungles. But vastly changed and the Nadars are now treated with
in Sirumalai, most of them are engaged as plantation courtesy and consideration. The Nadars claim
labourers. They have four endogamous sub-divisions themselves as coming of a Kshatriya stock, i.e,
among them, viz. the Vahini, the Valattu, the Karadi a ruling community.
and Kangu. The Kangu Valaiyans are further sub-
divided into Pasi Katti or the weavers of bead chain In their marriages, an elderly member of the caste
for Thali, and the Karai Katti whose women wear isin charge of guiding and administering the various
horse-hair necklets. In the village, the Valaiyans rites and ceremonies. The ceremonies are more or
style themselves as maniyamsor headman: They suffix less similar to those that prevail in other communities,
a honorific title Ambalam to their names. The Thali is handed to the barber who takes it amidst
4
26 VILLAGE SURVEY
the people present for their blessings. The Thali in front of these two huts which is roofed with leafy
is then handed back to the bridegroom by the elderly twigs of the Kongu tree On the following day, the
man administering the ceremonies and the bridegroom bride and the bridegroom are taken to the huts,
ties it round the neck of the bride, assisted by bis the bride being sometimes carried in the arms of her
sister. In Nadar marfiages, the barber has got an maternal uncle. They now offer worship to the
important though a menial role to play. {n some of illustrious among their ancestors who are represented
the old fashioned orthodox type of marriages, he by new clothes, folded and placed on atray. The
sings greeting songs to the couple, holds an umbrella bridegroom's sister ties the Bottu on the bride’s neck
over the couple during the processions etc, In the ‘inside her hutin front of which cumbu is scattered.
matter of social customsand ceremonies, the Nadars of Betel and some coins are placed on the bride's lap.
Sirumalai have adjusted themselves to their local On the third day, the bridegroom, mounted on a horse
surroundings. - goes round the huts three times accompanied by
the marriage pots. He then enters into the bride’s hut,
Naickers and-she is carried in the arms of the cousin of the
bridegroom thrice round the huts; The couple
54. The Naickers of this village belong to the Telugu now sit on planks and they are asked
easte, and they are commonly known as Kambalathar by the Mettu Naicker to link their Sittle fingers
or Thottiyars. They speak a highly corrupt Telugu. together. After this, the couple enter the bridegroom’s
They are mainly cultivators and in the village, there are hut and perform a mock ploughing ceremony.
about thirteen Naickers. Nine of them are working Coming out from the hut, they take up a child and
as plantation labourers and the remaining four carry it three times around the hut,
are working as plantation managers in a subordinate
capacity. There is one Naicker individual who is an At the wedding among the Thottiyas, a fowl is
Apiarist in Government service in the village. These killed near the marriage dais and with its blood, a
Naickers are said to be originally migrants from mark is made on the foreheads of the bride and the
a region north of the river Thungabathra, extending gtoom on their entry into the booth.
upto Vijayanagar and that they migrated to the Tamil
parts because of the persecution of Muslim conque- At a Thottiya’s funeral, the bier is carried to the
rors. It is said that they came down to Madurai cremation ground by a Chakkilian and the pyre
district during the Nayak rule. Their caste head is is lighted not by the sons but by the relations with
known as Mettu Naicker. There are three endogamous whom marriage could be contracted (Sammandhi), .
sections in the community, ie., Vekkilli, Thokala and The Thottiyans piously observe ancestoral worship
Yertakolla, cach one having many sub-divisions among and their ancestors are represented by a number of
themselves. Among the Yerrakolla, a curious custom stones set up somewhere within the village boundaries.
is that cumbu, a lower sort of grain, must be cooked Such places are called Malai, When a member of
on the betrothal day and 7 people belonging to 7 the caste dies, some of the bones, it is said, are buried
different septs should be fed and presented with betel in these places along with a coin and a stone is
leaves and nuts and some money. On the wedding planted on this path. The stones are arranged in an
day, the bride and bridegroom are seated on a plank irregular circle.
on the marriage dais and milkis sprinkled over them
by the people. A few hours later, the bridegroom
Sati was formerly practised among the Thottiyans
takes his seatin the pandhal where the bride is brought
and their two caste Goddesses Jakkamma and
in the arms of her maternal uncle. The Mettu
Bommabba are deification of women who committed
Naicker or the headmen then links together the little
fingers of the bridal couple and tells them to exchange Sati. Every four years a festival is held in their
tings which they do accordingly. This is the binding honour when a bull race is also arranged and the owner
portion of the ceremony and no Bottu (Thali) is tied of the winning bull given a prize and the first betel
round the bride’s neck. and nut. Their casteGod is Perumal who is
worshipped in the form of a grinding stone.
Among the Vekkilliars, the marriage customs are
somewhat different. They construct two huts in an The Naickers of Sirumali cannot be said to observe
open space at some distance from the confines of the all these customs meticulously. They are people
yillage. A pandhal of some pretension is erected living a hand-to-mouth existence. These elaborate
SIRUMALAI 27
éustoms are gradually giving place to simpler and to the lowest strata of society and are considered
informal ones and sometimes they are hurriedly and untouchables. Economically they are ata rock-bottom
symbolically gone through. level and their life is a hard and weary pull. They are
always shabbily clad; their daily bread is their daily
Gounder problem. Many of them are strangers even fo elemen-
tary comforts. Though their traditional occupa-
55. Gounder are otherwise called pallisorthe van- tion is leather work, they have taken to different kinds
niars. They are also known by different names such as of menial jobs in many places as workers in fields,
Padayatchi, Nayanar, Naicker etc. They have among tenders of cattle, and carriers of loads. Now-a-days in
them different sub- divisions such as Rudra Vannniar, most villages Chakkiliars are employed as villag-
Krishna Vanniar, Sambu Vanniar, Brahma Vanniar, menials under the Village Officers and in Sirumalai one
Indra Vanniar etc. They form a negligible minority Chakkilian is employed as Vettiyan.
fn the population of Sirumalai. Widow remarriage
and divorce are permitted among them. Since their
number is microscopically small in this village, it is Normally they ate Saivites, but they worship the -
felt unnecessary to dilate upon their various customs demon Gods and Goddesses like Muniandy, Karup-
and ceremonies and their social life. pannan, Kaliamman, Muthalamman and Madurai
Veeran etc. In Sirumalai, the Chakkiliars, almost
Other communities all of them, follow not their traditional occupation of
leather work, but are engaged as plantation workers in
56. There are three households of Chettiars in the estates. But this does not interrupt the marital com-
village and they are engaged as plantation workers in merce they have with the Chakkiliars that have taken
two big estates. There aretwo households each of to leather work in the plains. The Awaram plant
Asari and Pandaram. Asari is the title assumed by (Cassia Auriculata) is held in great religious venera-
the people belonging to the Kammalar caste, a tradi- tion by them and before the Thali is tied to the bride
tional artisan community, The Pandarams are a sort in a marriage, it is tied to a branch of thisplant. It is
of priests offering poojas in the temples and they are. supposed to carry a sanctity of its own, unequalled
usually in charge of small temples and its affairs. One and unsurpassed. The Chakkiliars of this village, as
of the two households of Pandarams is employedina elsewhere, are entitled to remove the dead cattle and
temple in the village. The communities of Brahmin, makea feast of them. They eat beef, pork and
Oddar, Pandithar, Maravar, Agamudaiyar and Pira- the flesh of other animals which are a taboo among the
malaikallar are each represented by a single solitary caste Hindus and which are strictly prohibited and
household. The Brahmin household is that of a contemptuously proscribed by them.
teacher in the village. The members belonging to the
Oddar, Piramalaikallar, Maravar and Agamudaiyar
households are also plantation workers, Some of Marriage
them are migrants from the nearby villages and
taluks. 59, The Chakkiliars cannot afford costly ceremonies,
but still they have ceremonies of their own, some of
Scheduled Castes which are simple and some very complex and elaborate,
But the youth among the Chakkiliars that are now
' 37, There is a total of 113 households of Scheduled coming into the fore who keep more or less regular
below
Castes in the village, distributed among Chakkiliars, contact with the urban town of Dindigul down
Pallars, Parayans and Kuravans, The Chakkiliars ce of
in the plains areimbibing new ideas as a consequen
form an absolute majority of 102 households and inha- which they take sometimes a scoffing attitude towards
bit exclusively the hamlet known as Chakkiliapatti, the elderly people that belong to the old school and
They account for 26°25% of the village population.
live an out-moded life.
Chakkiliars propo-
On the day of betrothal, the consent of the
the bridegrooms
58. Chakkiliars are by tradition leather workers. ged alliance is formally confirmed by
bride price
They are supposed to be immigrants from the Telugu party paying to the bride’s party the
10.50 along with other presents.
and Kannada districts and talk a very corrupt and muti+ (parisam) of Rs. a
of pansupari and sometimes
lated form of Telugu or Kannada. Socially they belong (There is an exchange
28 VILLAGB SURVEY
mutual smearing of sandal paste between the two some edible and some food articles made to her
parties. The marriage usually takes place at the bride’s husband and his family, Formerly delivery was
house to which the groom is conducted by his prospec: attended by an elderly woman among Chakkiliars.
tive brother-in-law under an umbrella. At the thresh- But now a maternity assistant attends delivery cases.
old of the house, the groom is stopped and the Pollution lasts for twelve days and on the day of termi-
bride joins him fully decorated in her wedding drapery. nation of pollution, the mother and baby are given a
They are both led to themarriage pandhal. The purificatory bath with turmeric water and the mother
matriage ceremony is conducted by an elderly man of the is given good nourishing food. For about a month
community and the Thali is tied to the bride by the during the post-natal period, the mother is given
groom's sister after it receives the blessings from the country medicines and particularly a semi-medicinal
people assembled. preparation called ‘ Kayam Karupatti Kazhi’ which is
something like a pudding.
Consummation of marriage is conducted on the
same day. The day followieg the marriage, the bridal
couple go to a public water source, say a river or well The child depends on breast-feeding for more than a
and the bride is asked to drop betel leaves into the year, sometimes even for two years. After two years,
well. If the leaves drop on-the reverse, the child effort is taken to keep the child away from the breast.
that is going to be born would bea female. . The But the usual method to keep the child off is to apply
bridal couple are then asked to sow nine kinds of margosa oil on the nipples to prevent suckling. The
grains (Thavaram) near the well. At. home, some child is given hard dict like meatetc., only after four
other ceremonies are undergone which are of a merry- years,
making chatacter, A big earthen pot of yellow tur-
metic water is kept by the girl’; maternal uncle, The The naming of .a. Chakkilia child is done
bridal couple are forced into a sportiye mood. and asamatter of course without any ceremony. The
made to sprinkle water at each other. While the by- name of some demon God or Goddess such as
standing men and women clap their hands inripples of .Karuppan, Munian, Sadatyandi or Muthammal,
laughter, all manner of fun and frolic is indulged
Kaliamman, Palaniamma!l etc, is given. The ear-
in. This is followed by a mock - ploughing ceremony.
boring too is scarcely ceremonial and mostly informal,
Since cultivation is also a time-honoured occupation
to which they have an instinctive affiliation, théy do
cultivation also apart from the usual leather work. Paberty
Among Chakkiliars monogamy is the practice, but 61. The girl on the attainment of her puberty is kept
polygamy Is allowed. Divorce is allowed, but only secluded in a hut for twelve days and given substantial
after an adjudication by the Caste Panchayat and the food like ‘Ulunthukashi’ and puttu. The hut is made of
initiator should surrender an amount equal to the green bamboos which is erected by the maternal
Parisam, to the other party. The female offspring, on uacle. Pollution is terminated on the twelfth day by a
divorce, is left with the mother. During the course of purificatory bath being given to the girl and the occa-
ten years, there are more than twenty cases of divorce in
sion is marked by a small feast and presents are made
this village. Though their moral code telating to sex
to the girl by the relativeson that occasion. As in
is not apparently so very Tigorous, we cannot ‘say that
other communities, the maternal uncle plays a domi-
they have no moral scruples in the matter. Quite a nant rolein the ceremony. In many of these ceremonies,
few cases of adultery have been brought to the notice
of the caste council during the past ten years. The
the Chakkiliars resemble the caste Hindus, but only
counci],
the cermonies are on a smaller scale and sometimes on
after an elaborate enguiry, pronounces a
verdict and imposes fine on the offenders according to a nominal scale because of their extreme economic
backwardness. :
the gravity of the crime. If both are unmarried, the
male is invariably compelled to marry the girl,
Death
Birth
labourers in the estate. A Catholic priest from ceremony when the child is given a name, The child
Dindigul comes once or twice a month and on impor- is applied with olive oil in all its organs and the
tant festive occasions for church service and giving God-parents, on behalf of the child, promise to
sermons. The Christian labourers of St. Joseph’s profess Christianity and denounce Satan, and the
Estate have regular morning and evening prayers responsibility of bringing up the child in true Christian
conducted in the church. The Paraya Christians of faith is borne by the God-parents. During its seventh
Pudur hamlet do not seem to have regular prayers in oreighth year, the child undergoes such religious
their church which is only a small, thatched and partly sacrament as confirmation, holy communion etc, » a
dilapidated hut. They get a priest to this church once
in two months or three months and generally do not 73. On puberty, a Christian girl is kept aloof for
attend the church in the premises of the St. Joseph’s twelve days as in other communities. During that
Estate. But they go to the church in the estate during period, she does not go to church. She attends church
festive occasions. Caste divisions are not very much only after a purificatory bath. The other ceremonies
evident in the church, but still the Parayans do not relating to puberty are the same as those that prevail
freely mingle with the caste Hindus even there. The in the respective Hindu community. The dead among
caste disappears
in the church only in the sense that Christians are buried as arule. The dying as per the
there are no separate partitions and enclosures for Canon Law is expected to receive the extremunction
Parayans and caste Hindus. Apart from marital . ceremony or the absolution of sin. Sacramental rites
alliance, the Christians from caste Hindu communities in this behalf are performed by a Catholic priest.
do not enter into any social relationship with the After death, the body is bathed, decorated with
Paraya Christians or attend their ceremonies and fun- flowers and taken to the burial ground in a coffin. If
ctions even as invitees. But this much cannot be a priest is available, the funeral ceremonies are
denied that the Paraya Christians enjoy a better status performed by him. If a priest is not available, the
and better treatment in society than non a Christian ceremonies are performed by acatechist. He chants
Parayas. the hymns and prays for the repose of the soul, When
the coffin is lowered into the pit, he drops the first
Birth sod of earth in it. Mass prayers are also offered for
the repose of the soul and annually the departed
71. We make a small distinction here between souls are remembered on the ‘ 4// Souls Day’ that falls
social customs and religious customs. As far as on second November,
social customs are concerned, a Christian observes
still the customs of the community to which he
Maslims
belongs, rather belonged, in the Hindu fold. Thus
a Nadar Christian observes all the social customs of 74, There are forty Muslims in the village, distribu-
the Hindu Nadar. Only with regard to the religious
ted among nine house holds. Eight households belong
customs and ceremonies, they observe the Christian to a sub-sect of Rowther while the others belong to the
rites and ceremonies. The girl is invited to her parents’
Pattani group. In some parts of Madurai district
house by her parents in her seventh or ninth month
Labbafs are called Rowthers. But this is not correct:
of pregnancy after the husband and his family people
There is a distinction between Rowthers and Labbais.
are treated to a conventional feast. Unlike among the
The title Ladbai is, as a rule, reserved for priests or
caste Hindus, pollution is not observed by Christians men of some religious learning among the Muslims.
on the birth of a child.
Ordinary persons who make no pretension either to
learning or to an unusual piety are known as
Baptism Rowthers. From their speech, customs and dress,
it would be evident that most of them belong to the
72. The most important ceremony a child Is same race as the bulk of the Hindus of the district,
subjected to 1s baptism that takes place in the church It is reasonable enough to suppose that most of them
either on the eighth day or some day within forty days. were forcibly converted to Islam during the by gone
A priest officiates inthe ceremony. By baptism, the days of Mohammedan domination, Labbais are
child is believed to be washed off of its original sin Sunnies, their main aim being to propagate religion,
which tainted and still! taints mankind because of The word Labbai is of recent origin, and formerly
the thoughtless error committed by our origina] they were known as Sonagar or natives of Sonagam
ancestors. Baptism also happens to be the christening (Arabia). According to W. Francis in his Madurai
STRUMALAI 33
District Gazetteer, “‘They are in fact partly the dous exertion. They seem quite equal to tbe arduous
descendants of Arab traders or refugees who married nature of life that confronts them on all sides:
the women of this coast and parily the descendants of
the Hindus who were forcibly converted to Islam by
Tippu Sultan and the previous Muslim invaders, " Scheduled Tribes: Palliyans
The Rowthers of Sirumalai are Rowthers simple 73. Apart from these various communities living in
and proper and not Labbais. The Muslims of the Natham (house site) area, there are as many as 25
Sirumalai speak Tamil and that is their mother tongue. households of Palliyans, a Scheduled Tribe living in the
Most of their domestic ceremonies fali in line with Hills of Sirumalai. They are a primitive type and
those of the Hindus. The Haji or the religious head belong to the pre-Dravidian era, They speak a highly
among them administers their ceremonies. Their corrupt form of Tamil ina peculiar accent of their
matriage is called Nikkah and it is contractual in own. Itis believed that these Palliyans are the origi-
character and it is entered in a register. Thali is tied nal inhabitants of the Palani Hills, Thereis also a
to the girl by the bridegroom’s sister at the bride’s theory that the name ‘ Palliyan’ was derived from
apartment. No marriage dais is constructed and the Palniyan which in Tamil means man from Palani.
bride and the bridegroom are not made to sit together in These people are known locally as Palians and not as
jt as among the Hindus. During all important Palliyans or Palleyar as indicated in the list of Schedu-
occasions in a Muslim household, verses from Koran fed Tribes notified by the Government of India. Even
are read. Their young boys undergo circumcision now there are many Palliyans living in the Palani Hills.
ceremony which is generally done when the boy is 6 or They also live in Varushanan Valley of Madurai
7 years old. Their women generally do not go district and in Kulithalai taluk of Tiruchy district and
without covering their heads with their saree in the on the borders of the Western Ghats in Ramanatha-
streets. puram and Tirunelveli districts. In the Ethnographic
Notes published on Scheduled Tribes by this Depart:
ment, it has already been stated that in the upper
Muslims bury their dead and Haji does the Palanis, the Palliyans are found at an altitude of 5,000”
‘ Janaszeki-Namaaz” at the mosque where the body and in the lower Palanis at an altitude of 3,000 -
is brought before it is taken to the burial ground, 5000’. In Sirumalai Hills, they live at an altitude
But in Sirumalai, Muslims do the Namaaz prayers at ranging from 2,500 - 4,000’. In other places, they live
the burial ground itself, at thefootofthe hills. Since they had formerly
nomadic tendencies, it is believed that the Palliyans,
The Muslims now living in Sirumalai are recent who originally lived as food-gatherers in higher alti-
migrants from the plains and they have come here to tudes, have moved to the foot of the hills in search of
eke out their livelihood. Most of the Muslims are employment as agricultural labourers. This downward
engaged as plantation labourers and one or two as movement has perhaps been caused when the Palani
Jabour maistries, (ie., Overseers) in plantations. Hills came to be occupied by Kannuvans and others
Two Muslim individuals are working as teachers. who started plantation cultivation. No legend regar-
Though traditionally Muslims are butchers, here they ding the origin of the Palliyans is available and our
have taken to it only as a secondary occupation and conjecture from the available data does not also go far.
sell mutton once or twice a week only. A few Muslim Consequently our observation that the Palani Hills
households are found in Chakkiliapatti where they with the original home of the Palliyans isa surmise
live practically with Chakkilians, though they keep at based on the concentration of Palliyans as revealed by
a distance from them. The Muslims living in this 1961 Census.
village move with the caste Hindus and others with
utmost freedom and in terms of extreme cordiality Appearance
and fellowship. Except a few all Muslims here
appear to be always in quite genial spirits possessing 76, The Palliyans are short in stature and dolicho.
extreme adaptability to the society around them. cephalic and the archaic type of nose persists in some
The Muslim women do not seem to maintain too individuals. They are generally black or dark brown
much of exclusiveness and they commingle with the in complexion. Some have flat nose and thick lips.
Hindu women quite freely. Many of the Muslims The old malesamong them have tufts with the front
are found to be quite hefty types, capable of tremen- part of their head shaven while the younger generation
“3
34 VILLAGE SURVEY
have their hair cropped. They are scanty in their manner, the entire beehive is dismantled: Old tradi-
dress and often wear dirty rags or well-used, and some- tion has it that only the wife’s brother should stand
times threadbare clothes, a second-hand shirt or a coat guard at the top and see to the safety of the rope -
or shorts. Women wear coloured sarees and most chain. Now-a-days this is not followed because they
often they dispense with blouses andifat all they have confidence in other members of the tribe. The
wear blouses, they are loose fitting. This tribe does season for honey gathering is from December to April
not have any established mode of dress, but freely wear when Kurinji flowers blossom ”.
whatever clothes are available to them that are rejected
by others. Very scarcely do they purchase new Since their food requirements are few and are easily
clothes. Their women’s taste for ornaments is satis- satisfied, they are inclined to be indolent. The Palti -
fied with a few glass bead studs, nose ornaments and yans do not have any bow or arrow or any fire arms,
ear-studs made of brass and studded with cheap stones, Going out for hunting and bagging big animals is
The women have oval faces, and the men have goatee not their favourite occupation. But they do catch
beards. They bave very little hair on their chests and small animals by the following method and make a
on their bodies. A few have curly hair on the head, meal of them. A pit is dug along the path usually
but it cannot be said that they are frizzly as in the case taken by the animals and it is covered with twigs and
of Kadars. Their hair is always kept unkempt and earth, When the animal falls into the pit, they rush
dishevelled. towardsit from the hiding place and kill it. The
animal is shared by the entire settlement.
his judgement in case of disputes is accepted. When- settlement start as soon as the girl attains puberty.
ever there is a dispute between two groups in the No girl is seen to remain single for more than one
settlement, the Muthiri hears the dispute and decides year after attainment of puberty. Nor is the girl
which is the offending party. The offending party permitted to remain a virgin for more than six months,
will then leave the settlement with their family and There is not any rigid surveillance by the elders over
live elsewhere cither in the forest or in a neighbouring the young generation, Nor is there any parental
settlement for a fixed number of days. But this has vigil or control over the girls to prevent pre-marital
not happened within recent memory in Sirumalai relationship. There are instancesin which elopements
Hills. The Muthiri can also impose small fines, have taken place at too small an age which are later
He can Keep part of the fine for himself as remunera- regularised ,through marriages. There is less affinity
tion. Adultery within the tribe is viewed leniently. or cohesion between parents and children than in
Relationship with unmarried young girls is not other tribes, or Caste Hindus,
unusual and is openly carried on and the tribe does
not take much notice of it. Adultery with a man Consanguineous marriages are frequent and cross
outside the tribe usually ends in excommunication. cousin marriages are widely prevalent. In Sirumalai
But if the woman returns to the settlement with her village, out of twenty six marriages of males, eighteen
children born to outsiders, they are admitted and have married their paternal aunt’s daughters, one his
children absorbed in the community in course of maternal uncle’s daughter and six their sisters’s daugh-
time. In Sirumalai one woman by name Ammaponnu ters. Such marriages are not, however, quite stable.
deserted her husband and went to live with a Valluva Women in this tribe enjoy a great freedom of sex life
Pandaram. She lived with him for fifteen years. When even after marriage. A girl is not bound to marry the
the Valluva Pandaram took fancy for some other boy to whom sheis betrothed by her parents. If she
woman and ran away with her, this woman came wishes, she can elope with some other boy and live
back to the Palliyan settlement, At-present, she has like husband and wife. Ifsheis dissatisfied with her
been accepted with some reservations which are likely husband, she can leave him and live with some other
to disappear with the passage of time. man, Wife-stealing and husband-stealing seem to-be
quite common. Sometimes the husband is far junior
Marriage to the wife in age. Women of 25 years semetimes
desert their husbands and live with boys of 16 or 17
79, Palliyans do not observe Kulam or years old. But these circumstances are very rare.
Gothram in contracting a marriage because they
have none: Nor do they go to distant places to Birth custems
seek a bride. Marriage alliances take place almost
always within the settlement itself. Only if this 80. The pregnant woman does not remain at
is not possible, they seek alliance in other settlements. home nor is she treated with any particular delicacy
But a man coming from other settlement in search or care. In the seventh or ninth month, she is taken to
of ,a bride is often looked upon with distrust and her mother’s place after being given a good feast in her
suspicion. A Palliyan never ‘goes more than ten miles husband’s house by her parents, The first delivery
fn seeking his spouse. Since exogamy is not practised, takes place in her mother’s place and the others in the
many odd things happen. There are cases where, if husband’s place. The delivery always takes place in
previous relationship is traced, one’s wife may turn the pollution shed. An experienced old woman of the
out to be his own paternal cousin of the second or community assists the mother during the labour pains
third degree. If exogamy is practised, such marital for which she is paid Re. Land a measure of rice.
relationship will not be possible. As has been In difficult cases, Valukkapattai, the bark of a
observed in the Ethnographic Notes on Scheduled medicinal plant is powdered and given with margosa
Tribes published by this Department, thts can lead, oil to the woman. Pollution is observed for thirty days
§m one sense to biological degeneration of the tribe. after delivery and the mother and child are taken into
But this is, to some extent, counteracted by the the house after a sort of purificatory bath. At the
tendency of the Palliyan women choosing to live with time of delivery, a bill-hook and some other articles
men outside the tribe. Another tendency noticed are placed by the side of the pollution shed to keep
among the tribe is that boys are married to very young away the devils and ghosts, The umbilical cord and
girls and sometimes even to girls that have not the pleasanta are usually put in a pot and buried in a
attained puberty. Consequently sex life in Palliyan spot near-by: For three days, the mother lives on an
36 VILLAGE sUkvay
extremely restricted diet and she is given only a bury wherever there is a convenient spot. Before the
sweetened decoction of ginger, pepper and Thippili. body is carried to the burial ground, the corpse is given
This preparation is called ‘ Kayam Marunthu' a cold water bath and sandal paste applied. The
practice among Palliyans is not to revisit the place of
Paberty burial ground after they come away after burial. But
in Sirumatai, the Palliyans revisit the place on the
81. The puberty customs of Palliyans are third day and pour milk and ghee near the place. In
interesting and the following extract from our all places, Karumathi (final day obsequies) is performed
Ethnographic Notes deals with it briefly and succintly. on the sixteenth day when a small feasts arranged to
“ As soon as a girl attains puberty, she is taken to the close relatives, In Sirumalai, a fowl is sacrificed on
separate shed called Muttu Kudisai. In Sirumalai this day. Once the Karumathi is over, the departed
area, a new shed is constructed specially for this soul is never remembered by any annual or other
purpose by the prospective bridegroom, if there is any, ceremonies of any sort. Speaking generally, the
or by the maternal uncle. The girl has to remain for Palliyans spend very little on death ceremonies.
thirty days in this shed and during this period, no male
is permitted to see her. Before entering the hut, the
girl has to take along with her a bow called ‘ Arjunan Residential pattern
vill’ made of palmstick. On the thirtieth day the hut
is pulled down and the materials thrown into a stream: 83. Being a hilly village, houses in Sirumalai
The girl is seated and seven pots of water are poured are naturally scattered over different slopes and there
on her quickly and continuously so that all pollution is alot of space in between the houses in an irregular
may get washed. While this is being done, her fashion except in Chakkiliapatti where the huts are
brothers-in-law and prospective grooms throw on her congested, one almost leaning on the other. Unlike
balls of cowdung and pods of Erukkan (Calatropis in villages in the plains, there are not many streets in
gigantea). She is then made to walk over a turmeric- Sirumalai and the houses seem to be a hotch-potch
smeared thread of about ten feet length, put on the collection facing any direction they like with lanes and
ground. The ends of the thread will be held in by-lanes going on a haphazard manner. In Pazhaiya
position by asking two prospective suitors to stand Ur and Chakkiliapatti hamlets, the ground being more
over it at either end. As the girl wal&s across and slopy than in Pudur hamlet, the houses are mostly
nears the end of the thread, the groom at that end constructed on the slopes and access to houses on the
should run away before the girl could touch him, upper levels is made easy by stone pathways. In the
If she touches him, the boy gets polluted and will hamlets of Pazhaiya Ur and Pudur where a good
have to be administered bath with seven pots of number of inhabitants are estate owners and small
water, He in turn will be pelted with cow-dung balls peasant proprietors, the houses are medium sized and
and pods of Erukkan. By this ceremony, a lot of fun ate generally tin - roofed with stone walls. No terraced
is created. The girl dips herself tn seven streams houses are to be found. Even the storeyed houses of
before she is admitted into the house. It is usual for the well-to-do planters have only tin- roofs. The
the maternal uncle to present her with new clothes. reason presumably is that terraced houses cannot stand
the lashing rains and the howling winds that area
Puberty is celebrated in Shenbagathope in a slightly normal feature of the hills during a great part of the
different manner. Pollution is limited to sixteen year. The dwellings of the poor are small sized with
days. On the sixteenth day, the girland one of the mud plastered stone walls and thatched tops. Most of
prospective grooms are seated side by side and water them are dark gloomy hovels with no window or any
poured over them. When the girl is deposited in the other aperture to admit light or air, They do not have
pollution shed, she is not asked to keep with her the any courtyard or backyard. The coolies in St. Joseph
bow called Arjunan Vill. She is instead asked to Estate have been provided with living quarters which,
take a bundle of Prandai (Vitis Quadrangularis) as thoughsmall in dimensions, without much living space
pillow.’’ aresomewhat roomy fora small family of 4-5 members.
The houses of Harijans in Chakkiliapatti are tiny ones,
Death castoms located at unhygienic surroundings and the roofs are
invariably thatched ones: They form horribly
82. The Palliyans always bury theirdead. They congested cluster, with no streets separating them.
do not have any fixed place as burial grounds, They The whole hamlet gives a clumsy appearance,
sf
Table No. Iv
House Types
No, of honses with the roofs made of No. of houses which built of No. of houses with
whe,
ச் ஆ. ரா ௬ * *
No. of Q 3 a ~ ப ww
Caste/Community houses om BP Sy 88. 8, 2S உ 2 a8 24 8 #. 28 5.௮
Occupied 823 58 5 508 22 6923 5 நீ 8 5882 4 Ss ss Bass
go 65 2 தெர தக கக்கி ERஉ. ஐ.ல.ல தேகி தர g ga se Srey
occupying the
houses by each
community eB SF வக SE & me &
(0) 2) ao 6 6) 6 ௫ டட) (0) 00 (2 (3) (4 (5) (6 மு (18)
ப 124 Tee TS 4D 0B 49 ப மர ம. 7
Naidu 76 Meee 4H a De 14
Konar 17 ண ரர ரர ரர os
Nadar 11 ர ரர ர ர ர ர ae Fee Be 3
Pateyar
te Bee wee eect
38 VILLAGE SURVEY
House Types
Kuravan
2 on . 1 1 10. ॥ இந் டெ 1
1. ~ Liaw 2 க வடம on க
1 1 1 exe ove 1
4 ve Dee ட ae a வவ
1 ம. Doi ae eae வ
32 8 பெ வெட்ட ஜு ய ட பு டு ப மு. ட ப ப ஐ
ஒட டக் உ we Be wwe 2 ப
10225 5
(4) 6 Reஸி
ck
ma
௫
es டி
டு,
[வதி a >
ah ~.
SS SS
$் ந டட Sa
4]
Ly
yo. YL 4
My பத்து
lj 789 if
Accommodation Rooms
84. The accommodating capacity of the dwellings 85, Most of the houses which are small huts where
in the village can be understood from a study of the the poor folk live are single roomed. As many as
plinth area and the rooms available in the dwellings. 70% of the dwellings in the village are single roomed.
The table below indicates the plinth area of the - They accommodate 71:2% of the total population.
dwellings correlated with the average size of the The available one room is the dining room, living
household.
Plinth: Area.
Plinth area of No. of Percentage Average No. of
the house houses. to total. Persons per
(Sq. ft.) ; household.
Up to 50 Sq. ft. 5 1:20 1.8 nooM
51 - 100 35 8°38 3.2
401 - 200 160 38°27 .. 4.2
201 - 300 77 18:43 5.0 .
301 - 500 59 14:11 4.9 KITCHEN
501 - 1,000 37 13°64 3.2 °
1,001 - 2,000 19 4°54 6.5 ்
Above 2,000 6 1°43 6.9 c—
i A a4
1s 459 .
Ground plan of a hut
க்கை எனை
42 VILLAGE sukviy
reom, sleeping room and the kitchen too. There are dwellings with more than three rooms, Among them,
some houses which are double roomed, They account twelve families are living in houses containing four
for 13°87% of the total dwellings. Nearly 17°50% of or more rooms.
the population live in them. Only 32 families live in
Table No V
53 5
8
52
€a SB
of &2 ofSB ந3 oh38 8
g 3s
8 ந
2.58
«8
Caste/ 52 த. 2 a 2 வ் 65 டத a 2 BS 27
Community Z8 ZB 22 we 2B we 2a ae 2 wo oe we 22
32 a8 382
$83 56 288 Ss 288
6a 3S தவி 3 82
8 ‘5S5 388
SES SSsf 382
£23
e~ ere” 2 BS? s* த ze” z er go ஜி
0 Q) ® @ ட © OM 6 (99) (40) 00) (அ (௮ (4
Valaiyar 13 14 71 ன உட ட க 1.6 vn ve
Gounder A 6 aa ae உ பட
SIRUMALAI 43
Table No. V_ (contd.)
2 2 5 . 2 3 bes tes
Parayar 2 4 8 1 6 1 2 ய
Kuravar 2 2 6 2 6 ன oe one
Agamudaiyar 1 1 3 ம் 3 au : oo
Brahmio i 1 i: 1 i ன ப
Maravar 1 i 4 1 4 ச aoe
Piramajai-
kallan 1 1 3 1 3 ae “
Christian 32 3 29 30 420 2 9 oo
Muslim
(Rowther) 7 8 21 6 2% 1 1 “ ave டு
Muslim
(attani) 2 2 13 ee ய 2 ப்பட . we பவ
Another common feature found {n most of the ground level and plastering it with mud or cement.
dwellings is the Thinnai (Pial). It is found in front of It is the place for chit - chat of the old people in the
the house by the side of the threshold. The Thinnai house and their resting place too.
is constructed by raising the floor to 2-3’ above the
க) டட ட. tL
* KITCHEN VERANDAH
priest does the Punniavachan im and sprinkles holy water Pavadai which goes round the waist and descends
to each and every nook and corner in the house. The below the knee: Girls who are over this age, but have
- women members boil milk in a new or a well cleaned not attained puberty wear in addition, a half saree
vessel. A coconut is broken, incense is burnt and a popularly known as Thavani which goes over the skirt
small pooja is offered to the deity. And the invitees and the blouse. Girls that have attaind puberty
are given a small share of the milk boiled along with always make ita point to wear a full saree and a
one or two plantain fruits, one or two pieces of coco-, blouse. With old fashioned women, the arm of the
nut, kernel and pansupari, In house-warming ceremony blouse goes up to the elbow while the young women
among the Naidus, the occupying couple undergo belonging to the new generation wear blouses of
Nalangu ceremony. They worship Lord Vinayaga and present day style, Young women that have attained
sprinkle holy water in all parts of the house. puberty, though they wear a full saree, wear a skirt
also underneath the saree as an inner garment which
There are certain time - honoured beliefs in the most of the elderly women do not wear. Wearing of
matter of constructing a house, They are supersti- modern tight fitting inner bedice or brassiers is not
tious in character, but they have come to stay. Houses found even among young girls of this. village. The
are not constructed facing temples and trijunctions of “ women usually wear handJoom sarees or silk sarees of
roads orpath. The four corners of the house are known various colours and patterns, normally six to nine yards
as Agni Moolai, Sani Moolai, Vayu Moolai and Esanya in length. The working class families usually prefer
Moolai and kitchen is always constructed only in the sarees of dark colour, presumably because it hides dirt
Agni Moolai, The rafters should be in odd number. for long. The Scheduled Caste women wear their
While entering a new house, a lump of cow-dung is kept sareesupto theknee. The Kallar and Valaiyan women
at the threshold with milk pouredin it. A cowis led are said to avoid dark blue sarees for fear of offending
to the house and it is madeto tread upon the cow-dung Karuppan who is of that colour and to whom it is
and eat theraw rice kept forit. If it urinates inside auspicious. Widow belonging to the high castes in
the house, it is considered a good omen. the village wear always white sarees as elsewhere. But
even among them, poor people do not strictly follow
Dress this traditional practice. Wearlng of Thilagam or the
vermilion mark. called ‘ Pottu’ is the common practice
87, Normally men wear white dhoties two yards in among married women: which is prohibited to widows.
length and well-to-do men with some respectable The young women who wear sarees of six yards and
status in society wear dhoties four yards in length. As a a skirt inside. One end of the saree ts first tucked
rule, people belonging to the labour class wear always inside the skirt. The other end is passed round the
a single ‘dhoti of two yards’ length while a good number waist and brought up in front of the breast thrown
of Pillais and Naidus wear long dhoties of four yards over the left shoulder leaving half a yard behind as
length. Almost all middle-aged and old men put on pallav. Pleats-are then made and tucked fnside in
a towel on their shoulder which they tie round their front,
head as a sort of headwear while working. Young
boys wear half pants and shirts and the poor boys wear Ornaments
clothes of cheap coarse variety, often bought ready-
made from the street vendors that visit the village 88. Love of ornaments is something born with
once ina month or two. They are usually ill - made women, and Sirumalai women are no exception to it:
and do not properly fit, but that does not matter. Itisalso a form of saving money. Even v poor
People that belong to the economically lowest strata women have a passion for some ornaments ay they do-
of society wear just a dhoti and a towel and no shirt not mind making any Sacrifice to get some old orna-
except when they go out of the village to meet some ments to wear. A woman without some g’ 4 ornament
friends and relatives or to attenda function. Many on her body, whatever the value, goes down in the
children of the poor people wear mere loin cloth. social scale. The common ear ornaments found among
Clean and fashionable clothes are a rare sight here, them are Thandatti, Meladu, Nagavadam, Koppu,
But there area few young men and women who have Onnappu Thattu, Matta! and Thodu. Thandatti is
taken to the modern mode of dress as in the urban a heavy gold ornament worn on the lobe of the ears,
parts. Slack shirts seem to be gradually coming into usually by middle-aged and old women. The neck
use. The young girls-below ten or twelve years ornament consists of Pathakkam or pendants, neck
wear skirt and a jacket. The skirt js usually called ehains of various designs like Kasimalai (chain of |
46 VILLAGE SURVEY
sovereigns), bead chainetc., But these are ornaments The designs of Thali vary among different communi-
worn only by women of well-to-do families. They ties in the village. The patterns of Thali and other
also wear gold bangles, Ornaments worn in the ornaments worn by different communities are shown
anklets and io the feet are kolusu, thandai, peeli and below.
minchi. The latter of these are toe-rings. The foot
ornaments are usually made of silver.
Ornaments
Omaments (contd.)
Table No. VI
Naidu 76 . 76 76 . 59 66 10
Valaiyar 13 was 13 13 3 il 2
Palian 7: ன 7 7 ae 1 vee te 2 3
Naicker ட 6 6. 4. 6
Chettiar ச 3 3 ae 1 oes on 3
° 2 2 ose 2 2
Pandaram 2 te 2 2 ன | vee on t 1
Brahmin 1 1 ன i i ன oe 1 வ
Piramalai-
kallan 1 wes 1 1 wae 1 ove ow 1 eee
Christian 32 wes 32 32 ae 10 we wo 10 22
Muslim
(Rowther) 7 ve 7 7 ae 3 vee we 3 4
Muslim
(Pattani) 2 ~ 2 2 ee 1 ws 1 2 ws
It is said that a good number of people in all the three parasite (plasmodium). Apart from this, no other
hamlets, especially Pudur have enlarged spleens due to epidemic or endemic disease seems to prevail here and
malaria. Itis true that till recently Malaria was the the genera! health conditions have been pronounced to
scourge of this hill, but the village is gradually being be fairly alright. There is no hospital or dispensary
freed from malaria, thanks to the extensive and inten- here and to take medical advice and medical treatment,
sive measures taken by the Public Health Department the people have to go to Dindigul town. No qualified
under its ‘ National Malaria Eradication Programme’, doctor practises herenoris his absencekeenly felt. The
with its headquarters at Batlagundu. This scheme people rely very much on native medicines and the
came into operation in 1954 and due to this, the village popular herbal plants and roots, so freely available
and its surroundings are almost free from Malaria from around them. Many old men and women, though
1958 onwards. This can be understood from the they are not strictly native doctors, are very much
decrease in spleen rate and parasite rate in the village, conversant with the methods of preparing home
as can be seen from the published reports. medicines for various maladies, ailments and diseases.
The knowledge of popular country medicines is handed
down from generation to generation and quite a number
Spleen rate of these medicines undoubtedly give some immediate
Hamlet 1954. 1955 1956 1957 1958 1959 1560 relief though they may not cure the disease altogether.
There is one young homeopathic doctor practising
Chakkiliapatti 14.20 64 Be nee teeta here, trying to make an impression all around with a
Pazhaiyaur and big name board and one or two almirahs full of medici-
Pudur hamlets 6.4 48 29 189 5.8 nes, but he is not attracting enongh patients but this
is only his part - time job since he also happens to be
Parasite rate
the local Branch Post Master. The village is covered
Chakkiligpatti 36 51 33 07 by Community Development Progamme and the
nearest Primary Health Centre is at Thadicombu which
Pazhaiyaur and
caters to the medical needs of the people of Sirumalai
Padur 55.22 50 29 3.15 0.7
and a doctor comes to this village on certain
Now a surveillance worker is stationed in Sirumalai specified dates on a professional visit. But the location
and according to him, none of the sample blood- of a small dispensary and the stationing of a small
smears collected by him is ‘ positive’ for Malaria medical staffl in the village appear to be necessary.
Naida 76 76 76 one ~
கரக 17 17 1. on a
Valaiyar 13 3 13 on ase
Nadar It ப் இ li oh en
Pailan 7 7 7 es “
SIRVMALAI
Naicker 6 6 6
Gounder 4 4 4
Chettiar 3 3 3
Asari 2 2 on 2
Parayar a 2 2 க்கட
Kuravar 2 2 2
Pandaram 2 2 2
Agamudaiyar 1 t . 1
Brahmin i 1 1 1 one
Oddar 1 1 1
Pandithar 1 1: 1 oat
Maravar 1 ‘ 1 i 1
Piramalaikallan 1 1 1
33 32 32
Christian
ர 1 one 7
Muslim (Rowther)
2 2 2
Muslim (Pattani)
93. There isa Maternity and Child Welfare Centre The progress achieved by the centre in its various
in the village since 1961 with a maternity assistant and activities since 1961 is shown in the table below.
an ayah. The centre takes care of the expectant 1961 1962 - 1963 1964
mother, assists her delivery and gives medical advice 1. Mothers attended 63 74 72 64
2. Delivery attended 6 8 27, it
to the mother during certain months during the post-
3, Still birth ase ae 2 1
natal period. It distributes to the mothers and children 4. Cases sent to hospital
vitamin tablets supplied by the Panchayat Union. It on advice ட்டார் 1 I
also supplies daily 450 kgm. of milk powder for the Some of the maternity cases go to hospitals in
consumption of small children. For the time being, Dindigul for delivery. But this is only in the case of
the centre is located in a private house and steps are some well-to-do people. Sometimes the maternity
assistant herself advises the people in difficult cases to
being taken to construct a new buildingto accommodate
go to Dindigul, The centre also carries on propaganda
this centre, One gathers the impression that the centre in Family Planning and so far ten individuals have been
is doing quite an efficient service to the village public supplied with birth control tablets. There is no person
and the people also seem to utilise the centre well. in the village that has undergone vasectomy operation.
Medical Care
Vellalar 14 14 33 is 45 #17 8 17 3 2 ,.
Chakkiliar 24 8 eA“ ak
Naidu . 76 10 31 oe 1 4 4 28 6 7 17 9 1 one
Konar 17 1 2 ~ 2 O@ ww 6 Pow வ
Valaiyar 3B 2 & ow 1 1 $ 3 . wes ,
Nadar 311 Do ewe இ 7 loa 2 on ட ட்ட
Medical Care
Chettiar 3 க 3 த த
Asari 2 1 ய ] 1
Kuravar 2 i Io. . es
Pandaram
௬
Agamudaiyar 1 ன இ பெட் டட
Brahmin 1 i eee கச சச
Oddar
Pandithar
Maravar
Piramalai-
kallan
Christian 2. 1 » 6 4 6 4 1 1 பொ
Muslim
கரல 7 1 “ 1 3. 2 w 1 உட
Muslim
ene ae
(Pattani) 2 wee 2 one ane oe 2 aes
Total
4183 ௪4 i 23 63 137 6 2 38 6 6 ன
% VILLAGE SURVEY
94, The village has no drainage faeilities and other hidden from public view is used for bathing purpoée,
sanitary provisions. A few existing open drainages, sometimes with a temporary screen made of silver
constructed by the private house owners for their oak leaves. Most of the people take hot water bath,
purpose serve only a smal} portion of the village, and not in the morning, but after they return from planta~
often the sullage water finds its way into the street and tions in the evening, using soap or soapnut powder.
formsa dirty pool. In Chakkiliapatti where Chakkilians It isa little strange and amusing that in this small
dwell, the drainage water stagnates around their village there is a laundry having a tolerable amount of
dwellings and in the pits of putrid water commonly custom and some of the people get their clothes washed
found here in the front and back of the houses, one and ironed here. The material habits of the village
often sees pigs rolling and dabbling. The absence of are indicated in Table No. IX,
latrine is not keenly felt by the villagers. In some People get drinking water from the wells located
houses of well-to-do people, dry latrines are found in one at each hamlet. The people never feel any scarcity
the backyard. The jungle parts and the coffee and of water, but the problem of carrying it sometimes
banana plantations provide ample space for answering over a steep ascent to reach their homes isa big strain
the calls of nature. There is no separate bath room in and literally an uphill task, And young Jacks rather
any of the houses and a portion, either the front or than Jills are normally sent by mothers for this ‘uphill’
back of a courtyard or some place in the backyard business,
Table No, IX
Conn unity :
eas aa
ட8 € ட .
8 $a 2 2 #812aoa -
es 8 3 = ட் * & 82 5
22é 4 2 8 § £ # 6
[49 2 மு © © மரு 0 @) 09 (0 (தழு (௦
Vellaiar 24 3934 «611 33325 447° தே உட ட்டி
Chakkiliar 6 5 5 1 7 on 5° 99 1 6 ww 2 2
Naidu ச 9 33 23 8 19 15 $2 74 5 29 4 9
Konar 1 1 2 7 2 பெ
Valaiyar வெத ந ட டு 1 9 12. 2
Nadar on 1 1 a 1 11 wo 2
Naicker m Fo tow JF wo ‘
6 . 1 see one 1
* SIRUMALAI
௫க
௪
2
:4
95. Sirumalai has a total population of 1,920 and the drought affected areas of Ramanathapuram
persons comprising 991 males and 929 females. and Tirunelveli districts. It is difficult, therefore, to
Besides these, there are the Palliyans, a Scheduled assess the rate of natural growth apart from the
Tribe numbering about 80 (44 males and 36 females) growth due to migrancy,
about whom we have already dealt with at some
length. Natural Increase
Area density 97° The birth and death statistics recorded during
the last decade is shown below: ‘
96. Sirumalai is a fairly medium sized village with
an atea of 4°03 sq. miles. Its density figures often Years Births Deaths Natural increase
vary and it is 471 persons as per our Socio Economic (Excess of birth over
Survey conducted during December 1960 as against
325 in 195i. In 1911, the population was 1,090 persons , 1950 17 21 — 4
and it has increased to 1,920 in December 1960. Accor-
’ ding to 1961 Census count, the population is 2,446 1951 20 13 + 7
persons, It is also noticed that the population 1952 22 18 + 4
registers growth and decline at various intervals.
1953 18 17 + 1
Census years Total persons
1911 1,090 1954 35 19 + 16
Migration: A major cause growth rates, The movement from the village and
to the village is too complex to admit an exact
98. With all these exceptions, the wide gap bet- measurement with the data available. Further, there
ween the natural increase and the actual increase is a good deal of floating population, mainly plan-
cannot be bridged but for the factors other than tation coolies coming from the adjoining low country.
natural. We have no accurate data of migrants into Rarely they will be staying in Sirumalai for more
the village, An attempt cen, however, be made from than a few months ata stretch. Such population is,
the details collected during the present Socio Economic however, not accounted for in the present enquiry
Survey. The number of households migrated to this since it was an off-season while the study was carried
hill during the last decade is 94 which comes to 22% out.
of the total number of households in the village.
It is said that the stream of migration runs continu-
Size of Household
ously in recent years. As such, the influence of mig-
rants of this village on vital rates must be definitely
marked a mere guide and so, more detailed informa- 99. The village population is distributed among
tion will be required on the inflow of migrants, 418 households and the table below gives the paiti-
outgoing families, the duration of stay, floating popu- _culars regarding the size of the households in the
lation etc., for the accurate assessment of birth and village.
Table No X
Size of Household
Size of household
“ Single member 2-3 members 4-6 members 7-9 members 10 members & over.
oe ey tte Ay A .
Total No.
Caste/ of house- House-M. F. House-M. F. House- M. F. House-M. F. House-M. அ,
holds holds holds holds holds- holds
Community
7 1 25 28 35: 26 70 59 16 67 58 1 6 4
Naidu 16 8
பர 9 10 6 16 15” ந 4 த 1 7 §
Konar 17
Table No % (contd.)
Size of Househotd
ம [49] @ @ &) (6 (7) டூ) (9) (0) (1D (12) (13) (14) (5) (16) (17)
Kuravar 2 வ டவ tai 1 3 1
Pandaram 2 ந 1 ட்ட ய
Pandithar i 1 1 aes .
Christian 32 2 1 4 9 1 11 2 33 4 1 4 3 tne ae
ப்பட்ட ப தகை 22... 2 4 2 267 த . 1 43. க
» (Pattani) 2 வ வை வெட்ட ப்ப 13 3 1 S$ 8 woo
2-3 Members
eee eee .
wae ceceaterecente
ove peeted
4-6 Members
SIRUMALAI 61
Table No. XI
ய 2) ட] (4) G) ©
Vellalar 124 39 26 14 25
Naidu 16 34 13 8 21
VILLAGE SURVEY
Valaiyar 13 . 10 2 “eas 1
Nadar il 8 2 eee 1
Pallan 7 6 oes i
Naicker 6 3 i 1 1
Gounder 4 1 ் 2 1 oe
Chettiar 3 . 3 te ae ase
Asari 2 2 ய யக ் oe
Agamudaiyar . i we 1 aes கச
Pandithar 1 we ‘eee we i
Christian 92 23 2- 2 5
» (Rattan) உ 1 1 wes an
PR M FB M FB M FB M KR M R&R
All Ages 80 4 36 24 13 18 19 2 3 ப 1
த் 45 9 6 9 6 ses aes ல்
59 6 3 3 3 3 ove oe
10 —14 5 2 3 2 3 on ee .
ந்தி 19 9 6 3 6 1 oo 2 .
224 7 5 2 2 ரி 3 2 வ் ்
25 —29 7 2, 5 ee noe 2 4 ve 1 vee ase
30 ~—34 8 5 3 1 a 3 3 1
35 —44 11 4 7 1 on 3 6 ~ 1
45 0 7 4 3 one sas 3 1 1 2 .
60 & over 5 4 Powe as 4 1 Om
SirvMALAi
Vellalar All ages . 603 305 298 187 123 110 119 6 54 2 2 ren
5—9 4 39 «35 39 35 வை வட பஷ ஷை
10—14 7136 35 3% 35 வ ர வ ன
45—59 63 27 36 tow. 3 13 1 23 “ க
0-4 91 55 35 55 36 வட .
டி 393 16 a 6 2 9 wees
20—24 45 18 27 9 1 9 25 னர னர | வவெ
30-34 51 3 ஆ ட 22 28 wo ப பதத னை
35-44 70 39 3) வடை 3 24 1 7 wee oes வைஷு
o— 4 42 21 21. 2
5-9 43 21 ai ase
10—14 33 13
15-29 38 19 39 19
20-24 37 13 19
15 10
30-34 23 13 10 11
35—44 38. 13 25 10
60 & over
Gounder 22 13
10—14
15—19
20—24
25—29
30—34
35—44
45—59
60 & over
SMRUMALAI 67
45—59 1 ன 1 ” கக கடக
.
60 & over toe wos eee ons eee one eee
$9 & over
VILLAGH SURVEY
wae aes
10-14
15-19
20-24
25—29
30—34 eae
_ 35—44
45—59
Oddar
10—14
15-—19
20-24
veg
30—34
35—44
45—59
044
தட
10-—14
1519
20—24
25—29 oes
"30-34 sue
35—44
45—59
"60
& over
o—4
5-9
10—14 ௨௪௪
15-19, one
20-24 aoe
25—29
30-34
35—44
45-59
4 2 2 we 2 2 ane
Kuravar
டச்சு
1 wn 1 வவெ
oan ௪. 4 aun ௬ oan cee
"oe உவ . வ
௧௧௨
30—34 oes
60 & over
Maravar
ae
33-44 1 ww os பி 1. க
o—4
5-9
1519
20--24 ene,
3529
39-34 nen
35—44
45-59
Oo—4
eee
10—14 a
15-19 ane
20—-24 8. ove
25-20 ௧4௧
35-44
45-39 wee
60 & over om
72 viLLAGE SURVEY
Table No. XII (contd.)
0-4
5-9 ene
10—14
15—i9 ane
20-24
௮0 ane
30-34
35—44
8
45-59 one
60
& over eee
5—9
10—14
15—19 eee
20—24
25—29
30-34 mae son
35-44
45—59
60 & over
one
SIRUMALAI 13.
Table No. XII (contd.)
04 17 10 10
5—9 16 10 10
10—14 9 4
15-19 3 1
2424 3 2
2529 3.1 aus
30-34 6 2
35-44 11 «6
45—59 3 2
60 & over
7 4
7 4
5 1
13 8
11 6
25—79 6 3
30—34 5 3
35—-44 12 6
45—59 5 3 one
10
ர்ச் VILLAGE stnVsy
O—4
5—9
10-14
15—19
20-24
25—29
30-34 aoe
35-44
45—59 one
60
& over ©
10-14 ee
15—19 ௧௪௨
20—24
25-29
30-34 toe
35—44
45-59 one
60 & over
SARUMALAE 75
04 37
5—9 14
10-14 17
15-19 10
20—24
25—-29 13
30—34 31
35—44 22 il 10
45—59 17 13 10 + oan
Muslim 27 17 10 11
(Rowther)
one
25—29 tee
30—34
35—44 one
45—59 ae
60 & over
25—29 174 85 89 mM 2 6 85 1 2 1.
30—34 177 82 95 2 75 87 3°67 2 1
கோச் 260 133 127 1 12598 6 2 bow vas
“MARITAL STATUS
WIDOWED
~
90}
~~
~
801.
707 MARRIED
a
ல
ப
PERCENTAGE
wi
ல
ர்
he
ல
ர்
30
NEVER MARRIED
207
MALES FEMALES
78 VILLAGE SURVEY
A few cases of pre-puberty marriages have been into this aspect gives the following figures as found in
reported during our discussion with the representatives the table below.
in the village and the main motive for such early Consanguineous pedigree dispartiy
marriages are a judicious mixture of social and
Consanguineous
economic considerations. It is said that some of these marriages
matriages are caused by the anxiety of the aged parents No. of No.of Own ———--~~ க
Communities house- marri- sister's Maternal Paternal
to see their children happily wedded and settled in holds ages daughter uncle’s aunt’s
family life before they pass away. Sometimes these : daughters daughters
marriages are contracted among near relatives by over-
Vellalar 50 67 8 6 10
cautious elders who fear the possible introduction of
a stranger, either male or female, into their family Naidu 20 27 2 5 4
circles later. In less prosperous communities like
Chakkiliar 1 1 ove one ave
Chakkitiars, Pallars and cooly workers among the
caste Hindus, the economic consideration plays its Maniam 9 2m 3 “6
own part. The easly marriage brings an additional
earning member to the family. Most of the girls in Naicker 4 #8 1 wee ave
the village are married at the age of 20-24. But the Oddar 2 2 ave
marriageable age for a girl is usually between 15-19,
The following table sufficiently explains the actual Christian 3 3 .
position. Muslim 1 2 eae
Education
without
educational
or =
Junior
Mare
Higher
aetiate
or Gradu-
Caste}. Age Total population Illiterate Standard Basic Secondary Puc ated
Community group Coe
உ, க ௬, M. 8, ந, F. 8. 8) 1. 8) ௩ M. F.
62 35 «27 35 27 os .
10-—14 56 at 25 17 3 18 4 1 1 . oe ane ow
Education
42 21 21. 21 2
5-9. 43 21 6 8 15 14 ௪ ous
10—14 33 20 13 5 4 11 7 42 oe
15—19 38 19 19 5 8 4 6 8 3 ர one y
20-24 37 24 13 5 6 5 2 4 5.
25-29 15 3 6 5 2 6 1 oes os
30-34 13 10 3 7 4 2 5 1 1 .
60 & over 11 டர 3
i .
3 “
10-14 2 2 wn
ந்5--19 3 on
29-24 1 we
i 1
30-34 1 oe
35—-44 1 1 ae ௬௯௨.
45—59 2 1
il
82 VILLAGE SURVEY
Education
(1 Q) ) (6) (7) (8) (9) (19) (Li) (12) ம (04) (5) (16) (17)
o—4 one
5-9
10—14
15-—19
20-24
௧4௫.
30-34
35—44
45-59 ர
60
& over oon
Brahmin con”
one
10-14
15-19 vee
20-24 eee
25—29
30-—34
45-—59
6 & over
ot RUMALAI 83
Edacation
25-29 4 2 2 we «2 2 oe வை வட
35-44 $ 4 1 3.1 cee ate ந் வ tee ane eons ene tee
45—59 to t.s 1. aun one woe eee ave , org vee nee see ane
5 ஸூ ச க செ உட கை
ஜதனை ஒட mo பக ட்ட
84 VILLAGE SURVEY
_ Education
eee ஒக one
15-19 one
vee
ச one
ர்க் அ. ” eee
Oo—4 vee
உ one eee
10-14
1519 o
1 see aes
25—29 க see we
45—59 tL aoe
Edacation
0௧ ந 1...
1 ம ட கப வசை ae ட் கடவ
’
க ழே வெவ்விய பபப
15-19 கட க te ue es oes , wes one tee tee ane eee oes es one
Education
ane
10—14 ae கச்ச
15-19
25--29 os
30-—34 one
க ese ate
45—59 .
Parayar
we
25—29
30—34
35—44
45—59
9 & over me yet oe ree நரச "et age tr
SiRUMALAL 8
Education
(0) (2) இ 6 6 6 (0) இற (10) (11) (12) (13) (14) (15) (16) a7)
oon
10-14
15-19 one
20--24
25—29
30-34 wee
35-44
45—59 ver sa ௧௧௪
60 & over
5—9
10—~14 eee
15~19 wee en
om ane
25—29 ase
30—34
33-44
45~—59 =
oon,
60,& over, wen
88 VILLAGE SURVEY
Education
Valaiyar Th 38 33 27 33 11
17 10 7 10 ர... ase
16 10
10—14 ooo
13-19
32-24 one
son eae
30-34 see
கச் 11 eee
45-59
60
& over oor
73 38 35
=e oo
10—~14
15—~—19 13 nee
20-24 11
ட
30-34
35-44 aoe
45-39
60
& over wo 2 on
SIRUMALAI 89
Education
o—4 9 6 3 6 3 க்க
509 3 2 ட 1 1 ft te
45—59 one eee one tee wae aoe ave one oe wee ௧௧௩ டக்க on cd ரகக
6 & over பட்ட டை vente wee tae an eae ses oe or eae oe aes
12
‘VILLAGE SURVEY
Table No. 117 (contd.)
Education
129 6 60 47 33 13 3 7 32
17 8 9 8 9 க. கடை
14
10-14 17
1519 10
20-24
25-29 13
30-34 i
60 & over
o—4
5 ஆடி
10-14
15-19
20—24
25—29 oun
30—34 see
45—59 one
Education
o—4 er 1... டக பட கட we oe
30-34 1... 1 ase wee ae «=o vee tee cee ane eee one eee one
60 & over oe nee tee eos eee oes ave ons eee co ove see ane
Village Total Allages 1,920 991 929 528 746 290 130 159 51 னை 3. 1 ந
0-4 265 149 116 149 116 eee ane vee uae aoe
20—24 172 90 82 31 59 32 12 35 11 ம 1
35-29 174 85 89 34 75 2 19 22 4 2
30—34 177 82 95 27 79 33 11 2 5 2
சட
கல
அம்
வல் a,
STIVWaa
ம [4 oe
OSS
Kies
a
ல்ல
Se a
ற
518௮71 கரா
92
SIRUMALAI 93
Vellalar 50.7 49.3 Among the Scheduled Tribe Palliyans, none has
been returned as literate.
Chakkiliar 87-1 22-9
47,8
Educational Institations
Naidu 52.2
Gounder 95.5 4.6 1)2, There are three schools in the village, one
for each hamlet. Education is imparted upto
Agamudaiyar 100 00 Vth Standard and for Higher Primary Education, they
go to the nearby village of Tabasimedai, which is at a
Brahmin 100.00 distance of 6-7 miles on the north-east which is
connected to Sirumalai by a bridle path. For High
Pallan 634 26. 6
School education, the children are sent to Dindigul
Oddar 100.00 பி where there are three or four High Schools and the
94 VILLAGE SURVEY
boys study as day scholars staying at some relatives’ tation of male labour force of the village is more or
house, or in hostels. The three schools in the three less complete, but among females only 41.87 per
hamlets of Sirumalai village are housed in small old cent are economically active while a large majority
buildings and the attendance appears not very encou- of the female population have been returned as
raging. During coffee picking season and the season non-workers. Since most of the male members in
of harvesting other produce in the plantations, the the working age are employed, the burden of depen-
attendance in the schools is particularly poor. There dency is not high. According to our calculation,
are six teachers in these three schools put together. it comes to 9 dependents per every 10 workers. The
Due to hardships and difficulties naturally attendant dependency rates vary from community to community.
upon life in a backward hill village like Sirumalai Among Vellalas, Naidus, Naickers, etc.. who generally
with practically no transport facilities, teachers are do not send their wives for outdoor work, the depen-
unwilling to go and serve in this village. Even when dency rate is a little higher and it comes to more than
the Panchayat Union managed to send some teachers one person for each individual worker. But among
here, some of them leave their families behind in the other economically less prosperous communities
Dindigul or their native place in the plains. The and especially among the Scheduled Castes, the depen-
teachers do not have comfortable living accommo- dency rate is too low. This would mean that
dation and the cold climate often tells upon their in every household of these communities, the number
health. Though the teachers may not be averse to of workers is fairly large, sometims, almost all the
working in hill parts, a place like Sirumalai which members of the household are workers except small
looks not unlike a primitive survival, is scarcely liked babies. The contribution of various communities
by anybody. to the village labour force can be. understood from
the following statement.
The schools do not have enough playing materials
for the children nor is there enough space for play-
ground purpose. There is also a library which is
mere a library for name’s sake. It is scarcely used by 7 Total No. Worker per
Communities of house- Workers house-
the children and there seems to be more insects in holds holds
these libraries than books. ote eet tee,
Apart from these three schools, there is a Montes- Vellalar 124 287 23
sori School run by the “Mathar Sangham” in the
village. The school was started two years ago. Infant Chakkiliar 102 313 $1
children are taught here. It is a sort of Kindergarten
Schoo} where alphabets, the writing and reading of Naidu 76 167 22
some household words, and good manners are taught.
The schools seem to be struggling for existence. The Gounder 4 15 38
villagers do not seem to take any great interest in the
school and the children that one sees in the school Pallan 3 19 2:7
are not very great models of cleanliness,
Nadar 11 23 21
Working popolation
Valaiyar 13 22 17
ச
கQ
iy yp py “Ny 77 _
TM RL a SO ர்
பண ப்ப பணபண யாய்
Md Vt நரி Ng
7, நிற் நர்
yl iain Linh Way,
ற Shay th Nyy
My Ny q
இடு!
111 லம
FEMALES
:
2
ட ச | ர ல a
ik ரம்பa ் றி.
பம்
FORCE
ie
Age - Group
g ட 3 3 x 3 ்
ததத ரர.
oe.
WORKING
a ! i LN I.
ர ரால்
MALES
i. ம். ரா
வர்ம
ம 11 ம மய May!
66 VILLAGE SURVEY
10~14 71 36 35 17 il 6 54 25 29
15—19 73 க் 34 55 37 18 20 4 1¢
20—-24 37 32 25 39 29 10 18 3 15
25—29 48 25 23 32 25 7 16 வ 16
30—-34 32 24 28 36 24 12 16 aoe 16
35—44 $2 39 43 55 39 16 27 ன 27
45—59 63 27 36 4 27 17 19 we 19
60 & over 19 7 8 6 2 11 i 10
Chakkiliar All ages 504 253 251 313 167 146 191 86 105
0 51 55 36 sos ௩ ene 91 35 36
5-9 47 21 26 3 2 3 42 19 23
20.24 45 18 27 41 18 33 4 க க
25129 51 21 30 48 21 27 3 ன 3
30.34 31 23 28 45 23 22 6 6
35—~44 70 39 31 62 39 23 8 see 8
45-59 45 19 26 36 19 17 9 9
6 & over 9 3 6 4 3 1 5 3
SIRUMALAI $7
Naidu All ages 335 178 157 167 117 50 168 61 107
42 21 ai 42 21 21
43 21 22 39 18 21
33 20 13 as 14. 11
38 19 19 26 15 12
37 24 25 21
24 15 17 15
30—34 23 13. 20 13
35—44 38 13 26 13 12 12
45—59 46 28 35 7 i 10
60 & over ந
Gounder 22 13
௧௧௨
25—29
30-34
35-44
45—59
13
VILLAGE SURVEY
25—29 wee
30—34
35-44 wee eee
45—59-
60 & over
Brahmin
wee
10-14
15-19
20-24
2529
30-34 ௧௧௯.
35—44
45—59
o—4 3 2 1 3 2 1
5—9 7 1 6 . 7 1 6
10—14 2 1 1 1 1 . 1 . 1
15-19 3 3 3 3 oo
20—24 1 . 1 1 ன 1 ~ ஸை
25-29 4 2 2 3 2 i 1 os 1
30-—34 5 I 4 5 1 4 ம
35-44 5 4 1 5 4 1 ன . .
024 2 2 we on வ வ 2 2
5—9 wo an ae ves வ வ
10-14 வ
15-19 . . .
20—24 a வ soe os oe ws on . we
25-29 வொ டொ ண ரர ப்பட
30-34 1 we 1 J oe 1 ௮ - ல
35-44 1 1 an 4 1 on ws வ as
ம (2) G) ல © 6) ம (9) இ 6 ம
15—19
+ * aes eee
20-24.
oes
30-34
35-44
45-59
60 & over
SIRUMALAL 104
ய (2 ம்: ® ட 6 0 6) இ do dn
35-44 tou 1 1 ow 1 we
45—59 1 1 wo i 1 ‘see ஃ we wo”
35-44 ந 1 ow 1 ட 1 weet
2 2 I 1
one
aoe vee
1014
135—19
20—24 ௧௧௯
30—34
3544
45—59 oon
60
& over
ae
oon
25—~29
30-34.
35—44
45—59 oon
one
nee
wee
vee
25—29
30—34
கிர் ae
45—59 one
60 & over
5—9
10—14
15—19
25—29
30—34
3544
45—59 see
90% ௭௭ ore
104 VILLAGE SURVEY
Valaiyar 71 38 33 22 17 49 21
17 10 7 17 19
16 10 15
10—14
15-19
20—24
25—29
30—34
35—44 1$
45—59
73 35 47 28 19 30
s—9
10—14
15-19 33
20-24 11
25—29
30-34
3-4
45-௫9
60 & over
SIRUMALAI 105
o—4 9 6
தறி 3
10—14 1
15-19 2
259-209 5
30—34 3
35-44 1
45-29 4
60 & over I
0-4 i
5-9 oes
10—14 ons
15—19 eae
20-24 வக
25—29 1
30—~34 2
35—~44 1 ace
45—~—59 oe
14
106 VILLAGE SURVEY
17 37
14 14
10—14 17 10
1519 10
20-~24 8 ote
25—29 13 i
30-34 11 10.
35—A4 22 11 21 11 10
45—59 17 13 14 13
04
59
10—14
15—19
20—~24
25--29
30-34
35-44
45—~59
o—4
5—9
10—14
15—19 க
20-24 a
25—29
30-—34
35—44
45—59
Village Total All. ages 1,920 991 929 1,041 652 389 879 339 540
20-24 82 136 84 52 36 30
114. The tapping of labour force in the village 116. The working class women of Sirumalai seem
starts at the early age of 5-9, both among males and to combine a gaiety of spirit with sturdiness of limbs.
females, There are twelve child labourers, seven boys When they are working in plantations in groups, one
and five girls in this age group. There are eighty-three is impressed by the stralns of music that emanate from
young workers in the age group 10-14. Most of the them. As they are engaged in work, they now and
child workers assist their parents in plantation work then sing some popular songs, not from the cine pic-
and some of them, especially in the age group 5-9 are tutes, but songs supplied by hoary traditional legends,
in charge of tending the grazing cattle. This is the As among males, the labour force among women is
reason why most children belonging to the econo- tapped at an early age, even before the girls have
micaily backward communities abstain from school. attained their tenth year. During our survey, it was
Most of these child workers are found among Vellalas found that there are five female labourers in the age
and Chakkilians. A good number of them are emp- group 5-9 and thirty seven female labourers in the age
loyed as plantation coolies and supplement the meagre group 10-14, Five women aged over sixty are also
family income, active workers, earning their bread by the sweat of
their brow,
Aged workers
Non-workers
115. By aged workers we mean people above sixty.
Only technically they may be called aged workers, but 117, The non-working section of the village con-
quite a number of them are capable of exerting them- stitute 45. 8 per cent of the total population, A
selves on the soil continuously for hours and their good number of them are infants, school-going child-
physical stamina is hardly below par. Some of them ren and persons permanently disabled: They account
have a lust for work and abstention from work might for a total of 228 males and 240 females and constitute
even make them uneasy, Some of them have a 53.2 per cent of the total non-working population,
hardened constitution and even skilled work they House-wivesform about 26 8 percent of the non-work-
readily undertake and execute satisfactorily. Their ing population. The remaining are full-time students.
physical hardihood would be a surprise to urban folk. The various activities of the non-working population
They are found among the poorer sections of the among different communities in the village are shown
Vellalas, Chakkilians, Naidus and Muslims. in the table below.
Table No. XV
Nou-wor rs by sex, broad age groups and nature of activity
Persons Non-workers
Dependents, in- —
fants and children
not atteading
Full time stu- Persons engaged school and per-
Total Non- dents or children only in house- sons perma- Others
workers attending school hold duties nently disabled (N. E.)
Caste/ Age c on ~ 4 r a. A me ey
community group Pp OM. Fr M. F. M. F, ப்பி ந், M. F,
1 (2 ம் 6 ட ஒலு (8) (9) 06) 11) (12) (43)
Vellalar All ages 316 107 209 52 35 110 55 63 ose 1
e—4 62 35 27 wee ave oe 35 27 nee ess
5—9 73 39 34 23. 3 ர owe 16 13 ave eos
10—14 54 25 29 22 13 ய 9 3 7 eo ves
15—19 20 4 16 4 1 ௦ 14 wee wee ose 1
20-—24 18 3) 615 3 15 4
25—29 16 16 on 16 க
30-34 16 $6 16 ச ச
35.44 2... 27 woe we =. 26 ச 1 oo
45—59 9 .. 619 ச 12 7 aes
60 & over il 1 10 ப் 2 1 8 aes
SIRUMALAI
5-9 42 33 4 4 we | 15 18 பஷ
15—19 2 2 ws ww = 2 ட ew
25-09 3 $ 3 on ws
45—59 9 w 9 ர் uw «6 we 3
04 4231) 3 வட வொ 31 ௬1 ன
5—9 39 1 2 12 13 a | 6 7 ய
15-19 12 4 8 4s we oT ட்ட வொ ஷு
30—34 3 4. 3 வட « 3 wee om
35-44 2. 12 வெட 1 ர ர ரர
45—59 11 1 1 ப ட்ட 1 2 வட
பகை ee ல வக கடட eo
க os க ம - ௬ oo
60 & over
Agamudaiyar ane
3 1 1 ase க i 1 we
6-59 gee coe 2௬௪ oon oon aoe ச ate ser, ane
ம... 8 8) 6 6 6) (0. 8 (9 19 0 02 (3
45—59 வட ப வ en பவ eee
60& over ctee eee ae கெ வக த ப
45—59 பவட வன உப ae பஷ
69 & over see gee பஷ my aes wo see ஷை oats
112 VILLAGE SURVEY
Pow. வ டல 1 ow
we ooo eae ne one ௧௧௭. ௬௨. foe oe
10-14
15-19
20-24
25—29 ம வ | த் - 1 வ் ote
30—34
35—44
45—59
60
& over
oe
pews
Table No. XV_ (contd.)
wae னா .
க ச . my oes ee
30—34 சச . wee க ௯. .
தருக்க ௯ ~ ச டப .
529
10-14 ane ous oe ௧௧ oes ௧௪ ச
30—34
oon nee
60 & over ose aes ௧௧௨ க oo ௬௫
15
114 VILLAGE surVBY
1 1
10-14 aor
13-19
20—24 ene
25—29
30—34
உ ane
45-59
60 & over
10—14
15-19 sas
20—24
25—29 wee
30—34
35-44
45—59
60 & over
STRUMALAI 115
௦-4 1710 7 த வக 10 7
5-9 15 9 6 ட tee 1 6 3
o—4
10—14
15—19
20—24
25—29
30-34
354
45—-59
60
& over
oe
20—24
_ 229 ene
30-34 aes
35-44
45—59
0 & over aye age
SYRUMALAL 117
டட SO 10
3
6
1 23
4 5 2 i
1 2
2
O—4
டு 2 2° 2
10—14 3 3 3
15-19 1ow 1 .
20-24
25—29
30—34
ச்ச்
45-59 1 1 .
© & over
2 1 1 . ம் கெ
10—14 t 1 we “ 1
1519
20-24
25—29
30—34 ந 1 .
35—44
45-~59
60
& over ர ort ad re oF
118 VILLAGE SURVEY
Table No» XV_ (contd.)
பாட அதை 16. 879 339 540 M1 63 23%... 229 240 உடம்
(Total
௦-4 25 142 16 தன் வ் 149 116 க
5.9 218 108 110 44 ப்பத் 599 65 = on
10—14 123 6 6 47 21 ட 2 16 1 வெல
15-19 41 1 30 10 1 த 1 4 we
20—24 36 6 (30 5 on «30 1 உவ
25—29 35.35 ட ட” 3 வைக ப
30-34 2. vee we «92 பட வவ
35—44 ட ஆஃ வல 50 3 உடல
4-2 48 1 ஏ wan ve 32 1 15 ப
60 & over 3 1 27 sone oe 4 1 33 வட்டை
CHAPTER IV
VILLAGE ECONOMY
118. The outstanding feature of the economy of service etc, Besides, the members of the households
Sirumalai is its more or less total dependence on of 66 petty plantation owners and a businessman
coffee and banana plantations. The Sirumalai Hill work as plantation coolies also for some days of
has the required soil fertility, mild temperature, high the month. Next come the plantation owners who
humidity, elevation and rainfall for the prosperous account for a total of 140 households. Seventy one
growth and development of estates and fruit gardens. among them depend primarily on it while the remain-
The large scale plantations, extending over 100 and ing households have subsidiary occupations like
more acres are only too few, the biggest of them being teaching, plantation work ete. 52 households are
‘Joseph Coffee Estates’, formerly owned by the Jesuit engaged in business and industry, viz., 11 house-
Missionaries and now by an enterprising planter from holds in business and forty one in industry. The
the village Pattiveeranpatti, about twenty five miles business in the village is of several categories like
from Dindigul. There are some four or five planters fruit selling, running provision stores, betel nut shops,
who own more than fifty acres of plantations, But selling rice cakes and dosais in the morning and selling
small plantations with an extent of 5, 10, 12 or IS and ofcatabies. The types of business carried on in the
sometimes twenty acres are quite large in number. village is given in Table No. XVII.
The poorer sections of the village population earn
their bread by working in these plantations. Since
The industrial avocations pursued in the village are
labour is in constant demand in these plantations,
tailoring, carpentry and bee-keeping. Bee-keeping is
workers migrate to this village from the plains also.
an important household industry in the village and a
Almost all the plantations here are well managed,
Government Apiarist is stationed in the village and
properly administered and enthusiastically developed.
assists the villagers in bee-hive maintaining and honey
Quite a few plantation owners are employing modern
gathering. Thirty eight households pursue other various
agricultural methods and are successfully improving
occupations: Among them, there are seventeen watch-
the yield and keeping the crops free of diseases.
men and five teachers. The remaining are village
officials, postal runner, cattle tender etc.
Occupational classification
Workers in majer occupations
119, The occupational classification of the working
population in the village is as follows :
120. A comprehensive idea of the occupational
structure can be obtained from the individual analysis
Plantation owners; Plantation coolies ;
of the workers. Asa first step,a broad classification
of the workers under the headings cultivation,
Business; Industry; Other occupations; household industry, household business and other
occupations has been attempted and given in the
Table No, XVIII.
Our findings are indicated in Table No, XVI:
The plantation labourers are numerically larger The total working force in the village can be divided
than other occupational groups and constitute 49.76 into two major occupational groups, viz. cultivation
per cent of the total households, This includes and other occupations. There are 287 workers
households that depend on it mainly, secondarily and engaged in plantation cultivation. As many as 745
even tertiarily. Of them, 189 households depend workers, i.¢., 71.57 per cent of the total working force
mainly on it while nineteen households have other are engaged in other occupations, a majority of whom
subsidiary occupations such as bee-keeping, domestic are coolies depending on plantation.
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ep)
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சரும
wee சச்சு een one see son t ¢ ome ~ wer oor se
கரச
wee wee 1 ave ose ose spe 6 oon one oon ace ட்
7 சேறு
ர்
1 to I wer wee oes tee z eu toe L ர
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ut கொலு
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ahd ர *1 01 66 9L npren
.
g oe se ர oe ன I I £9 , எ: a wz ZI col சரடு
4
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ore on oon ர oe one ர Le ws ௦ 66 9% vel கமத
ரா ஐ i) ap (01) (6) (6 (0 (9) (s) (>) (9) 6 10)
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ண ண் பு
oon one
28 மம்
ane one are ry I ௧௧௭ one
ள யாம
எர
our aon ory ane ர ane eee MADE
ப
nee ase eee ane பூய ase ove
soqpoed
க் nee ன் சச ர eee on so 1020
SIRUMALAL
ae
.
ave ae eae ௪௪௪. ஒக்க ane
பப்பட்
pee ase wee tue ர் one ase
seAyepnusesy
ee eee ene ane ர ane vee cuexepued
ட] ne see see oor oon TPABINS
= ரீ
+ tee I oe wee usseed
see cir I ee see
en 61 (cy ay on (6 (ஐ ம (9) (6) (௦ இ ய
16
SPlOyISNoY Jo 8௭0112 ]888(0 [taoPedav2G
ரோ ர ‘ON 91481
கரா
ஒர ou vee ௪௭௯ ono wee eee one ௧௧௭ ous 2 vee see aoe oer
இப்பப்
woe eee wen ர oon oo ste ர ஷே eos vee aan one eee wee
repent
oe
wen one see eon ove eee eee wee oer nee ர க aoe one one coe
aeAreyea
reu0"y
VILLAGE SURVEY
122
1).
123
மால“
ity : ௧௧௨ one
(rommoy) WISAPY
mp uensigy
பட்ட பபப
மரை
மூழ்கத்
ஜட
SIRUMALAI
ந Guqelg
ewe ௧௬௨ ome wae secyepname8y
மாஷா
1 8
வாடை.
wedeleg,
Ley
(82) 0௦ (sa) 62 - 60 GZ (02) 1) ட மா. (st).
Spcoyasnoy Jo suopwogissepo [8201700230
(0௦௦) TAX 091 90
490184 * : காள ராமா
TY ent
Jodoamg Ty + Surdoay ஏ
4005 181௦0 € ் 80191040 சரா([2௨
18 010915 ஒக ர sJojyuadasg உ 3 dogs yn pyg
டிரம் ot
5 ரோ ஏ
801780 6104 கோட்
proydeys
வ பைவ
ஏ 0 228114 முழ
20%
unnqeig
ரமா
நரம மார
seaviny
0422௧௫
SURVEY
1 3 Joyuedeg hey
கட்கு
VILLAGE
ெமா௦ட
Z + 8a1ds09 cog: 22300
0193
+ Baidoay cog றம
~
5.5 Buidosy xg வ,
32003
801911 [0128
சட ஒவ
SI : Batdooy cag ௩ 892039 001810 பூப்
wee on
டு
ர ₹ 892019001௩
௦ :10191028 Buryjag
61 : Baldaey cog ந் : dogs Inu [sjoq [6104
z 1 4075], 8 உ கரா 0185 ௨
(2) (2 (o£) கிறாமாாதத.
௦112010220 72110 70 818050 க்கா] 1107 8008ம்) 0 1890 fen
1010028001 70 8019178882 ॥8௭௦13187௦20
(0902) ரக “ON ஏரார
124
SIRUMALAI 125
Trade or Business
ழ்
தீ
#
5
3
த
ச்
்
a
2
.¢ FF 2 Pe
2 8 2 z
Caste} 3 we a ௮. வத ல a oe a அ ந a 2 ஷூ ட்
Community we 285 we 98 த ய ௦ 8 ல 92 ற 3 og
~
8
34]
gh
ஜ்
$
ம
5518
ட் ல
5 53
2
gs
#8
$
§&
8
58
gf
8ம்
$
8
38
GB
gg
BB
$
8
ge 8 < 2 & 3 z &@ «42 8 € Z B <
q@) (2) @ 4 இ ட (7) @ @ do (10) 02 @3 (க் G5 (19
Vellaiar ம Busi- Rs. 2 Busi- Rs. 2 Basi- Rs. 4 Busi- Rs. 1 Busi- Rs.
ness 50 ness 50 ness 20 ness 35 Dess 30
*The other communities are not N. B:—The income derived from business has been taken as profit.
conducting any business. —
Workers classified by sex, age groups, industry, business and cultivation belonging to the household
Workers engaged in
Cominucity வ் டு கூ க உ MF க ஐ. “உ ௬
ம (2) 8 ® ®& (6) (7) ௫ 09) 00) 02 (9
10—14 17 ll 6 உட பைட 4 2 7, 4
45-௫9 4427 1 உட உ. 15 $ 10 fa
60 & over 8 6 2 வ ண த 5, 1 2
Workers classifed by sex, age groups, industry, business and cultivation belonging to the household
10-14 35 19 16 வொ ப்ப 2 1 17 15
15—19 37 3 14 tere re 4 ow 19 14
"30-34 45 ஐ. 2 vena உவ 6 1 17 2
45—59 தே 19 17 வெ க 6 2 13 «45
உ. ௬ ட ஆ. பவே வெட 10 4 3. 9
45—59 3 29 8 wee nee eae 17 . 4 10 4
Workers classified by sex, age groups, industry, busiaess and cultivation belonging to. the household
15-19 3 3. ன ப்ப பட $
20-24 1 ம. seas ப்பட வட வடம
60 & over ae vee க ave ove aes eee ase wos vee tee
45-59. 1 1 wae சை வ உட ர |
Workers classified by sex, sge groups, industry, business and cultivation belonging to the household
20--24 க வச பஷ லெ டக ந wee
29௮ 1 ட 1. en Maas ர
60 & over aoe nee ose nen ass ase ons ase
SiRUMALAL 129
Workers classified by sox, age groups, industry, business and caltivation belonging to the household
04
5—9
15—19
20—24 ove
25—~29 ase
30--34
தகர்
45—59
wee
60 & over wes
Pandithar
10-—14
ane wee
15—19
20-24
ஜேது
ase
35—44
45-—59
60 & over
17
130 VILLAGE SURVEY
Table No. XVEIE (contd.)
Workers classified by sex, age groups, industry, business and cultivation belonging to the household
10—14 ae one ane ave ase wee ove ane ove oon
30—34 tee aes one - ase one one eee eee ee wee
ம்க் wae vee toe ae one ase one tae oe wee eee
4-59 1 1 ப பவ வெட 1
60 & over one aos on we ane ase see wes aes ose eee
Workers classified by sex, age groups, industry, business and cultivation belonging te the household
@) 2) இ கி 6) இ 0) இ © ao) aD 2 04
25-29 1 1 வ வச ர வடட
ச
45—59 ees eee wee one கடச sen aes ஷை
60 & over ere tet eee tee eee வ aee eee ate
Workers classified by sex, age groups, industry, business and cultivation belonging to the household
(0 2 இ @ ©) © @) ௦ ay (12) (13)
டு
60 & over vee eget ee aes pee ees vee one sey oe
STRUMALAI
354 3 w
w
ட
34
௩.்
ட
Workers classified by sex, age groups, industry, business and cultivation belonging to the household
15—19 11 7 4 ப ட செ வட “7.4
20-24 9 6 3 இஷ ் ட een bow 5 3
60 & over sos woo awe oes aoe eee eee one see nee oe
30-34 3 2 1 டெ வ ஷை 1
45-59 4 2 2 கட்ட வை 4 ன 1 2
Workers classified by sex, age groups, industry, busiaess and cultivation belonging to the household
ம (2) 3 (4 6 © 00 ஐ 0) 06) (ம 02 (4
0-4 sete ate aoe nee aes ane een ote wee wee
10—14 7 2 «5 பொட உட வவ 2 5
ட. 8 5 3 பொ wae vee ans 5 3
20—24 8 3 5 we awe wna om 3 த
25—29 1 $ 3 வைவ் வெட உல 6 3
Workers classified by sex, age groups, industry, business and cultivation belonging to the household
௫௫
19-14 கடட வடக கடட சை வடக படட கை . ave
Village Total All ages 1041 652 389 4 5 ase 234 53 409 336
0௮4 அ.
தடி 12 3 3 ௧௧௧ பக 3 1 4 4
45-59, 147 11 46 2 a 43 14 56 35
60 & over 19 4° 5 - ow ட 11 oe 3 5
A detailed account of the occupations pursued by the and fabour supervisors etc.,in the big estates in the
villagers given in Table No. XIX would give the reader village. Thus, the greatest majority of the working
a clear idea of the occupational structure of the population in the village have to depend upon the
village. plantations for eking out their livelihood. Among
Palliyans, all the workers have been returned as agri-
It could easily be seen that the workers depending cultural labourers. They do mainly cooly work in
on plantations including plantation cultivators, coolies plantations and rear small gardens of cereals near their
etc., account for nearly 83:25 per cent of the total houses. They have no land of their own and till the
working force. Even among the rest, most of the waste lands and the Government land near and
salaried workers are employed as clerks, managers around their temporary homesteads.
18
138 VILLAGE. SURVEY.
Table No, XIX
Workers -by sex,:age groups and occupation
classified
EME
me ee
Community Age: க
group 8, ் நத: FE. P. நீ,
Au ages 150 88°. 18 124 98 26 2 1
0-4
3-9 ge Te wee ந டம் ee wee ee
20-24 ர
25—29 17 10 7 13 13 ண ரர் 1 1 கை
35-44 26 14 12 3 உ 4 ve eae 2 2 tw
45-59 21 10 11 ஐ. 15 5 Wow 1
68 & over 2. 2 5s 5 ப ve ane vers * uae ' one eer
Casual Plantation
Business Watchman Ree , labourer labourer,
—A =
உ. M. ந், Pp OM. 3, ந: 14.
All ages 264 12
o—4 +o
5—9
10—14 ae” 32 17 15
15—19 4 ose 33 19 14
Vellalar—(contd.)
14
Chakkiliar
20—24 36
45—59 eee 26 11 15
60
& over oe
SiRUMALAI
கடட. சச
5—9 கக சட த
1014 ean க. அஷ
-
15-19 aus + nee tee cae nae வட டட ஷி
Pandaram
பி
20-24 1 w 41 wee coe ME cane ee se see wee
35—44
4s—59 கொட்ட 1 1 ws ese eee oa ம் ந ஓ
60 and over eon tae oe ces nee at ees tte tee ர nee
All ages 21 11 10
10—14 . on ௩
Piramalaikallan
15—19 a0
Chettiar
Parayap
Maravar
Nadar
20--24
25-29 oon ae
30—34
35—44
45—59
6 and over
14 VILLAGB SURVBY
All ages 1 1 1 | er 13 9 4 7 6 1 i 1
0-4
we ae “ ees 1 Louw tee eee sen we ஷி
a
20-24 11 ee ee ee | படே பல
2
க சக ௦ க்க i ந க கெட்ட ஷி சட
60 and over
o—4 one crs ane one க் ண aoe one ave ௪௨. ௬௪.
3—9
20—24
க8 8 5
| 3 ன 1 1.3
§ es
25-~—29 se
a 5 2 3 1 oi. wee
2 1... 1
ose க 5 3 2 one வடட wee tenn 2 1 1
@ and over
STRUMALAI 143
2 1 1 1 ம. uw 6 5 4 3 1
All ages 4 4
eee டை tte ave OH ne ese eee tee vee sen aoe oor wee ate
o—4
ச
5—9 soe tee ச ர eee aes see nee ae see eee
wee see
Naicker—(contd.)
ee ase wee cee tae tee ate cae oe vee ote tee 1 1 ue
60 and over
5 wet ae
(Rowther)—(contd.)
20—24 1 1 «,
oo
w
w
25-29 i மவ.
Muslim
‘arm Maistry in
Ce ity Age கா coffee estate Teacher Watchman
erouP ஜு... உக நூ... உக ரு... உர ரு
30—34 ம ந ஷே ர ane . உட வெ
Caste and occupation The Oddans are expert earth workers engaged in well
digging and house construction. The menial jobs like
scavenging, street sweeping, removing of dead cattle,
121; Caste determines in a very large measure the burying the dead corpse etc., are undertaken by the
occupation to be pursued by an individual and tradition Scheduled Castes. The washing of clothes and the
has assigued certain occupations to certain communities dressing of hair are the traditional occupations of the
for ¢.g, the Pandarams are the traditional priestly communities of Dhoby and Barber respectively. The
caste employed in temples. Occupations like carpentry Pallans and Parayans are the traditional agricultural
and blacksmithy are the traditional pursuits of the serfs or drudges employed by big cultivators to attend
Kammalare. to work in the fields,
-SIRUMALAT 145
122. Now-a-days not much of adherence to these Total cultivable area 6,853°37 25.9
traditional occupations is noticed. The tendency to
Stick to one’s own traditional occupation is steadily
Forests 295°00 Vl
on the decrease. Among Chakkilians, the traditional
leather workers and menials, only three are employed as
sweepers. Others have been returned -during our Poramboke 96°63 o4
survey as plantation workers. One of them is working
asa mailruoner. Some Chakkiliya households have Total unassessed waste 19,175°13 726
acquired small pieces of lands and have proudly repor-
ted themselves as plantation owners: Among Panda-
Total area 26,420-13 100-00
trams, the traditional priestly caste, only one is
employed as a temple poosari while two persons have
been returned as plantation workers. The Konars are
traditional shepherds, but in Sirumalai, they are Land _assets
employed as plantation labourers and watchmen.
125. A study of land and cattle assets of a farmer
None of them has been reported to be pursuing
reveals his true economic position. This is true for
their traditional occupation of sheep-rearing or cattle-
Sirumalai village also, Barring a few estate owners,
tending. Among Asaris or Kammalars, only one is
most of the peasant proprietors possess only small
employed in the traditional occupation of ‘carpentry
holdings, scarcely sufficient to support their families.
while two others have been returned as plantation
Their bits of land are scattered here and there. They
labourers. live upto the motto ‘once in agriculture, always in
agriculture.’ The peasants havea passive attitude to
Land resources life, they have an enormous capacity to endure
poverty and they are ready to live at the lowest
123. The village kas an area of 26,420°13 acres, standard of existence and they lack education and
out of which the total cultivable area comes to 6,853.37 enterprise. These are, perhaps, the factors that con-
acres, i.e., 25°9%. The Sirumalai plateau on which the tribute to this state of affairs. The average size of the
village is situated and the western slopes of the hill holdings of the peasantry is not only too smail for
which formerly belonged to the Zamindar of Ammana- profitable cultivation, but it is also broken up into
nayakkanur were taken over by the State Government small fragments. The holding of five acres may some-
in the year 1951 under the Madras Estates Abolition times consist of tenor more strips scattered over
Act, 1948." The survey of lands has been completed various slopes of the hill. This results in high cost of
recently and the settlement of revenue accounts cultivation, unnecessary waste of time and labour and
is under way and the issue of ryotwari pattas to the several other disadvantages. Due to the present law
cultivators is now going on. of inheritance, the landed property is equally shared
among the sons and when this process goes on from
“generation to generation, it results in successive sub:
Land utilisation statistics
divisions of the holding, ultimately reducing them to
very uneconomic and insvfficient sizes. The extent
124. The land utilisation statistics of ithe village, of land possessed by different communities and the
together with area under principal ‘crops during the classification of lands etc., are given in the Table
previous decades are as follows : No, XX.
19
VILLAGE SURVEY
Possession of land
(0 Q) Q) 4) G) © (7) 6 இ ay ப (௫ (4)
Naidu we we 2 a 1 6 12 21 i4
16
Land owned
௪௬௪. ane ae
SIRUMALA!
rm
Kuravar
we ave
Pandaram
௧ oe
Agamudaiyar
ou we ௧௧%.
Maravar
Piramalai-
kallan
Muslim
Rowther) ஒக்க.
Muslim
(Pattani) ven
418 216 we 49
Total
148 VILLAGE SURVEY
the Estates
Prima facie, this may lead to the conclusion that
lands ate fairly medium sized. But it is to be remem- 126, There are three big estates in the village which
bered that the holdings in hill tracts involve more come under the Labour Act and St. Joseph’s Estate
waste of land, consequent on the nature of the terrain is the biggest of them. Among other big estates, one
and du2 to the fact of undulations. An average belongs to a well-to-do Muslim of Dindigul and
econom ic holding in Sirumal ai will be bigger in extent another to a local man of the village. The St. Joseph’s
than an economic holding in Tanjore delta, The Estate which hasan extent of 700 acres lies at an
economic holding depends on the nature of the soil, elevation of 3,100’ to 3,900’. The estate employs
kind of crops, type of farming, technique of culti- hundteds of coolies drawn from various villages in the
vation, agricultural wage level, means of transport plains and from the village of Sirumatai itself. Many
and similar factors. A cultivator owaing about ter of these labourers stay in the estate itself and the estate
acres or soin Slrumalai hardly finds it easy to keep management has provided them with living quarters.
his level of income above subsistence. In Sirumalai, The estate was originally owned by some European,
70%, of the holdings fall below ten acres. The fact Messrs. Elliot who pioneered the coffee plantations in
remains that these middle class land owners have no Sirumalai. He obtained the seeds from Mysore and
opportunity to augment their income by any other established the plantations. Later on, the Jesuit
means with the result that pressure on soil goes on Fathers of Roman Catholic Mission bought the estate
increasing aad the size of holding decreasing. They fromits European owner. Now as has been stated
have no subsidiary occupation whatsoever to supple- already, it is owned by a Nadar family from
ment their incomes. Bee-keeping industry may perhaps Pattiveeranpatti village which is nearly 30 miles away
be promoted here usefully as one of the subsidiary from Sirumalai. Coffee and plantains are grown over
occupations. With this in view, the All India Khadi large extent here while cardamom is cultivated on a
and Village Industries Board has taken efforts to promote small area. Oranges are also grown, but not on any
Honey production in Sirumalai Hills and 250 bee-hives considerable scale. The estate owns a Pulper Factory for
bave been distributed among the peasants at one-fourth its own use and for the use of other coffee growers.
of theactual cost. There isa proposal to establish a
Crop pattern.
Bee Nursery at Sirumalai and rear and supply bee
colonies to Apiarists and a set of decoy hives in forest 127. Coffee and plantains are the important plan-
areas of the hills to collect wild swarms and honey. tation crops in the village. Besides, there are a few
Despite the impetus given by the Government, only orchards of oranges and limes. The exploitation of
45 households have bee-hives at their houses. the area for raising various crops at different Fasli
years is shown in the statement below :
A study of the table reveals that coffee occupies large planters of St. Joseph’s Estate, it is gathered that
41% of the total area sown and the extent under such felling of trees and culturing the ground costs
coffee cultivation has increased from 994°87 acres in from Rs. 2,000 to Rs, 3,000 per acre. In higher slopes,
Fasli 1361 (1951-1952) 1௦ 1,045.14 acres in Fasli where the woods are thick, these clearing charges are
1369 (1959-1960). The area under plantain cultivation naturally bigh. In slopes where trees are sparse and
has also increased to a considerable extent, fe., from scattered, plantation includes the planting of shade
862.73 acres in Fasli 1361 to 1,008.21 acres in trees, especially silver oak (Grevika robusta) and coral
Fasli 1369. However, during the intermediary Fasli years tree (Erythrina indica). The latter species is often
1362-1364, plantain cultivation had been limited to used as temporary shade and is replaced by silver oak
835°29 acres only, The extent under lemon and orange trees, This preliminary preparation of planting shade
cultivation is comparatively low, being 18% of the trees is done one year ahead of planting the coffee
total area sown. Nevertheless, the increase in its species.
cultivation deserves mention. There is still scope
for further expansion and development, as a vast The coffee seedlings for planting are raised in
extent of land Is stifl left unutilised. Efforts have also nurseries. Generally the villagers get top quality
been made in this direction under the scheme ‘ Loan seeds which are supplied by the Coffee Board. The
for extending Sirumalaji plantain fruits cultivation’ seeds are sown in the nursery bed and the plants are
which was undertaken under the Second Five Year carefully looked after till they grow to a height of 6”.
Plan. Let us now study fn detail the agricultural Water is usually sprayed with a spray bucket. Above
practices in Sirumalai. the seed bed, a temporary shed is put up, usuallya -
pandhal, made of leaves, And the bed is also covered
with dried leaves, so that the water that is poured will
Coffee
be filtered down in moderate quantity. In about six
or seven weeks after sowing, young plants sprout -
128. Two important species of coffee grown in out which are then transplanted, each in a small basket
Sirumalai are ‘Coffea Arabica’ and ‘ Coffea Robusta’. made for the purpose or polythene bags, stuffed with
Arabica ts the more popular species than Robusta and manure which is usually a sumptuous quantity of soll
is grown on a far larger scale, The Robusta variety” taken from the side of a jack tree, the remainder being
is hatdier and grown at lower eleyations and is less vegetable and rubbish manure. The seedlings are
affected by leaf diseases. watered twicea day continuously for three months.
Afterwards, these are transferred to the pits in the
The coffee plant which thrives best in cold climate
plantation which are their permanent location. The
at an altitude of 2,500’ to 5,000’ grows well {n Siru-
usual size of a pit is 18” square and 12 to
malai where the soil is humus and the rainfall suffici- 24” deep. The distance between the plants depends
ent and well distributed throughout the year. The
on the species of coffee that is planted. 1n case of
temperature is also mild and highly suitable for
Arabica, the plants are planted at an interval of 6’
coffee, Even in summer, the highest temperature is
and in case of Robusta, at an interval of 9’ to 10’.
mitigated to a great extent by the vast canopy of
shade thrown over the plants by the lofty silver oaks,
The soil is fateritic, dark red and loamy for the During the infant stage, a coffee plant needs a lot
major part. Of course, it is mixed with gravel in of attention. Digging around the stem and turning
some parts too. Moreover, Sirumalai being a hilly the soil and also weeding are necessary operations.
village with an exuberance of all manner of vegetation, Weeding is done until the plant takes a dense growth.
the soil is usually covered with deep layers of leaf Digging and inter-culturing at the root is done
which through the years, is converted into natural annually or once in every two years and care is taken
manure. The great fertility of the soil is due to this not to interfere with the feeding roots. Every year,
process. the dead and the diseased plants are replaced. About
six months after transplanting, the plants grow to a
Ratsing of the plantations height of 2’ with a main shoot and four or five
primary branches. The main shoot at this stage fs
129. In raising coffee plantation, the first step is the pruned to the level of other primary branches, to
clearing of the wood except, of course, the tall trees enable fresh off-shoot from the main branches. Care
which provide shade. From our discussion with the is taken in pruning because heavy pruning results in
150 VILLAGE SURVEY
according to their size and quality, The first grade is giving serious thought to it, Generally two methods
sold at the rate of Rs. 30 to 35 per Pothi, a standard are adopted for propagating cardamom, viz: (1)
bundle of 500 fruits, The second grade is usually sold raising seedlings in nurseries and transplanting them
at the rate of Rs. 12 to 18 per Potbi of 600 fruits. The and (2) separating the rhizomes from a large clump
villagers also sow ragi in the plantain gardens during into individual rhizomes for planting as separate plants.
the Tamil month of Avani, corresponding to July- Propagation by rhizomes epsures uniformity of the
August and harvest it in the month of Thai, corres- crop. But in Sirumalai, only the first method is
ponding to January-February. Thestubbles left after adopted. The seedlings are raised in seed beds mea-
reaping is considered a good natural manure for the suring 15’ x 2’ which are protected by roof thatching
plantain crop. Apart from these, no manure is nor- ¥’ to 5’ high to provide shade. The ‘Idavalai’ grass
mally applied to the plantain gardens, is also laid over the seed bed. The seeds are care-
filly located, smeared with ash and rubbed together
Citrus fraits in hands to separate the seeds from each other. Then
they are dried in the sun. Since cardamom seeds
The lime and orange are the citrus fruits that are lose their viability very rapidly, they should be sown
grown in this village. Next to coffee and plantains, as soon as possible after collecting them. Sowing is
these two are grown on the largest scale and they done from September to October. Seedlings emerge
occupy quite a large portion of the cultivable land in from the seed-bed about eight weeks after planting and
the village. These form the third largest plantation in when they are six months old, they are transferred to
Sirumalai. The ‘ Vellodu’ variety of lemon is the tree another well-manured bed in which they are spaced
type and it is this type that is largely grown in the 10” apart. Half a pound of seed provides sufficient
plantation scale. In some of the plantations, the seedlings for an acre. Planting at the final site is done
creeper variety is also tried now-a-days and it is said to after the first showers in April to June in pits 18”
be promising. The lime seedlings are bought from square, 1’ deep and spaced 5’-6’ apart.
village Vellodu which is near Dindigul. The seedlings
cost Rs, 5 per 100. These are transplanted during Planted seedlings are tied to stakes to prevent their
the monsoon season. The spacing between each pair being broken or blown down by strong wind. The
of plants varies from 10 to 20’ depending upon the stakes are removed when the seedlings are established,
variety. The oranges grown in the village are the otherwise the stakes will be attacked by white ants
usual popular species known as ‘loose jackets’. The (Termites).
money income from the citrus fruits does not appear
to be very considerable. ’ Itis also given periodical cultural operations such
as weeding, thinning the shade trees, inter-culture,
Cardamom filling in gaps, manure application and cleaning the
ground around flower spikes. Cardamom plants
132, The cardamom cultivation in the village.is not begin to bearfruitsfrom the third year after trans-
worth speaking of. The extent over which it is grown planting and come to full bearing capacity in the seventh
is indeed negligible. Just about 4 to 5 acres alone are year. The flowering spikes develop from the space
under cardamom cultivation. This small extent is of the stems of previous year growth and are thin and
distributed among two or three estates. For its growth, long, growing erect or lying flat on the ground.
cardamom requires plentiful and well distributed Flowering shoots begin to appear from January and
‘rainfall ranging from 60 to more than 100°. The the actual flowering in April-May. Fruits develop
altitude has to be necessarily between 2,500~ 5,000’ four months after flowering. Picking is a laborious
and a temperature between 60° to 95°F: Shade is an process and continues from September to January.
important requisite and cardamom thrives well in the Ripe fruits alone are carefully detached from the
ravines of evergreen forests that have a thick layer inflorescence. The clumps have to be visited every
of leafy mould. There should be abundant moisture week or ten days to gather the fruits.
in the soil, but no water-logging. The soils that are
most suited to cardamom crop are red, lateritic, and Improvement
loams which are strongly aciditic. If cardamon is
grown in Sirumalai as a power crop on a plantation 133, The Indian Coffee Board has launched a new
scale, it is likely to be successful and paying crop. seieme called the Intensive Extension Service. This
But for some reason or other, the planters are not scheme has been extended to Sirumelai also. This is
452 VILLAGE sURVEY
trying to wean away the planters from old primitive approach the Office of the Indian Coffee Board
methods of cultivation and introduce them to scien- located in Dindigul for getting improved strains of
tific methods. Itis making consistent and persistent coffee seeds, manures, insecticides etc. It is learnt that
efforts in this behalf, and its efforts have been attended the number of coffee planters, that contact the Coffee
with a fair measure of success. It has brought under Board Office is steadily and ‘markedly increasing. The
scientific cultivation a good number of coffee estates. spraying of insecticides is more and more resorted to
It is generally believed that in Sirumalai coffee culti- by a growing number of cultivators. In this connec-
vation has reached the utmost limit of expansion and tion, we cannot help mentioning the pioneering work
if the area under coffee is to be further expanded, it done by the St. Joseph’s Estate. Itis claimed by the
would be only at the cost of plantain gardens, The Coffee Board that the intensive and sustained efforts it
only course open to the planters for augmenting the made to introduce scientific methods in Sirumalai hills
production of coffee is to improve the methods of coffee have yieided notable results, in that it has brought a
cultivation and thereby step up the output per acre. vast acreage under scientific methods and that the
Research studies under the titles Reorientation Blocks yield per acre also has increased from 1} cwts. to 5
and Demonstration Plots which have been introduced cwts,
in the village recently by the Coffee Board have We are not able to record any noticeable improve-
brought home to the local cultivators the vital impor- ment in plantain cultivation. However, under the
tance of modern cultural practices and improved Community Development Programme, two Demonst-
methods. Of late, coffee planters in Sirumalai ration Plots are proposed to be established here,
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Gounder ‘4 see ae ae க ன ச .
Chettiar
Kuravar
Pandaram 2 one one aun ane oe சச ons oes ane one one
Oddar
Piramalai-
kallan 1 ” we க oo tes ase tee ன க “
Muslim
(Rowther) 7 oe one one on we on ws wee ச aes ass
Muslim
(Pattani) 2 oe ove one oo on wn os en
20
154 VILLAGE SURVEY
Agricultural labourers sole marketing agency for coffee. They procure the
Type of imple- No. of families Percentage Average No. produce from the coffee growers, leaving a small
ments possessing the per family margin to them for domestic consumption. The
implements
growers sell their coffee mostly in parchment at the
1. Crowbar » 10 2 rate of Rs. 30 to 40 per bushel.
2, Manvetti 13 . 3
3. Sickle 24 12 2 Regarding the marketing of plantains, the position
is far from satisfactory and particularly the small
Marketing
cultivators are put to a variety of difficulties in market-
136; There are no suitable marketing facilities or ing their produce. They are obliged to take the
organizations in the village and this very much comes plantains to the market in Dindigul which meets every
in the way of profitable marketing of the agricultural Monday in which they dispose of their produce and
produce. The Indian Coffee Board is, of course. the with the money they get, they purchase their house-
Plantation implements
Plantation cest
Cattle wealth
137. The statement of cost of cultivation of a basic
unit of land, viz., one acre is given below : 139. It goes without saying that bulls and oxen are
rarely found here since the necessity for ploughing
Coffee Plantation scarcely arises, except perhaps on rare occasions for
Items of expenditure, reclaiming the waste Jand for the first time. Our
Rs. survey reveals that only six households own bulls num:
Clearing of forest 1,000 bering thirteen. Most of these are draught bulls. Horse
Bund formation 500 is the most common animal that is found in the
village and it is used for transporting the agricultural
Culturing the soil ் 50
produce. On the whole, 88 households own 175
Manure 400
horses jn the village. These horses are just load
Seed 25 carriers and do not belong to any superior pedigree
Nursery expenses 50 and consequently they cannot be used for any long
riding purposes. They are just beasts of burden. Cows
Traosplanting 40
and goats are found in a considerable number and
Picking 300 they are the main source of milk. Buffaloes and sheep
Total 2365, are wholly absent. The cattle wealth as found during
our survey, is given in the Table No. XXIII.
SIRUMALAI 187
() (2) @ 6) ()
Vellalar 79 79
Chakkiliar 34 34
Naidu 56 56
Konar
Valaiyar
Nadar
Pallan
Naicker
Gounder
Chettiar
Asari
Parayan
Kuravar
Pandaram
Agamudaiyar
Brahmin
Oddar
Pandithar
Maravar
Piramalaikallan ௬௧௮
Christian க்ஷ.
Muslim (Rowther)
», {Pattani)
Table No. XX
spjoyssnoy 1௦ +o
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39000
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Velalar a 10 26 69 45 © 34 32 94 42 92 vee
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Valaiysr
கச் aoe
ene ae ose 17
Christian 1 19 oe ae 2 5 er 8 8 34 1 1 as
Muslim
டை wee வ ote ன ச்ச oe on wees க டட ஷை us ate
(Rowther)
Muslim
(Pattani) one ன வ ஸ் 1 t owe . ase 2 #4 sess 00 ee
வ் அட TT உ உ ௬௨௬ . .
160 VILLAGE SURVEY
Plantation labourer 2 27 it 2 1
Shop owner
Watchman 1 1 on ae tes
General labourer
Plantation owner 9 8 5 4
Sweeper ? 1 a oe os
Watchman
Runner ல “ 1
Provision store க 1 os we 4
Watchman 3 1 ve ove oe
Teacher ons 1 on
21
162 VILLAGR SURVEY
Plantation labourer
Watchman oe
Watchman one
Plantation labourer
Watchman aoe
Plantation owner
Plantation labourer
Carpenter
Kuravar- Sweeper
Shepherd
SIRUMALAI 163
wee i an ve
Brahmin Teacher see
Plantation labourer 2 15 4 i. 3
Christian
en 3 eee
Bee kezping
Watchman
டர 2 J os
oe ove 1 வ
" Maistry
ae 3 3 oe se
Muslim (Rowther) Plantation labourer
whe
Teacher 1 i
eee on
an eee ஷை eee 1
Plantation owner +
ன ஷி 3 one os
» (Pattani) Plantation labourer
எ ane o 1 a
Plantation owner
22 174 107 49 66
Total
164 VILLAGE SURVEY
2 3 we £
on 3° 8 3 5 a 3 3 3 8
ணா 8 #3 உ ௫ 8 s 2 38 2 2.3 3 2
பணை 38 ¢ s¢ 8 32 82 32 82 of BR sh 89
Ba
ge ar ge 38
~ oல ஐ2 oe ao . ட்டு ஓஒBx 58
ge ge ge 28
ag க் og ம் 2 Sx 22 Oo 33 .2
ge g 2 g gf gf
Food 418 43715 18,035°00 598 22 14:27 174 2635 107 38:75 4: 55:39 66 93°74
108 454 490°80 1°62 ase a 30 1:03 32 194 17 134 ,39 10:03
Education
59.7%
Food
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SEEN
222௯.
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02 ஒட
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EES
CREE
CER KE
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இஃ SZஅ மோ psy ANCER 3 SSK Ks
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EXPENDITURE
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ESOS SG
5.5%
Others
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4 0. ்் CRY
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sIRUMALA! 167
{t would be seen that as the range of income to such places in the plains as Dindigul, Madurai,
increases, the percentage of expenditure on food Madras-etc, But even here, we do not see any pro-
gtadually decreases. Correspondingly the proportion nounced tendency on the part of well-to-do people to
of expenditure on other necessities of life gradually seek higher education for their children barring, of
increases. course, a few rare cases. Under the system of free
Elementary Education patents incur no expenditure
The expenditure on clothing is another important towards school fees and they meet only the expenses
item. On an average, each household spends about towards the purchase of books and writing materials.
Rs. 16,57 per mensem on clothing, This constitutes This is perhaps another reason why the expendiure on
14.62% of the total expenditure. The variation of education shows such a low percentage, but this cannot
expenditure ranges from Rs, 3,05 in the poorest sufficiently explain the position.
income group of Rs. 25 or jess to Rs. 27:61 in the
highest income group. Generally the expenditure
Expenditure on marriage
on clothing 1s not an item that is required every
month; rather the villager purchases all his clothing
during the occasion of the village festivals and 144, Expenditure onmarriage always results in a
during other important festivals like Deepavali, considerable drain of the income and savings of the
Pongal etc. A man may purchase one or two pairs of household. This is, of course, a major item of expen-
dress articles to suffice for the whole year and simi- diture that occurs once in a way, but still it under-
larly the womenfolk get two or three pairs of sarees mines to some extent the financial stability of an
and jackets, They may be either cotton or silk ordinary family. The size and nature of expenditure on
fabrics. In very poor households, such regular annual marriage by the various income groups in the village is
purchases are rare and they go in for new clothing furnished in the Table No. XXVI. ்
of a cheap variety, once in two or three years, as
and when the old clothes get torn and tattered
and unusable, it is not uncommon 10 see Generally speaking, the marriages in Sirumalai
poor people wearing clothes that are ragged and are little expensive, considering the financial status of
threadbare. The children of the poor class take to the people there. Out of 418 households, only 53
wearing the discarded dhoties and towels of the households spend below Rs. 100 for a marriage. 34°93%
elders in the family. of the households spend from Rs. 101 to Rs: 200,
24:16% of the households spend from Rs. 201 to Rs.400.
is the third large item of expenditure and A total of 86 households spend from Rs. 401 to
Luxury
Rs. 1,000 and 32 households spend above Rs. 1,000.
on an average, Rs. 9.33 per mensem is spent by every
This constitutes 12.69% of the The last two categories are generally plantation owners,
household on luxury.
The average expenditure on it big or small, who for the sake of prestige often spend
total expenditure.
a little lavishly on such occasions as marriages and
varies from Rs, 3.95 in Rs. 25 and less income group
festivals.
to Rs, 17.57 in Rs. 101 and above income group.
This corroborates the general statement that with
increase in income, the proportion of expenditure on
lyxuries also increases. Expenditure on festivals
Expendifore on marriage
ட @ . 3) (5 (5) | © M
Nil 2 1 1 . wee ws
Rs. 401-600 53 i 16 13 12 11
Rs. 601-800 7 we 2 os 3 2
Rs. 801-1,000 26 a 7 3 8 8
Ex enditare on festivals
Nil 5 1. 1 2 1
BelowRs. 5 11 6 3 ச ane
Rs. 6-10 13 2 8 1 2
Rs. 11-20 69 5 42 15 5 2
Rs. 21-30 56 3 25 2t 4 3
Rs. 31-40 28 17 8 2 1
41-50 62 3 25 20 5 9
Re.
121 3 44 33 26 15
Rs. 51-100
53 ove 7 8 5 33
Rs. 101 & over
22 174 107 49 66
Total 418
Shoe Sy
00) - 04 Sy
AO)@ 101 “SY
௪0௦5 ய௦50ு (ஈச
_dNOUD IWOINE
SdNOUD ANOONI Ad SSANGALITANI
170
SIRUMALAL 171
Indebtedness
Indebtedness
(0) @. . இ (4) 6)
. 26 to 30 10 1 10-00 200°00
51 to 75 6 3 50°00 736°00
. 7 to 100 1 .
76 to 100
. 7% to 100
Indebtedness
. 6 to 30 2 ‘2 200-00
. 26 to50 3 eos
. 51 to 75 ந. one
Rs. 76 to 100
Total 4 oe
Rs. 26 to 50 , 3 1 300-00
Rs. 31 to 75
Rs. 16 to 100
Total 3 1
. 26 to 30 2 2
51 to 75
Rs, 76 to 100
Total 2 2
774 VILLAGE SURVEY
Indebteduess
i) (2 Q) (4)
Re. 25 and below aed ons
Rs, 26 to 50 i we
SL to 75
76 to 100 1 1
101 and over
-Total 3 i
ம, ப் 100°00
51 to 75 ௧௧௧.
16 to 100
101 and over nee see,
Total 2 1 50-00
8. 26 to 50 1 1
51 to 75
76 to 100
Fotai 2 1 50°00
25 and below
26.12 50 8 1
St to 75
76 to 100
. Fotal ந
SIRUMALAI 175
Indebtedness
. 26 to 50
Rs, 51 to 75 one
. 76 to 100
Total
. 26 to 50
. 51 to 75
Rs. 76 to 100
Total
..26 to 50
. 51 to 75
. 76 to 100
~ *Total
Rs. 86 to 50
. Sto 73
. 1% to 100
on
« 101 and over
Fotal 100-90
176 VILLAGE SURVEY
a @ Q) 4) 6) %
“Piramalaikallan Rs. 25 and below on tae
Rs. 26 to 50 1 ws aon
Rs. 51 to 75
Rs. 76 to 100
Total 1 ase
Re. 6 to 30 1
Rs. 51 to 75 5 2
Rs. 76 to 100 2 1 300 00
Total 9 4 1,900°00
Christi
Rs. 25 and below 3 3 100°00 350 116°67
On the whole, 61°72% of the households are indeb- households among al) the income groups, The highest
ted, and the total amount of indebtedness works out percentage of indebted households is found among the
to Rs. 91,545. Theaverage amount of indebtedness income groups Rs. 51-75 and Rs. 76-100, where the
per household is Rs. 354'83 and the per capita indebted respective percentage is 68-22 and 71°43.
ness works out to Rs. 47°68. We see indebtedness in
The incidence of indebtedness among different get loans from their landlords, usually free of interest,
livelihood classes has been studied and the relevant but this too forges a bond around them since it would
figures are given above. be well nigh impossible for them to choose other land-
It can be clearly seen that the percentage of indebted lords to offer their services till he clears his loan. The
amount lent is recovered in easy instalments and some-
households is greater among cultivators than among
times adjusted towards their wages.
other categories. The debt ranges from Rs, 100 to
Rs. 4,000 and the average is Rs. 583 per household. We have attempted a study of the commupity-wise
The maximum debt in respect of other categories goes indebtedness and the following statement gives the
upto Rs. 1,000. The average debt works out to Rs. 169 relevant figures.
and Rs. 155 respectively, for agricultural labour class
and non-agricultural class. Community Total Indebted Total Average per
No. of — house- debt. household,
The person worst affected by the burden of debt is households. holds.
the small cultivator, Ordinarily he is a planter and , Rs. Rs.
usually there is a normal time lag between raising of Vellalar 124 86 39,870.00 463.60
his plantation and the reaping of the harvest. During
this long interregnum, he should have something to Chakkiliyar 102 84 19,230.00 228.93
subsist on and he is also to attend to the proper main-
tenance of his plantation. The crops as well as his Naidu 76 39 21,205.00 543.72
home drain his purse - provided, of course, he has a
purse- from time to time, This inevitably drives him Naicker 6 3 1,400.00 280,00
29
478 VILLAGE SURVEY
It can be understood from the above table that the Cause of Indebtedness
average indebtedness per household among Vellalas,
Naidus, Konars and Muslims is greater. But the per- 147. The major causes of indebtedness 1n the village
centage of indebted households is high among Chakki- can be classified as follows: plantation expenses, family
lians, Naickers, Asari, Agamudaiyars and Maravars maintenance, purchase of property, marriages and
among whom nearly 80% to 100% are indebted. other causes. The amount of debts under each head,
Among Vellalas too nearly 70% are indebted. community-wise is given in the Table No. XXIX.
Indebtedness by causes
(d) Funerals
Indebtedness by causes
ய Q) ஓ 4) 6)
Chakkiliar ஐ Purchase of land
(6) Marriages
ய Funerals ae
©) To give dowry
Sickness
ட Ordinary wants
ட) Household cultivation 12
Total
6 Marriages
(8) Funerals
ஐ To give dowry
ஓ Sickness ௬௧௪.
18°65
மடு Ordinary wants
57°06
@) Household cultivation
100°00.
Total
180 VILLAGR SURVEY
Indebtedness by causes
மு @ @) ல் ௫
Kone {a) Purchase of land ae eee
(ஐ Sickness ose . on
(ஸி Funerals
(ஐ Sickness ane ae oe
Indebtedness by causes
ம (2) G) (4 5)
(2) Marriages |
ஐ Sickness
Total
(6) Marriages
ள்) Funerals
(2) Sickness
100-00
(b) Ordinary wants
@ Household cultivation
Total
182 VILLAGE SURVEY
Indebtedness by causes
12 @) (6 G)
®
4c)” Marriages = on ~~
Indebtedness by causes
(0) @Q ~ @) (4) ®
Asari {a) Purchase of land
[14] Marriages
(qd) Funerals
ஐ Sickness
ம) Household cultivation
Pareyao
ல Purchase of land
(c)¥ Marriages
ல் Funerals
© To give dowry
(s) Sickness we
(2) 4) G)
(0)
Kuravan . (a) Purchase of land
() Sickness
மு Household cultivation
Total 109-00
© Marriages
(4) Funerals
© To give dowry
ஓ Sickness one
wo Household cultivation
Total 300:00
185
Table. No. XXIX (centd,)
Indebtedness by causes
மூ (2) 4) இ
@ Funerals
Teta 300
© Marriages
«@) Funerals
(௮ To give dowry
Sickness
@) Ordinary wants
@ Housebold cultivation
Indebtedness by causes
w ம 3) (4) @)
(ஓ Marriages
(ஸி Funerals
(இ Sickness
Total
() To give dowry
(g) Sickness
Though there is no money-lending class as such already been told, they also do not like the endless
in the village, there are a few individuals in the procedural red-tape which usually causes much
village who make much money by giving loans and impatience, annoyance and loss of valuable time.
though that may not be their sole occupation, it is Besides, the loans granted by the Government agen-
certainly one of their important sources of income. _ cies and the Co-operative Societies are short term loans
It can be understood from the above table that these usually, to be repaid within one year. This does not
money-lenders form a major source of credit from serve the purpose of the planter who has to wait for
whom the bulk of borrowings is made, the percentage his crops four or five years after raising the plantation.
being 6]. Only four families have availed themselves The income of the cultivator is so much dependent on
of the credit facilities afforded by the Government the vagaries of Nature, that it is often Impossiple for
agencies and the Co-operative Societies. Most of the him to repay the loan within the stipulated period. He
illiterate persons do not come forward to take loans prefers, therefore, that source of credit where adjust-
from the Co-operative Credit Societies and the Govern- ments, postponements and concessions are possible,
ment agencies because they think that any manner of
involvement with Government and other official But with all these, the Co-operative Societies in the
institutions is risky. The irrational dread of Govern- village are also gradually covering more and more
mental and quasi-Governmental institutions comes ground and proving from year to year more and more
very much in the way of their prosperity. As has useful.
CHAPTER V
The society may look down upon the parties to an lopment Organisation through its publicity media like
inter-caste marriage in the beginning and they may be printed pamphlets and visual education facilities can
treated with great reservations. They may not be do something to enlighten the people, The people of
invited to social functions. But with the passage of Sirumalai are as pliable as hey are hard.
years, the rigour gradually fades and their relationship
Caste Panchayat
with the rest of the society and the caste people is
perfectly normalised. 154. Caste Panchayat is an institution that was
once very strong and unassailable but which has now
Inter caste-matriege, whatever the status of the begun steadily declining in importance with the gradual
parties, is always very much looked down upon and fading out of some of the caste traditions. But still
resented. we cannot say that these Caste Panchayats have died a
natural death and in those villages where modern insti-
Untonchabliity tutions have not grown up, the Caste Panchayat is still
exercising some power and influence and is able to
153. Though an Act has been passed for the remo- control the life of the individual in these matters
val of Untouchability, it is as prevalent here as it is which are strictly communal. It is something likea
elsewhere. In isolated places like Sirumalai, it is apt
council of elders, the presiding elder being called
to be more marked and it is indeed so in Sirumalai.
‘ Nattanmaikkaran’ or ‘Gounder’ etc., as the case may
The Harijans are not allowed to live amid the caste
be. The infractions of caste traditions and rules
Hindus, nor anywhere close to them. As has been
come within its purview. The Caste Panchayat meets
stated elsewhere, the Harijans live apart from the caste periodically and sometimes there are some extraordi-
Hindus in a separate settlement, and among the
nary meetings also to enquire into offences and to
Harijans, the different communities live separate from
organise the caste for certain important undertaking
one another. The Harijans are not allowed to draw
or a function. If these caste elders happen to be
water from the wells used by the high caste people and
economically powerful, the council also correspon-
they are not allowed to enter their houses. Chakkilia-
dingly becomes powerful. If the head of this council
patti, a hamlet of Sirumalai village is exclusively
happens to be a strong man who can dominate and
occupied by Chakkilians though there are two or three
domineer, his word is accepted as inviolable law. This
households of Muslims living amid them. During our
office usually goes by heredity.
discussions with the villagers, it was found that there °
is practically no villager who is aware of the legal In Sirumalai only the Chakkilian community has
prohibition of the practice of untouchability. Even the Caste Panchayat which seems to be working on
the one or two in the village that may be aware of the quite rigorous lines. Among them, the caste council
Act scarcely observes it in practice. But, despite all is empowered even to decide upon matters relating to
these, one sight seems to be quite frequent and common. divorce and to order a divorce. Three divorce cases
In their uphill and downhill journeys, Chakkilians have been enquired into and adjudged by them within
and other Harijans and caste Hindus are found in the the past ten years.
same vehicles. This is perhaps due to the lack of Case I
sufficient number of vehicles and other traffic facilities.
Perumal Kunukku
If the caste Hindus are uncompromising in their (A) (B)
practice of untouchability, the Scheduled Castes are *B’ was married to a particular individual. Later
willing parties to it. There is hardly any member of she joined ‘A’ and lived with him for some years and
the Scheduled Caste who would like an infraction of got children through him. Since there was no mutual
the age-old practice. It is only too evident that he wants understanding between the two and constant quarrel
to be treated only as an untouchable. Even if a caste broke out between them, ‘B’ asked for a separation
Hindu feigns to show some equality, he dreads to accept at the Caste Council on the plea that she cannot live
itand most respectfully declines it, Besides, almost with him in a state of perpetual rupture. The council
all the Scheduled Caste people are dependent econo- tried to effect a compromise between the two, but its
mically on the caste Hindus for their subsistence. Of efforts failed. Consequently, the Council allowed the
all the chains, economic chains are evidently the separation, receiving a fine of Rs. 10°50 from the
gtrongest, hardest, and fastest. The Community Deye- initiator of the proceedings. Usually a part of the
sratiMaLai 191
fine amount is shared among the Council members and distinction is rarely discernible. Both the sects join
the other part goes to the Caste Fund. often in common worship. The Yaishnavites have no
scruples in going to Saivite temples and worship
Case II Saivite Gods like Lord Subramania, Vinayaga and
Alagar Perumalakka Siva etc. So too the Saivites freely go to Vaishnava
temples. The Hindus of this village have no fixed time
(A) (B) for daily worship and no Hindu visits any temple
*B’ is already a divorcee. ‘A’ married her. Subse- everyday. But once or twice a week, the womenfolk
quently ‘A’ became a leper and so ‘B’ pleaded fora made it a point to go toa temple of their own in the
divorce at the Caste Council. The Council allowed village and lighta wick in the stone or metal lamp
the divorce on the ground of physical disability, that is found there and burn a camphor. Any villager
as he goes along the streets or when he is going for
' Case HI work, if he has to go past a temple, he stops before
Muthuradan Sibbi the temple, knocks gently his head with his hands
crossed as a token of his piety and respect for the
(A) ம deity, and then passes his way. It would appear that
‘A’ reported to the Council that his wife had connec- quite a good number of menfolk do not bother very
tion with another man while ‘B’ countercharged that ‘A’ much about the religion and are just indifferent to it.
had connection with a girl, This matter was enquired But they are byno means atheistic or antipathetic to
in detail by the Council. ‘A’ paid a fine of Rs. 10°50 religion or Gods. In the humdrum routine of their
and the divorce asked for was granted. life which jis a little exacting, in their poverty and
economic backwardness, amid a variety of worries that
Ritual structure are cating into their life, these people have hardly the
leisure or the mental quiet to devote themselves to
155, There are three distinct religious groups in the religious duties or worship of Gods. They remember
village-Hindus, Muslims and Christians, Hindus being God, rather their particular God, whenever they feel
numerically predominant. Hindus constitute 92% of like remembering and mentally offer a few words of
the total population and Christians and Muslims con- worship on the spot, There are, of course, quite a few
stitute a very negligible proportion of about 8%. The people in the village, who lavishly smear their forehead
villagers of Sirumalai are as religious as any villager with sacred ash and look very religious and exceedingly
could be, if not more. There is no Hindu in the pious. The Gods of this village have each quite a
village who knows anything about the higher philoso- number of very religious and pious devotees and also
phical side of Hindu religion. The knowledge of almost a number of indifferent worshippers, but certainly no
all the Hindus is confined to a few anecdotes of Hindu critics. For most of the aged people, religion is a
mythology and an outline of the knowledge of the Hindu great solace and they spend more time in worshipping
epics, Ramayana and Mahabharathas They know God, and in reading and discussing ancient books of
well the stories of the principal Gods of the Hindu religion, epics and puranas. But even their number
pantheon. To this must be added a living faith in too seems to be gradually declining. It is a general
spirits, ghosts, demons, witchcraft and magic. Apart phenomenon everywhere that religion is gradually
from these, the religion is mostly of a ritual character. relaxing its hold upon the people and Sirunsalai is no
Almost all the Christians of this village are Roman exception to that. But religion is more in evidence in
Catholics and are found in large numbers in Pudur and Sirumalai than it is likely to be in the plains. Perhaps
in St. Joseph’s Estate. There are only nine households that is invariably the case with all unsophisticated
of Muslims which are found in Pudur and Chakkilia- people living in a backward, interior, isolated and
patti hamlets, They belong to two divisions, viz., inaccessible village like Sirumalai. We could not come
Rowther and Pathans. Both of them belong to across any man in Sirumalai who was too very fervent
‘Sunni’ sect. religiously.
Hindus Temples
156. The Hindus of this village may be divided as 157. There are eight temples in Sirumalai dedicated
elsewhere into Saivites and Vaishnavites, but this _ to varfous deities. Four of them are in Pazhaiya Ur,
192 VILLAGE ஸ்ரார்
three in Podur and one in Chakkiliapatti. The four worship is known as ‘“ Ethir Sevai*. The Sastha
temples in Pazhaiya Ur are dedicated to Kaliamman temple is more popularly known as Aiyanar temple,
{the Indian Bellona), Vinayaga (the elephant headed Aiyanar being the guardian deity of the village.
God), Vellimalai Andavan (a form of Siva) and Sastha Aiyanar is a common deity in most of the small
(the guardian deity of the village). The Kaliamman villages. In most villages, it is believed that he rides
temple has no idol, but the deity is represented by a round the village in the dead of night on the back
pillar tied to which hangs an oil lamp. The pillar has of a terrific horse, accompanied by hordes of warriors
all over its surface black stain of oil offerings made to known in Tamil as “* Virans.”. He is supposed to be
it by the devotees during their worship. The Vinayaga a very powerful and aggressive deity capable of meet-
isa small stone structure situated near the school. ing out terrible punishment even for slightest disres-
There is a stone idol of this God in the temple. In’ pect. Consequently, the villagers take every effort to
fiont of the God Vinayaga, there is an image of the propitiate him from time to time and keep him in
mouse which is usually the deity’s carrier or vehicle agreeable humour. However, the amount of devotion
(vahana). The Vellimalai temple is situated on the that is shown to him seems to be steadily and gradually
on the decline due ‘to economic circumstances of the
people and the hard days the people are living in.
Festival
Pangunl Uthiram
ration comes to an end with the distribution of puffed According to the mythological legend relating to this
corns, and fried grams (kadalai, pori, 800 481), love God, he was born out of the mind-stuff of Lord
Thirumal, He is an embodiment of charming mas-
Vellimalai festival culinity and he is the Hindu counterpart of European
Cupid. His consort Rathi is the incarnation of all
160. This is an expensive festival, celebrated once possible and impossible feminine beauty and her
in ten years on a very lavish and grand scale and lasts dazzling charm is such that it cannot be laid down in
for fifteen days. The celebration of this festival is script. God Kaman belongs to the secondary order
informed to the village public by tom-tom, days in of the Hindu pantheon. His portfolio is the genera-
advance. The villagers make a lot of willing contri- tion of amorous temptations in both sexes, With his
butions in cash and kind, bow of sugarcane and arrow of flowers, he is said to
shoot at young men and women and kindle in them
the fire of love. He has got an army to carry out his
On the festival day, a husked coconut with its tuft
commands, but the entire army consists only of beauti-
set into the mouth of a small vessel with a globular
ful women. The cool and gentle breeze is his chariot.
bottom and covered with margosa leaves and flowers
His Vehicle is parrot. Darkness is his carrier. He
is decorated with gotd and silver jewels. This is
has got a flag with the inscription of a fish on it. The
called ‘ Karagam’. This is then taken to the three
legend has it that he once attempted to kindle carnal
temples, viz., the Vellimalai temple, the Kaliamman
desire in no less a person than Lord Siva himself the
temple and the Sastha temple. The order of prece-
lord of the Lords and the God of the Gods, the highest
dence is as has been stated here. The womenfolk
and the most unreachable in the Hindu pantheon. This
accompany the Karagam with Mavilakku. Mavilakkus
he did on the instigation of Devas, of course, with a
are small lamps made of flour paste where ghee soaked
cotton wicks are set burning. This flour paste is tasty view to achieve, a great and noble end. But Lord Siva
would never fall a victim to his designs since he is the
and is eaten with relish after the puja and the offerings
one that has burnt all desires and sits beyond the reach
to the deity are over. The following day the Karagam
is taken to the tank. On the way to the tank, at the of all temptations. Lord Siva coming to know of the
foolish and stupid attempt of the God Kaman reduced
doorstep of every devotee’s house, one pot-fuil of
him to ashes by the twinkling of his invisible third eye
turmeric water is poured on the Pujari by the people But
on his forehead in a fit of uncontrollable anger.
in the house, The next day is the day of Guru Puja
when all the people without any distinction are served
Rathi, the wife of Kaman, moved Lord Siva to pity by
with free food in the open and a free kitchen is run her most pathetic entreaties. Lord Siva, touched by the
for the congregation. On the following day there is
supplications of Rathi, now decreed that Lord Kaman
would come back to life, but he would not have a body
animal sacrifice to the deity when a he-goat is cut and
offered to the deity. Its meat is cooked and served
and move in the Universe as a disembodied power and
along with rice to the villagers. The same sacrifice is he would be visible only to the eyes of his wife Rathi
and to nobody else.
done at the Sastha temple on the following day.
Kaman Pandigai The festival falls during the Tamil month of Masi
(February-March) and lasts for about ten days. The
161, This isa festivalin honour of the God of
Love, popularly known as Manmatha.: He-has got festival 1s proclaimed to the village public by the
several other names of which ‘ Kaman’ is one. This beating of tom-tom and by the hoisting of a decorated
festival goes to show the high place which the Hindus pole in some central part of the village. The festival
accorded to the concept of love. In classical times, takes place in Pazhalya Ur usually In front of the
this festival seems to have been very popular and cele- present Panchayat Office. The sacred pole is decorated
brated with immense gusto and enthusiasm. Since with the branches of castor plant, Sithagathi tree,
ancient oulture now-a-days survives mostly in villages Peikkarumbu (a variety of sugarcane never eaten by
only, we find this festival being celebrated only in public) and a plantain-sucker. This pole represents
villages and not in towns. Bot this festival has the God Kaman. It is further.decorated with jasmine,
survived in such a village as Sirumalai is ample evidence rose and arali flowers. On the top of the pole is tied
of the tenacity and staying power of the ancient a cloth soaked in turmeric and .containing a small
religious culture of India and particularly Tami! Nad. pearl, coral, an iron piece, turmeric, betel leaves and
25
194 VILLAGE SURVEY
arecanuts, This symbolic, Kaman is taken to the is actually to take place and there it is hoisted In the
temple of Lord Vinayaga by the caste head of the centre of a specially erected dais. Offerings are made
Vellala community and a puja is performed to it. The to God Kaman as well as to Lord Siva.
pole is next taken round the temple thrice, accom-
panied by a loud chorus of vocal and instrumental The festival is wound up after a lapse of fifteen
music. Then it is taken to the spot where the festival days. On the night of the fifteenth day, women take
& _—_
22
— ப
7, கட் இ வ -
சசி?
தட் = afar
tay 2. . - சத்
17
ட் அன OR பிடிப
oaஆலன் ea ஆ.
aw
owe eet
Mavilakkus, an edible offering made of flour on which is to and while the effigy is burning, women sing songs of
placed burning mud lamp. The womenfotk offer pujas lamentation. On the following day, the ash remains
to God Kaman. This is followed by the enacting of a of Kaman is dissolved in the village tank or in a
drama Therukkoothu which is a farce representing the flowing rivulet and some ceremonies are performed.
mythological legend relating to Kaman and Rathi. At On that night, puffed corns and other small eatables
the end of the drama, the effigy of Kaman is set fire are distributed to the villagers.
An iImpover. ished Church built by Harijan converts
at Pudur.
SIRUMALAL 195
to the songs of the motion picture. If this trend con- Usually in villages, the pressure of social discipline
tinues-and it is sure to continue-these folk songs may is more marked than in urban towns; particularly in
be completely blotted out from the minds of the backward villages, we see the evidence of it almost at
people in the course of the coming one or two decades. every turn. Social norms and conventions and caste
It will indeed be a bit of tragedy since these folk songs regulations are rigorously observed and any departure
have nowhere been laid down in script: from them brings on the offender the emphatic con-
demnation of the community. Sometimes even very
During festivals, we come across two interesting
slight transgressions get into the full glare of public
items of recreation. They are a sort of dances. One is
notice and the offending individuals are shunned and
‘ Karaga Attam’ and the other is ‘ Kavadi Attam’:
held in great contempt. There is a sediment of ancient
In Karaga attam, a few small decorated metal vessels
culture which may now be dwindling, but which can
are placed one upon another and the dancer balances never be destroyed. Consequently there is great
them on his head without the aid of his hands regard for elders among the youngsters, there is filial
while he twists his body in all directions and dances docility towards parents on the part of children and a
in all postures. To one who sees it for the first time general hatred of all manner of sexual vulgarity,
itis an extremely thrilling performance. It indeed As has been touched upon already, religion has madea
requires a highly developed skill in the art of balan-
deep inroad iato their lives for generations and reli-
cing. There are consummate dancers in this field gious practices are sometimes most scrupulously
some of whose performances are really breath-taking, observed even amidst harrowing poverty. Some of
But those that perform this Karaga attam in Sirumalai the village deities are embodiments of terrible ferocity
are only persons with ordinary and moderate skill. In and the poor villagers dread their Gods as they would
Kavadi attam, a bow-like- frame made of wood and be fury of an element.
bamboo splinters, decked with flowers and sacred arti=
cles is balanced on the shoulder by the performer. 169. The villagers do not display any serious cri
These dances are performed to the accompaniment of minal tendencies in the legal sense, though their nature
drummings and pipings, sometimes very furious and is generallya mixture of violence and softness. Of
from
defiant, but ordinarily anybody. including visitors course, there are some black patches in the annals of
urban parts’can appreciate and enjoy these perfor- the village, but we need not make much of them. The
mances. crime statistics in respect of the village for the past
one decade, given in the form ofa tabular statement
Morality and social ethics overleaf would give a clear enough idea of the position.
168. The villagers of Sirumalal are generally a piece- Most of the cases are not reported to the Police and
hard-
loving and industrious people, They are crude, are settled by the villagers themselves. Among the
hearted, as a matter of fact and extremely persevering. crimes tabulated here, cases of theft seem to stand out
Nature
Their chief problem is constantly to exploit though they are not even balf as many as we find in
this, they are regist ering percep tible success
and in some of the backward villages: We have to look at
has been repeat edly
with the passage of years. As the whole matter with a pinch of charity. The gene-
do not have much contac t with
stressed before, they rality of the villagers are steeped in the morase of
civiliz ation and they seem to be miles and
the modern poverty and with quite a number of them, daily bread
d knowledge.
‘miles away from any kind of sophisticate is a daily problem. If the rains do not come and the
their agriculture and plantation,
Even regarding sky disappoints, quite a number of people are on the
upoa them. -This
modern knowledge has to be thrust brink of starvation and one square meal a day become
inevit ably made them a
thick envelope of ignorance a rarity. But nature doesnot seem to have ever
also. With all their burdens and
good deal innocent a smile on treated them too very hard and the village has never
manag e
hardships of daily existence, they seen famine conditions, Those that are driven to
sweetn ess of temper , They
their face and display a likes to commit theft do it despite themselves and it is usually
nature and one always
possess a hospitable come across resorted to by those who perennially face the disma
ny. We
enjoy the warmth of their compa polite with prospect of starvation, Usually they steel plantations
are meticu lously
many among them who care to see or lemon and hurry to the plains with their ill-begotten
take every
new visitors to the village and nds sati sfac to- board to sell them away at whatever price they may
thei r erra
that they are duly obli ged and fetch.
ily fulfilled,
1% VILLAGE SURVEY
Prohibition cases are reported as ‘NIL’ for quite a intervals to the village and keep a continuous watch.
a number of years. But this does not mean that drink Even then, it would be difficult for the police to catch
is something like a taboo with the villagers. Quite a them redhanded since these people of the mountains
few of them are confirmed drink addicts and they are fleet-footed and can easily dupe the police. They
indulge heavily in drinks. But the arm of law does really partake of the strength of the hardihood of the
not easily reach them and most cases go undetected. mountains in whose laps they move, breathe and have
There is no Police Station in the village and it is the their being.
most difficult exercises for the police to go at frequent
Nature of crime - 1950 1951] 1952 1953 1954 1955 1956 1957 1958 1959 1960
Theft டத 3 6௩ 2 1 Low 5 1 2
Mischief cases on ove oes ove ave வ் ave ovo ons 1 ows
General
No. of households .
ம 2 3) 4 (3) (8)
Vellalar 124 13 7 5 22
Naidu 76: 8 6 3 நு
Nadar il
Pallan
Naicker 1 oor oe 2
Gounder
Chettiar
Asati
Parayan
Kuravar
Pandaram
Agamudaiyar
Brahmin
Oddar
Pandithar
Maravar
Piramalaikallan
Christian 32 6 3 4 2
ow ver ow 1
‘Muslim (Rowther)
200 VILLAGE SURVEY
The Co-operative movement is gradually progressing There are two Co-operative Societies in the village,
under favourable auguries and is slowly bringing viz., Sirumalai Co-operative Multi-purpose Society and
within its fold more and more households. As it is, the Gandhipuram Co-operative Multi-purpose society.
there are now 52 households covered by it. Since itis The latter is located at Chakkiliapatti. Extending credit
of appreciable economic advantage to them, and since facilities, primarily for purposes of land improvement
it assures them at least an occasional financial relief, and land reclamation are its main activities. The
the people are beginning to show some sensible interest former Society was established in 1949, but it was in a
in the movement. Sooner or later, itis sure to take dormant state for nearly eight years. In 1960, thanks
in its ambit the entire village and it may prove a rally- to the efforts of some public-spirited villagers, new life
ing point for these poor and helpless villagers to was injected into the Society and it was galvanized 1010.
organise themselves for other manifold activities for action. Its membership has increased from 104 in
social and economic betterment. The following table 1949 to 259 in 1964. The Society’s land disbursements
will provide a fair idea of its strength and working. are in the order of Rs. 44.000 and odd till the finans
cial year ending 1964. Of this, the short-term loans
Table No. XXXI
alone amount to Rs. 36,398. A member of the
Vellala community is now the President of the Society,
Co-ogerative society He is an energetic young man with some amount of
social awareness and he is showing good promise.
Total Number of house- There are signs that he is taking the Society on fruit-
Caste/ number holds joining the
Community of Multipurpose ful and progressive lines and his associates seem to
house- _ Co-operative ungrudgingly offer him a helping hand. The Society
holds Society
convenes its general body meeting twice a year.
(0 உ. 8)
The Chakkilians have a Society of their own, started
Vellalar 124 22° a few years ago. It has been already mentioned. It
Chakkiliar “ 102 15 is by and large a Credit Society, and a few loans have
been granted to petty land owners among Chakkilians
Naidu 16 16
on the security of their property. The Society, though
Konar 37 சச
of modest and humble dimensions, seems to be dis-
Valaiyar 13 a charging its functions with some semblance of success.
Nadar li ose A Co-operative Society for Chakkilians, by Chakkilians
Pallan 7 ase and through Chakkilians {s something rare. As years
Naicker ப 2 go by, itis likely to prove of considerable economic
advantage to these helpless and downtrodden people
Gounder 4 von
and create among them some cohesiveness, social
Chettiar 3 ase ‘solidarity and collective consciousness,
Asari 2 ae
Pareyan 2 on Other public Institatlons
Kuravyar ‘2 ose
Pandaram 2 . 171, Siramalai has other important developmental
Agamudaiyar 1 oes _agencies such as Mathar Sangam, Social Education
Brahmin 1 Centre and Community Recreation Centre. The acti-
vities of the Mathar Sangam are not worth speaking
Oddar 1 oes of though a handful of ladies seem to evince occasional
Pandithar 1 on interest. Itis five years old, but Its record of progress
Maravar 1 we is next to nothing except for two sewing machines
Piramalaikallan 1 oes that have been donated to it by the Panchayat Union.
Christian 32 2 The Mathar Sangam is a declining institution as far as
Muslim (Rowther) 7 1 our knowledge goes. It is possible that before it dies
a natural death, some enterprising women may come
» (Pattani) 2 ~
forward to impart a new energy to it and steer it along
Fotal 418 52 healthy lines.
Playing cards is the usual recreation for men - folk.
SIRUMALAI 201
Income Expenditure
Rs. oP.
The Panchayat has made a good showing in the thirty children have been accommodated. If the
matter of providing amenities to the village. Consi- public response improves, this institution is sure to
dering the size of the village and its backwardness, its make a good show. .
record of activities is not poor though it may not be A Maternity Centre has also been opened to look
spectacular, The Panchayat has undertaken the after mothers and children. The maternity assistant
construction of two drinking water wells, a school
assists the mother during pre-natal and post-natal
building, the Panchayat building, construction of road, period. From the proofs available, we can say that
etc., within the span of the past seven years. Ithas helped
the Maternity Centre is performing its duties with
the people to obtain loans for the development of cattle,
commendable promptitude. This centre is also in
poultry and agriculture. It has also a proposal to con-
charge of the CARE milk powder supplied by the
struct an overhead tank for the supply of drinking water
Panchayat Union for the children. The Panchayat
to the villagers. The Panchayat seems to be nursing
Union has also been granting loans to planters for
many more ambitious programmes, but if they are to be
land improvement, and so far loans to the tune of
realised, it is essential that the villagers are enlightened
Rs. 20,000 have been granted. Two breeding bulls have
from time to time by the Panchayat on the usefulness also been supplied to the villagers at half cost.
of the projects and the value of collective effort. It is
seen that there is already some good leader-ship in the The Panchayat Union also propose to have two
embryonic stage. The Panchayat, as itis, seems to Banana Demonstration Plants. It is taking a lot of in-
have a core of strength and a noticeable degree of terest in poultry ‘development and fifty white leghorn
energy. A sense of mission also is not wanting. We birds have been supplied to the villagers and a subsidy
can expect that it will not fail the villagers. of Rs, 100 has been granted to several households.
Preventive inoculation and vaccination are given
Community development periodically to the birds when outbreak of any disease
among them is aaticipated. The Panchayat Union has
173. Sirumalai comes under the Dindigul Panchayat also supplied a radio for the Panchayat which is
Union, the office of which is situated at Dindigul. installed at Pazhayia Ur hamlet. Towards Family
Quite a few villagers are well acquainted with this Planning, a start has been made with the distribution
office. The Panchayat Union is trying to spearhead a of preventive tablets. Contraceptive medicines have
variety of constructive activities in the village of been distributed to twenty households.
Sirumalai through the Village Panchayat. The school The Panchayat Union can do a good deal more to
building at Pudur was constructed with the financial the village if there are facilities for easy access to the
aid of the Panchayat Union. For the two. drinking village. The laying of a good metalled road is, there-
water wells also, the Panchayat Union has provided’ fore, a matter of imperative urgency. When that
substantial monetary contribution, comes, everything else is sure to follow automatically.
Even now the Panchayat Union handles with utmost
Under the auspices of the Social Education Centre, sympathy all the problems relating to the improvement
the Panchayat Union has made some arrangments of Sirumalai village. The officials of the Rural
for adult education. There are two adult schools, Development and Revenue Departments are doing
one at Pazhayia Ur and the other at Pudur. But their best against heaviest odds to ameliorate the
again it has to be stated that these two adult schools conditions of the village and its populace. In another
are languishing. Another schoo) for infants known five years, we may expect things to change for the
as Montessori School has been started where about better in quite an apperciable degree.
CHAPTER vi
CONCLUSION
We have now come to the end of the report. It isa of change that never reached Sirumalai till now are
stimulating experience to go to the village Sirumalai now beginning to blow slowly over its surface, The
and meet the simple innocent folk living there. The chief handicap for progress is the lack of communica-
uphill trip in a jeep to Sirumalaiisa piece of minor tion facilities. It is the duty of the Government to
expedition. After reaching the village, we feel that provide them as early as possible.
we have come into a new atmosphere and we feel that
Time has travelled back and we are sensing out-moded The villagers of Sirumalai are not an aggressive lot.
times and by-gone centuries. The villagers look at the They are an endearing people with plenty of native
new visitors with a slight bewilderment and a nervous goodness. Indolence fs alien to their nature. They
smile. If you draw level with them, their shyness have got the will and energy to work. They are
soon drops out and they begin to feel at home with capable of prolonged exertion on the soil. They are
you. A lively talk with laughter and fun now follows. successful exploiters of Nature. Itisin the interests
The villagers like everybody that goes to study them, of civilization to redeem such people to decent living
understand their plight and fathom their minds. The and put them on the track of modern progress. It is
‘villagers take the visitors round and show to them the not difficult to win them to new ideas. It is not
squalor and poverty in which they live. There is an difficult to harness them to constructive endeavours. It
explanation of grievances and hardships on one side is not difficult to generate among them a collective
and expression of sympathy and suggestion of remedies consciousness. Itis not difficult to make them co
on. the other side. operate with the officials. They are a meek and docile
people. We can tap the immense moral energy that
The villagers of Sirumalai are conscious of their is lying dormant in them. Behind their crude exterior,
enormous backwardness. They are now developing they have an exceeding abundance of elemental inno~
an urge to ameliorate their conditions and catch up ‘cence. They are anxiously looking for help and
with modern trends. A new leadership of a promising guidance. They have nothing but regard for us and
nature is gradually emerging into notice. The winds we should have nothing but good wishes for them:
APPENDIX I
(5) Sex:
(c) Age:
உ
3. Statement
ப்ப்பப்பப்பு
Bu1yIOM
Teaon pen
"0011820௦௧0
JI Ananoy
10118005௦௦
௦1180032௦0
101180022௦
Alepuosas
கீழு 008
பப்ப
185101
O psey
கீ]ு$ம0ய
eBviIIeUS
கிய
பர
2300 10
001 8]238
Axe10V]
Arewug
மொலை
051
ற்
oq SE
39947
gwen,
9847
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jou
ஏ
" APBENDIX 405
A. DURATION OF RESIDENCE:
B, RELIGION:
5. (a) Religion:
(b) Sect:
(c) Tribe or Caste:
௦. MARRIAGE :
of
8. (a) (Has any marriage in contravention
caste or tribal law taken place in this
்
household? (Answer Yes/No.)
நு, INHERITANCE :
E. PROPERTY:
Band
14. If the household possesses land, fill up the
following :—
APPENDIX 207
(v) Sugarcane
(vi) Barley
(vii) Vegétable
(viii) Jute
(ix) Chillies
(x) Tobacco
(xi) Oil seeds
(xii) Cotton
(xiii) Ginger
(xiv) Fodder or bamboo or cane
(xv) Fruits
(xvi) Other agricultural crops (Maize,
Jowar, Bajra, etc.)
17. Fishery
(@) Does the househotd own any tank?
(ஐ If fish is reared, was any quantity sold last
year? (Answer Yes/No. If ‘Yes’, mention
quantity.)
F. INDUSTRY:
20. When and how did you learn the art or craft
concerned?
(a) Do you consider further training necessary?
(Answer Yes/No.)
(9) If Yes’, describe the type of training you
desire.
_ G. INDEBTEDNESS:
1. Purchase of land.
Marriagee
Funerals.
To give dowry.
To clear outstanding debts.
Sickness.
Confinement.
Family day-to-day expenses.
Household cultivation.
Industry run by household.
Business run by household.
Festivals.
14. Others.
1. Relatives,
a Friends or neighbours.
3. Village money-lenders.
4, Professional money-lenders from outside.
5. Government institutions.
6. Co-operative Credit Societies.
7. Land Mortgage Banks.
8. Other Co-operative Societies.
9, Others (Specify).
H. EDUCATION:
27. (a) How much did you spend last year on the
education of your children?
(5) Does any member of the household regularly
read a newspaper or listen to news broad-
cast?
1, COMMUNITY:
J. DIET:
K. UTENSILS:
(2). Aluminium
2(3) Copper
(4) Brass
(5) Eversilver
(6) Silver
L. FUEL:
N. HOUSES:
Roof—
(12) Others.
Wall—
(23) Others.
Floor—
Number of slopes—
One.
Two.
Three,
Four.
Five. .
Six or more.
Without slopes.
0. CONSUMER GOODS:
45. (1) (2) Does the household possess hurricane
lantern / petromax or hazak / battery
torchlight / kerosene stove } bicycle /
gramaphone / radio-set? (Cross out those
which do not apply).
(6) Has any of the items been acquired for
the first time in the last five years? If
‘Yes’, which are these articles?
POSSESSIONS
(a) Car.
(6) Bullock cart.
(2) Jutka.
(4) Ponies.
@D) Vaccination :
ட
47. Income
(a) Rice.
(6) Other grains,
(0) Dhall.
(8) Total.
(2) Vegetables—
‘@) Potatoes.
(b) Tapioca.
‘(c) Onions,
(d) Coconut;
(e) Others.
(f) Total.
(3) Non-Vegetarian:
(a) Meat.
(6) Fish.
(6) 1.
(d) Others.
(4) Milk.
(b) Oils.
(c) Total.
(6) Condiments:
(a) Chillies.
(6) Tamarind.
(c) Others.
(d) Total.
(7) Sugar:
(a) Sugar.
(6) Jaggery.
(c) Total.
28
213 VILLAGE SURVEY
{a) Coffee.
உ
(c) Total.
(3) Liquor:
(10) Tobacco:
{a} Smoking.
(b) Chewing.
{c)} Total.
_ (B) Education:
Ci) Fees.
(3 Books.
(3) Uniform.
(4) Others.
{C) Clothing:
(ஆ Fuel:
(E) Marriage:
(F) Festivals -
(G) Miscellaneous:
3 Travelling.
(4) Medical fees and medicines.
(6) Amusements,
APPENDIX 219
(H) Others:
Total
SOCIAL DISABILITIES:
average
(b) The system of grouping of houses —
cluste rs of house s—
distance between two
such group ing ©.&., wheth er
regsons for
accou nt of the nature of the surface
on
social
of land or on account of the
customs.
common—
(c) Internal roads—Tanks—Village
m or other exten sive source of
any strea
r y
— proximit or other wise of any
wate
numb er of shade-
jungle —Approximate
and how they are arra nged .
bearing trees
t the village?
2. What is the local legend abou
average house of the
Detailed description of
ibe, religious group,
members of each caste/tr
village.
occupational group jn the
or Hats to which
Name and distance of Hat n for
surplus produce of the village is take
sale.
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APPENDIX Ul
14. ‘Village
17. Idly Steam cooked rice cake usually had for breakfast
A Muslim festival
30. Moharam
Tender seedlings grown in smal] containers
31. Mulaippari and placed before marriage dais
31.
Marriage badge which is tied to the
bride’s neck at the wedding
APPENDIX 241
55, Ulunthu kazhi oe Thick porridge made of rice and black gram
61. Ven Pongal vee Ven: White. White cooked raw rice mixed
with grams and spices