1004140

research-article20212021
SGOXXX10.1177/21582440211004140SAGE OpenAshraf et al.

Original Research

SAGE Open

Multilingual Language Practices in

January-March 2021: 1­–14
© The Author(s) 2021
DOI: 10.1177/21582440211004140
https://doi.org/10.1177/21582440211004140

Education in Pakistan: The Conflict journals.sagepub.com/home/sgo

Between Policy and Practice

Muhammad Azeem Ashraf1 , David A. Turner2,

and Rizwan Ahmed Laar3

Abstract
This study examines the language practices in educational settings in Pakistan, taking the multilingual groupings in society
into account. In Pakistan, each province is linked to the single or multiple identities of its people and the languages spoken by
the majority. The national language Urdu is limited to educational settings and its function as a lingua franca. English serves
people in authority, in offices, and in educational settings. Through discourse-ethnographic analysis, this study examines the
individual and joint actions of policymakers and teachers to understand the role of language in educational policy and its
practice in educational settings. The interview data identified issues regarding the relationship between language, identity,
nation, region, religion, power, and personal attainment in regional, national, and international settings. Moreover, the power
of national education policy to produce adequate results is limited by the regional discourses that policymakers ignore. This
study concludes by arguing that policy practices for language-in-education in multilingual societies require thoughtful planning
which should be informed by local conditions and requirements for its better implementation.

Keywords
language practices, multilingual societies, language policy, language-in-education, Pakistan

Language studies that employ social and cultural methods demands of particular settings (Bourdieu, 1991; Gellner, 1983;
have exposed a complex picture of language practices and Pennycook, 2017). In the Pakistani context, language status
language learning. Language learning is a process of learn- planning is based on the notions of nationalism, religion, and
ing the social and cultural practices of a community, of which development (M. A. Ashraf, 2018b; Shamim, 2008). Whereas
language or linguistic performance is an integral part (Heath, nationalism and religion appeared to support the national aspi-
1983; Ochs & Schieffelin, 2008). In addition, language ration of constructing unity among Muslims of different ethnic
learning shapes learners’ multiple identities and is an invest- identities, development supported by expertise in the English
ment in creating a national identity (Gellner, 1983; Peirce, language became crucial in Pakistan’s rise internationally.
1995). Related studies have demonstrated that access to lan- This notion of nationalism projected to define the nation, as
guage learning is a major problem for learners, particularly “false” if nationals had no claim to national self-determina-
for learners of a second language (Duff et al., 2002; Miller, tion, and consequently could not claim sovereignty over a
2005; Pomerantz, 2007). Individuals with low proficiency in nation state (Gellner, 1983). However, the term nation is more
the dominant language of the area in which they live are difficult to define than nationalism, as nationalism is primarily
likely to fall into the trap of not speaking any language well, a political principle that provides a baseline description to
which ultimately decreases their chances of securing good
jobs and improving their status in society (M. A. Ashraf & 1
Hunan University, Changsha, China
Tsegay, 2016; Butler, 2015; Khalid, 2016; Phillipson, 1992). 2
Beijing Normal University, China
For example, the current dominance of English over other 3
Nanjing Normal University, China
languages is a feature of verbal exchanges at international,
Corresponding Authors:
national, and local levels in many countries, including Rizwan Ahmed Laar, Nanjing Normal University, No.1 Wenyuan Road
Pakistan. Despite its international status, and ownership of Qixia District, Nanjing 210046, China.
major advantages, the English language has become a com- Email: [email protected]
modity for the speakers of other languages. Muhammad Azeem Ashraf, Hunan University, Lushan Road (S), Yuelu
The debate over personal attachment to linguistic groups District, Changhsa 410082, China.
has been conducted in different ways and according to the Email: [email protected]

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2 SAGE Open

connect a people with their land (Hall, 1993). To make sense, Research Question 3: What issues do teachers con-
it requires the political and national units to be consistent. sider when making language choices in their teaching
Meanwhile, while language is associated with both the nation practices?
and nationalism, the structure of this intersection between lan-
guage, nation, and nationalism is very complex, particularly in
Literature Review and Theoretical
multilingual societies such as Pakistan (Rahman, 2001), where
this structure is controlled via language ideologies in adminis- Framework
trative and educational settings. For example, Article 251 of Language Pluralism and Language Ideologies in
the Pakistani Constitution (National Assembly of Pakistan,
2018) requires the Pakistani government to replace English
Pakistan
with Urdu in official settings, but in reality this has never been Pakistan is a multilingual and multicultural country with
implemented (Channa, 2017). In this context, it is timely to speakers of 77 languages (Eberhard et al., 2020). While each
explore the connections between power, ideology, and lan- province is linked to a specific ethnic group that has its own
guage education in Pakistan, which have important implica- language and culture, English is the language of bureaucracy
tions for policy development in multilingual societies. together with Urdu, the national language. The Urdu language
This study aims to examine the language adjustments in is generally used for communication and as a lingua franca
policy, contentious responses from different stakeholders, between different ethnic groups. It serves to create national
and plans for realizing the language adjustment in multilin- unity between the people of Pakistan, a function it also served
gual societies of Pakistan. This study exposes complex pro- among Muslims in the Indian subcontinent before partition in
cesses whereby policy is negotiated and implemented, and 1947 (Channa, 2017). However, English remains the lan-
discusses the effects that may influence the course of future guage of the elites in Pakistan and is used for both official and
policy implementation, particularly in teaching spaces. The informal interactions (Rahman, 2005). It has become embed-
study is significant as it discloses current progress in lan- ded into Pakistani society and is considered a highly desirable
guage-in-education policy in Pakistan and discusses how language by a vast majority of the population as it has high
conflict in policy practices impact sociopolitical and educa- status as the language of education, law, government, science,
tional practices. The study also examines how different lan- and technology (Mansoor, 2004; Rahman, 2002), whereas
guage practices in educational institutions consecutively other languages are excluded from official and power struc-
impact policy implications, and how language and policy tures of federal government, as well as from provincial power
practices (re)produce different language ideologies. This structures, such as the Punjabi language in Punjab.
study contributes to extant literature by arguing that policy Pakistan inherited its education system from the British colo-
choices for language-in-education in multilingual societies nial system and includes both English-medium and vernacular-
require deliberate planning for better implementation and medium education for specific administrative roles (Channa,
should be informed by local conditions and requirements 2017; Rahman, 1996). English-medium schools serve the coun-
that are necessary for successful policy implementation. try’s elite class who can afford expensive fees, and as such these
This study adopted discourse-ethnographic methods to schools are considered symbolic of quality education (Rahman,
examine how stakeholders including teachers and policy- 2002). Vernacular-medium schools include Urdu-medium,
makers in Pakistan negotiate language choices by challeng- Sindhi-medium, and Pashto-medium. Urdu-medium schools
ing local and national ideologies in educational settings comprise the majority of the schools that have been supported
where English is the dominant language, Urdu the national by the national government since Pakistani independence due to
language, and local languages most accurately signify the Urdu’s status as a national language (Channa, 2017). However,
speaker’s identity. By focusing on four groups of provincial questions continue to be raised regarding the quality of educa-
language speakers (i.e., Sindhi, Punjabi, Balochi, Pashto), tion in these schools. Due to the symbolic power of English as
this study explores how language ideologies have been per- the language of the elites in Pakistan, a large number of nonelite
ceived in policymaking and educational settings, and how private schools have arisen, promoting themselves as English-
these ideologies affect individuals’ decisions regarding medium schools (Andrabi et al., 2008). Despite attracting mid-
which language to use for which purpose. This study illus- dle and lower-income families to English-medium classes, the
trates the complexities of language choice for teachers and quality and language proficiency of teachers and students in
policymakers and the conflicting ideologies in Pakistan. The these schools remains poor (Rahman, 2002). Several studies
study focuses on three questions: have been conducted on English teaching and learning and
English as a medium of instruction (H. Ashraf, 2018a; Channa,
Research Question 1: How do policymakers and teach- 2017; Das et al., 2006; Halai, 2007; Khalid, 2016; Mansoor,
ers view the issue of language in educational settings? 2004; Rahman, 2004; Shamim, 1993). These studies focus on
Research Question 2: How do teachers from different educational discourses in classrooms and their effects on learn-
linguistic backgrounds perceive language choice in edu- ing in Pakistani classrooms, which are diverse in terms of cul-
cational settings? ture, language, and socioeconomic class.
Ashraf et al. 3

In Pakistan, there are many linguistic and cultural ideolo- national language, should be used for official purposes after
gies that affect each ethnic group’s view of language in soci- a transition phase of 15 years from the date of the signing of
ety. One of these ideologies is the claim that national values the constitution. As such, on September 8, 2015, the Supreme
are best approached and transmitted through Urdu, which, as Court of Pakistan ordered federal and provincial govern-
mentioned above, was also the language of Muslims in sub- ments to fully implement Article 251, which was passed by
continental India before partition (Rahman, 2002). This ide- the National Assembly in 1973 but never implemented. The
ology supports the labeling of English as a colonial language Supreme Court decision has created a circumstance of
and implies that younger generations should not hold the urgency, where it is essential to understand the language ide-
norms of language and culture that English brings with it. A ologies that influence policymakers and educators in this
second ideology present in Pakistan is that an individual’s complex and multifaceted setting.
identification with a group is mediated by their language and
culture. Each ethnic group has its own language and culture,
which is seen as an essential element of their ethnic values. Language Ideologies as a Theoretical Framework
In this ideology, both Urdu and English are considered a Language practice and language choice are commonly con-
threat to local language, because government support for trolled and influenced by language ideologies. Language ide-
Urdu and English has restricted the opportunities for other ologies are defined as patterns of belief that are implemented
languages. A third ideology is linked to economic growth in context by the connection between language and social
and the international market for jobs and opportunities power structures (Kroskrity, 2016; Mar-Molinero & Stevenson,
(Khalid, 2016; Shamim, 2008). This ideology is supported 2016; Verschueren, 2012). Language ideologies build rela-
by many stakeholders from government and policymaking tions between languages and language practices by creating a
institutions, and it describes English as a language of oppor- particular opinion to shape the language structures as well as
tunities (National Education Policy, 2009). Improving stu- influence the manner of speaking (Gellner, 1983; Silverstein,
dents’ expertise in English is another important discourse in 1979). This relationship also affects social concepts by gener-
the cultivation of quality education. Because English and ating the collective values, economic standards, and political
Urdu have been privileged by administrative powers, they control that reflect the social standards and principles of a
have developed a functional stature and significance as well society (Phillipson, 1992). This social control is governed by
as exerting symbolic power to enforce a unified linguistic economic and political factors. Economic factors persuade
market, controlled by the official languages (Bourdieu, marginal groups to acquire a particular national or interna-
1991). Therefore, a link has been created between power and tional language to obtain a stable economic status, while polit-
inequality for those who aim to prioritize their own language ical factors aim to strengthen policymakers’ positions in
over the national language (Rahman, 1996). These ideolo- controlling and spreading personal ideologies through a par-
gies intersect in such a way that challenges and conflict are ticular language (Phillipson, 1992; Rahman, 1996). Therefore,
created among groups in society. language ideologies impact language production through the
In policy contexts, the notion of one nation one language systemic link between language, power, and society (Bourdieu,
(Pakistan and Urdu) was adopted from the outset to create a 1991; Piller, 2015). A dominant language is leveraged to pre-
sense of nationhood by those in power, and this caused major serve particular social and official structures by disrupting the
conflict among the majority language groups (see Rahman, social and official structures of other languages (Phillipson,
1996). Urdu was named a national language at the birth of 1992; Van Dijk, 2000). Language ideologies are connected
Pakistan, and again in the drawing up of the 1973 constitu- with the material reality of language, which means that com-
tion, and was later promoted as a unifying symbol of Pakistan munication between people and the methods of communica-
(Haque, 1993) as well as a language of Muslim unity tion may not be separated from their physical qualities that are
(Channa, 2017; Rahman, 1996). However, English remained connected with an individual’s identity (Voloshinov, 1986).
the language of several domains of power, such as adminis- Language policy, education policy, political power, and cul-
tration, judiciary, military, higher education, and commerce, tural control are entirely interlinked and cannot be ignored in
as these domains had been under British rule before 1947. education studies that are directly impacted by such policy
The scuffle between Urdu and English continued among (Phillipson, 2008). Through this focus, language ideologies
governments from the 1990s, with support for both Urdu as can be used to effectively explore the structures of belief that
a symbol of national solidarity and of English as the lan- interact with language and language practices.
guage of development (Shamim, 2008). The symbolic power
of English was accepted by the government through its
National Education Policy (2009), with the medium of Method
instruction changed from Urdu to English for sciences and
mathematics from Grade 4 onward. In addition, Pakistani
Research Setting
judicial law, which aims to govern social behavior, exhibits In this study, discourse-ethnographic methods were used to
another complex picture of ideologies. Article 251 of the identify the language ideologies that informed learning prac-
1973 Constitution of Pakistan claims that Urdu, as the tices in educational settings in Pakistan. This interdisciplinary
4 SAGE Open

technique uses perspectives from discourse studies (Barker & through national education policy documents. Government
Galasiński, 2007; Fairclough, 1992; Halliday, 1994) and eth- websites were consulted to identify the stakeholders in national
nography (Agar, 1986; Canagarajah, 1993; Fabian, 1983; education policymaking. In the second step, emails and phone
Kirk & Miller, 1986). In discourse, this study accepts that lan- numbers were collected from the websites of each institution.
guage users establish social realities, identities, and relations In the third step, an email containing information about the
in interacting with other social groups (Fairclough, 1992; researcher and research aims was sent to the email addresses
Wodak & Savski, 2018). This connection helps us to portray provided on the websites. In addition, phone calls were made
discourses between language and social control through to the numbers made available on websites to ensure that the
power (Wodak & Savski, 2018). In ethnography, researchers right person was approached in line with the research purpose.
are required to reflect on and represent informed interpreta- In conclusion, two policymaking institutions (Policymaker 2
tions and representations (Fabian, 1983). This study paid and Policymaker 3) responded to the initial email, while
attention to the things that give words meaning, including fac- Policymaker 1 was approached via phone call. Appointments
tors that affect surroundings and interact with different aspects were made with each participant for interviews. Although few
of community practices (Kirk & Miller, 1986). In this way, it in number, the major role these institutions play in policy for-
was necessary to go beyond simply direct reporting of the mation and the position of the policymakers in their institu-
subject’s situation to capture and signify the elements that tions provided the comprehensive information necessary to
give meaning to words (Agar, 1986; Canagarajah, 1993). This complete this research. Descriptive information of participants
method allowed us to discover discourses in language prac- can be seen in Table 1.
tices. The study included participants from just six major lan-
guages in Pakistan.
Data Collection
Data for this study were collected from January to August
Participants 2017 through semi-structured interviews with 24 school
With regard to the research questions, a combination of snow- teachers (n = 6 from each of the four provinces), two univer-
ball and convenience sampling was used to locate and recruit sity teachers, and three policymakers from three different
participants based on the pre-established criteria of being (a) policymaking institutions. Data were also collected through
current school teachers working in four provinces (Punjab, unstructured observations in the institutions of all the partici-
Sindh, KPK, and Balochistan), (b) current university teach- pants and the study of national education policy documents.
ers, or (c) current members of staff who hold administrative All interviews were conducted in Urdu, but words from
positions in the policymaking process at major national poli- English and local languages were also present during discus-
cymaking institutions. Participation was voluntary and ethical sions. All interviews were conducted face-to-face by the first
formalities were fulfilled before conducting the formal inter- author who visited each participant, and each interview
views. Participants’ anonymity was also assured. lasted for 45 to 90 min.
All participating school teachers were currently working During the data collection stage, participants were coded
in public and private schools in different regions across four into different groups based on their regions and positions.
provinces of Pakistan. The majority of the teachers (16) were For example, school teachers were coded as Sindh 1, Sindh
working in urban schools, whereas a few (8) were located in 2, and so on; policymakers as Policymaker 1, 2, 3; and uni-
rural areas. There were 19 male school teachers and six versity teachers as University Teacher 1, 2. Throughout the
females, aged from 25 to 50 years with working experience data collection, the main aims were (a) to identify educa-
ranging from 4 to more than 20 years. All teachers could tional intentions and goals of education policy, (b) to under-
speak more than two languages (Urdu, English, and a native stand the application of national policy and language
language). The university teachers had doctoral degrees in practices, and (c) to identify the role of languages in their
computer science and environmental sciences and were particular spaces in a multicultural and multilingual society.
working at universities in Punjab and KPK. The policymak- After data collection, all interviews were transcribed and
ers held executive positions at their institutions in Islamabad translated into English for analysis.
and were responsible for conducting research and construct-
ing guidelines for national education policy. These institu- Data analysis strategy. After transcribing the interview data,
tions are major sites for preparing national education policies the research team divided it into different categories using the
in Pakistan. The policymakers in this study had experience of three-stage systematic analysis (Clarke, 2005; Thornberg &
working 10 to 25 years in educational settings and were part Charmaz, 2014; Wodak & Savski, 2018). We analyzed the
of the policymaking teams responsible for making national data line by line, according to the importance of each word
education policies in 2009 and 2017. (Thornberg & Charmaz, 2014; Wodak & Savski, 2018). In the
To contact and recruit policymakers, a stepwise approach first stage, all interview transcripts were reviewed and exam-
was used. In the first step, information on institutions that par- ined for open coding to trace similarities and differences. Sev-
ticipate in preparing national education policy was collected eral coding themes emerged spontaneously at the beginning of
Ashraf et al. 5

Table 1. Participants’ Demographics.

Participants Gender Affiliation/city Education Experience Mother languages

Policymaker 1 M Policymaking institution/Islamabad — More than 25 years Punjabi
Policymaker 2 M Policymaking institution/Islamabad — More than 20 years Pashto
Policymaker 3 F Policymaking institution/Islamabad — More than 20 years Punjabi (Urdu)
Punjab 1 F Private school/Lahore Master’s 6 years Punjabi (Urdu)
Punjab 2 M Public school/Lahore Master’s 4 years Punjabi
Punjab 3 M Public school/Mianwali Master’s 5 years Punjabi
Punjab 4 F Private school/Sahiwal Bachelor’s 12 years Both stages
Punjab 5 M Public school/Multan Master’s 16 years Second stage
Punjab 6 F Private school/Sahiwal Bachelor’s 8 years Punjabi (Urdu)
KPK 1 M Private school/Peshawar Bachelor’s 7 years Pashto
KPK 2 M Public school/Peshawar Master’s More than 10 years Pashto
KPK 3 F Public school/Mardan Bachelor’s More than 7 years Pashto
KPK 4 M Private school/Peshawar Master’s 9 years Pashto
KPK 5 M Public school/Swat Master’s 13 years Pashto
KPK 6 F Private school/Peshawar Bachelor’s 6 years Pashto (Urdu)
Sindh 1 F Public school/Karachi Master’s 8 years Sindhi (Urdu)
Sindh 2 M Private school/Karachi Master’s More than 9 years Sindhi
Sindh 3 M Public school/Dadu Master’s 16 years Sindhi
Sindh 4 F Private school/Dadu Bachelor’s 7 years Sindhi
Sindh 5 M Public school/Larkana Bachelor’s 20 years Sindhi
Sindh 6 F Public school/Larkana Master’s 9 years Sindhi (Urdu)
Balochistan 1 M Public school in Quetta Master’s 7 years Balochi (Urdu)
Balochistan 2 M Private school in Quetta Bachelor’s 12 years Balochi
Balochistan 3 M Private school in Quetta Bachelor’s 6 years Balochi (Urdu)
Balochistan 4 M Public school in Quetta Master’s 5 years Balochi
Balochistan 5 F Public school in Quetta Bachelor’s 12 years Balochi (Urdu)
Balochistan 6 M Private school in Quetta Bachelor’s 13 years Balochi

Note. Language in parentheses denotes participants’ view of shifting their mother language (i.e., they used the regional language to communicate with their
parents, plus Urdu with their children).

data analysis (i.e., the different roles of different languages; Findings

differences in language ideologies among participants from
different regions), but several themes were carefully devised Conflict in Language Policy, Planning, and Practice
only after reading the data many times (i.e., language practices In this study, first observation was the nameplates on the
in educational settings in each region). In the second stage, doors of each room inside the institutions. In Policymaker 1’s
open codes were transformed into focused codes of meaning- organization, the nameplates were written only in Urdu,
ful categories by identifying the dimensions and relationships whereas in Policymaker 2 and 3’s organizations, they were
of each code (i.e., the role of each language in its specific written only in English. Policymaker 1 stated that his organi-
region). In the final step, focused codes were developed into zation had recently changed the language of nameplates from
theoretical codes, previous research on language practice and English to Urdu, to demonstrate its commitment to meeting
language policy was reviewed, and data were compared with the requirements of the law following the Supreme Court’s
the literature (Figure 1). 2015 decision. However, Policymakers 2 and 3 referred to the
These codes correspond to the answers to research ques- fact that people do not understand the meaning of titles writ-
tions: for first research question, issues relating to conflict in ten in Urdu on nameplates. Policymaker 1 also revealed this
language policy, planning, and practice; the shifting concept to be the case, because these titles had not been used in offi-
of being educated, and for the second and third research cial settings before and are not part of any curriculum.
questions, issues relating to language practices in teaching, Therefore, a common person who has learned Urdu at school
language practices in curriculum, language practices in may be able to read the titles, but also unable to make sense of
higher education, and language practices in religion. The them. However, the major factor in this discussion is that each
analysis reveals the similarities and differences among teach- institution uses a single language (English or Urdu) on
ers’ and policymakers’ beliefs about language use in educa- the nameplates. This represents the historical power struc-
tional settings in Pakistan. tures of English and Urdu, both in administrative and
6 SAGE Open

Language in policy and

practice
Colonial impact
Official language
Internationalization
Languages in policy Administration
settings Scientific development
Attitude to change
Aim
Trained workforce
Objective
Attitude to language Language practices Language choices Position of regional languages
Type of language to learn Role of language Medium of instruction
Preferred medium Lingua franca Language of instruction Language in education
Concept of language Educated Language in school settings
Communication Mother language Curriculum
Criteria for success Target language Instruction
Social values Attitude to change Policy
Approach to languages Language for success Teachers’ attitudes
Languages in Mother language
Regional values Role of regional languages
Teaching practices
Educational settings Language for success Attitudes towards language
Teaching involvement
Language of instruction Language in higher
First language education
Relation among languages
Internationalization
Role of teachers
Approach to learn Scientific development
Higher education Technological development
Concept of language Curriculum and teaching
Role of regional languages

Language in religion
Religious practices
Learning Qur’an
Attitude

Figure 1. Analytical framework for language practices.

educational settings (Rahman, 1996). To trace the issue in perspective; he felt that there was a need to consider both
terms of identity, the nameplates should be written in Urdu to education practice and language practice. According to him,
reflect the national character of nationalism (Gellner, 1983; policymakers had never measured the costs and benefits of
Hall, 1993). However, nameplates written only in English or using any particular language in the country. As members of
only in Urdu display the power of bureaucratic settings a policymaking team, both policymakers perceived them-
(Phillipson, 2008), which may create social inequality in selves as being in positions where their voices must be heard
national and regional situations as other languages are left out and felt that their opinions should be considered authentic
from national bureaucratic settings. and valuable; however, they did not share common perspec-
In the context of policy, the government’s language policy tives on language use in administration. Furthermore, during
is highlighted in the National Education Policy (2009), which the conversation at his office, Policymaker 1 asked his secre-
states that the Ministry of Education aims to develop a com- tary to type a letter for official use. He gave instructions in
prehensive plan of action for implementing English language Urdu, but asked that the letter be written in English. This was
policy in the shortest possible time, in consultation with the not a unique situation; in most offices, staff communicate in
provincial and regional education departments. The aim is to Urdu, or in local languages if both speakers belong to the
provide better opportunities for disadvantaged groups in same language group, but official documents are released in
Pakistan who do not have access to quality education and English. When asked about this, Policymaker 1 laughed
English learning. However, our study of government docu- before giving his opinion. He pointed out two major roles of
ments did not find any relevant English language policy, nor language: for communicative purposes and for work pur-
a plan issued since the publication of this education policy. poses. For communicative purposes, we learn most of our
Participants, including policymakers, reported their perspec- language from society, but for work purposes, we learn the
tives on the English language. For Policymaker 1, English language at schools, colleges, and universities. Therefore, he
had been used in the region (subcontinent) for a very long learned the local language from society to communicate with
time, and felt it was not possible to replace it, particularly in people, but learned English and Urdu at educational insti-
science and technology. Policymaker 2 had a different tutes for work purposes. Although he had learned Urdu at
Ashraf et al. 7

school, he had never learned official practices in Urdu. subcontinent prior to independence, and Pakistan was subse-
Therefore, both he and his secretary are incapable of writing quently created for the Muslim population. Therefore, recog-
official documents in Urdu. nizing Urdu as the national language of Pakistan was
considered logical in view of the language’s connection with
The Pakistani government has been training its workforce in religion (M. A. Ashraf, 2018b). For participants from the
English for years . . . since independence or even before that . . . Punjab, the country is one unit and one language is necessary
and at this stage (now), when we have more trained workforce in to represent the unity of the country. These opinions reflected
English, policymakers cannot consider going back and beginning the operation of political power in Punjab politics and poli-
to train the workforce in Urdu . . . after the (Supreme court)
cymaking (Nawab, 2012; Rahman, 2002). Similarly, partici-
decision, Urdu would be a new thing in official documents.
(Policymaker 1)
pants from the Punjab in this study displayed a relaxed
attitude toward decisions made at the national level.
Policymaker 2 was of the view that the majority of the poli- However, participants from other provinces, especially
cymakers were not being judged on their ability in educational Sindh, criticized the language politics in Pakistan. For them,
settings as well as their expertise in policy studies; more social the Sindhi language has existed for centuries, before the cre-
and political agendas were involved. He pointed toward the ation of Urdu and was firmly attached to their identity as
very serious problem that the majority of the stakeholders in Sindhi people. Each minority language has its own ethnic
educational policymaking had no experience in education. recognition. Therefore, the politics of language in national
Thus, they failed to see the problems present in society, specifi- government since independence have been generally
cally in education. As a result, policy documents were not rejected by the Sindhi people (Malik, 1997). These partici-
based on local realities. He also outlined the major role of pants reported two major factors that had been handled
higher education institutions (HEIs) in the policymaking pro- badly in the past; first, loyalty to the country, and second,
cess. Such institutions are supposed to conduct research and loyalty to the Sindh. To understand the first, Sindh 3 and
provide solid feedback to the policymaking process, but instead Sindh 4 gave examples of times when Sindh people were
they put pressure on the basic education system by demanding criticized for being disloyal to Pakistan. The example below
that English dominate the curriculum, because the curriculum relates to the behavior of rulers, the army in particular,
in higher education is completely in English. They continu- toward Sindhi language.
ously tell national policymakers that English is the only avail-
Let me give you one example. The Pakistani army stormed
able option for competing in a global world, particularly in into Sindh University to abolish Sindhi language at the
science and technology. Therefore, from the perspective of university in the 1960s. Do you know the reason? Because
HEIs, English should also be taught in basic education. the nephew of one army general (General Tikka Khan) could
not pass his Sindhi language exam at high school, which was
In my view, policymakers are still confused about the use of necessary to get admission to the university. We all (Sindhi
language, since we have many voices in the battle over language people) have witnessed such behavior from Pakistani rulers.
and everyone wants to win the fight. As a result, the issue of (Sindh 4)
language remains unchanged, and is becoming more multifaceted,
but everyone is satisfied since they are not losing the battle. Participants from KPK and Balochistan also disagreed
(Policymaker 2)
with the government’s actions on language in the past, but
now perceive English as the only language that can guaran-
This statement is a strong indication of the conflict that tee success in the current political and national scenario.
exists in policymaking institutions, alongside official coer- They held this view because they compared their students
cion that was rarely successful in promoting linguistic stan- with students from the Punjab, who have better opportunities
dardization. A similar threat of coercion and subtle practices for gaining admission to university and acquiring good jobs
was often essential to shape agreement among different because of their English skills.
stakeholders (Ives, 2004). This issue reflects the inability of
government and citizens to implement the law. In other
words, English retains its dominance within the government The Shifting Concept of Being “Educated”
and society. The notion of being literate was another theme that cropped
The participants from four provinces discussed the selec- up during interviews, particularly with Policymaker 1, who
tion of language since independence. Participants from the gave his opinions regarding society’s behavior toward lan-
Punjab agreed with the government’s policy of recognizing guage. He used the Urdu word “Babu” to summarize his
one language as the national language. For them, it would be answer:
difficult for the government to support all languages as
national languages. They identified with Urdu, which they In our society, parents wish to see their child like “Babu.”
felt was integrated into their national and religious identities Parents want to see their child speak English and dress up neatly,
as Urdu emerged as the language for Muslims in the Indian and comb their hair. (Policymaker 1)
8 SAGE Open

Here, the concept of “Babu” used by Policymaker 1 which curriculum. For policymakers, the language of the curricu-
is widespread in Pakistani society has historical roots. Babu lum has been a very complex issue both in the past and at
was a term of respect used for literate or educated men. Before present. In the past, the idea was that Pakistan is one country,
partition in 1947, English was primarily used by India’s elitist Urdu is the national language; therefore, Urdu should be the
administrative services, that is, the Indian Civil Service (ICS) language of the curriculum in state schools. Policymakers
and Indian Administrative Service (IAS), the officers of the strongly approved the implementation of Urdu, which they
armed forces, and in higher education (Rahman, 1996). The considered beneficial for all regions in helping to establish
native Indians who worked in offices in British India were their Pakistani identity. They preferred adherence to the
given the title “Babu” by their local societies. In addition, Pakistani identity rather than the differently constructed
learning English and adopting the Western dress code were regional identity. As education has been a national matter
necessary for those working at ICS, IAS, and other govern- since 1947, policymakers considered that education should
ment offices (Kachru, 1983; Rahman, 2002). Based on this espouse Pakistani identity, and thus the Urdu language was
concept, the view holds that everyone must learn English and privileged over regional languages. Participating teachers
wear Western clothes if they wish to work in official posi- moderately acceded to these decisions, with some differ-
tions, or, in other words, to be called Babu. ences between regions. Economic impact was the major fac-
Participants from the Punjab province emphasized the tor that affected participants’ views about language practices
importance of English for official occasions and meetings and as well as the shift from regional and national languages to
that English and Urdu were the only possible languages for English. They stressed the importance of the economic
official speeches, related to the ideology that English and Urdu impact on language choice, not only for the language of the
speakers are superior to others. For them, speaking in English curriculum, but also as a state language; a lingua franca, or as
suggests superiority and is necessary to become a leader. a means of communication (Pomerantz, 2007; Rahman,
However, this notion was rejected by many participants 2005). Most participants in this study and the policy docu-
from Sindh and Balochistan who mentioned that speaking ments investigated perceive English as the only route to suc-
the local language during official meetings would give the cess for students and the job market as English is required for
opportunity to other officers, mainly from other regions (par- all good jobs, for high-status leaders, as well as admission to
ticularly the Punjab), to laugh at them and call them illiterate. higher education.
They shared examples from friends and family who had wit- Nevertheless, participants from Sindh seemed to value
nessed such occurrences: knowledge of Sindhi and appreciate the significant meaning
and role it has in Sindhi society. Several participants stated
My brother is an officer in the mineral department. He went to that they felt comfortable using Sindhi and saw themselves
Islamabad for a meeting. He gave a speech in Urdu (which is a as nationalists of the Sindhi language. However, they
national language of Pakistan), but other officers (from other believed that it had not been sufficiently developed in the
provinces) asked him why he did not speak in English. (Balochi 2) past and thus could not be used as the language of science
and technology. They identified different political and
My friend went to attend an official meeting on education, and
administrative shortcomings that had limited the develop-
officers from Punjab clearly emphasized the importance of
English, and demanded that all provinces use English in official
ment of their language. Moreover, the Sindhi language had
settings. (Sindh 4) not been promoted as the language of science and technol-
ogy, because those in power supported the dominance of
These discussions indicate the perception of language in English and Urdu.
official settings and beliefs about language inside elites.
Sindhi is not pure to be the language of science and technology.
They also raise the issue of regional differences. Hence,
Sindhi has been the medium of instruction in Sindh for many
Toolan’s (1997) labeling of English as the language of high centuries. We always feel comfortable with Sindhi. But policies
flyers seems true in the Punjab, and it is growing in other after Pakistani independence restricted the role of Sindhi, by
regions of Pakistan. To achieve this supremacy, the Punjabi employing Urdu as the medium of instruction. So, we could not
language disappeared, first from higher education and later develop it as we could have if we had had a chance to develop it.
from all types of education (Rahman, 2002). Therefore, this (Sindh 3)
approach has affected the politics of language in the country,
where different social groups are struggling to establish their These interviews revealed the varying positions and views
own positions. regarding the role of Sindhi as the language of the curricu-
lum. Opinions were divided on whether Sindhi could serve
as an adequate medium to deliver scientific knowledge.
Language Practices in the Curriculum There was a strong belief, particularly among those who
Participants demonstrated diverse perspectives toward both oversaw higher education, that Sindhi was not suited for the
the languages in the curriculum as well as the language of the teaching of modern complex notions of science. However,
Ashraf et al. 9

some believed that it could have been possible if efforts were fashionable for people to adopt words from English into
made in the past, or even now, making it easier for students Urdu, not only in daily communication, but also in the cur-
and teachers. They gave examples of Sindhi-medium riculum. However, most participants felt that Urdu is unsuited
schools, where the language of instruction was Sindhi and to the curriculum, because while it was promoted at the offi-
the whole curriculum had been developed in Sindhi lan- cial level, in practice its use was immature.
guage. However, they noted that the national government Research development, publications, and training of
always treated these schools badly. researchers in Pakistan marked another major influence on
language development.
We have many Sindhi medium schools. If you visit different
cities in Sindh, you will be surprised to see the curriculum and Most researchers and scientists write in English. They publish in
development of Sindhi language . . . but they did not get support English. It is only possible for Pashto or Urdu when they start
from national government because they (schools) were using the writing in Urdu or Pashto. (KPK 1)
Sindhi curriculum, which was in contradiction to the national
curriculum (Urdu/English). (Sindh 4) Science is not developed in Pakistan. Most companies that work
in Balochistan are foreign. Most resources come from outside.
The Pashto, Balochi, and Punjabi languages have not pro- (Balochistan 2)
gressed in Pakistan. Participants from these language groups
reflected on how these languages could not be used in the Researchers and scientists write in English. Only researchers of
curriculum. One major reason given was that the languages language and literature write in local/national languages. (Sindh 1)
could not adequately handle application to the sciences. A
second reason was that these languages did not have any his- Language Practices in Teaching
tory of practice in official and economic settings. Therefore,
constructing the curriculum in these languages was perceived Teaching practice in all provinces, including language learn-
as a huge task with unknown benefits. ing, focused solely on reading and writing. Most participants
see reading as a part of speaking, because reading means
The development of Pashto is too poor (in Pakistan). It cannot being able to read and speak. There were no separate classes
teach science . . . and math . . . and other subjects at higher for speaking, nor any particular speaking practices inside
(education) levels. (KPK 3) schools. Most teachers from public schools and some private
schools believed that it is very difficult for students to change
It would be difficult or impossible (I think) to apply the Balochi their language behavior inside the classroom, because class-
curriculum because it lacks language development in literature, rooms and schools are the only places where most students
science, technology and in each aspect (compared with English practice speaking Urdu and English. Outside the classroom,
language). (Balochistan 3) students mostly use local languages with their classmates,
friends, and families. English is used in the classroom only
However, this statement does not imply that the Pashto during learning and memorizing words. It was difficult for
language inherently lacks the potential to teach sciences. teachers to teach primary school students science and math
Rather, these comments contained a critique of the forces in English because students could not even recognize the
that had impeded development of the Pashto language, along English alphabet. Moreover, although high school students
with other languages during the establishment of national have better English proficiency, the medium of communica-
control over languages. KPK 2 gave the example of tion and lectures was still Urdu.
Afghanistan, where Pashto is the national language, and the The differences between private and public schools are
language of the curriculum. However, in Pakistan, the the major factors that produce various perspectives and
national government took control of language policy and approaches to language practices in teaching. For partici-
impeded the development of Pashto inside Pakistan (Rahman, pants in private schools (i.e., Punjab 1), language is strictly
2002). As it had never been used at an official level or for controlled in both the school and classroom, not only in
schooling, Pashto had remained a language of communica- terms of teaching and learning, but also in terms of practice.
tion only. The majority of the participants from all regions They stressed the role of languages in education, which are
felt that, at present, when everyone is moving toward English, mainly Urdu and English. All teachers from private schools
selecting a regional language for the curriculum would be indicated that their schools require students and teachers to
dangerous. speak only Urdu or English. These schools also request par-
In addition to the regional languages, different perspec- ents to speak Urdu or English with their children at home
tives were also presented on the role of Urdu, and Urdu as the because doing so affects their speech at school.
language of the curriculum. After independence, Urdu was
adopted as the single national language of Pakistan. Since Our school has a very strict policy about speaking inside the
then, the government has promoted it by stating that it is the school as well as at home. We ask our students to speak in Urdu
language of the curriculum. Furthermore, it has become or in English only. We do not allow students to speak other
10 SAGE Open

languages at school. Besides, we also ask parents to speak Urdu two types: verbal and written. It was easy to recognize the
or English at home. Because it will affect their speaking at written language, which was English at both universities.
school. (Punjab 1) However, the verbal language varied by level. Senior teach-
ing and management staff preferred to use English for offi-
However, public schools do not have such rules regarding cial meetings and speeches, whereas lower-ranked staff used
language use at school, nor ask parents to practice any par- Urdu or local languages. Teachers mostly used Urdu to com-
ticular language at home. Nor do teachers have any rules municate with each other, but teachers from the same lan-
regarding speaking a specific language at school. Most guage background communicated in the local language. This
teachers revealed that they often communicate with their col- demonstrates that even in higher education, the application
leagues and students in local languages or in Urdu. of a single language is unrealistic. In summarizing their
The divide between urban and rural areas is the second reflections, University 1 said,
factor affecting language practices. Participants explained
that local languages remain the dominant form of communi- All documentation is in English . . . the curriculum is in English
cation among people in rural areas, and students from rural . . . low level working staff (drivers, helpers, etc.) mainly speak
areas face extra problems during language interactions at the local language . . . official speeches are in English . . . official
school as well as in the curriculum. Participants described meetings are in English and Urdu . . . students speak different
multiple influences, including parents’ education, language languages in different situations . . . I use Urdu mainly to
practices for communication, and ethnic and cultural values. communicate . . . but sometimes I speak Punjabi with Punjabi
However, such practices are not limited to rural areas, as they speakers.
also occur in urban societies. Students from low socioeco-
nomic families practiced local languages with their families University 2 said,
and communities. For a few participants, teaching in Urdu
The curriculum is in English . . . official documents are released
appeared easy, but it was difficult to make pupils speak Urdu
in English . . . different people speak different languages . . . I
at school. mostly speak Urdu to students . . . sometimes English . . . I speak
Another perception of local languages shared by most Pashto to Pashto speaking teachers and staff.
participants was that language is associated with behavior. In
the Punjab, students from a Punjabi language background Both university teachers suggested that English should be
mostly spoke Punjabi during violent confrontations. Punjab learned through school education. For them, learning English
3, 4, and 5 described the use of Punjabi language for emo- is the only possible language for education, particularly
tional behavior. Similarly, other languages were also linked higher education, because the majority of research is in
to students’ behavior, with local languages also preferred for English. They supported the government’s idea of imple-
expressing emotions. KPK 3 shared an example of his indi- menting the English language curriculum from the first
vidual behavior, saying that he had an impatient personality, grade. For them, students would have better opportunities in
a habit he had inherited from his father. He always relaxes by higher education if they had learned through English at
speaking or shouting in Pashto. school. They linked international development to the coun-
try’s development, whereby speaking the English language
Language Practices in Higher Education would be very important.

In this study, participants from schools mentioned the influ-

ence of higher education on the language practiced in educa-
Language Practices in Religion
tional settings and in society. If a student wanted to become Participants in this study share parallel patterns of language
a doctor, engineer, or other science-related profession, then practice in society. All participants recognized the association
he or she must learn English, because English is the only of language with religion, for which they were required to
language of instruction for the medical sciences, engineer- learn the Arabic language. They use Arabic every day but
ing, and other scientific fields. Medicine and engineering only for religious purposes, for example, offering prayers,
were the two most preferred professions among students and reciting the Quran, during the call to prayer, and in reading
were considered to be high-status professions. According to Islamic texts. However, they mostly use Urdu to read Islamic
participants, there is intense competition among students to literature, translated from Arabic or written by scholars in the
become doctors or engineers and this is the main reason why Urdu language. In addition to using Arabic for prayer, Urdu is
students need to learn English. the language most used inside the Mosque or in religious cer-
However, University 1 and University 2 had very similar emonies. In some regions, local languages are also used in
views to those found in schools. Both participants were religious ceremonies. Religious scholars mainly use Urdu to
Assistant Professors: University 1 in Computer Science and communicate during religious gatherings. However, there are
University 2 in Environmental Science. During discussions, still examples of local languages being used during religious
participants categorized linguistic practices at university into ceremonies, where local religious leaders teach religious texts
Ashraf et al. 11

to local people. However, in all scenarios, all participants 2006). The government and administrative institutions have
were only able to read Arabic. They had been taught the not applied the law, even after 2015 when the Supreme Court
Arabic language when they were young, mainly through ordered government and other administrative institutions to
reading the Quran and a basic introduction to the Arabic enforce it. The participants were still in conflict with the cur-
alphabet. This explained the current pattern of learning rent requirement to use Urdu in administration, which had
Arabic; even if Arabic is a part of the curriculum, included in never been used in this setting before. This was revealed, for
the subject Islamyat (Islamic studies), many parents still pre- example, when Policymaker 1’s institution changed the
fer to send their children to the mosque or madrassa to learn nameplates from English to Urdu, whereas other institutions
Arabic. Some parents hire private tutors to teach the Quran to did not, because of their lack of familiarity with this lan-
their children at home. Nevertheless, Arabic language learn- guage in administrative domains.
ing is mostly directed toward reading the Quran and perform- This study demonstrates that in Pakistan, language choice
ing religious practices. is in practice informed by various considerations (i.e., answer-
ing the second research question). Several participants closely
linked language to their personal identities, whereas others
Discussion
saw varying options for future benefits. As an individual act,
In this study, a discourse-ethnographic analysis of partici- sociocultural, political, and economic conditions were promi-
pants’ language ideologies and language practices in Pakistan nent among participants’ reasons for selecting a specific lan-
established a multifaceted interaction between language, guage (M. A. Ashraf & Tsegay, 2016). The double-edged
power, and ideology. The language ideologies demonstrated nature of beliefs was apparent in contemporary ethnic dis-
the domination of English in policymaking institutions that courses, which were embedded in specific historical and
have the power to align specific languages with rewards, sociopolitical contexts (Fairclough, 1992). Various compo-
with a variety of opinions on the issue from different linguis- nents influenced participants’ language choice, but the
tic participants. These ideologies are supported by a system strength of this influence varied from one participant to
of national and global forces that empower national and another, depending on their origin, social perceptions, local
global languages over local languages. However, global sociocultural setting, education, and social, political, and eco-
forces appeared to dominate, primarily due to the elites that nomic power. The concept of a divided society was fully
linked their supremacy to English language use (Butler, illustrated in the context of Pakistan, where different ethnic
2015; Phillipson, 1992; Rahman, 2002). This points to a sys- groups make claims for self-determination, including a
tem that cannot act without English to achieve global compe- unique claim to a specific piece of territory under the criteria
tency as well as maintaining elite positions inside the country. for nationalism (Hall, 1993). In this case, ethnic politics might
In this system, participants also accepted the importance of help to address the group identities based on a mixture of
local languages in their particular societies, as these lan- shared family, region, religion, tradition, and language. This
guages gave them a feeling of personal belonging. This sug- was an important point in identifying the ethno-political prob-
gests that linguistic groups are not simply passive receivers lems that have deep roots in divided societies. A divided soci-
of language from global and national forces, but also resist ety such as Pakistan is ethnically diverse and performs
the language ideologies imposed by such forces through through politically significant cleavage, wherein benefits are
learning, institutions, employment, or economic pressure. controlled for political purposes. Therefore, participants from
Explicit language policy was the first arena in which dif- Sindh, KPK, and Balochistan view Punjab as the dominant
ferent conflicts and practices of language ideologies played force that controls the politics of power through language.
out, and which provides the answer to the first research ques- Participants described the different positions of language
tion. Language policy is an activity that organizes language in the curriculum and teaching (i.e., answering the third
rules and vocabulary for the direction of writers and speakers research question). It was claimed that language had a spe-
in a nonstandardized language community (Bourdieu, 1991). cific role in society, as well as among political structures
It implies an attempt to guide the development of language in (Pennycook, 2017). The domination of English was linked
a direction desired by the organizers of that language. with the colonial educational ideology wherein English was
Language planning and policy have been described as the prioritized to secure better opportunities. Higher education
efforts of governments or administrative agencies to deal was considered an important component in triggering the lan-
with language problems in the process of nation building guage ideologies that position English as the only language of
(Fairclough, 1992; Phillipson, 2008). However, the partici- the curriculum (Shamim, 2008). Participants see this as a way
pants from policymaking institutions in this study viewed to produce a skilled workforce that can create economic
themselves as in a complex situation where government development by attracting businesses to those areas where
sought English dominance in administration, and even educated workers live (Mansoor, 2004). However, the teach-
ignored the law to convert the system from English into ing practices in all sectors of education were similar, transfer-
Urdu. Failure to implement the law reveals that laws alone ring knowledge of English through national or local languages.
do not work if they are not consistently enforced (Tyler, Even higher education, which has used English as the medium
12 SAGE Open

of instruction from the outset, still experiences teaching prac- societal and institutional levels, such as the private school’s
tices in the national language. Few private schools, such as in control over language choice in Punjab.
the case of Punjab 1, implemented English-only or English/ The results of this study have some implications for policy
Urdu-only language in school, indicating that only the elite development and educational settings. This study reveals the
have free access to privileged languages. However, this raises key role of language ideologies in the process of policy con-
the argument as to whether local languages have been struction, policy implementation, and language policy inside
neglected; it seems that such languages are on their way to schools and classrooms. These language ideologies are com-
becoming languages of verbal communication only, as is plex and diverse in nature, and vary among each linguistic
already the case of the Punjabi language in the Punjab. group, that could certainly generate language conflict among
Furthermore, religious ambitions require individuals to learn different linguistic groups in multilingual society. Specifically,
and practice the Arabic language, which is linked to religious policymakers seeking the aggressive promotion of national
identity. Language learning for religion is mainly aimed at and global languages should also consider the complexities of
being able to read the Arabic texts and to memorize scripts for such actions on different ethnic and linguistic groups, and at
performing religious duties. However, while this study least evaluate the reaction of different linguistic groups to such
excluded religious education, including language, it neverthe- policies. In addition, teaching practices in school and class-
less found some evidence of religious language within collec- rooms should be measured carefully, before and after policy-
tive educational settings. making process, as teachers are important mediators of
classroom-level language policy. However, there is need for
more studies on language practices inside the different com-
Conclusion
munities of Pakistan to understand how individual language
This study demonstrated a contemporary understanding of practices struggle against national and international forces.
the increasingly multifaceted configuration of language and For example, how does learning a language by reading alone,
power in education. Significant distinction and complexity as is the case for Arabic, enable individuals to construct mean-
were reflected in the language practices, ideologies, and ing without learning the meanings inherent in the language?
power reported by participants. Hegemonic spaces in which National identity is linked to Urdu, whereas individual identity
dominant language ideologies were mechanically repro- is linked to a local language, global identity to English, and
duced subverted the ideologies of local languages. The situ- religious identity to Arabic. This gives some indication of the
ation of languages in educational settings in each province complex learning environment for students that requires fur-
was far more multifaceted than either description would sug- ther detailed investigation to understand students’ learning
gest. The situation of languages in society as well as in edu- outcomes under the umbrella of four languages.
cational settings can best be understood as a hybrid space in
which hegemonic language practices and ideologies were Acknowledgments
both reproduced and challenged. In addition, supplementary We wish to thank article editor and editorial admin for their gra-
hegemonic practices and ideologies were established without cious editorial support. We are also extremely grateful to the
considering their impact on individual societies. It is crucial reviewers for reading and providing constructive feedback on ear-
for people to learn their native language and the ethnic beliefs lier versions of this article. We further acknowledge Sage Author
and wisdom embodied in that language (Fairclough, 1992; Services powered by Editage for providing language editing.
Rahman, 2001). This was one of many statements by the par-
ticipants that views language and identity in hegemonic Declaration of Conflicting Interests
spaces, which participants considered essential and con- The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect
nected to the dynamic nature of identity. However, policy- to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
makers and teachers, especially from the Punjab, viewed
national identity and success in hegemonic spaces when con- Funding
sidering language selection, and as such neglected the The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support
Punjabi language, which was reserved for communication for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This
only. This supported the notion that both identity and lan- research is partially funded by “Ming Yuan Educational Research
guage are flexible and hybrid, and not tightly connected to Grant Program (2017007)” and “Fundamental Research Funds for
one another. However, this notion was rejected by other par- the Central Universities in China (No. 531118010283).” Opinions
ticipants, particularly those from Sindh and at a moderate reflect those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of
level by participants from KPK and Balochistan. There are the grant agencies.
complex connections between humans as social agents and
the broader social forces that inhibit their subjectivity ORCID iDs
(Gellner, 1983). Language should not be thought of as a solid Muhammad Azeem Ashraf https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0133-
and impervious entity, and individuals did not consider the 4056
language they use as the message they want to get across at Rizwan Ahmed Laar https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2040-1771
Ashraf et al. 13

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