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Digital Imaging for Photographers
This page intentionally left blank
Digital Imaging for
Photographers
Fourth edition

Adrian Davies and Phil Fennessy

Focal Press
OXFORD AUCKLAND BOSTON JOHANNESBURG MELBOURNE NEW DELHI
Focal Press
An imprint of Butlcrwortli-Heineinann
Linacre House. Jordan Hill, Oxford OX2 8 D P
225 Wildwood Avenue. Woburn, MA 01801-2041
A division of Reed Educational and Professional Publishing Ltd

~@ A member of the Reed Elseyier plc group

First published as An I t / f r o d i ( c / i o t i /o Elccrrotiic / m q i t / g for P~foto,~r"l'lirr.~

1994
Second edition published as E/rc/ro/7ic./tmi,qitig f c w Pliorogrtrplirr.~ 1996
Reprinted I998
Third edition 1998
Reprinted 1999
Fourth edition 2001

0 Reed Educational and Professional Publishing Ltd 1001

All rights reserved. N o part of this publication may be reproduced in

any material form (including photocopying o r storing in any medium by
electronic means and whether o r not transiently or incidentally to some
other use o f this publication) without the written permission of the
copyright holder except in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright.
Designs and Patents Act 1988 o r under the t e r m of a licence issued by the
Copyright Licensing Agency Ltd, 90 Tottenham Court Road. London.
England W I P OLP. Applications for the copyright holder's written
permission to reproduce any part of this publication should be addressed
to the publishers

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

Davies. Adrian. 1953-
Digital imaging for photographers. - 4th ed.
1. Photography Digital techniques 2. Images. Photographic
~

I. Title 11. Fennessy. Phil

621.3'67

Library of Congress Cataloguing in Publication Data

Davies. Adrian. 1953-
Digital imaging for photographersiAdrian Davies and Phil Fennessy - 4th ed.
p. cm
includcs bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-240-51590-0
I. Images, Photographic. 2. Photography Digital techniques.
~

I. Fennessy. Phil. 11. Title.

TR222. D37X
778.3 - dc21 2001033385

ISBN 0 240 51590 0

Composition by Scribe Design. Gillingham. Kent

Printed and bound in Italy by Printer Trento S.r.1.

FOR EVERY VOLUME THAT WE PUBLISH BUTTtRWOHTH HtlNtMANIl

WILL PAY FOR BTCV TO P U N T AND CARE FOR A TREE
Contents

Introduction 1

Digital images - basic terminology 5

Image capture 13

Computers for imaging 56

File size, storage and image compression 74

Digital image processing 93

Image output 142

Imaging in practice 159

Colour and colour management 173

Appendix A Glossary 191

Appendix B Further reading 201

Appendix C Useful Internet addresses 203

Index 207
This page intentionally left blank
 1 Introduction

Digital imaging, electronic imaging - the terms mean different things to differ-
ent people. To the photographer it might mean filmless cameras, and an end to
the processing and printing of film in darkrooms; to the darkroom technician it
might mean image enhancement on a computer monitor: to the picture archivist
it might mean the storage of images in digital format, whilst to the printer it
might mean the scanning of images into desktop publishing programs and
outputting straight to printing plate without the need for producing expensive
separations etc.
It is really only within the last five years or so that digital imaging has started
to become an important and affordable tool to these people. But while digital
cameras have had a long and somewhat ‘awkward’ gestation period, desktop
computers (without which none of the other technology could exist) have
advanced extremely rapidly, with prices falling, and power increasing dramati-
cally. A commonly used adage in computing is that prices halve every two years
whilst power doubles every two years, and at present this shows no sign of
slowing down! Another truism, often quoted, is that ‘if you already own it. it‘s
out of date!’
For the photographer, whose technology has remained virtually unchanged
for more than fifty years, the change has been, and will continue to be, dramatic.
To some, very exciting with great potential, to others. a highly stressful period
involving a steep learning curve and possibly large capital investment. But there
is no doubt that digital imaging is here to stay, and whilst film will continue to
be used for a considerable time yet (the introduction of APS - the Advanced
Photographic System, in late 1995 by a consortium of the world’s leading photo-
graphic suppliers, has been successful in revitalizing the amateur photographic
market with a new film system), no photographer can afford to ignore and at
least understand the potential of digital imaging.
The digital imaging chain can be compared with the traditional silver-based
photographic chain. With a film-based system, the image is exposed in the
camera, processed, then printed. With electronic imaging a similar chain can be
seen, with image capture, image processing and image output.
Figure 1.1 illustrates some of the elements of digital imaging. from image
capture, either by digital camera or by the scanning of ‘silver-based’ images, to
image processing by computer, image storage and finally output by a number
2 Digital Imaging for Photographers

of different methods. Many photographers may only be involved in just one part
of the chain (capture or processing, for example) but should still be aware of
all parts of the cycle to ensure best possible results. The traditional skills of the
photographer, lighting, composition, dealing with models, are all still essential.
But digital imaging also opens up a host of new possibilities for photographers.
Portfolios can now be stored on CD-ROM, duplicated, and sent to agencies all
round the world, photographers can now market their services on the Internet,
and distribute their images electronically. Also, image-processing programs offer
the creative photographer enormous scope for new types of imagery to offer
their clients.

THE IMAGING CHAIN

Photograph or transparency Conventional video ANALOGUE

Output, e.g., laser print, thermal print, ANALOGUE

ink jet print, film, Internevemail OR DIGITAL

Figure 1.1 The imaging chain. Digital images can be obtained from both analogue
and digital sources. Analogue video images can be digitized using frame-grabbers,
whilst silver-based photographs can be scanned with a variety of scanning devices.
Increasingly, digital cameras are being used, producing 'photographic quality' images.
The modern desktop computer is very much the hub of the imaging chain, and a good
working knowledge of the hardware and software is essential for photographers using
digital technology. Generally, digital images are large, and require a large amount of
storage space. Again, a working knowledge of the various media and file formats for
storing images is important. The computer can perform a large number of operations
on images from simple enhancement to radical manipulation of the image. The quality
of the final output, be it print or monitor display is paramount, and a good knowledge
of the various print options and methods of achieving consistent results is again very
important if the best quality is to be obtained.
Introduction 3

But there are problems too. Photographers increasingly need to know about
areas such as pre-press and desktop publishing, things which in the past have
been the domain of graphic designers and reprography houses. Achieving
acceptable colour, consistently, from camera or film, to computer to the final
printed page is still some way off, as is the production of inexpensive large runs
of colour prints. By the same token, it is likely that many designers and others
employed in the graphic arts industry will start to capture their own images with
digital cameras, and manipulate and enhance them digitally.
Manipulation of images, whilst always possible photographically, is now much
easier. Whilst this will lead to the generation of creative images for advertising,
for example, it will also be abused by some newspapers, who already construct
images on computers. The question of whether digitally manipulated images are
admissible in photographic competitions or not is being actively debated around
the world. Organizers of wildlife photography competitions, for example, are
having to come to terms with the fact that whilst they may have a ruling banning
digitally manipulated images, if these are done to a high enough standard then
no one will ever know! Also, many picture libraries may see their markets
eroded with the advent of ‘royalty free’ images distributed on CD-ROM.
But it is not only professional photographers who are using digital imaging.
Over the last couple of years there has been a huge growth in the number of
digital cameras available for ‘consumers’, costing from around 21000 down to
less than 2200. Whilst the quality from these cameras is inferior to film, it is
adequate for many people, enabling them to send images via e-mail, or put into
Web sites on the Internet. The huge improvements in the quality of inexpensive
ink jet printers means that the traditional high street photo-lab now has compe-
tition, and will need to evolve to match it. Already, systems like Kodak’s Image
Magic and Ilford’s Printasia enable people to take prints into high street mini-
labs, get them scanned, retouched and printed very quickly, for example. Many
companies now offer services for printing images from digital cameras.
It is estimated that during 1999, 97 billion photographs were taken, world-
wide, of which 7 billion were shot on digital cameras. The market in the United
Kingdom has grown from virtually nothing in 1993 to about &SO million in 1997.
During 1997, approximately 80 000 digital cameras were sold, mostly at the low
end of the market, and it is estimated that by the year 2001, sales will reach
200 000 units, and account for around El60 million.
A frequently asked question is ‘when do we jump in?’ When is the right time
to make the investment in digital imaging? Of course, there is no simple answer.
With the rapid development of digital cameras, desktop computers, software and
printers, machines can be become ‘obsolete’ (though not useless!) within months
of their purchase. One way to answer the question is to say that the investment
is justifiable when clients start demanding digital services. Another is to look at
one’s overheads, and see if digital technology can reduce them. A typical
4 Digital Imaging for Photographers

catalogue photographer, for example, may spend f 4 0 000-50 000 per year on
film and processing. If this can be replaced with a digital camera and computer
then the cost is justified, p r o ided that the q z d i t y is good enoziglz! The customer.
of course, will also save on the cost of scanning.
Many photographers are adding new services for clients, such as retouching
and manipulation, or brochure design. The first newspaper in the United
Kingdom to go totally digital was the Birmingham Post and Mail, who
announced in January 1998 that they would be using digital cameras, laptop
computers and modems to send their images back to the picture desk. They
estimate that they would save around f 4 0 000 in film and processing costs during
1998. Major sporting events in the year 2000 - the European Football Champi-
onships, and the Olympic Games - were recorded digitally.
For many photographers, the answer may be never - stick with film, and use
a specialist facility whenever the need arises.
There are many other downsides to digital imaging as well. Imagine someone
finding a stack of CD-ROMs in their attic in a hundred years’ time. What will
they play them on, because sure enough, C D players in their present form will
not exist then (just look at the history of the gramophone record!).
This book is an attempt to explain the new technologies of digital imaging to
people without a computing or electronics background. It is not our intention
to persuade everyone to ‘convert’ overnight to digital imaging, but instead to
show the potential of the technology. to enable the reader to decide for
themselves whether they wish to pursue it or not. One thing is certain - no one
involved in the photographic or printing industry can afford to ignore it!
2 Digital images
terminology
- basic

Before looking in detail at how digital images are obtained or processed, it is

perhaps necessary at this stage to consider the basic terminology associated with
them and describe some of their characteristics.

Analogue to digital

The world in which we live is an analogue environment. Time passes, not as

discrete seconds or minutes but as a continuum, without breaks. We divide time
into discrete seconds for our own convenience. The same goes for sound - if the
sound of someone’s voice is conveyed via a microphone onto an oscilloscope
screen the signal is seen as a continuous wave. But modern computers can only
recognize digital data (discrete numbers), and the fundamental job of digital
cameras and scanners is to convert analogue images into digital values. In some
ways, it could be said that photographic images are digital too, in that silver halide
crystals are either converted to silver or not. but for practical purposes, they can
be thought of as analogue, with a continuous range of tones and colours.
In electronic terms, analogue signals are continuously variable over a range
of data points, each being represented by a point on a curve (Figure 2.1). Contin-
uously varying quantities such as voltage or frequency represent the image
brightness over a given area.
In order to process this analogue data within a digital computer it needs to
be converted into a digital form. The analogue signal is ‘sampled’ to get specific
values from particular points on the curve, as shown in Figure 2.2. Whilst this
may appear to be a rather crude process, if the sampling is done often enough,
then an extremely good representation of the curve can be gained. In the case
of audio signals, for example, the sampling rate to convert them into digital data
is around 44 000 per second (44.1 kHz).
In digital cameras or scanners, the sampling process is performed by the image
sensors or CCD chips. These consist of a large number of individual elements
(‘picture elements‘, or ‘pixels’), each of which ‘samples’ or measures the inten-
sity of light reflected or transmitted from an image. Each pixel can be thought
of as a light meter, measuring the amount of light falling upon it. (Pixels are the
digital equivalent of film grain, but unlike film, where the grains vary in shape
6 Digital Imaging for Photographers

Analogue signal Digital signal

Figure 2.1 Analogue signal - a Figure 2.2 Digital signal - the analogue
continuously variable signal. signal has been 'sampled' to produce a
series of discrete values.

and size, all pixels within an image are the same size and shape. i.e. square!)
Each pixel generates a voltage in proportion to the amount of light received,
and a stream of voltage values is generated by the sensor. However, this infor-
mation is in an analogue format, and must be converted to digital data.
This process is performed by an analogue to digital converter (ADC), which
is usually situated between the CCD sensor and the storage device, or memory
buffer. In the case of connecting an analogue video camera to a computer, for
example, the A D C would consist of a special card ('frame-grabber') which
would usually be fitted into an 'expansion slot' inside the computer.
In the case of a system capturing 8-bit monochrome images, for example, any
discrete portion of the image would be represented by eight binary digits
(Figure 2.2). This would give a possible 256 levels of brightness between black
and white in the resulting image - black, white and 254 shades of grey (Adobe
Photoshop uses the convention of a value of 0 for black, and 255 for white).

Spatial resolution

Digital images are composed of picture elements or 'pixels', and the resolution
or quality of a digital image will be largely, but not totally, dependent upon the
total number of pixels which make up the image.
The total number of pixels in an image is derived by multiplying the number
of pixels horizontally by the number of pixels vertically in the image sensor. A n
image composed of 640 X 480 pixels has a total of 307200 pixels. An image
composed of 1024 X 680 has a total of 696 320 pixels, more than twice as many.
If the two images are viewed at a small size, then they may well appear to be the
same quality, but if they are enlarged, then the one with more pixels will appear
to have higher resolution. This is rather like film, where a 20-inch X 16-inch print
will, in general, be better from a 5-inch X 4-inch negative rather than 35 mm (see
Figure 2.3).
Digital images - basic terminology 7

(C) (d)
Figure 2.3 Spatial resolution. (a) 16 x 16 pixels, (b) 32 x 32 pixels, (c) 64 x 64 pixels,
(d) 950 X 950 pixels.

In the case of a flatbed scanner, if the linear CCD sensor is 8.5 inches wide
and contains 2540 elements, then the maximum resolution possible is 2540
divided by 8.5, giving approximately 300 pixels per inch (sometimes referred to
as ‘samples per inch’).
8 Digital Imaging for Photographers

Other terminology

The terminology associated with resolution can be confusing, and many of the
terms are often used interchangeably in error, even though they have very
specific definitions. More details will be given later about each of them, but a
brief overview is given here.

Pixels per inch

This is the resolution of the digital image in pixels. A scanning device may have
a resolution of 300ppi, for example (this may be referred to sometimes as
‘samples per inch’). Unfortunately. many people mistakenly use the term dots
per inch when referring to scan resolution. Input devices such as scanners
produce pixels. Output devices such as ink jet printers produce dots to print
their images!

Dots per inch

This is the resolution of the output device, such as a printer or imagesetter. It
refers to how many halftone dots can be placed on a page by the printing device.

Lines per inch

This is the scale used to define the screen ruling used by printers when using
halftone screens for reproducing continuous-tone photographs in publications.
It refers to the number of lines [of dots] per inch used in the screen - typical
figures are 851 pi (newspapers) or 133 Ipi (this book).

Bit depth

The bit depth of an image is concerned with the number of possible values for
each pixel. Digital data is made up of a series of 0s and 1s (or ‘on-off‘ switches
- in fact, many switches on electrical devices have the symbols 0 and 1 to

indicate off and on). In computing, one bit is the smallest amount of data that
can be processed by a computer. A single bit can either be on or off, 0 or 1, or
black or white in imaging terms. One-bit images are those composed either of
black or white tones (line art). Photographers use special high-contrast line or
lith film to achieve this effect.
If 2 bits are allocated to each pixel. four combinations of 0s and 1s are poss-
ible, i.e.
00, 01, 11, 10 (black, white and two shades of grey)
Digital images - basic terminology 9

Similarly, 3 bits gives eight combinations, 4 bits gives sixteen combinations, 8 bits
gives 256 combinations and so on.
In mathematical terms the numbers are derived from a power of two, e.g.
2’ = 4
23 = 8
28 = 256
For black and white imaging, 256 grey levels (8 bits) are necessary for the eye
to see a continuous range of grey tones without any noticeable banding.

Colour images

When describing colour images the situation becomes slightly more complex.
Digital colour images, rather like colour film, are composed (usually) of three
primary colours, red, green and blue (they may be converted afterwards to four:
cyan. magenta, yellow and black, but for display on a monitor they are three
coloured). Eight bits per pixel are required for each of the three colours in order
to display a continuous tone, or ‘photo-realistic’ image, so a single pixel can have
a possible 8 bits or 256 values for the red component, 256 values for the green
and 256 values for the blue. Therefore, any pixel can have 24 bits associated with
it: 256 X 256 X 256 (21J) giving 16 777 216 possible values! A 24-bit colour image
therefore requires three times as much storage space as an 8-bit image. Images
are often referred to by their bit depth: 1 bit, 8 bit, 24 bit.
For reproduction in books, magazines and the like. four printing plates are
required, cyan, magenta, yellow and black. Each of these ‘separations’ requires
8 bits, so the resulting CMYK image is 32-bit rather than 24-bit, and will be one
third larger than its RGB equivalent (see Figure 2.4).
Several digital cameras and scanners offer the facility of capturing images in
10, 12, 14 or even 16 bits per colour. This data will not be used, but allows a
wider range of tones, particularly in shadow areas, to be captured. The process
is known as ‘supersampling’. Some image-processing programs can work with
16 bits per channel data, prior to down-sampling to 8 bits per channel for output.
Digital images may also be displayed in other ‘modes’ such as duotone,
indexed colour or Lab colour. These will be discussed later in Chapter 6.

Bits and bytes

The size of digital images is described by the number of bytes. kilobytes or

megabytes that the stored image takes up. An understanding of these terms is
also essential for users of digital imaging.
10 Digital Imaging for Photographers

Figure 2.4 Bit depth series. (a) one-bit

greyscale image, (b) 3-bit greyscale
image, (c) 8-bit greyscale image, (d) 8-bit
colour image, (el 24-bit colour image.

Strictly speaking, computers should be called digital computers, because they

can manipulate only digital data. In fact, this digital data must be in the form
of binary signals, with only two possible values, on or off, pulse or no-pulse, just
like an electrical switch. One item of digital data, represented by a 1 or a 0, is
called a ‘bit’ (short for ‘binary digit’). It is when several bits are strung together
that meaningful instructions can be given. Two bits can give four instructions
(i.e. 0 and 1 can be configured in four different ways: 00,11,10 and 01). A group
Digital images - basic terminology 11

of eight bits or switches gives 256 (28 = 256) possible combinations of 0s and Is,
and represent single letters, or other characters, for example. This is called a
‘byte’. Eight bits is sufficient for all the upper- and lower-case characters and
other symbols required on a standard computer keyboard. For example, a lower-
case ‘a’ is represented by the binary code: 01100001. Twenty-four bits give 16.7
million combinations. As we have seen, with digital images, a 1-bit system
displays either black or white. With a 2-bit system, black, white and two shades
of grey are displayed: 00,01,10, 11. With 8-bit images, 28 shades are possible, i.e.
black, white plus 254 shades of grey. Greyscale images are generally 8-bit (except
for some medical images such as X-rays which use 12-bit). In the 1930s experi-
ments were carried out into human perception to see how many shades of grey
people could perceive. In a large sample of people, variations from 157 to 315
individual shades were found, the average being 214. The nearest digital equiv-
alent is 256 shades (8-bit).
The following terminology is used when talking about bits and bytes:
8 bits = 1 byte
1024 bytes = 1 kilobyte (Kb)
1024 kilobytes = 1 megabyte (Mb)
1024 megabytes = 1 gigabyte (Gb)
1024 gigabytes = 1 terabyte (Tb)
(Strictly speaking, the prefixes kilo, mega, etc. refer to 1000, but because we are
dealing with a binary system, the numbers operate in a doubling fashion: 2, 4,
8, 16, 32, 64, 128, 256, 512, 1024, etc.)

File size

A simple formula can be used to calculate the approximate file size of an image:
Total no. of pixels X (bit depth divided by 8) = total no. of bytes
for example:
Image has 1200 X 800 pixels = 960 000 pixels
960 000 X (24/8) = 2 880 000 bytes (2.8 Mb)
A simple rule of thumb can be used if only an approximate figure is required
- multiply the number of pixels by 3, and that will be the size in megabytes. For
example, if an image has 1.5 million pixels, without compression it will be
approximately 4.5 Mb in size.
The final file size will, however, be determined by the file format used to save
it. Many formats have compression capabilities which will reduce the size of the
stored file.
12 Digital Imaging for Photographers

Vectors versus bitmaps

Pixel-based images are known as ‘bitmapped images’ or ’bitmaps’. Each pixel

has an address (an ‘x’ ‘y’ coordinate) and either a single value describing its
density (greyscale) or three values describing the relative amounts of colour
describing the pixel. Thus, a pixel having a density value of 125 would be mid-
grey, whilst a pixel with values of R255, G255, BO, would be yellow (red + green).
To store this image, all the information about each pixel has to be recorded.
Bitmapped images will exhibit ‘aliasing’ where curved or diagonal lines cross
the square grid of the bitmap. This can lead to extraneous colour artefacts in
some cases. This problem, and ways to minimize it, are discussed in Chapter 6.
Vector-based images are those generated by graphics programs such as Adobe
Illustrator or CorelDraw. Mathematical formulae are used to define the charac-
ter of shapes and lines (for example, a circle can be described by x2 + y’ = z‘).
These will take up far less space than bitmaps but cannot be used for photo-
graphic quality images.
3 Image capture

Several methods are available for acquiring images and inputting them into a
computer. Conventional silver-based photographs, in the form of negatives,
transparencies or prints, can be scanned. using a variety of scanning devices.
Digital still cameras which capture images directly in digital form have become
commonplace, offering both amateur and professional photographers the oppor-
tunity of replacing film and associated chemical processing with instant
electronic capture. Still images can also be 'grabbed', either from analogue video
cameras or video tape, or by using digital video cameras, which offer the facil-
ity of capturing either video sequences or still images.

History

Electronic photography has been in existence since the 1930s, when two rivals,
Philo Taylor Farnsworth and Vladimir Kosma Zoworykin, produced imaging
tubes known as the Image Dissector and Iconoscope respectively. both based
on glass tubes using thermal valve principles. The Iconoscope, produced by
Westinghouse, proved the most successful. In the United Kingdom, EM1
produced the Emitron camera, based on the Iconoscope design. and this was the
camera used by the BBC for its first television transmission from Alexandra
Palace on 2 November 1936. Cameras based on imaging tubes were the standard
capture method in the television broadcast industry until recent times when the
lighter and more robust CCD (Charge-Coupled Device) was perfected. This
technology is based on solid-state semiconductor principles.
Although the theory of such devices had been proposed as early as 1948.
its use in camera imaging devices did not take place until 1972, when Bell
Systems in America built the first viable design. Since then, their increasingly
small size, low cost and reliability have led to the introduction of domestic
video cameras or 'camcorders'. The tube system is still used in industrial and
scientific imaging where the definition and spectral response are of paramount
importance.
The first indication that the photographic community received of a digital
camera came in August 1981. when Sony announced the Mavica (Magnetic
Exploring the Variety of Random
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soldier-like manner of marching was resorted to too late to be of
much effect.
We, the reserve, arrived that evening at El-Burgo, a small village
within four miles of Corunna. Extraordinary measures seemed to
have been taken for the destruction of the bridge which there
crossed the Mero. The preparations being terminated, the 28th Light
Company, who still formed the rearguard, crossing over the bridge
were drawn up close in its rear. Many remonstrated against our
nearness, but were sneeringly assured of being more than safe: thus
high-bred scientific theory scorned the vulgarity of common sense.
The explosion at length took place, and completely destroyed two
arches; large blocks of masonry whizzed awfully over our heads, and
caused what the whole of Soult’s cavalry could not effect during the
retreat. The light company of the 28th and Captain Cameron’s
company of the 95th broke their ranks and ran like turkeys, and
regardless of their bodies crammed their heads into any hole which
promised security. The upshot masonic masses continuing their
parabolic courses passed far to our rear, and, becoming independent
of the impetus by which they had been disturbed, descended and
were deeply buried in the earth. One man of the 28th was killed,
and four others severely wounded were sent that night into
Corunna. This was the only bridge destroyed during the whole
retreat, except that of Castro Gonzolo, although many were
attempted.
Headquarters were this night at Corunna, and the whole of the
troops under cover. Even the 28th Light Company, although on guard
over that wonder, the blown-up bridge, were sheltered. We occupied
a house quite close to the end of the bridge. Nearly opposite to us,
on the other side of the street, a company of the 95th were
stationed, also in a house; and each company threw out small
detached parties and sentinels along the bank of the river.
The French infantry did not come up that evening; but next
morning, as day broke, we discovered the opposite bank lined by
their light troops; and a small village not far distant was held in
force. But a few shots from our guns obliged the enemy to abandon
the post; and a sentry from the 95th was pushed forward to the
verge of the broken arch, screened by stones and rubbish. Our
opponents took up a similar post on their side during the night, so
that, the British troops having now turned round to face the enemy,
the advanced posts of the contending armies were only the breadth
of two arches of a bridge asunder. In this situation we continued for
two days, keeping up an incessant fire, so long as we could discover
objects to fire at. This continued blaze was to our advantage, as it
obliged the enemy to answer us. We were plentifully supplied with
fresh ammunition from Corunna, whereas the expenditure on the
part of our foes was not so easily remedied; this they afterwards felt
at the battle of Corunna.
ONE SAFE The light company were very critically situated.
CORNER. On one side our windows were exposed to a flanking
fire; at the end of the house they were directly open
to the enemy; and both were exposed to fire from the opposite
bank, which was hotly maintained, so that it was impossible to cross
the room we occupied except by creeping on our hands and knees.
But in one angle we were as secure as in a coffee-house in London.
We could have been altogether out of danger in a magazine
underneath, but from there we could not see what the enemy were
about; and every moment it was expected they would attempt to
repair the bridge, or in some way endeavour to cross the river, which
was found to be fordable at low water. We therefore placed a large
table—the only one found in the house—in the safety corner. A
magazine was discovered filled with potatoes, the only ones we saw
since leaving Salamanca; and some fowls, detected in an outhouse,
were cackled forth from their hiding-places by the melodious, though
perfidious, notes of the ventriloquists in their search for game.
Having a sumptuous dinner on this day, we invited Captain
Cameron, commanding the Highland company of the 95th, who
were on piquet in the house opposite, to come over and dine with
us. Cameron was an excellent fellow and a gallant and determined
soldier; he willingly accepted the invitation, but hesitated as to
crossing the street, not thinking himself justified in risking his life for
a dinner when employed upon duty so important. But I told him that
if he would wait until three shots had been fired at the window from
which I was speaking (but standing at a respectful distance from it),
he would be safe in running across the street. I then put my cap
upon the point of my sword, pushing it gradually out of the window,
at the same time cautiously, as it were, moving forward a musket.
The three shots were soon fired at the cap. Cameron then bolted
across the street; but just as he was entering the door a fourth shot
was fired, which I did not expect, and, as well as I can remember,
passed through the skirts of his greatcoat without doing any other
injury. The danger was not here finished, for as soon as he arrived
within three steps of the top of the stairs he was obliged to crawl on
all fours, and continue that grovelling movement until he arrived
within the sanctum sanctorum. The servant who brought in dinner
was obliged to conform to the same quadruped movement, pushing
the dishes on before him. On that day also, Lieutenant Hill of our
regiment came to visit us, passing along the rear of the houses.
PORK FOR We were now rather numerous in the safe corner,
WINE. being four in number—Cameron, Hill, Taylor, and
myself. Hill, who came in late, was warned to keep
within due bounds; yet in a moment of forgetfulness he placed his
glass outside the safety line, and, as luck would have it, just as he
withdrew his hand the glass was shattered to pieces by a musket-
shot. A loud laugh arose at his expense; there was no other glass to
be found, and each being unwilling to lend his, he drank sometimes
out of one and sometimes out of another. The scene was truly
ridiculous; and the manner also in which we discovered wine is not
unworthy of being noticed. A man of the company, named Savage,
came running to say that he had discovered wine, and conducted
me to a house close by, in which General Disney, who commanded
our brigade, was quartered. Looking through a crevice pointed out
by Savage, for whose continued laughter I could not account, as
soon as my eye became familiar with the dim light within I
discovered the general and his aide-de-camp, Captain D’Oyly, of the
guards, filling their canteens with wine. Rather at a loss and not
thinking it decorous to interrupt the general whilst officially
employed for the good of the service, I went round to the door,
which I discovered whilst peeping through the microscopic fissure;
here I waited until they came out, not badly provisioned with not
bad wine. Just as they were about to lock the door I sprang forward,
saying that I had discovered wine to be in the house, and came to
inform him. The general thanked me very politely, saying that he
intended acquainting me privately, but that great caution must be
observed to keep it a profound secret from the men. This was the
good of the service alluded to. The general then gave me the key.
We sent for our canteens, which for several days had hung uselessly
over the men’s shoulders; our mess was plentifully stocked, and we
gave every man a bottle of wine half at a time. Shortly afterwards
D’Oyly came with the general’s compliments, to ask if I could lend
him a piece of salt pork, which he promised to repay at Corunna.
Our mess had none to give, but I procured a four-pound piece from
the company, which I must say he has never recollected to repay, so
that should he ever meet the 28th Light Company he will have an
opportunity of fulfilling his obligations.
 On the evening of the 13th the reserve received an order to
evacuate El-Burgo immediately. It stated that no regular formation
whatever was to take place, neither regiments, companies, nor
sections; every man was to move out independently, and as soon as
possible, in the direction of Corunna. The light company of the 28th
were directed to retire in the same manner as soon as the place
should be evacuated by the whole of the reserve. Such an order
coming from General Paget astonished us all. But our speculations
ceased when we reflected upon the source whence the order
emanated; for such was the high estimation entertained of General
Paget, and such the confidence reposed in him by every officer and
man in the reserve, that any orders coming from him were always
received as the result of cool determination and mature judgment.
When that officer gave an order there was something so peculiar in
his glance, so impressive in his tone of voice, and so decisive in his
manner, that no one held commune, even with himself, as to its
propriety or final object. The order was clear; the execution must be
prompt.
In obedience to this order the reserve commenced moving out of
the town, directing their steps towards Corunna in the manner
indicated. The light company perceiving the village evacuated by all
except themselves, prepared to follow the example by moving out of
the hothouse which they had occupied for two days, when all of a
sudden we were not a little startled by a tremendous crash; a
cannon-shot, followed by another and another, passed through the
roof, shattering tiles beams and every article that opposed. Our
sanctum sanctorum, or safety corner, now became no longer such;
we hurried downstairs, not delaying to assume our accustomed
quadruped position.
GO AS YOU This was the first time the enemy brought artillery
PLEASE. to bear on the rearguard, although their guns were in
position at Lugo. The previous unaccountable order
was now fully explained. General Paget had discovered a partially
masked battery in forwardness on the summit of a hill, and the
whole village was entirely exposed to its fire; into this battery the
enemy were dragging their guns, while the reserve were evacuating
El-Burgo. The general, perceiving the place no longer tenable,
fortunately ordered it to be abandoned in the manner mentioned.
Had he waited to make regular formations, the loss of men on our
part must have been considerable; for as the light company passed
through, the whole village was under cannonade and the streets
raked by musketry from the bridge. Thus the reserve bade adieu to
the advanced guard of Marshal Soult’s army as an advanced guard.
They insulted us at parting by firing while we were withdrawing our
advanced sentries, pressing necessity preventing us from resenting
the affront; but we warned them to beware, should we meet again.
 CHAPTER XI.

AT THE BATTLE OF CORUNNA.

A
nd now, before I join the army at Corunna, I beg to make a few
remarks about the light company, 28th Regiment, during the
retreat which ended at El-Burgo. It must, I imagine, appear
evident from the narrative that this company fully participated in all
the fatigues, hardships and privations which occurred throughout the
campaign in question; that they, in common with the reserve,
traversed eighty miles of ground in two marches, passed several
nights under arms among the snow-covered mountains, covered the
army as a piquet at Lugo, Betanzos, and Corunna, at which the
reserve were for two days in continual fire; that scarcely a shot was
fired during the campaign at which the company were not present,
nor a skirmish in which they did not bear a part. And it must be
clear, from the nature of light troops’ duty and movements, that they
took as much exercise and passed over as much ground, as the
most actively employed part of the army. From their being
exclusively charged twice by the enemy’s cavalry at Calcabellos,
once furiously charged at the bridge of Betanzos, and as the
rearmost company of the rearguard, on January 5th, engaged from
morning until night along the road from Nogales to Constantino, it is
but reasonable to suppose that they must have suffered at least as
many casualties as any company of the army; and finally, they
marched, the last company of the whole army, through the village of
El-Burgo under a heavy cannonade and a sharp fire of musketry. Yet
it now fell in as strong, if not the strongest company present, and as
efficient, willing, and ready for fight as any which the army could
produce; and were I to give my testimony in presence of the most
solemn tribunal, I could not say, so far as my memory serves, that a
single individual of that company fell out of the ranks, or was left
behind, in consequence of intolerable fatigue. The captain of the
company (Bradby) was left behind, sick, at Lisbon; and the senior
lieutenant (English) was sent in the sick-carts from Benevente to
Corunna on December 27th, 1808, suffering from dysentery; but no
man fell out on the march.

This short statement is not given with a motive of

WORK OF THE
28th LIGHT extolling the service of the company or of proclaiming
COMPANY. their strict discipline, though that would only be
performing an act of justice towards the distinguished
corps of which the company formed a part. I mention it rather as
forming in my humble opinion a strong feature in the character of
the whole retreat.
In bringing the 28th Light Company so frequently into contact
with the enemy, on which occasions the regiment were always at
hand, I will not assert that some little predilection may not have
been entertained by General Paget. I use the term predilection
rather than confidence lest such term might be considered
unpleasing to the other gallant corps who formed the reserve; but
whatever be the term used, the inclination was most natural.
General Paget had commanded the 28th Regiment, and had left it
but a few years previous to the campaign now under notice;
consequently he knew many of the men, and was acquainted with
all the old officers. He commanded the regiment too in a situation
which put nerve and discipline to the severest trial which has ever
been recorded. He it was who, when in command of the 28th
Regiment in Egypt, and attacked front and rear at the same
moment, ordered the rear rank to face about, and in this situation,
novel in warfare, received the double charge, which the men firmly
resisted and victoriously repulsed; thus he put to flight that chosen
body who, previous to this extraordinary circumstance were termed
the “French Invincibles.”
It cannot then be wondered at (nor can any other regiment feel
jealous) that General Paget wished in the hour of trial to have his old
corps near his person—not for his protection, but because wherever
the enemy made their boldest attacks in the vain hope of reviving
their claim to invincibility, there was he to be found triumphantly
disputing such claim, confident of success when at the head of the
same corps with whom he had destroyed their original title—a title
which after many a gallant effort made in its support expired on
March 21st, 1801, on the bayonets of the “Old Slashers.”
On the evening of the 13th the reserve fell into position with the
army at Corunna; but still there was no appearance of the
transports. On this night the enemy by indefatigable labour put the
bridge of El-Burgo in a passable state; and early on the morning of
the 14th they crossed over two divisions of infantry and one of
cavalry. As it was impossible to prevent this movement, it was feebly
opposed, with the object of economising our strength for a more
serious event. However some gunshots were exchanged.
On this morning a large quantity of powder sent for the use of
the Spaniards was destroyed, to prevent its falling into the hands of
the enemy. The casks were piled up in a large and lesser magazine,
built together upon a hill about three miles from the town. The
smaller one blew up with a terrible noise, which startled us all; but
scarcely had we attempted to account for the occurrence, when, the
train igniting the larger one, the crash was dreadful. A panic seized
all; the earth was agitated for miles, and almost every window in
Corunna was shattered. This was the largest explosion of powder
which had ever taken place in Europe—four thousand barrels.
ARRIVAL OF On this evening the long-expected transports
TRANSPORTS. hove in sight, and soon entered the harbour of
Corunna. Preparations for embarkation immediately
commenced; and during the night the sick, the best horses and
upwards of fifty pieces of artillery were put on board ready for a
start—but eight or ten Spanish guns were kept on shore ready for a
fight.
On the 15th Laborde’s division arrived—a formidable
reinforcement—and immediately fell into position on the extreme
right of the enemy’s line.
The despondency which seized the minds of many at the long
delay of the transports, and the accumulating strength of the enemy
which increased the danger of embarkation, induced several general
officers to recommend to the Commander of the forces that he
should ask the French marshal for terms under which he might retire
to his transports without molestation. Few men of sound reflection
could imagine that, even should the Commander of the forces
crouch to this humiliating proposition, it would be acceded to by the
haughty French marshal. Besides, there was no necessity for the
degrading step: the enemy, it is true, had upwards of twenty
thousand men in a strong position, and we had about fourteen
thousand men in an inferior position—the only one left us to occupy.
But the inhabitants of Corunna were determined to stand by us to
the last, and in a great measure cover our embarkation; and once
embarked we were not in very great danger, for all the batteries on
the sea face had been dismantled. Another great advantage was
that every English soldier was furnished with a new firelock and his
pouch filled with fresh ammunition, ready to be replenished from
Corunna when required. These advantages compensated for more
than half the difference in our numerical strength. Above all Sir John
Moore was not a man who would recommend a British soldier to
petition on his knees to an enemy, or to lower his national high
bearing; the high-spirited Moore was the last general in His Majesty’s
service who would submissively lead a gallant British force, however
small, through the Caudine Forks. He rejected the ignoble
proposition with feelings such as it deserved.
The conduct of the inhabitants of Corunna was doubly
honourable, as they knew that in a very few days their town must
fall into the hands of the enemy, whom they were now so
strenuously opposing.
On the evening of the 15th a smart skirmish took place between
our piquets on the left and a party sent forward on the French right,
in the neighbourhood of Palavia Abaxo. Laborde sent forward two
guns to strengthen his party. Lieutenant-Colonel M’Kenzie, of the
5th, with some companies rushed forward, endeavouring to seize
the battery; but a strong line of infantry who lay concealed behind
some walls started up and poured in such a sharp fire that the
piquets were driven back, carrying their lieutenant-colonel mortally
wounded.
During the night of the 15th Soult completed his arrangements.
His right rested close to the Mero; and prolonging his line over rocky
and woody ground, he placed his left close to a rocky eminence,
upon which he planted his principal battery, consisting of eleven
guns, posting several other guns as vantage-ground offered along
his line. To the left, and in advance of this big battery, their cavalry
were drawn up. Franceschi’s dragoons on their extreme left were
nearly a mile in rear of General Baird’s division, in a diagonal
direction. The rocky eminence which sustained the great French
battery stood at the edge of a valley which lay on Baird’s right,
extending in a semicircular direction by his rear and not far distant
from the harbour of Corunna.
POSITION OF On our side, General Hope’s division formed the
THE ARMIES. left of the line, resting their left flank on the slimy
banks of the Mero, extending his right so as to join
Baird’s division towards the centre of our line. From this, Baird
prolonged his division to the right, in front of the enemy’s left, and
was outflanked by the great battery, which in an oblique direction
was situated in his front. Our left wing and the right of the enemy
were much further asunder than the contending wings on the other
flank. This materially weakened our position; but it could not be
avoided, owing to the conformation of the slopes upon which alone
we could be drawn up. These slopes gradually retired from our right
to our left, and consequently the great French battery raked the
whole of our line. General Fraser’s division were drawn up close to
Corunna, to watch the coast road, and to be in readiness to proceed
to any part where needed most.
On the morning of the 16th all the incumbrances of the army
which had not been embarked the previous night were put on board,
and then everything prepared for a battle or retreat. It was intended
to embark the army that night as soon as darkness should screen
their retirement. The reserve, whose post was not so open to the
observation of the enemy, were to go on board in the afternoon. We
were told that in consequence of general good conduct during the
retreat, and having covered the army at Corunna for two whole
days, we should be the first division to embark, and thus have time
to make ourselves comfortable. All our baggage and such sea-stock
as we could procure was shipped, and after the men had dined we
marched towards the transports. Our minds were now occupied by
thoughts of home; but we had not proceeded above a hundred
yards when we heard the firing of guns. The division halted to a
man, as if by word of command; each looked with anxious enquiry.
But we were not kept long in suspense. An aide-de-camp came
galloping at full speed to arrest our progress, telling us that an
extraordinary movement was taking place throughout the enemy’s
line; the three guns fired were a signal to give notice. We instantly
countermarched, and passed through the village of Los Ayres, where
but twenty minutes before we had bidden adieu to Spain, and
considered ourselves on the way to England. But many there were
who in a few hours were prevented from ever beholding their native
shore; they paid the last tribute to their country, surrendering their
lives in maintaining the sacred cause of liberty and national
independence.
Immediately on passing through this village we halted. The
enemy’s dark columns were seen advancing from three different
points, and with rapid pace literally coming down upon us, cheered
by their guns, which sent their shot over their heads but plunged
into our line, which at the same time was raked from right to left by
their great battery.
During these primary operations we became the reserve in
reality, but continued so only until the Commander of the forces
should ascertain to a certainty where the enemy intended making
their fiercest attack; and as to the point where this was to take
place, Sir John Moore was not mistaken. He knew that he was
opposed to the ablest marshal of France, and he therefore prepared
to resist the attack at that point where he himself would have made
it had the order of battle been reversed. Firm in his opinion, he
shortly after our arrival at Los Ayres ordered the 95th Regiment to
be detached from the reserve. Their duty was to keep the heavy
dragoons of Lorge and Franceschi’s light cavalry in play. Between the
rifles and the right of Baird’s division the 52nd formed a loose chain
across the valley. He then rode off, leaving orders with General Paget
that at the opportune moment he was to move into the valley, turn
the French left, and capture their heavy battery, sending at the same
time orders to General Fraser to support the reserve.
THE BATTLE In the meantime the battle kindled along the
KINDLES. whole line. Laborde’s division on their right pressed
hard upon Hope, and took possession of Palavia
Abaxo. This was retaken and maintained by Colonel Nichols, who
gallantly charged the enemy through the village at the head of a
part of the 14th Regiment. On our right two heavy columns
descended against Baird’s division. One passed through Elvina, a
village about midway between the two lines; this place was held by
our piquets, who were driven back in confusion, but was
subsequently retaken. This column made direct for Baird’s right,
obliging the 4th Regiment to retire their right wing, and then
advanced into the valley. The other column attacked the whole front
of Baird’s division.
On Sir John Moore’s seeing the advance of the column through
the valley, he cast a glance to the rear, and, perceiving that Paget
had commenced his movement, he felt confident that all would go
well in that quarter. He then rode up to the right of Baird’s line, and
told Colonel Wench, of the 4th Regiment, that his throwing back the
right of his regiment was just what he wished. He then moved off
towards the village of Elvina, where, after remaining for some time
directing the active operations, he fell mortally wounded; but this,
when known, served rather to increase than damp the ardour of the
men, now more than ever excited to vengeance.
Before this melancholy event the enemy’s column, who passed
by Baird’s right, flushed with the idea of having turned the right of
the British army (since the 4th Regiment had retired their right
wing), moved sternly forward, certain, as they thought, to come in
rear of our troops. But as they advanced, they met the reserve
coming on, with aspect stern and determined as their own; they now
discovered the true right of the British army. The advanced troops of
Soult’s army during the march now formed his left; we recognised
each other, and the warning at El-Burgo was recollected. A thousand
passions boiled in every breast. Our opponents, madly jealous at
having their military fame tarnished by the many defeats which they
sustained during the march, determined to regain those laurels to
them for ever lost. We, on the other hand, of the reserve had many
causes to rouse our hatred and revenge. We painfully recollected the
wanton carnage committed on the defenceless stragglers of all ages
and sexes at Bembibre, and the many bitter cold nights we passed in
the mountains of Galicia, when frost and snow alone formed the
couches on which we tried to snatch a few hours of repose. The
haughty and taunting insults too of our gasconading pursuers were
fresh in our memory. One sentiment alone was opposed to our
anger; the time was come when it gave us pleasure to think of our
past misfortunes, for they who caused them resolutely stood before
us, foaming with impatience to wipe away the stain of former
defeats. They were no longer inclined to keep aloof.
FALL OF SIR Thus urged forward by mutual hate, wrought up
JOHN MOORE. to the highest pitch by twelve days’ previous fighting,
and knowing the approaching conflict to be our last
farewell, we joined in fight
 “With all the fervour hate bestows
Upon the last embrace of foes.”

Our foes stood firm. But the time occupied in firing was but
short; we soon came to the charge, and shortly the opposing column
was dissipated. Their cavalry now thought it prudent to retire to and
behind their great battery; the 95th, freed from their presence,
joined us; and the 52nd, who had slowly retired as the enemy’s
column first advanced through the valley, also united with their
division; and now the reserve were again all united.
We now pushed on all together, and turned the French left, and
were preparing to charge and carry the great French battery. Had
Fraser’s fresh division, who had not fired a shot, come up now and
joined the reserve according to the Commander of the forces’
orders, the whole British line could have made an advance echelon
movement to the left, and Soult’s army had been lost. Their cavalry
had retreated behind their great battery, when they became useless
from the rocky nature of the ground; the battery itself was all but in
our possession, and only required the short time necessary to march
into it. Elvina, on our right, the great point of contention throughout
the day, was in our possession, as was the village of Palavia Abaxo
on our left. Our whole line had considerably advanced, and the
enemy falling back in confusion fired more slackly, not so much
owing to the casualties they sustained as to the scarcity and
damaged state of their ammunition. Their muskets were bent and
battered, while our fire was strong and rapid, our ammunition fresh
and abundant, our muskets new and the nerves which spanned
them tense. The only retreat the enemy had was over the patched-
up bridge of El-Burgo, and this, after the 14th Regiment had taken
Palavia Abaxo, was nearly, if not quite, as close to our left as to the
French right. The Mero in full tide ran deep broad and rapid in their
rear; and if Napoleon the Great himself had been there, his escape
would have been impossible. But the excited troops were drawn
away from decisive and continued victory.
 As darkness approached, our piquets as usual lit large fires; and
the British army retired to Corunna, and embarked that night
without the slightest confusion, so completely had everything been
previously arranged.
On the morning of the 17th, the piquets being withdrawn, the
wounded were collected and with the exception of very few put on
board, covered by a brigade still left on shore for that purpose.
About noon on this day Soult managed to bring up some guns to the
village of S. Lucia, which played upon the shipping in the harbour,
some of which were struck. This causing some disorder amongst the
transports, several masters cut their cables, and four vessels ran
ashore; but the soldiers and crews being immediately rescued by the
men-of-war’s boats, and their vessels burned, the fleet got out of
harbour. The Spaniards nobly redeemed their pledge to keep the
enemy at bay and cover the embarkation to the very last. The few
wounded who still remained ashore, together with the rearguard,
were put on board early on the morning of the 18th without the loss
of a single individual; and the whole sailed for England.
HAD MOORE Without the remotest intention of depreciating the
LIVED. merits of his gallant successor, Sir John Hope, whose
valour and military talents are renowned through the
army, there is but little doubt that if Sir John Moore had not fallen
the battle, though glorious to his successor and to the British army,
would have terminated more decisively. Sir John Moore felt the
keenest in the whole army. He, like the lion long baited and fretted
by distant darts, had turned at last, and finding his pursuers within
his reach would have been content with nothing less than their total
destruction.
That the battle of Corunna, under the peculiar circumstances
which attended it, was one of the most glorious which has been
fought in modern times will not be denied; it was that which
furnished the most unequivocal proof of British firmness. The army
could not have occupied a worse position, as Sir John Moore
declared; but it could not be remedied. Our troops were not
sufficiently numerous to occupy a more advanced post, which was
therefore left for the enemy. The British soldiers had been harassed
by a long and fatiguing retreat in the severest season of the year
and during peculiarly inclement weather. Their route had been
through mountains covered with snow; they had been irregularly
fed, and the clothing partly worn off their backs. The enemy were
far superior both in position and numbers; and the English army
fought without either cavalry or artillery. But however glorious was
the result of the battle to England, yet it was cause of national
rejoicing to the enemy, although conquered; for Sir John Moore no
longer guided a British force to rouse the jealousy and mar the plans
of two hundred and fifty thousand French veterans accustomed to
victory. He lay down on the land for whose freedom he bled, and
slept on Iberia’s breast for ever.
JOY OF SIR Sir John Moore’s first appearance produced
JOHN MOORE. sentiments in the beholder not remote from
reverence. His tall, manly and perfect form attracted
general admiration, while his brilliant and penetrating eye denoted
profound observation, and proclaimed the determined soldier and
able general. His words, voice and bearing realised all you had ever
imagined of a perfect and highly polished gentleman endowed with
every talent necessary to form the statesman or warrior. His features
were formed to command the attention of man and make the
deepest impression on the female heart. His memory, as I have been
told by old officers who knew him well, was extraordinary, yet
amiably defective; and what was once said of a great warrior might
be justly applied to him—that he recollected everything save the
injuries done to himself. Few have ever been gifted with more
personal or mental charms than Sir John Moore; yet the perfection
with which he was sent forth was far outshone by the glory that
attended his progress and recall.
Having but slightly touched on the circumstances attending the
fall of this great man, I will repeat that after entirely approving the
movement of the 4th Regiment in retiring their right wing, and
feeling satisfied as to what would take place in the valley, Sir John
Moore made straight for the village of Elvina, where the fight
continued to be most bloody and most obstinately maintained. It
had been repeatedly taken and retaken at the point of the bayonet.
Just as the Commander of the forces arrived, the 50th Regiment,
who were formed on the left of the village, commanded by Major
Napier, and seconded by Major Stanhope, made a most desperate
charge through the village; but Napier’s impetuosity carrying him
forward through some stone walls beyond the village, he was
desperately wounded, and fell into the hands of the enemy; and
Major Stanhope was killed. The general cheered the regiment during
this charge, crying out, “Bravo, 50th, and my two brave majors!”
Then perceiving the enemy coming forward to renew the struggle,
he ordered up a battalion of the guards, directing at the same time
that the two regiments already engaged should be supplied anew
with ammunition. The 50th continued firm; but the 42nd, mistaking
this as an order to go to the rear for ammunition, began to retire.
Seeing this, the general rode up to the regiment, exclaiming: “My
brave 42nd, if you have gallantly fired away all your ammunition,
you have still your bayonets—more efficient. Recollect Egypt! Think
on Scotland! Come on, my gallant countrymen!” Thus directing the
willing 42nd to meet the renewed attack on Elvina, he had the
satisfaction to hear that the guards were coming up; and, pleased
with the progress of the 42nd, he proudly sat erect on his war-steed,
calmly casting a satisfied glance at the raging war around. It was at
this moment that he was struck to the ground by a cannon-ball,
which laid open the breast of as upright and gallant a soldier as ever
freely surrendered life in maintaining the honour and glory of his
king and country. He soon arose to a sitting position, his eyes
kindling with their usual brilliancy when informed that the enemy
were victoriously repulsed at all points.
At this period the battle raged in its utmost fury; and an active
general movement was taking place from right to left of both lines,
the enemy retiring, the British pressing forward; and now Sir David
Baird also was knocked down, receiving the wound for which he
subsequently suffered the amputation of his arm.
 On placing Sir John Moore in the blanket in which he was borne
to the rear, the hilt of his sword got into the wound; and as they
tried to take it away, he declined having it moved, saying, “It may as
well remain where it is, for, like the Spartan with his shield, the
Briton should be taken out of the field with his sword.” The wound
was of the most dreadful nature; the shoulder was shattered, the
arm scarcely attached to the body, the ribs over his heart smashed
and laid bare.
Thus was Sir John Moore carried to the rear. As he proceeded,
perceiving from the direction of the firing that our troops were
advancing, he exclaimed, “I hope the people of England will be
satisfied.” On being taken to his house in Corunna, he again
enquired about the battle, and being assured that the enemy were
beaten at all points, exclaimed: “It is great satisfaction to me to
know that the French are beaten. I hope my country will do me
justice.” Whether this well-founded hope was realised or not let the
just and generous determine. He now enquired about the safety of
several officers, those of his staff in particular; and he recommended
several for promotion whom he considered deserving. This exertion
caused a failing in his strength; but on regaining it in a slight degree,
addressing his old friend Colonel Anderson, he asked if Paget was in
the room. Upon being answered in the negative, he desired to be
remembered to him, saying, “He is a fine fellow; ’tis General Paget, I
mean.” This was a noble testimonial to that gallant officer’s high
character, rendered sacred by the peculiar circumstances in which it
was called forth; and it strongly marked the martial spirit and high
mind of the dying hero, who, with his body writhing in torture, the
veil of eternity fast clouding his vision and his lips quivering in the
convulsive spasms of death, sighed forth his last words in admiration
of the brave.
DEATH OF SIR The battle of Corunna terminated at the same
JOHN MOORE. moment that the British commander expired. He was
buried in the citadel. As the enemy’s last guns were
firing his remains were lowered into the grave by his staff, simply
wrapped in his military cloak. No external mark of mourning was
displayed; the grief could not be withdrawn from the heart.
Thus, like a staunch general of the empire, Sir John Moore
terminated his splendid career in maintaining its honour and
crushing its foes. Yet his last act was peculiarly devoted to his own
Scotland: it was cheering on the Royal Highlanders to a victorious
charge. How Scotland has shown her recognition of the gallant and
patriotic deed, or her admiration of the splendid career of the
brightest ornament whom she ever sent forth on the glorious theatre
of war, I have never been told.
 CHAPTER XII.

WE AFFECT THE SENTIMENTAL BRITISH

PUBLIC, AND GAIN BUT LITTLE GLORY IN
HOLLAND.

O
n January 18th, 1809, the British army sailed from Corunna,
and having encountered very boisterous weather, the fleet
were dispersed, and the regiments arrived in England at
different ports and at different periods during the latter end of the
month and the beginning of February. One wing of the 28th
Regiment landed at Portsmouth; the other, to which I belonged,
disembarked at Plymouth. Our appearance on landing was very
unseemly, owing principally to the hurry attending our embarkation
at Corunna, which took place in the dark and in the presence of an
enemy. Scarcely a regiment got on board the vessel which contained
their baggage; and the consequence was, that on quitting our ships
we presented an appearance of much dirt and misery. The men were
ragged, displaying torn garments of all colours; and the people of
England, accustomed to witness the high order and unparalleled
cleanliness of their national troops, for which they are renowned
throughout Europe, and never having seen an army after the
termination of a hard campaign, were horror-struck, and persuaded
themselves that some dreadful calamity must have occurred. Their
consternation was artfully wrought up to the highest pitch by the
wily old soldiers, who, fully aware of the advantage to be gained by
this state of general excitement and further to work on the feelings,
recited in pathetic strain the most frightful accounts of their
sufferings and hardships. Interested persons at home profited by
this state of universal ferment. One political party, eagerly catching
at any circumstances which could tend to incriminate the other,
highly exaggerated even those already incredible accounts; while the
other side, who felt that all the disasters attending the campaign
properly rested with themselves, joined in the cry and with mean
political subterfuge endeavoured to throw the onus off their own
shoulders on to the breast of the silent, the unconscious dead. A
general outcry was got up against Sir John Moore. He was accused
of being stupid, of being irresolute, of running away, and of God
knows what. His memory was assailed alike by those politically
opposed to his party and by those who once were his supporters,
and who, although aware of his masculine genius, maintained their
posts by basely resorting to calumny and deceit.

During this campaign it was the opinion of many

OUTCRY
AGAINST THE that circumstances occurred which, under more
DEAD. favourable auspices, would have induced some
individuals to expect promotion. But the jarring and
disturbed state of the Cabinet, each individual endeavouring to
counteract the measures of his colleague, threw out a foggy gloom
damping all hopes; and when the eminent services of Sir John Moore
and those of General Paget were passed over unnoticed, it would
have been a military heresy to have accepted, much more to solicit
promotion.
After remaining a few days at Plymouth, we proceeded as far as
Exeter, and there halted for the space of a week to await further
instructions from London. During our stay at this place we lived at
the Old London Inn, and here a curious scene took place. Two
Spanish gentlemen stopped at the inn on their way to Falmouth; and
when after dinner their bill was presented, a misunderstanding took
place. I should premise that at this, as at many other inns in
England, every edible article produced on the table is charged
separately. The Spaniards, after carefully examining the bill, objected
to pay it; the waiter reported to his master, who interfered, but since
he was as ignorant of Spanish as his guests were of the English
language, all was confusion. The arguments and assertions of either
party were totally incomprehensible to the other. After fruitless
clamour the landlord came into the room where we, the officers of
the regiment, dined, requesting to know if any of us could assist him
in his dilemma. Although not very well acquainted with the Spanish
language at that time, I volunteered my services. The Spaniards
were very wrathful and boldly asserted that the innkeeper attempted
to extort payment for a dish which was never brought to them; this
they were firm in maintaining, having counted every article. One
swore that he never touched anything of the kind, and that, if
brought into the room, it must have been covered on the sideboard;
the other accused the cook of having used it himself in the kitchen,
and of trying, that he might conceal his gormandising, to make them
pay, declaring at the same time that the affair should be laid open to
the public for the benefit of future travellers who might otherwise be
taken in. By their accounts it was impossible that I could fathom the
affair; and as soon as the Spaniards allowed me to speak, I called
the waiter to bring his written bill, and on this one of the gentlemen
pointed out what he considered to be the cheat. I took the paper
from the waiter, when, lo! upon examination I discovered the viand
in dispute to be the chambermaid, who was charged in the bill at
two shillings. I could not restrain a loud fit of laughter, which roused
the blood of the Castilians even more than the cheat; but when I
explained the cause, they were as ready to enter into the joke as
any others. Upon asking mine host how he could think of making a
charge for the chambermaid in his bill, thus making a voluntary
donation obligatory, he replied that, had he not done so, foreigners
would never pay her; that his servants had no other wages than
those which they got from customers. The Spaniards paid the bill
most willingly, and joined our table, and the whole party laughed
heartily during the remainder of the evening.
GREAT CRY. The order for continuing our route having at
length arrived, we proceeded to occupy our old
quarters (Colchester), where, after passing through Dorset, to avoid
falling in with other troops on the move, we arrived after a march
which including partial halts occupied one month and five days,
giving an addendum to our campaign of from between three and
four hundred miles without leaving a single straggler behind. This
march bore heavily by lightening us of all our cash, and dipped us
besides in the paymaster’s books.
In less than three months after the regiment was united at
Colchester, we again were ordered upon what we joyfully
contemplated as active service. A magnificent expedition was sent
out to carry off (if allowed) the Gallia Dutch fleet from the Schelde.
The land forces, commanded by the Earl of Chatham, were
composed of forty thousand men, the flower of the British Army.
This force was accompanied by a not less imposing naval force:
thirty-nine sail of the line, three dozen frigates and innumerable
satellites, bombships, gunboats, brigs, etc., which, together with
storeships, transports and other craft, amounted in the whole to
upwards of six hundred sail.
To join this splendid armament the 28th Regiment marched from
Colchester in the latter end of June, and reached Dover on July 4th.
Thence we in a few days proceeded to Deal, where we embarked on
board frigates—a squadron of that class of men-of-war under
command of Sir Richard Keats being destined to carry the reserve of
the army. This arrangement was adopted in consequence of the
frigates drawing less water than ships of the line, thus enabling
them to lie closer in shore and quicken the disembarkation of the
reserve, who of course were the first troops to land. We remained
upwards of a week anchored at Deal, awaiting final instructions and
the junction of the whole. During this delay some thousand families,
many of the highest lineage in the kingdom, visited Deal. All
arrangements being finally terminated, this truly magnificent naval
and military armament sailed on July 28th, 1809. Thousands of
superbly dressed women crowded the beach; splendid equipages
were numerous; all the musical bands in the fleet, as well military as
naval, joined in one general concert, playing the National Anthem,
which, with the loud and long-continued cheering on shore,
enlivened the neighbourhood for miles around and caused the most
enthusiastic excitement throughout the whole. Many beauteous fair,
whose smiles were rendered yet more brilliant by the intrusive tear,
waved their handkerchiefs in the breeze to the fond objects of their
fixed regard, who responded with silent but steadfast gaze, burning
with the two noblest passions which inspire the breast of man—love
and glory. The show was august, the pageant splendid, the music
enchanting.

AND LITTLE
Next morning we discovered the dykebound fens
WOOL. of Holland, little anticipating that they were shortly to
become British graveyards. About noon we anchored;
and the remainder of the day was passed in preparing the three
days’ cooked provisions always carried by British soldiers on landing
in an enemy’s country.
The next day proved boisterous, and to our great mortification
nothing general could be attempted. However about noon the
weather having somewhat abated, great commotion was observed
throughout the armament; signals from ship to ship throughout the
fleet portended great events. Sir Richard Keats lowered his flag,
followed by Sir John Hope on board the Salsette frigate, which
carried the left wing of the 28th Regiment, with the exception of the
light company. The light company embarked with the headquarters
on board the Lavinia frigate, commanded by Lord William Stuart.
After due consultation between the admiral and general, a signal
was made calling for all the carpenters of the squadron with their
tools. Some momentous affair was evidently at hand. Four
companies of the 28th Regiment were lowered into boats, which,
being joined by the light company from on board the Lavinia, were
placed under the command of Major Browne of the regiment. We
now immediately pushed off, animated by the cheers of the whole
fleet. The shore was soon reached, the light company leading the
van, the first on hostile ground. Advancing some way, we
encountered a piquet, who, on our shooting the fever (the ague only
remained) out of a few trembling Dutchmen, thought proper to
retire. Upon this we proceeded to carry into execution the object of
the expedition, which, I forgot to mention before, was to destroy a
signal-post.
The carpenters now came in for a full share of the glory. Each
axe that fell upon the staff was answered by cheers loud as salvos;
but when the mast after repeated blows was seen to fall, so loud
were the greetings that some ships passing at a distance on their
way to England and reporting what they had heard, induced many
there to think that Antwerp had fallen into our hands. After the fall
and destruction of the telegraph, we returned triumphantly on
board, carrying away all the machinery books and signals; and thus,
and thus alone, the 28th Regiment signalised itself during this
stupendous campaign!
Next morning (July 31st) a signal was made for all the troops to
descend into the boats and prepare for landing. The rapidity of the
current was such that the boats were carried away by the stream,
and clung alongside of any vessel that came in their way. I recollect
that Lieutenant-Colonel Woodford, with his light company of the
Coldstream Guards, held on by the Lavinia, and was taken on board.
The officers dined with Lord William Stuart, who, having been called
away by Sir Richard Keats, requested me to do the honours of his
table during his absence; and his guests, to relieve me from any
embarrassment, freely and cheerfully partook of his lordship’s fare. I
more than once in later days met Colonel Woodford in London, and
remember not only his polished address and courteous manner, but
also his prompt recognition and ready kindness.
August 1st being fine, the reserve under Sir John Hope landed
on the Island of South Beveland; while the other troops went ashore
principally on the Island of Walcheren, and soon proceeded to
besiege Flushing. On the 13th the bombardment of that fortress
commenced. It was only on the morning of the 14th that, after
many previous consultations, a squadron of frigates commanded by
Lord William Stuart forced the passage of the Schelde; and,
notwithstanding the delay caused by considering the enterprise too
dangerous to be attempted, only one vessel, the Lavinia which led,
was struck by only one shot. On the morning of the 15th Flushing
capitulated.
In the meantime the reserve in South Beveland stormed and
took Fort Batz, a strong post occupied by the enemy. On the 11th an
attempt was made by the enemy’s gunboats to retake it; but the
guards, who originally took the fort, now successfully defended it.
INCON­SIDER­‐ Flushing having fallen, our frigates in the Schelde,
ATE and all the channels and passages round the islands
BERNADOTTE.
scoured by our gunboats, the reserve expected hourly
to be ordered to attack Antwerp and the enemy’s fleet, who lay in
our view and within our grasp, not far from Antwerp. However we
were grievously disappointed. With the fall of Flushing fell all our
warlike operations. After we had remained inactive a sufficient time
to allow Fouché to collect and throw thirty thousand men into
Antwerp and its defences, and to erect batteries along all the
approaches which he armed with the guns taken from their now
useless ships, the Commander of the forces, with the courtesy of
manner which distinguished that nobleman very politely requested
the French to give up their fleet. But that surly son of a tubmaker,
Bernadotte, sent a flat refusal; and, finding too late that late Court
hours and measured movements were ineffectual against rapid and
early rising revolutionists, Lord Chatham with the greater part of the
survivors of his fevered army returned to England on September
14th. A portion were left behind to favour the introduction of
prohibited goods, but the fatality and expense attending the
maintenance of this contraband establishment being found to more
than counterbalance the advantages proposed, the project was
abandoned, and those who escaped pestilence returned on
December 23rd.
The splendid pageantry that attended, and the national joyous
pride that greeted the departure of this superb armament, were
woefully contrasted with its return. The unwieldy expedition,
although it furnished cause of merriment all over the Continent,
deluged the British empire with tears. There was scarcely a family in
Great Britain which did not mourn the fate of a gallant soldier,
without one cheering ray to brighten the gloom, one laurel leaf to be
hallowed by their affectionate tears. The mortality among the troops
was so great that bands of music were forbidden to attend the
military funerals.
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