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Geometry and Its Applications 3rd Edition Walter J Meyer pdf download

The document provides information about the book 'Geometry and Its Applications, 3rd Edition' by Walter J. Meyer, published by CRC Press in 2022. It outlines the book's content, which includes various geometric concepts, applications, and historical context, aimed at upper-division mathematics students and educators. Additionally, it offers links to download the book and other related resources from ebookmeta.com.

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© © All Rights Reserved
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Geometry and Its
Applications
Geometry and Its
Applications
Third Edition

Walter J. Meyer
Third edition published 2022
by CRC Press
6000 Broken Sound Parkway NW, Suite 300, Boca Raton, FL 33487-2742
and by CRC Press
4 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN
© 2022 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
[First edition published by Elsevier 1999]
[Second edition published by Elsevier 2006]
CRC Press is an imprint of Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
The right of Walter Meyer to be identified as author of this work has been
asserted by him in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs,
and Patents Act 1988.
Reasonable efforts have been made to publish reliable data and information, but
the author and publisher cannot assume responsibility for the validity of all
materials or the consequences of their use. The authors and publishers have
attempted to trace the copyright holders of all material reproduced in this
publication — we apologize to copyright holders if permission to publish in this
form has not been obtained. If any copyright material has not been
acknowledged, please write and let us know so we may rectify it in any future
reprint.
Except as permitted under US Copyright Law, no part of this book may be
reprinted, reproduced, transmitted, or utilized in any form by any electronic,
mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including
photocopying, microfilming, and recording, or in any information storage or
retrieval system, without written permission from the publishers.
For permission to photocopy or use material electronically from this work, access
www.copyright.com or contact the Copyright Clearance Center, Inc. (CCC), 222
Rosewood Drive, Danvers, MA 01923, 978-750-8400. For works that are not
available on CCC please contact [email protected]
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered
trademarks and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to
infringe.

Library of Congress Cataloging‑in‑Publication Data


A catalog record has been requested for this book

ISBN: 978-0-367-18798-9 (hbk)


ISBN: 978-0-367-68999-5 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-0-429-19832-8 (ebk)

DOI: 10.1201/9780429198328

Typeset in Palatino
by MPS Limited, Dehradun
Contents

To the Instructor .................................................................................................. vii


To the Student........................................................................................................ix
Dependencies..........................................................................................................xi
Course Outlines .................................................................................................. xiii
List of Glimpses ....................................................................................................xv

1. The Axiomatic Method in Geometry ........................................................1


Section 1. Axioms for Euclidean Geometry ...............................................1

2. The Euclidean Heritage ..............................................................................17


Section 1. Congruence..................................................................................17
Section 2. Perpendicularity .........................................................................31
Section 3. Parallelism ...................................................................................48
Section 4. Area and Similarity....................................................................65

3. Non-Euclidean Geometry........................................................................... 79
Section 1. Hyperbolic and Other Non-Euclidean Geometries.............. 79
Section 2. Spherical Geometry – A Three‐Dimensional View.............. 93
Section 3. Spherical Geometry – An Axiomatic View .........................106
Section 4. The Relative Consistency of Hyperbolic Geometry...........115

4. Transformation Geometry I: Isometries and Symmetries................129


Section 1. Isometries and Their Invariants.............................................129
Section 2. Composing Isometries .............................................................140
Section 3. There Are Only Four Kinds of Isometries...........................152
Section 4. Symmetries of Patterns ...........................................................162
Section 5. What Combinations of Symmetries Can Strip
Patterns Have? .......................................................................... 171

5. Vectors in Geometry .................................................................................179


Section 1. Parametric Equations of Lines ...............................................179
Section 2. Scalar Products, Planes, and the Hidden
Surface Problem........................................................................ 197
Section 3. Norms, Spheres and the Global Positioning System.........210
Section 4. Curve Fitting With Splines..................................................... 222

6. Transformation Geometry II: Isometries and Matrices ....................235


Section 1. Equations and Matrices for Familiar
Transformations........................................................................ 235

v
vi Contents

Section 2. Composition and Matrix Multiplication ..............................246


Section 3. Frames and How to Represent Them .................................. 256
Section 4. Properties of the Frame Matrix .............................................265
Section 5. Forward Kinematics for a Simple Robot Arm....................273

7. Transformation Geometry III: Similarity, Inversion and


Projections ...................................................................................................287
Section 1. Central Similarity and Other Similarity
Transformations in the Plane .................................................287
Section 2. Inversion .................................................................................... 296
Section 3. Perspective Projection and Image Formation .....................306
Section 4. Parallelism and Vanishing Points of a
Perspective Projection.............................................................. 322
Section 5. Parallel Projection.....................................................................334

8. Graphs, Maps and Polyhedra ................................................................. 351


Section 1. Introduction to Graph Theory ...............................................351
Section 2. Euler’s Formula and the Euler Number ..............................373
Section 3. Polyhedra, Combinatorial Structure,
and Planar Maps ......................................................................385
Section 4. Special Kinds of Polyhedra: Regular Polyhedra and
Fullerenes................................................................................... 399

Bibliography ........................................................................................................ 411


Answers to Even-Numbered Exercises ..........................................................413
Index .....................................................................................................................463
To the Instructor

This book is meant to provide a balanced and diversified view of


geometry—modern as well as ancient, axiomatic as well as intuitive, applied
as well as pure, and with some history. We cover Euclid in a more rigorous
and foundational style than students have studied in high school. We also
cover modern ideas, especially ones which show applied geometry. The book
is completely accessible for upper-division mathematics majors. Although
there may be new topics here, nothing is particularly advanced—for the most
part, it all grows directly out of Euclid.
It is a moderately large book so that instructors can design a variety of
courses for different students. We have used it for the following:
• Students who wish to become secondary school teachers and need a
deeper look at Euclid apart from their high school course.
• A course to provide students, especially those of computer science,
with an applied view of modern geometry.
• Graduate students who want to diversify and have a glimpse of
newer geometry.
• Students for whom axiomatics and alternative geometries are
appropriate.

Below are some pointers of how to put together such courses.


A glance at our dependency chart (which follows) shows that not much
is needed from earlier college mathematics courses (more detailed
descriptions of prerequisites are given at the start of each chapter). What
students need is the maturity to deal with proofs and a few careful
calculations but calculation is less than in a calculus course). We also want
students to witness applied geometry; nearly every section of the book
offers an opportunity to introduce or elaborate on an application. Finally,
we want students to see that geometry is part of human culture, so we
included a number of historical vignettes.
In writing this book, I am aware of the many people and organizations
who have shaped my thoughts. I learned a good deal about applications of
geometry at the Grumman Corporation (now Northrop-Grumman) while
in charge of a robotics research program, when I had the opportunity to
teach this material at Adelphi University, and during a year spent as a
Visiting Professor at the US Military Academy at West Point. In particular,
I thank my cadets and my students at Adelphi for finding errors and
suggesting improvements in earlier drafts. Appreciation is due to NSF, the
Sloan Foundation, and COMAP for involving me in programs dedicated to

vii
viii To the Instructor

the improvement of geometry at both collegiate and secondary levels.


Finally, I wish to thank numerous individuals with whom I have been in
contact about geometry, in general, and this book in particular: Joseph
Malkevitch, Donald Crowe, Robert Bumcrot, Andrew Gleason, Branko
Grünbaum, Victor Klee, Greg Lupton, John Oprea, Brigitte Selvatius,
Marie Vanisko, and Sol Garfunkel.
To the Student

The main novelty of this book is that it presents a wider view of geometry
than the Euclidean geometry you will recall from high school. Here, you
will find modern as well as ancient geometry, applied as well as pure
geometry, all spiced with historical vignettes.
There are a number of advantages from this presentation of geometry:
1. Most of the topics are useful. Many of them are being applied
today, for example, in software we use everyday. An important
objective of this book is to introduce applications of geometry,
including the study of symmetry (useful in graphic design),
chemistry, topics in computer science and robotics. About half the
pages of the book concern an application or are part of the theory
that supports an application.
2. There are a few long and complicated calculations where learning
the steps is the main task but understanding the ideas is just as
important.
3. There are parts of this book that help prepare you for advanced
mathematics courses, especially abstract algebra.
4. There are jobs that use geometry—especially the vector geometry of
Chapters 5, 6 and 7.
5. Euclid is well-represented for those who wish to become secondary
school teachers.

How to use this book


Many students study a mathematics course by just examining the worked
examples and hoping this will enable them to work the exercises. But
our exercises are seldom close copies of worked examples. To prepare
for the exercises, you should—with the help of the text and your
professor—follow the storyline of the topic, understand the concepts,
and study the proofs. Finally, it has been repeatedly shown that students
do better if they have a well‐matched study partner.
To understand some machines, people are trained to take them apart and
put them together again blindfolded. We don’t recommend studying
geometry blindfolded, but we do recommend studying the proofs in the
text with that level of attention so you can easily reproduce them.

ix
x To the Student

A bonus
This book is one of the most student-centred courses of study you will
encounter in college. In most courses, you have to accept a lot of what
you are told because you don’t have the time, the energy, or the resources
to verify it for yourself. Is water really composed of hydrogen and
oxygen? Are the Great Lakes salty? Save yourself the trouble and ask
your instructor.
But you can check out the facts of geometry as we present them in this
book. The method is called ’proof’, and you can learn it.
There is a lot in this book and we hope you will take advantage of it.
Dependencies

A student with a modest knowledge of Euclidean geometry—who knows


how to multiply matrices and (for an optional section) has a grasp of
differential calculus—can study this book. Here are the dependencies
among the chapters: items in ellipses are matters presumed from other
studies, but the amount is slight and can be provided by the instructor to
make the geometry class more self-contained. The dotted line signifies some
reference that might be made to axioms of 3-dimensional geometry.
However, one can skip these matters and rely on the students’ intuitions.

Ch. 1. The Axiomatic Slight knowledge of


Method in Geometry 3rd semester
translation, rotation,
calculus
reflection

Ch. 2. The
Euclidean Heritage
Ch. 5. Vectors in
Ch. 4. Transformation Geometry
Ch. 3. Non-Euclidean Geometry I: Isometries
Geometry and Symmetries

Matrix multiplication 3D visualization

Ch. 6. Transformation Ch. 7. Transformation Ch. 8. Graphs, Maps and


Geometry II: Isometries Geometry III: Similarity, Polyhedra
and Matrices Inversion and Projections

xi
Course Outlines

Euclidean Geometry for Prospective Teachers

• Chapter 1. Perhaps skip Axioms for Three‐Dimensional Geometry


and Axioms for Areas and Volume, and go a little light on Interiors
of Angles. The idea is to move quickly into Chapter 2 before
students get bogged down.
• Chapter 2. This is the heart of such a course, but with greater
emphasis on the first three sections on Congruence, Perpendicularity,
and Parallelism.
• Chapter 3. If one wants a point of view on foundations. If not,
proceed to Chapter 4.
• Chapter 4. This is Transformation Geometry, which is an extended
application of Euclidean geometry. Applications in art and design;
composition of isometries—this paves the way for the abstract view
found in Modern Algebra courses.

Applied Geometry
For students of the applied sciences, especially computer science
students wishing to take a mathematics course with applications.

• Chapter 5. Students previously learned this in a calculus or linear


algebra course, but not the geometric point of view or the
applications.
• Chapter 6. Using matrices to represent transformations.
• Chapter 7. Image formation, thought to be an old hat aspect of
projective geometry, has come roaring back for computer vision
and computer graphics.

Topics in Geometry for Graduate Students


For graduate students wanting advanced and diversified glimpses of
geometry.

• Chapter 3. From the point of view of foundations.

xiii
xiv Course Outlines

• Chapter 5. The computational point of view with modern


applications.
• Chapter 8. A look at problems of recent interest in two and three
dimensions.

Axiomatic and Alternative Geometries


For the philosophically inclined, or those headed to graduate school.

• Chapter 1. To be done carefully.


• Chapter 2. If the students are confident in elementary Euclidean,
then the emphasis here should be on the rigour and the role of the
axioms.
• Chapter 3. Non-Euclidean geometry.
Glimpses

Glimpses of Applications

A Glimpse of Application: Mathematics and Building Chapter 2 Section 1


A Glimpse of Application: Thales Estimates Distance Chapter 2 Section 1
A Glimpse of Application: Fermat and the Behavior of Light Chapter 2 Section 2
A Glimpse of Application: Eratosthenes Measures the Earth Chapter 2 Section 3
A Glimpse of Application: The Hidden Surface Problem Chapter 5 Section 2
A Glimpse of Application: Longitude Chapter 5 Section 3
A Glimpse of Application: Stereographic Projection Chapter 7 Section 2
A Glimpse of Application: Modeling Molecules Chapter 8 Section 1

Glimpses of History

A Glimpse of History: The Tragedy of Giordano Bruno Chapter 1 Section 1


A Glimpse of History: The Life of Georgy Voronoi Chapter 2 Section 2
A Glimpse of History: Bolyai, Gauss, Lobachevsky Chapter 3 Section 1
A Glimpse of History: Johann Lambert, A Chapter 3 Section 2
One-Man Band
A Glimpse of History: Josiah Gibbs, the Master Chapter 5 Section 1
of Vectors
A Glimpse of History: Cayley, Mister Matrix Chapter 6 Section 2
A Glimpse of History: Albrecht Dürer, Mathematics Chapter 7 Section 3
and Art
A Glimpse of History: Johannes Kepler Chapter 8 Section 4

xv
xvi Glimpses

Main Applications

Subject Section Area of Application

Deliveries 2.2 Operations research


Pattern recognition 2.2 Computer vision
Rigidity of frameworks 2.3 Building
Modern astronomy 3.1 Astronomy
Shortcomings of maps 3.2 Cartography
Symmetry 5.4 Art
San Ildefonso Pueblo designs 4.5 Art
Does this robot hit the pothole? 5.1 Robotics
Does this robot go through the 5.1 Robotics
doorway?
Is this point in the polygon? 5.1 Robotics
Will this robot hit the desk? 5.1 Robotics
Will this X-ray hit the tumour? 5.1 Medicine
Stereographic vision 5.1 Computer vision
Global positioning system 5.3 Geolocation
Magnifying a curve 5.4 Computer graphics
Curve fitting with splines 5.4 Engineering
Computer graphics: waving the flag 6.1 Computer graphics
Robbie, the robot, turns 6.2 Robotics
Robbie’s location and orientation 6.3 Robotics
Computer vision 6.3 Computer vision
Robot collision avoidance 6.3 (Example 6.11) Robotics
Moving a robot arm 6.5 Robotics
A scaling up by pixels 7.1 Computer graphics
Circular motion goes straight 7.2 (Figure 7.12) Mechanical engineering
Image formation: perspective 7.3 Computer vision and
projection graphics
Stereographic projection 7.3 (Figure 7.17) Cartography
Scheduling a symposium 8.1 Operations research
The Euler number and computer vision 8.2 Computer vision
Fullerene molecules 8.4 Chemistry
1
The Axiomatic Method in Geometry

We human beings are at home with the physical world—our senses guide
our movements and help us estimate sizes. But from earliest times, we have
wanted to know things about our physical world that our senses and
measuring instruments could not tell us—for example, what is the cir-
cumference of the earth? For this, we needed the kinds of geometry we will
explore in this book: axiomatic geometry. This means that we start with
assumptions people are willing to accept as true (perhaps “for the sake of
argument”) and use logical arguments based on these agreed-upon prin-
ciples, instead of our senses. The process is called deduction and the starting
principles are called axioms.
Geometry, that of Euclid in particular (which we start with), has paid
dividends for over 2,000 years, but there are still frontiers to explore. For
example, the development of robots has led to the desire to mimic whatever
mysterious processes our human minds do, through geometry, to move
about in the world safely and effectively.

Prerequisites:
high school mathematics,
the notation of set theory (in just a few places)

Section 1. Axioms for Euclidean Geometry


In this section, we describe the basic principles from which we drive ev-
erything else in our study of Euclidean geometry. These basic principles are
called axioms. We then carry out rigorous proofs of the first few deductions
from this axiom set.
Our axiom set is a descendant of the five axioms provided by Euclid, but
there are some differences. There are two main reasons why we do not use
Euclid’s axioms as he originally gave them:

1. Euclid phrases his axioms in a way which is hard for the modern
reader to appreciate.
2. It has been necessary to add axioms to Euclid’s set to be able to give
rigorous proofs of many Euclidean theorems.

DOI: 10.1201/9780429198328-1 1
2 Geometry and Its Applications

A number of individuals, and at least one committee, have taken turns in


improving Euclid’s axiom set: notably, David Hilbert in 1899, G. D. Birkhoff
in 1932, and the School Mathematics Study Group (SMSG) during the 1960s.
Even though these axiom sets differ from one another—and from
Euclid’s—they all lead to the well-known theorems in Euclid’s Elements.
Consequently, we say that they are all axiom sets for Euclidean geometry.
The axioms we list below for our use are a minor rewording of the SMSG
axiom set.
As we embark on our study of axiomatic Euclidean geometry, you will
be asked to consider proofs of some statements you may have learned
before. To enter the spirit of our study, you must put aside what you have
learned before or find obvious. In earlier sections, we have relied on some
geometry you have previously learned but in this section, we strive to
construct proofs only from the axioms we are about to list, and any the-
orems we have previously proved from those axioms. Keep in mind that
our objective in our axiomatic discussion of Euclidean geometry is not to
learn facts about geometry, but to learn about the logical structure of
geometry.

Axioms About Points on Lines


Axiom 1: The Point-Line Incidence Axiom.

Given any two different points, there is exactly one line which contains
them.

We denote the line connecting A and B by AB . Our first theorem about lines
uses proof by contradiction or indirect proof. It is based on the idea that the
truths of Euclidean geometry do not contradict one another; if you reason
correctly on true statements, then you can never deduce a statement that
contradicts another which is known to be true. If you do find a contra-
diction, then one of the statements you have been reasoning from must be
false. In our proof, we will make a supposition and show that it leads to a
contradiction. This proves the supposition false.

Theorem 1.1: Two lines cross in at most one point.


Proof: Suppose lines L and M contain the two points A and B, then A and B
would have two lines containing them, violating Axiom 1. This contradiction
shows that our supposition that L and M contain two points must be false. ■

Our next axiom is just a mathematical way of saying what everyone who
has ever used a ruler will find familiar: a line “comes with” a set of nu-
merical markings we can use for calculations and proofs.
The Axiomatic Method in Geometry 3

Axiom 2: Ruler Axiom

For any line, there exists a 1-1 correspondence f between the points of the
line and the real numbers. This means:

1. Every point A on the line has a number f(A) associated with it.
2. Different points have different numbers associated with them.
3. Every number, positive or negative, has some point to which it is
associated.

The function f is called the ruler function for that line. The number f(A) is
called the coordinate of A.

This axiom allows us to use the properties of the real numbers to find out
things about lines. For example, there are infinitely many real numbers, so
we must have infinitely many corresponding points on a line. The ruler
axiom also allows us to define the key geometric ideas of distance and
betweenness.

Definitions: Let A, B. and C be three points on a line and f be the ruler


function for that line.

1. We say B is between A and C if either f(A) < f(B) < f(C) or f(C) < f(B) < f(A).
We write A-B-C to indicate that B is between A and C. C-B-A is the same
as A-B-C.
2. The segment from A to B, denoted AB, is defined to be the set
consisting of A, B, and all points X where A-X-B.
3. The distance from A to B is defined to be |f(B) − f(A)| and we denote
this distance by AB. Note that if A and B designate the same point,
AB = 0.
4. If AB = CD, then the segments AB and CD are called congruent.
Theorem 1.2:

1. AB = BA
2. If A-B-C, then AB + BC = AC
3. If A, B, C are three different points on a line, exactly one of them is
between the other two.
Proof:

1. AB = |f(B) − f (A)| = |− [ f (A) − f (B)]| = |f(A) − f(B)| = BA


2. There are two cases. First, suppose f(A) < f(B) < f (C). Then,
4 Geometry and Its Applications

AB + BC = |f (B) f (A)| + |f (C ) f (B)|


= f ( B) f (A) + f (C ) f (B)
= f (C ) f (A)
= |f (C ) f (A)|
= AC

We leave the second case as an exercise.


3. Let a, b, c be the coordinates of A, B, C according to the ruler
function for the line they lie on. It is a well-known fact about
numbers that, out of three different numbers, exactly one can lie
between the other two. Consequently, by definition of what it
means for one point to be between two others, the result follows. ■

The following theorem was assumed as an axiom by Euclid. If Euclid had


included our Ruler Axiom among his, then, of course, he would not have
needed to assume what we are about to prove.

Theorem 1.3: Extendibility

If A and B are any two points, then the segment AB can be extended by any
positive distance on either side of segment AB (Figure 1.1).

Proof: Let e > 0 be the amount of extension wanted. Let’s say we want to
extend past B to a point C, so that B is between A and C and BC = e. Let a
and b be the real numbers f(A) and f(B) under the ruler function for the
line AB .

Case 1: a < b (Figure 1.1). Then, define c = b + e. By part 3 of the ruler axiom,
there is a point C which corresponds to the number c. C is the point we want
since:

a. B is between A and C (since a < b < b + e).


b. BC = |f(C) − f(B)| = |(b + e) − b| = |e| = e since e > 0.

FIGURE 1.1
The Ruler Function helps extend segment AB.
The Axiomatic Method in Geometry 5

Case 2: a > b. We leave this as an exercise.


A Glimpse of History. The Tragedy of Giordano Bruno.

FIGURE 1.2
Statue of Giordano Bruno. (Photograph by the author.)
6 Geometry and Its Applications

The statue shown here shows an Italian scholar of the 16th century,
Giordano Bruno. It stands in the Campo de Florio in Rome, where tourists
crowd the many restaurants at night. No doubt that they find it pleasing to
dine in the shadow of history, having no idea that what is commemorated
by the statue is gruesome. Bruno was burnt alive in this very spot because
he professed many ideas that were deeply upsetting to the power structure
of the time. One of Bruno’s heretical ideas comes right from Euclid—our
Theorem 1.3. Bruno deduced from Euclid’s version that the universe must
be infinite if you can always extend segments to be longer. He concluded
further (and this is not in Euclid) that in an infinite universe, there would be
many worlds like our own. This contradicted the prevailing idea that the
earth was the centre of—and the very reason for—God’s creation of the
universe. ■

Theorem 1.4: The Midpoint Theorem

Every segment has a midpoint. That is, for any points A and B, there is a
point M on segment AB so that AM = (1/2)AB. ■
Proof: We leave this as an exercise. ■

The Midpoint Theorem requires us to think of points as infinitely small. If


they had any positive size, a line segment would be a bit like a necklace
(Figure 1.3). If the number of points were even, there would not be one
exactly in the middle by Theorem 1.4.
FIGURE 1.3
A segment AB of 6 “fat” points would not have a midpoint.

Definition: If A and B are distinct points, the ray from A through B, denoted
AB , is the set of all points C on line AB , such that A is not between B and C.
We call A the endpoint of the ray.

The negative phrasing of this definition is sometimes awkward, so the


following theorem is sometimes handy. Its proof is based on one of our
previous results. Can you find it?

Theorem 1.5: AB consists of segment AB together with all points X where


A-B-X. ■

Definition: Let A, B, and C be points not on the same line. AB ∪ AC is


called the angle BAC and denoted as ∠BAC (Figure 1.4). We may also denote
this angle as ∠CAB.
The Axiomatic Method in Geometry 7

B B B
B B
A C
A A
C A
A Line
↔ ↔
AB Segment AB Ray AB Angle ∠BAC Triangle ABC

FIGURE 1.4
The cast of characters.

When we hear “angle”, we often think of it as the space between the rays that
border it. Our definition of an angle does not capture that idea. We will need a
separate definition of the interior of an angle, and base it on the next axiom.

Separation
Axiom 3: Pasch’s Separation Axiom for a Line

Given a line L in the plane, the points in the plane which are not on L form
two sets, H1 and H2, called half-planes, so that:

a. if A and B are points in the same half-plane, then AB lies wholly in


that half-plane.
b. if A and B are points not in the same half-plane, then AB inter-
sects L.

H1 and H2 are also called sides of L. L is called the boundary line of H1 and H2.

Notice that the half-planes mentioned in Pasch’s axiom do not contain their
boundary line. They are sometimes referred to as open half-planes for this reason.

Definition: Let A, B, and C be three non-collinear points, as in Figure 1.5


(this means that there is no line which contains all three of them). Let HB
be the half-plane determined by AC , which contains B. Let HC be the
half-plane determined by AB , which contains C. The inside or interior of
∠BAC is defined to be HB ∩ HC.

Pasch’s Axiom was only added to the axiom set for Euclidean geometry in
the late 19th century when geometers became aware that, for many geo-
metric figures, there was no way to rigorously define the inside or outside of
the figure, much less prove theorems about them. For example, if you had
8 Geometry and Its Applications

FIGURE 1.5
An angle and its interior.

asked Euclid to prove that a line containing a point on the inside of an angle
crosses at least one of the rays making the angle, he would have been unable
to do so. He would undoubtedly have been unconcerned about this,
thinking this theorem to be too obvious to bother with.

Theorem 1.6: If a ray AB has endpoint A on line L, but B does not lie on L,
then all points of the ray, except for A, lie on the same side of L as B.

Proof: The proof is indirect. Assume there is a point C on the ray so that C
and B are on opposite sides of L. By Pasch’s Axiom, BC crosses L at some
point. This must be A since BC AB and, by Theorem 1.1, AB crosses L in
just one point, namely A. Since A is not B or C, the fact that A is in BC means
B-A-C. But this means C is not in AB by the definition of a ray. ■

Triangles play a starring role in geometry, so it is time to define them. Let A,


B, C be three non-collinear points. In that case, we define the triangle ABC to
be AB ∪ BC ∪ AC . Can you see how to define the interior of a triangle?
Suppose we have a triangle ABC and we extend side AC to D, thereby
creating an exterior angle ∠BCD as in Figure 1.6. Pick any point M on BC
which is not B or C, then extend AM past M to any point E. Will E be in the
inside of the exterior angle ∠BCD? Our visual intuition says yes, but if we
want the highest degree of rigour, we need a proof. Here it is, but with
reasons for some steps left for you to supply.

Theorem 1.7: If A, B, and C are not collinear and

1. A-C-D
2. B-M-C
3. A-M-E
then, E is in the interior of ∠BCD.
The Axiomatic Method in Geometry 9

FIGURE 1.6
Illustrating Theorem 1.7.

Proof: According to our definition of the interior of an angle, we need to


show two things:

a. that E is on the same side as D of line BC ; and


b. that E is on the same side as B of line CD .

a. A and D are on opposite sides of BC (why?). A and E are also on


opposite sides of BC (why?). Thus, we have shown both E and D to
be on the opposite side of A of line BC . Therefore, E and D must be
on the same side of BC , as we wished to prove.
b. By hypothesis, B is not on AC , so B is not on CD , since AC and
CD are the same line. Thus, by the previous theorem, CB lies
wholly on the B side of CD (except for C). But B-M-C means M ε
CB , and so M and B lie on the same side of CD Likewise, E and M
lie on the same side of CD . Thus, E and B lie on the same side of
CD as we wished to prove. ■

Axioms about Measuring Angles


We have spoken of angles, but not about measuring them. To fill this gap,
we come now to a group of axioms which do for angles what the ruler
axiom does for lines. We might refer to them. as a group, as the protractor
axioms.

Axiom 4: The Angle Measurement Axiom.

To every angle, there corresponds a real number between 0° and 180° called
its measure or size. We denote the measure of ∠BAC by m∠BAC.
Definition: If m∠BAC = m∠PQR, then we say ∠BAC and ∠PQR are
congruent angles.
Axiom 5: The Angle Construction Axiom.
10 Geometry and Its Applications

B
D A

X
A’
α β

A B C B’

FIGURE 1.7
Supplementary angles α + β = 180°. b) ∠AXB and ∠A’XB’ are vertical angles; ∠BXA’ and ∠B’XA
are vertical angles.

Let AB lie entirely on the boundary line L of some half-plane H. For every
number r where 0° < r < 180°, there is exactly one ray AC where C ε H and
m∠CAB = r.
Axiom 6: The Angle Addition Axiom.

If D is a point in the interior of ∠BAC, then m∠BAC = m∠BAD + m∠DAC.


Definition: If A-B-C and D is any point not on line AC , then the angles
∠ABD and ∠DBC are called supplementary (Figure 1.7).

Axiom 7: The Supplementary Angles Axiom.

If two angles are supplementary, then their measures add to 180°.

Now, consider two lines crossing at X, making four angles as in the right-
hand side of Figure 1.7. Each angle has two neighbouring angles and one
which is “across” from it. For example, ∠AXB is across ∠A’XB’. An angle
and the one across from it are said to be vertical angles or form a vertical pair.
A technical definition goes like this: if A and A’ are points on one line where
A-X-A’ and B and B’ are on the other line with B-X-B’, then ∠AXB and
∠A’XB’ are vertical angles. Notice that an angle cannot be vertical by it-
self—it is only vertical in relation to another.

Theorem 1.8: Vertical Angles Theorem

Vertical angles are congruent.


Proof: We use the notation of Figure 1.7. ∠AXB and ∠BXA’ are supple-
mentary. Likewise, ∠BXA’ and ∠A’XB’ are supplementary. These facts,
together with Axiom 7, give the equations
The Axiomatic Method in Geometry 11

m AXB + m BXA = 180°


m A XB + m BXA = 180°

Subtracting one equation from the other, we deduce m∠AXB = m∠A’XB’.

Axioms about Congruence and Parallelism


The next two axioms are the real workhorses of Euclidean geometry, so we
just list them here, saving a more extensive discussion for the next chapter.

Axiom 8: The Side-Angle-Side Congruence Axiom (SAS)

If

1. one angle of a triangle, say A, is congruent to a certain angle of a


second triangle, say A’; and if
2. one side forming the angle in the first triangle, say AB, is congruent
to a side forming the congruent angle, say A B , in the second tri-
angle; and if
3. the remaining side forming the angle in the first triangle, AC , is
congruent to the remaining side forming the congruent angle in the
second triangle, A C , then the triangles are congruent with the
correspondence A A’, B B’, C C’.

Axiom 9: Euclid’s Parallel Axiom

Given a point P of a line L, there is at most one line in the plane through P
not meeting L.

Axioms for Three-Dimensional Geometry


The axioms we have given so far describe matters on a single plane. This is
adequate for most of our work since plane geometry is our main objective.
But for comprehensiveness, and for brief applications of three dimensions in
this book, we now deal with the third dimension. First, all the previously
mentioned axioms are still true with the understanding that they hold for all
the planes in the three-dimensional space. For example, Pasch’s Separation
Axiom needs to be understood as true for every plane which contains L.
Likewise, the Parallel Axiom holds not just for “the plane”, but for any
plane containing P and L. In addition to these reinterpretations, we need
some extra axioms.
12 Geometry and Its Applications

Axiom 10: Point - Plane Incidence Axiom

Given any three points, there is at least one plane containing them. If the
points are not collinear, there is exactly one plane passing through them.

Axiom 11: Plane Intersection Axiom

Two distinct planes either don’t intersect or intersect in a line.

Axiom 12: Existence of the Second and Third Dimensions

For every line, there is a point not on it. For every plane, there is a point not
on it.

Axiom 13: Line - Plane Incidence Axiom

If two points of a line are in a plane, then the line lies entirely in that plane.

Axiom 14: Pasch’s Separation Axiom for a Plane

Given a plane N, the points which are not on N form two sets, S1 and S2,
called half-spaces, with the properties:

a. if A and B are points in the same half-space, then AB lies wholly in


that half-space;
b. if A and B are points not in the same half-space, then AB inter-
sects N.

S1 and S2 are also called sides of N. N is called the boundary plane of S1 and S2.

Axioms about Area and Volume


15. To every polygonal region there corresponds a definite positive
real number called its area.
16. If two triangles are congruent, then they have the same area.
17. Suppose that the region R is the union of two regions, R1 and R2,
which intersect at most in a finite number of segments and in-
dividual points. The area of R is the sum of the areas of R1 and R2:
area(R1 ∪ R2) = area(R1) + area(R2).
18. The area of a rectangle is the product of the length of the base and
the length of the height.
Although we shall not use them in this book, for completeness we
finish with the following axioms concerning volume.
The Axiomatic Method in Geometry 13

19. The volume of a rectangular parallelepiped is equal to the product


of the length of its altitude and the area of its base.
20. (Cavalieri’s Principle) Suppose two solids and a plane are given.
Suppose also that every plane which is parallel to the given plane
either does not intersect either solid or intersects both in planar
cross-sections with the same area. In that case, the solids have the
same volume.

Exercises
Axioms About Points on Lines

1. Which of the three properties of f in the Ruler Axiom ensures that a


line is infinite in extent?
2. Which of the three properties of f in the Ruler Axiom ensures that
for any two different points A and B, AB ≠ 0?
3. Suppose we defined distance as AB = [ f(B) − f(A)]2. Which facts
about distance, proven by Theorems 1.2, 1.3, and 1.4, are no longer
true? Which are still true?
4. Suppose the absolute value was dropped from the definition of
distance. Would parts 1 and 2 of Theorem 1.2 still be true? Explain.
5. Suppose we change the definition for A-B-C by changing the strict
inequalities (“<”) to non-strict inequalities (“≤”). If we keep our
definition of segment unchanged, will the nature of segments be
any different from before? What about the nature of rays?
6. Suppose we took Theorem 1.1 as an axiom and deleted Axiom 1
from our set of axioms. Could you prove that two points de-
termine exactly one line?
7. Prove the second case of part 2 of Theorem 1.2.
8. Prove Case 2 of Theorem 1.3.
9. Prove the Midpoint Theorem (Theorem 1.4). (Hint: How is f(M)
related to f(A) and f(B)?)
10. Which previous theorem is needed to establish the characteriza-
tion of rays in Theorem 1.5? Can you give a proof of Theorem 1.5?
In each of the next four exercises, you are asked to prove that the
pairs are equal. A common way to proceed is by two steps: show
that if X is any point in the first set, then it also lies in the second;
and show that if X lies in the second, it also lies in the first.
14 Geometry and Its Applications

11. Prove that AB ∩ BA = AB.


12. Prove that AB ∪ BA = AB .
13. Prove that if A-B-C then AB ∪ BC = AC .
14. Prove that if A-X-B and A-B-C, then A-X-C.
15. *There is nothing in the axioms that explicitly states that the ruler
functions for the different lines in the plane need to be related in
any way. One could choose each function independently of the
others. Here is a line of thought that undermines that idea: sup-
pose we had a set of ruler functions that made a consistent theory
of Euclidean geometry—this means that it is not possible to de-
duce a theorem that contradicts an axiom or another theorem.
Now, take a single line L and replace its ruler function fL by a new
one gL defined by gL(P) = 2fL(P) for each point P on L. Show that
this will allow you to deduce a contradiction to one of the axioms.

Separation

16. Give a definition of the interior of a triangle.


17. Suppose we define a quadrilateral like this: if A, B, C, D are any
four points where no subset of three of them is collinear, then the
quadrilateral ABCD is AB ∪ BC ∪ CD ∪ DA. Figure 1.8 shows three
types of quadrilaterals.
a. Can you propose a definition for each of these categories (i.e.
what property or combination of properties puts a quad-
rilateral in one of these categories instead of another?)
b. Can you prove that your categories don’t overlap (no quad-
rilateral is in more than one?)?

FIGURE 1.8
Three 4‐sided figures. Are they all quadrilaterals?
The Axiomatic Method in Geometry 15

Can you prove that every quadrilateral is in one of your


categories?
c. Propose a definition for the interior of a quadrilateral (or, if you
like, give a separate definition for each category.).
18. Fill in the missing steps in Theorem 1.7 (respond to all the “why?”
in the proof).
19. Prove that if A, B, and C are not collinear and B-D-C, then D is in
the interior of ∠BAC.
20. Suppose A, B, and C are non-collinear points and L is a line which
does not contain any of them. Prove that if L intersects one of the
segments of the triangle ABC, then it intersects a second one.
21. Prove that, in triangle ABC, AB has no points in common with the
triangle except for those of AB.
22. *Prove that if a line L contains a point D on the inside of an angle
∠BAC, then L must intersect at least one of the rays making the
angle.
2
The Euclidean Heritage

Our main objective in this chapter is to study how some key theorems in
Euclidean geometry arise from the axioms in Chapter 1. To make quicker
progress, we relax slightly the degree of rigour used in the last section of
Chapter 1, to a standard closer to Euclid’s Elements.
The Side-Angle-Side (SAS) Axiom will play a huge role and, in the third
section, Euclid’s Parallel Axiom. Students with a firm grasp of how proofs
are constructed in geometry may go quickly through this. Although the
theorems of this chapter are old, our applications span the from ancient to
modern.
Prerequisites:

• Some intuitive understanding of geometry


• Chapter 1

Section 1. Congruence
To say that figures are congruent means, in non-technical language, that
they have the same size and shape even though they may be in different
positions (Figure 2.1). There is a more to say to make this precise and useful,
so in this section, we will flesh this out with a detailed theory for triangles in
the plane. However, the attention to triangles shouldn’t obscure the fact that
the concept also applies to figures other than triangles. It is entirely rea-
sonable to ask whether two quadrilaterals are congruent and to ask what
evidence would convince us of it. The triangle theory can help with
quadrilaterals, pentagons, and so on. You might like to think about whether
it helps us with curved figures.
It is quite possible that the human mind does three-dimensional congruence
checking to recognize familiar people or objects. If you are sitting in front of
your computer, how do you know it is your computer and not the microwave
oven? The computer has a certain size and shape which is recorded in your
mind. Even if you are seeing it from a new angle right now—an angle you
have never seen if it has tipped over—you can somehow compare the current
view to the recalled image and tell that they differ just by position.

DOI: 10.1201/9780429198328-2 17
18 Geometry and Its Applications

C
Q
√2
45° √2 R 45°
1
45°
1
90° 45° 90°
1
A 1 B
P

FIGURE 2.1
Two congruent triangles.

This recognition is an important problem (only partly solved at the time I


am writing) in developing computer vision systems for robots and other
uses. Solving this problem will require a variety of approaches—the colour
of the object may need to be considered in figuring out what it is—but the
geometry of congruence may turn out to be part of the story.

Congruence and Correspondences


We need a better definition of congruence than “having the same size and
shape”. To understand the definition of congruent triangles, let us first
examine triangles ABC and PQR in Figure 2.1. If we fasten our attention on
any angle of ABC, say the angle at A, for the sake of argument, there is an
angle in the other triangle which has the same size—angle P. If we also
match up B with R, and C with Q, we have a complete 1-1 correspondence
of vertices where corresponding angles are congruent. So, part of what it
means for triangle ABC to be congruent to triangle PQR is that we can
match up vertices so that vertices which correspond in the matching have
congruent angles. In addition, if we look at any pair of vertices in triangle
ABC, say A and B for example, the length of the side they determine is the
same as the length of the side determined by the corresponding
vertices—PR in this case. Summarizing:

Definition: Two triangles are congruent if it is possible to find a 1-1 correspon-


dence from the vertices of one triangle to the vertices of the other so that:

1. Corresponding angles are congruent.


2. Sides whose endpoints correspond are congruent.

Conditions 1 and 2 are reduced to “corresponding parts of congruent tri-


angles are congruent”. It is important to note that the two triangles in the
definition might be the same (we did not say “two different triangles”). This
is relevant in the proof of Theorem 2.1.
A key point here is that you must find the right 1-1 correspondence
(match-up) if you want to demonstrate that the triangles are congruent.
The Euclidean Heritage 19

Example 2.1: In Figure 2.1, there are two 1-1 correspondences that show
congruence:

A P, B Q, C R
A P, B R, C Q

But A → Q, B → P, C → R is not a congruence. ■

We often show a congruence without the “arrow notation” but we illustrate


correspondence by the order we list the vertices. For example, if we say that
triangle ABC is congruent to PQR we mean that A (the first vertex) matches
up with P (also first on its list), B with Q, and C with R. We might also say
that triangle ABC is congruent to triangle PRQ, but we would not say that
triangle ABC is congruent to triangle QPR.
Our definition of congruence suggests a strategy in finding the 1-1 cor-
respondence which shows that two given triangles are congruent: match up
vertices according to the sizes of the angles. This 1-1 correspondence of
vertices creates a 1-1 correspondence among the sides. If the triangles are
truly congruent, corresponding sides are congruent. Notice that checking
whether a given 1-1 correspondence is a congruence seems to require
checking six equalities since there are six parts (sides and angles) to a tri-
angle. The SAS Axiom (Section 3 of the previous chapter) says the work can
be cut down. Here is the SAS axiom again.

The SAS Axiom


Axiom 8: The SAS Congruence Axiom

If

1. one angle of a triangle, say A, is congruent to a certain angle of a


second triangle, say A’; and if
2. one side forming the angle in the first triangle, say AB, is congruent
to a side forming the congruent angle, say A B , in the second tri-
angle; and if
3. the remaining side forming the angle in the first triangle, AC , is
congruent to the remaining side forming the congruent angle in the
second triangle, A C , then the triangles are congruent with the
correspondence A → A’, B → B’, C → C’. Briefly, we may write ABC
≅ A’B’C’ with the order by which we list the vertices indicating
what corresponds to what.
20 Geometry and Its Applications

FIGURE 2.2
Side-Angle-Side Axiom. (Given parts in solid lines).

Example 2.2: Why We Should Believe the SAS Axiom

In Figure 2.2, suppose m∠A = m∠A’, AB = A’B’, and AC = A’C’ (note that we
have used solid lines in the figure to indicate the known parts). It seems
obvious that the given information implies that BC = B’C’, m∠B = m∠B’, and
m∠C = m∠C’. As an informal argument for this conclusion, imagine moving
triangle ABC so that vertex A falls on vertex A’, AB falls on top of A B , and
AC falls on top of A C . Clearly, B, in its new position, is the same point as
B’. Likewise, C, in its new position, is the same point as C’. In other words,
the two triangles coincide exactly. Now, the motion of the first triangle
doesn’t change its length or the measures of any angles. Consequently, the
parts of the original ABC are congruent to the corresponding parts of
A’B’C’—the triangles are congruent.
The argument given seems a lot like a proof of the SAS Axiom, but we have
not labelled the SAS principle a theorem—which we would do if we had
proof of it. The reason our argument is not a proof is that it relies on the
assumption that figures can be moved without changing the sizes of their
sides and angles. There is no reason that such an axiom could not be added to
our set of axioms—it is ,after all, quite believable. However, it is common to
exclude ideas of motion from the axioms of Euclidean geometry (but not
from our intuitions about geometry) and we shall follow this tradition. ■
Here is our first deduction from the SAS axiom: the well-known theorem
that base angles of isosceles triangles are congruent. Recall that a triangle is
isosceles if it has two congruent sides.

Theorem 2.1: If two sides of a triangle are congruent, say AB = BC in


Figure 2.3, then the angles opposite these sides are congruent, m∠A = m∠C.

Proof: The idea is to show that A→ C, B→ B, C→ A is a congruence of the


triangle to itself. Under this 1-1 correspondence, ∠B corresponds, and is
clearly congruent, to itself, so we have the "angle" part of the SAS proof. For
BA, the corresponding side is BC and these are congruent by hypothesis. For
BC , the corresponding side is BA and these are congruent by hypothesis. By
The Euclidean Heritage 21

FIGURE 2.3
Base angles of an isosceles triangle are congruent.

SAS, the correspondence is a congruence. Consequently, m∠A = m∠C since


these are corresponding angles. ■

Our proof of Theorem 2.1 sometimes strikes readers as odd, even invalid,
since it deals with a congruence of a triangle with itself. For this reason, this
proof has rarely appeared in geometry texts. It is true that most times we
deal with congruence we are handling different triangles, but there is
nothing about our definition of congruence or the SAS axiom that requires
this. This proof seems first to have been found by Pappus around 300 AD.
There is a story that a computer program, which was designed to find
proofs of theorems in geometry, produced this proof rather than any of the
proofs commonly included in geometry texts.

Example 2.3: Combining SAS and the Vertical Angles Principle

We will prove that if the diagonals of a quadrilateral bisect each other, the
opposite sides are congruent (Figure 2.4).

Proof: In Figure 2.4, we will use SAS to show that triangle ABC is congruent
to triangle EDC, with the 1-1 correspondence A → E, B → D, C → C. We
have AC = CE and BC = CD by hypothesis. We also have α = β since they are
vertical angles. Thus, SAS implies that the triangles are congruent. Then, the
corresponding sides are congruent so AB = DE.
A similar proof will show BE = AD. ■

If we have a triangle, such as ABC at the top of Figure 2.5, if we extend side
AC by some unspecified amount past C to D, then ∠BCD, whose measure is
θ, is called an exterior angle of the triangle. We could make another exterior
angle at C by extending BC . There are two exterior angles per vertex, which
happen to be vertical angles, so six exterior angles in all for the whole tri-
angle. The usual angles at A, B, and C are called interior angles. The ones
that do not touch C, namely ∠A and ∠B, are called remote from the exterior
22 Geometry and Its Applications

FIGURE 2.4
Diagonals of a quadrilateral bisecting each other.

FIGURE 2.5
Illustrating the Exterior Angle Inequality.

angle labelled θ. In the top picture it seems clear that the exterior angle
labelled θ is greater than either of the remote interior angles ∠A and ∠B, but
in other pictures (like the bottom of Figure 2.5), the inequality seems less
obvious. We would like to be convinced of this inequality without drawing
hundreds of triangles and measuring their angles, so here is a proof.
The Euclidean Heritage 23

Theorem 2.2: The Exterior Angle Inequality

An exterior angle of a triangle is greater than either of its remote interior


angles (Figure 2.6.)

FIGURE 2.6
Proving the Exterior Angle Inequality.

Proof: We will only show m∠B < θ and will leave the proof that m∠A < θ as
an exercise.
Let M be the midpoint of segment AC . We don’t have to actually
construct this midpoint using instruments like a ruler and compass—it is
enough to know that it exists. Now, imagine segment AM extended an
equal amount to a point E. Finally, connect E to C, thereby splitting the
exterior angle θ (maybe not evenly).
Our strategy now is to show that triangles ABM and ECM are congruent
(you’ll see in a minute how this helps us with the exterior angle). Since α
and β are vertical angles, they are congruent. Next, we deal with segments.
BM = MC by construction and, likewise, MA = ME. By the SAS axiom, we
have the congruence we wanted. Consequently, m∠B = m∠ECM but
m∠ECM < θ. Therefore, m∠B < θ. ■

There is one lapse from complete rigour in the given proof. We need to
prove (not just observe visually) that E is situated in such a way that
m∠ECM < θ—see exercise 8.
In thinking about this theorem, you might be tempted to give a different
proof, like this: m∠A + m∠B + m∠C = 180°, so m∠B = 180° − m∠A − m∠C <
180° − m∠C = θ. This would be based on your recollection that the sum of
the measures of the angles of a triangle is 180°. We have not yet proved the
principle about the “angle sum” of a triangle, so such a proof for the
Exterior Angle Inequality would be incorrect at this point. In our chapter on
non-Euclidean Geometry, we will find it important to have proved the
Exterior Angle Inequality without relying on the angle sum of a triangle.

Other Congruence Principles


The exterior angle inequality is useful in establishing another congruence
principle—the angle-angle-side principle. If we go around a triangle, such as
24 Geometry and Its Applications

FIGURE 2.7
The AAS Congruence Principle.

ABC in Figure 2.7 (ignore segment DC ), visiting an angle ∠A, the next angle
∠B, then the side after the last visited angle BC , and we do the same in
another triangle in a way that the parts visited in the two triangles are the
same in size (m∠A = m∠A’, m∠B = m∠B’, BC = B’C’), then the triangles are
said to have the angle-angle-side relationship. We abbreviate this as AAS.
The key thing is that this implies the triangles are congruent.

Theorem 2.3: The AAS Congruence Principle


Triangles with the AAS relationship are congruent (Figure 2.7).
Proof: If we know that AB = A’B’, we could get the congruence immedi-
ately by SAS. So, the approach we will take is to show that AB ≠ A’B’ leads
to a contradiction and, therefore, is impossible. There are two cases: AB <
A’B’ and AB > A’B’. We will show that AB > A’B’ leads to a contradiction
and leave the other case as an exercise.
Since we are assuming that AB > A’B’, if we lay off a length BD along BA
congruent to B A , D falls between A and B. Connect D to C. Triangles DBC
and A’B’C’ are congruent by SAS. Therefore, θ2 = θ3. (why?) but since θ2 = θ1,
we have θ3 = θ1 — this contradicts a previous theorem (which one?). ■

Here are two more congruence principles with proofs we leave as exercises.

Theorem 2.4: The SSS Congruence Principle


If there is a 1-1 correspondence between two triangles, in which corre-
sponding sides are congruent, then the correspondence is a congruence.
The Euclidean Heritage 25

Theorem 2.5: The ASA Congruence Principle


If two angles of one triangle and the side between them are congruent,
respectively, to two angles and the side between them in a second triangle,
the triangles are congruent.
A Glimpse of History. Mathematics and Building
If you have used a modern carpenter’s level with its bubbles floating inside
the liquid, you are using an instrument that was invented around 1661 by
Melchisédech Thévenot, a French scientist. Before then, a lot can be ac-
complished by a simple instrument based on Euclidean geometry, which
you can make yourself.
Take two equally long sticks of wood and join them at a hinge B, making an
isosceles triangle ABC, as in Figure 2.8. Add a third stick of any length con-
necting A to C and mark the midpoint M on this base. Hold the triangle up-
right so it’s in a vertical plane. Now, hang a weight from a long string attached
to B. When the weight stops swinging, the string will be pointing vertically.
Now rotate the triangle carefully, without letting the weight swing, until the
string passes across the point M. You can use SSS to prove that m∠BMA =
m∠BMC, which implies that AC is horizontal. We leave the details to you.

FIGURE 2.8
Isosceles triangle and a simple carpenter’s level.

Figure 2.9 shows just one of many structures built with simple geometric
instruments and Euclidean geometry in ancient times. This aqueduct was
built during the second half of the first century. To bring water to the city
of Nimes, the level must be just a bit off horizontally—if it were exactly
horizontal, the water wouldn’t flow and if it were too steep there would be
a flood.
2,000 years later and mathematics has much more to offer to builders and
architects. Perhaps, the most radical innovation is that it is no longer
26 Geometry and Its Applications

FIGURE 2.9
(a) Aqueduct that brought water in ancient times from the Eure River to the City of Nimes in
Southern France. (b) A building by Frank Gehry at Bard College, going beyond the flat and the
straight.
The Euclidean Heritage 27

necessary to build with right-angled blocks (bricks that can be easily


stacked). Figure 2.9b shows a building-without-bricks by the prize-winning
architect Frank Gehry, where the outer surfaces are all curved. The tools
needed to design and build such a structure include computer software
based on differential geometry, a subject you can learn in graduate school.
A Glimpse of Application. Thales Estimates Distance
Thales, one of the earliest Greek geometers, suggested the following pro-
cedure for estimating the distance of a ship at sea (Figure 2.10). Mark your
initial position A on the shore and walk at a 90° angle to the line of sight to
the ship. After a short walk, drive a spike into the ground at B. Continue
walking an equal amount in the same direction to C. Turn, so your new
direction is at a 90° angle to your previous direction. Now walk until you
reach a point where the ship (E) and the stake (B) line up as you look at
them. If we could conclude that triangles EAB and DCB are congruent, then
we could conclude that DC = EA and all we must do is measure DC. These

FIGURE 2.10
Using ASA to estimate distance AC.
28 Geometry and Its Applications

triangles will indeed be congruent because of the ASA Congruence


Principle: m∠A = m∠C = 90°, AB = BC, m∠EBA = m∠DBC (vertical angles).
Both of our applications illustrate that showing triangles congruent is
usually a tool to some other end. In the carpenter’s level, we needed to be
sure two angles were congruent; in the distance estimation, it was two
segments we cared about. The congruence of two triangles is hardly ever
the primary objective.

Exercises
Congruence and Correspondences

1. List all the possible 1-1 correspondences between the two triangles
of Figure 2.1. Which of these is a congruence?
2. Show an example of two triangles where there are at least three
different 1-1 correspondences showing congruence.
3. Let ABC and PQR be two triangles and suppose that both of the
following correspondences is a congruence.
i. A → P, B → Q, C → R
ii. A → P, B → R, C → Q
Explain why ABC must be isosceles. (Hint: feel free to use exercise 18.)
4. If there are two different 1-1 correspondences which demonstrate
congruence between triangles ABC and PQR, must the triangles be
isosceles? If not, give an example. If so, give a proof. (Hint: study
the previous exercise.)
5. If there are three different 1-1 correspondences which demonstrate
congruence between triangle ABC and a second triangle, must the
triangles be equilateral? If not, give an example. If so, give a proof.

The SAS Axiom

6. Suppose AB and CD are diameters of a circle (chords that pass


through the centre), show that AC = BD.
7. Let ABCD be a quadrilateral where ∠B and ∠C are right angles and
where AB = CD. Show that the diagonals are congruent.
8. There is a lack of rigour in the proof of the Exterior Angle Inequality.
When we connect C to E, how do we know this segment is in the
interior of the exterior angle? And how do we know that m∠BCE
< θ? Can you resolve this problem with the help of the theorems and
one of the axioms about angles in Section 3 of the previous chapter?
Another Random Scribd Document
with Unrelated Content
mutinous and discontented. But Jones repressed the crews, hurried
up the sales, and managed at last to weather all his troubles.

The malcontent Simpson was a constant incentive to discord and


mutiny, and he was finally removed to a French guardship, called the
Admiral, where he was well treated and allowed the freedom of the
deck. While there, he behaved in such a contumacious manner that
D'Orvilliers, the French commander, sent him to the prison of the
port. All his expenses during this interval were paid by Jones
himself; indeed, when he did not pay personally, nobody did. There
was nothing sordid or avaricious in Jones' character. He was greedy
for glory and fame and reputation, but he cared nothing whatever
for money. To dismiss a tiresome subject, Jones, with extraordinary
complaisance, finally accepted Simpson's apologies and released him
on his parole not to serve in the navy until he had been regularly
tried by a court-martial. He even went further than this. He offered
to relinquish the command of the Ranger to him in order that he
might take her back to the United States and there take his trial.

While these efforts were pending, the commissioners,


misunderstanding their tentative character, restored Simpson to the
command of the Ranger, unconditionally, much to Jones' disgust. He
was quite willing to relinquish the command of his little ship,
because the King of France had requested the commissioners to
allow France to avail herself of the services of Jones in a naval
expedition which was projected. But that such contumacy and lack
of subordination as had been exhibited by Simpson should go
unpunished, and that he should receive the absolute command of
the ship as a reward for his action, and should be allowed to return
home without even an investigation, was not only harmful to the
service, but an apparent reflection upon himself--though, of course,
nothing was further from the commissioners' thoughts, as they
specifically declared. In the end Jones acquiesced in the situation,
and the matter was dropped. Simpson was never employed in the
service after he returned home.
The famous action between the Arethusa and the Belle Poule, on
June 17th, having made it clear to every observer that war between
France and England was inevitable, though the formal declaration
was not issued until the following September, the first enterprise
which it was desired Jones should undertake under the auspices of
France was proposed to him by Franklin as follows:

"The Jersey privateers," he says, "do us a great deal of mischief


by intercepting our supplies. It has been mentioned to me that your
small vessel, commanded by so brave an officer, might render great
service by following them where greater ships dare not venture their
bottoms; or, being accompanied and supported by some frigates
from Brest, at a proper distance, might draw them out and then take
them. I wish you to consider of this, as it comes from high
authority."

It was not a particularly brilliant prospect; all the hard work and
dangerous labor was to be performed by Jones, and the glory was to
be reaped by the French frigates; but, with a noble disinterestedness
in his desire to serve his country, he at once expressed his perfect
willingness to co-operate. Before anything came of it, however,
Franklin offered him the command of the Indien, in the following
letter:

(Private.)

"Dear Sir: I have the pleasure of informing you that it is


proposed to give you the command of the great ship we have built
at Amsterdam. By what you wrote to us formerly, I have ventured to
say in your behalf, that this proposition would be agreeable to you.
You will immediately let me know your resolution; which, that you
may be more clear in taking, I must inform you of some
circumstances. She is at present the property of the king; but, as
there is no war yet declared, you will have the commission and flag
of the States, and act under their orders and laws. The Prince de
Nassau will make the cruise with you. She is to be brought here
under cover as a French merchantman, to be equipped and manned
in France. We hope to exchange your prisoners for as many
American sailors; but, if that fails, you have your present crew to be
made up here with other nations and French. The other
commissioners are not acquainted with this proposition as yet, and
you see by the nature of it that it is necessary to be kept a secret till
we have got the vessel here, for fear of difficulties in Holland, and
interception; you will therefore direct your answer to me alone. It
being desired that the affair rest between you and me, perhaps it
may be best for you to take a trip up here to concert matters, if in
general you approve the idea.

"I was much pleased with reading your journal, which we received
yesterday."

This is the first mention of the Prince of Nassau-Siegen, who will


appear prominently hereafter, and be described in his proper place.
Jones was naturally delighted with the flattering prospects, and at
once wrote to the prince, acquainting him of the pleasure he
anticipated in having him associated with him. A few days later
Franklin wrote Jones again as follows:

"Passy, June 10, 1778.

"Dear Sir: I received yours of 1st instant, with the papers


inclosed, which I have shown to the other commissioners, but have
not yet had their opinion of them; only I know that they had before
(in consideration of the disposition and uneasiness of your people)
expressed an inclination to order your ship directly back to America.
You will judge from what follows whether it will not be advisable for
you to propose their sending her back with her people, and under
some other command. In consequence of the high opinion the
Minister of the Marine has of your conduct and bravery, it is now
settled (observe, that it is to be a secret between us, I being
expressly enjoined not to communicate it to any other person), that
you are to have the frigate from Holland, which actually belongs to
Government, and will be furnished with as many good French
seamen as you shall require. But you are to act under Congress
commission. As you may be likely to have a number of Americans,
and your own are homesick, it is proposed to give you as many as
you can engage out of two hundred prisoners, which the ministry of
Britain have at length agreed to give us in exchange for those you
have in your hands. They propose to make the exchange at Calais,
where they are to bring the Americans. Nothing is wanting to this
but a list of yours, containing their names and rank; immediately on
the receipt of which an equal number are to be prepared, and sent
in a ship to that port, where yours are to meet them.

"If by this means you can get a good new crew, I think it would
be best that you are quite free of the old, for a mixture might
introduce the infection of that sickness you complain of. But this may
be left to your own discretion. Perhaps we shall join you with the
Providence, Captain Whipple, a new Continental ship of thirty guns,
which, in coming out of the river of Providence, gave the two
frigates that were posted to intercept her each of them so heavy a
dose of her 18- and 12-pounders that they had not the courage or
were not able to pursue her. It seems to be desired that you will
step up to Versailles (where one will meet you), in order to such a
settlement of matters and plans with those who have the direction
as can not well be done by letter. I wish it may be convenient to you
to do it immediately.
"The project of giving you the command of this ship pleases me
the more as it is a probable opening to the higher preferment you so
justly merit."

In obedience to this request Jones went privately to Versailles,


where he spent some time in consultation with the commissioners
and the French ministry discussing the exchange of prisoners, and
proposed several plans of attack by which his services could be
utilized. These plans well indicate the fertility of imagination, the
resourceful genius, and the daring hardihood of the man. One of
them was for making another descent upon Whitehaven, another
was to attack the Bank of Ayr and destroy or ransom that town;
another was to burn the shipping on the Clyde. Expeditions on the
coast of Ireland were suggested. London might be distressed, he
thought, by cutting off the supplies of coal from Newcastle; but the
most feasible projects were the capture or destruction of the West
Indian or Baltic fleets of merchantmen or the Hudson Bay ships.

The Minister of Marine, M. de Sartine, lent an attentive ear to all


of the plans which were proposed, and Jones returned to Brest with
high hopes that he should be soon employed in an expedition to
carry out one or the other of these plans with adequate means to do
it well. It is quite likely that the minister was as earnest and honest
in his intentions as the king in his desire to make use of Jones, but
the formal declaration of war rendered it possible to prosecute the
enterprises which had been suggested by Jones, if it were thought
expedient to attempt them, under the French flag and with French
officers. As France had only intended to use him under the cover of
the American flag to harass England before war was declared, and
as that could now be done openly under her own flag, they did not
see the same necessity for his services as before.

The matter of finding employment for him was further


complicated by the fact that since a state of actual war existed the
ministry was besieged with applications from numbers of French
officers for command, and the ships which had been proposed for
Jones were naturally appropriated to the French themselves. Even if
a command could have been found for the American, there would
have been a natural disinclination, so great as to be nearly
prohibitive of success, on the part of the French officers to serving
under a foreigner. Time brought him nothing but disappointment,
and the high hopes he had cherished gradually waned.

Always a persistent and voluminous letter writer, in his


desperation he overwhelmed everybody with correspondence.
Inaction was killing to him. Not to be employed was like death itself
to a man of his intensely energetic temperament. His pride would
not permit him to return to the United States and seek a command
when he had specifically announced, in a letter to Congress by the
returning Ranger, that the King of France asked that he might make
use of his services, and therefore no command in America need be
reserved for him; and yet he now found himself a hanger on the
outskirts of a court and a ministry which had no further use for him.

The delicate situation of the commissioners, who had been


themselves scarcely more than on sufferance, did not permit them,
in the interests of expediency and diplomacy, to insist as strongly as
they would have liked to do, that the king and the ministry should
keep their engagement with Jones, which was, of course, an
engagement with them and with the United States. Diplomacy and
persuasion were the only weapons at their command. They certainly
made good use of them. Franklin, pending something else, procured
the minister's order that Jones should be received on the great
French fleet of D'Orvilliers, which was about to put to sea to engage
the English fleet under Keppel. He was very desirous of availing
himself of this invitation, which he himself sought, for it would give
him an opportunity he could not otherwise hope to enjoy, of
perfecting himself in naval tactics and the fine art of maneuvering
and governing a great fleet. He never allowed anything to interfere--
so far as he was able to prevent it--with his advancement in
professional study. The permission, however, to D'Orvilliers' great
regret, arrived too late, for the fleet sailed without him. The French
admiral seems to have appreciated the American captain, and to
have highly esteemed him. It is stated that the delay in transmitting
the permission was intentional, and was due to the jealousy of the
French naval service.

Jones was exasperated by all these happenings almost to the


breaking point. In one letter he says: "I think of going to L'Orient,
being heartily sick of Brest." I should think he would be! As days
passed without bringing him any nearer to the fruition of his hope,
he became more modest in his demands and propositions. One
significant phrase culled from one of his letters well indicates the
bold, dashing character of the man: "I do not wish to have
command of any ship that does not sail fast, for I intend to go in
harm's way."[7] In the sentence which follows this statement, we get
another touch of that entire consciousness of his own ability and
high quality which, though warranted, it were better, perhaps, for his
reputation if it were not so evident in his writing: "I know, I believe,
that this is no other person's intention. Therefore, buy a frigate that
sails fast and is sufficiently large to carry twenty-six or twenty-eight
guns on one deck."

His state of mind may well be understood from this citation: "I
have, to show my gratitude to France, lost so much time, and with it
such opportunities as I can not regain. I have almost killed myself
with grief."

Chafing, fretting, writing letters, the time dragged on. At last he


addressed to the Minister of Marine, M. de Sartine, this emphatic
protest and statement which he calls, and justly, an explicit letter. It
is certainly sufficiently definite and clear, and shows that rank and
position did not deter him from a free and somewhat sarcastic
expression of his grievances and wrongs:
"Brest, September 13,
1778.

"Honoured Sir: When his excellency Doctor Franklin informed


me that you had condescended to think me worthy of your notice, I
took such pleasure in reflecting on the happy alliance between
France and America that I was really flattered, and entertained the
most grateful sense of the honour which you proposed for me, as
well as the favour which the king proposed for America, by putting
so fine a ship as the Indien under my command, and under its flag,
with unlimited orders.

"In obedience to your desire, I came to Versailles, and was taught


to believe that my intended ship was in deep water, and ready for
sea; but when the Prince [de Nassau] returned I received from him
a different account; I was told that the Indien could not be got
afloat within a shorter period than three months at the approaching
equinox.

"To employ this interval usefully, I first offered to go from Brest


with Count D'Orvilliers as a volunteer, which you thought fit to reject.
I had then the satisfaction to find that you approved in general of a
variety of hints for private enterprises which I had drawn up for your
consideration, and I was flattered with assurances from Messieurs de
Chaumont and Baudouin that three of the finest frigates in France,
with two tenders and a number of troops, would be immediately put
under my command; and that I should have unlimited orders, and
be at free liberty to pursue such of my own projects as I thought
proper. But this plan fell to nothing in the moment when I was
taught to think that nothing was wanting but the king's signature.

"Another much inferior armament from L'Orient was proposed to


be put under my command, which was by no means equal to the
services that were expected from it; for speed and force, though
both requisite, were both wanting. Happily for me, this also failed,
and I was thereby saved from a dreadful prospect of ruin and
dishonour.

"I had so entire a reliance that you would desire nothing of me


inconsistent with my honour and rank, that the moment you
required me to come down here, in order to proceed round to St.
Malo, though I had received no written orders, and neither knew
your intention respecting my destination or command, I obeyed with
such haste, that although my curiosity led me to look at the
armament at L'Orient, yet I was but three days from Passy till I
reached Brest. Here, too, I drew a blank; but when I saw the Lively
it was no disappointment, as that ship, both in sailing and
equipment, is far inferior to the Ranger.

"My only disappointment here was my being precluded from


embarking in pursuit of marine knowledge with Count D'Orvilliers,
who did not sail till seven days after my return. He is my friend, and
expressed his wishes for my company; I accompanied him out of the
road when the fleet sailed, and he always lamented that neither
himself nor any person in authority in Brest had received from you
any order that mentioned my name. I am astonished therefore to be
informed that you attribute my not being in the fleet to my stay at
L'Orient.

"I am not a mere adventurer of fortune. Stimulated by principles


of reason and philanthropy, I laid aside my enjoyments in private
life, and embarked under the flag of America when it was first
displayed. In that line my desire of fame is infinite, and I must not
now so far forget my own honour, and what I owe to my friends and
America, as to remain inactive.

"My rank knows no superior in the American marine. I have long


since been appointed to command an expedition with five of its
ships, and I can receive orders from no junior or inferior officer
whatever.
"I have been here in the most tormenting suspense for more than
a month since my return; and, agreeable to your desire, as
mentioned to me by Monsieur Chaumont, a lieutenant has been
appointed, and is with me, who speaks the French as well as the
English. Circular letters have been written, and sent the 8th of last
month from the English admiralty, because they expected me to pay
another visit with four ships. Therefore I trust that, if the Indien is
not to be got out, you will not, at the approaching season, substitute
a force that is not at least equal both in strength and sailing to any
of the enemy's cruising ships.

"I do not wish to interfere with the harmony of the French


marine; but, if I am still thought worthy of your attention, I shall
hope for a separate command, with liberal orders. If, on the
contrary, you should now have no further occasion for my services,
the only favour I can ask is that you will bestow on me the Alert,
with a few seamen, and permit me to return, and carry with me your
good opinion in that small vessel, before the winter, to America."

His intense, burning desire for action, however, did not permit him
to degrade, as he thought, his Government and station by accepting
the command of a privateer which was tendered to him. In the
command of a speedy, smart privateer there is no limit to the
plundering he might have done and the treasure he might have
gained, if that had been what he wished. Many naval officers before
and since his time have done this and thought it not derogatory to
their dignity. It is therefore to Jones' credit that he was very jealous
in this and many other instances on the point of honor of serving in
no ship, under no flag, and with no commission save that of the
United States. We shall see this spirit again and again. The citizen of
the world was beginning to feel that the world as his country was
hardly adequate to his needs; in theory it was a very pretty
proposition, but in practice it was necessary to form and maintain a
more definite and particular relationship. As a final effort to better
his condition and secure that opportunity for which he thirsted, he
prepared the following letter to the king:

"Brest, October 19, 1778.

"Sire: After my return to Brest in the American ship of war the


Ranger, from the Irish Channel, his excellency Doctor Franklin
informed me by letter, dated June the 1st, that M. de Sartine, having
a high opinion of my conduct and bravery, had determined, with
your Majesty's consent and approbation, to give me the command of
the ship of war the Indien, which was built at Amsterdam for
America, but afterward, for political reasons, made the property of
France.

"I was to act with unlimited orders under the commission and flag
of America; and the Prince de Nassau proposed to accompany me
on the ocean.

"I was deeply penetrated with the sense of the honour done me
by this generous proposition, as well as of the favour your Majesty
intended thereby to confer on America. And I accepted the offer
with the greater pleasure as the Congress had sent me to Europe in
the Ranger to command the Indien before the ownership of that
vessel was changed.

"The minister desired to see me at Versailles to settle future plans


of operation, and I attended him for that purpose. I was told that
the Indien was at the Texel completely armed and fitted for sea; but
the Prince de Nassau was sent express to Holland, and returned with
a very different account. The ship was at Amsterdam, and could not
be got afloat or armed before the September equinox. The American
plenipotentiaries proposed that I should return to America; and, as I
have repeatedly been appointed to the chief command of an
American squadron to execute secret enterprises, it was not doubted
but that Congress would again show me a preference. M. de Sartine,
however, thought proper to prevent my departure, by writing to the
plenipotentiaries (without my knowledge), requesting that I might
be permitted to remain in Europe, and that the Ranger might be
sent back to America under another commander, he having special
services which he wished me to execute. This request they readily
granted, and I was flattered by the prospect of being enabled to
testify, by my services, my gratitude to your Majesty, as the first
prince who has so generously acknowledged our independence.

"There was an interval of more than three months before the


Indien could be gotten afloat. To employ that period usefully, when
your Majesty's fleet was ordered to sail from Brest, I proposed to the
minister to embark in it as a volunteer, in pursuit of marine
knowledge. He objected to this, at the same time approved of a
variety of hints for private enterprises, which I had drawn up for his
consideration. Two gentlemen were appointed to settle with me the
plans that were to be adopted, who gave me the assurance that
three of the best frigates in France, with two tenders, and a number
of troops, should be immediately put under my command, to pursue
such of my own projects as I thought proper; but this fell to nothing,
when I believed that your Majesty's signature only was wanting.

"Another armament, composed of cutters and small vessels, at


L'Orient, was proposed to be put under my command, to alarm the
coasts of England and check the Jersey privateers; but happily for
me this also failed, and I was saved from ruin and dishonour, as I
now find that all the vessels sailed slow, and their united force is
very insignificant. The minister then thought fit that I should return
to Brest to command the Lively, and join some frigates on an
expedition from St. Malo to the North Sea. I returned in haste for
that purpose, and found that the Lively had been bestowed at Brest
before the minister had mentioned that ship to me at Versailles. This
was, however, another fortunate disappointment, as the Lively
proves, both in sailing and equipment, much inferior to the Ranger;
but, more especially, if it be true, as I have since understood, that
the minister intended to give the chief command of an expedition to
a lieutenant, which would have occasioned a very disagreeable
misunderstanding; for, as an officer of the first rank in the American
marine, who has ever been honoured with the favour and friendship
of Congress, I can receive orders from no inferior officer whatever.
My plan was the destruction of the English Baltic fleet, of great
consequence to the enemy's marine, and then only protected by a
single frigate. I would have held myself responsible for its success
had I commanded the expedition.

"M. de Sartine afterward sent orders to Count D'Orvilliers to


receive me on board the fleet agreeably to my former proposal; but
the order did not arrive until after the departure of the fleet the last
time from Brest, nor was I made acquainted with the circumstance
before the fleet returned here.

"Thus have I been chained down to shameful inactivity for nearly


five months. I have lost the best season of the year, and such
opportunities of serving my country and acquiring honour as I can
not again expect this war; and, to my infinite mortification, having
no command, I am considered everywhere an officer cast off and in
disgrace for secret reasons.

"I have written respectful letters to the minister, none of which he


has condescended to answer; I have written to the Prince de Nassau
with as little effect; and I do not understand that any apology has
been made to the great and venerable Dr. Franklin, whom the
minister has made the instrument of bringing me into such
unmerited trouble.

"Having written to Congress to reserve no command for me in


America, my sensibility is the more affected by this unworthy
situation in the sight of your Majesty's fleet. I, however, make no
remark on the treatment I have received.
"Although I wish not to become my own panegyrist, I must beg
your Majesty's permission to observe that I am not an adventurer in
search of fortune, of which, thank God, I have a sufficiency.

"When the American banner was first displayed I drew my sword


in support of the violated dignity and rights of human nature; and
both honour and duty prompt me steadfastly to continue the
righteous pursuit, and to sacrifice to it not only my own private
enjoyments, but even life, if necessary. I must acknowledge that the
generous praise which I have received from Congress and others
exceeds the merit of my past services, therefore I the more ardently
wish for future opportunities of testifying my gratitude by my
activity.

"As your Majesty, by espousing the cause of America, hath


become the protector of the rights of human nature, I am persuaded
that you will not disregard my situation, nor suffer me to remain any
longer in this unsupportable disgrace.

"I am, with perfect gratitude and profound respect, Sire, your
Majesty's very obliged, very obedient, and very humble servant,

"J. Paul Jones."

This letter, at once dignified, forceful, respectful, and modest, was


inclosed to Dr. Franklin with the request that it should be delivered
to the king. The deference paid to Franklin's opinion, the eager
desire to please him, the respect in which he held him, is not the
least pleasing feature of Jones' character, by the way. The letter in
question was withheld by Franklin with Jones' knowledge and
acquiescence, and the king, it is probable, never saw it. There was,
in fact, no necessity for its delivery, for the appeals, prayers, and
importunities had at last evoked a response. The minister, worn out
by the persistence of Jones, determined, since none of the French
naval vessels were available, to buy him a ship and assemble a
squadron and send him forth.

The inquiry naturally arises why the French Government should


care to go to the trouble and expense of doing this. Before the war
was declared their action was understandable, but afterward the
then operating cause disappeared. Yet there was another reason
aside from the fact that M. de Sartine was willing to keep his
promise if he could, and that was this:

It was not the custom to harry, plunder, and ravage the seacoasts
in the wars between France and England. Military or naval forces
were the sole objects of attack, and by a specific though unwritten
law of custom, the efforts of the rival combatants were confined to
ships of war, fortifications, and armies, and, of course, to merchant
vessels belonging to the enemy. The peaceful seashore towns were
generally let alone unless the inhabitants in exposed localities
provoked retaliation by aggression--a thing they usually took good
care not to do. To introduce the practice would be unfortunate and
nothing would be gained, by France especially. The King of France,
however, was more than willing to have the coasts of his neighbor
ravaged, if no retaliation on his own unprotected shores were
provoked thereby. No convention of any sort, expressed or
understood, existed between Great Britain and the United States
which would prevent such action on the part of the Americans. Great
Britain was making a bloody ravaging warfare on the coasts of North
America, and, never dreaming of reprisal, paid no attention
whatever to this law of war, save when it suited her to do so, on our
seaboard. Franklin and the commissioners wisely realized that the
only way to stop this merciless and brutal burning and plundering
was to let the enemy experience the thing himself. They were
therefore in entire accord with the desire of the French king. To
produce the result he would furnish the squadron, they the flag. It
was a charming arrangement from the king's point of view.
Consequently the reason for the encouragement given Jones is
apparent, and the determination of the minister is therefore
explained and understood.

Jones received word early in November through the


commissioners, with a solemn assurance from De Sartine, that a
suitable ship would be purchased for him at the expense of France
and a squadron assembled under his supreme command. Let those
who would reproach Jones for his part in this plan remember that
(as in his previous cruise) he only carried out the orders of Franklin.
There was no sentimental nonsense about the old Quaker. He knew
what was the best remedy for the deplorable conditions in America,
and he grimly prepared to apply it. He had no illusions in the
premises at all; it was a pure matter of business, and with sound
policy he so treated it. Jones' appeals, be it understood, were only
for a ship or ships and an opportunity to get into action with the
enemy. His orders were outside of his control. All he had to do as a
naval officer was to carry them out to the best of his ability when he
received them. Therefore a censure of Jones is a censure of Franklin.

It was first designed to employ Jones and his proposed squadron


for a descent upon Liverpool, for which purpose five hundred men
from Fitzmaurice's Irish regiment were to be taken on the ships.
Pending the assembling of the squadron, and while Jones was busily
engaged in seeking for a proper vessel for himself in various French
ports, Lafayette arrived from America, and sought the command of
the land forces of the proposed expedition. His desire was a notable
tribute to the sailor, by the way. The change was most agreeable to
Jones, to whom, of course, the reputation and abilities of Lafayette
were well known, and who would naturally prefer association with
such a distinguished man in the undertaking, but, as usual, there
were delays on the part of the minister.

Jones traveled about from port to port, looking at different ships


which it was proposed to purchase for him. The minister offered him
the Duc de Broglie, a large new ship lying at Nantes, capable of
mounting sixty-four guns. He inspected her, and would have taken
her gladly, but he felt utterly unable properly to man such a large
ship, and he was reluctantly compelled to dismiss her from
consideration. There was also at Nantes a smaller ship, the Ariel, of
twenty guns, which had been captured from the English, which he
was willing to accept if nothing better turned up. Another vessel that
he looked at was a great old-fashioned merchant ship, lying
dismantled at L'Orient, which had been some fourteen years in the
India trade, and was very much out of repair. She was called the Duc
de Duras. Jones thought she might do in default of anything else,
and he so informed the minister.

However, in spite of the promises that had been made and


reiterated to him, and the determination which had been arrived at,
nothing was done. His visits of inspection were fruitless, his
propositions were disregarded as before. Furthermore, the plan to
send Lafayette with him fell through because France was at that
time projecting a grand descent in force upon England, and
Lafayette was designated to command a regiment in the proposed
undertaking. Like other similar projects, the plan was never put in
operation. Though France did enter the Channel with sixty-six French
and Spanish ships of the line, she did not accomplish as much with
this great armada as Paul Jones did with the little squadron he finally
was enabled to assemble.

Meanwhile he was at his wits' end. The year had nearly passed
and nothing had been done. He had been put off with promises until
he was desperate. Chance, it is stated, threw in his way one day, as
he sat idle at Nantes, gloomily ruminating on the prospect, or lack of
it, and almost making up his mind to go back to the United States in
the first vessel that offered and seek such opportunity for service as
might arise there, a copy of Franklin's famous book of maxims,
called Poor Richard's Almanac. As the harassed little captain sat
listlessly turning its pages, his eyes fell upon this significant
aphorism:
"If a man wishes to have any business faithfully and expeditiously
performed, let him go on it himself; otherwise he may send."

The truth of the saying inspired him to one final effort before he
abandoned European waters. He went to Versailles in November,
1778, for one last visit, and there settled the matter. His
determination and persistence at last, as it had many times before,
brought him success. De Sartine directed the purchase of the Duras,
which Jones, from his love for Franklin and the circumstance just
related, with the consent of the minister, renamed the Bon Homme
Richard, that being the French equivalent for Poor Richard, or Good
Man Richard, which was the caption of the almanac.

De Sartine appointed as the agent and commissary of the king for


the purchase and refitting of the Duras and the other vessels of the
squadron, and for the disposal of any prizes which might be taken,
in short, as his representative with entire liberty of action, Monsieur
le Ray de Chaumont. This gentleman, belonging, of course, to the
nobility of the country, was a man of considerable influence at the
court, where he had held the responsible dual position of Grand
Master of the Forests and Waters of the King. Since the arrival of the
American commissioners he had shown his devotion to the cause of
liberty and to them personally by many and conspicuous acts of
kindness.

It was his private residence at Passy that Franklin made his


headquarters during his long tenure of office. De Chaumont had
offered him the use of this house, and with generous and splendid
hospitality had refused to accept of any remuneration by way of
rental. Realizing the pressing necessity of the struggling colonists for
every dollar they could scrape together, he positively declined to
impair their limited resources by any charge whatsoever. Franklin
endeavored to change his decision, and when John Adams replaced
Deane he made the same effort, but the generous Frenchman
refused to recede from his determination. He also placed his private
purse at the disposal of Franklin, and in every way showed himself a
worthy and disinterested friend of America.

He was one of those romantic Frenchmen who espoused the


cause of the rights of man under the influence of the new
philosophy of Rousseau and Voltaire; somewhat, it would seem,
from motives similar to those proclaimed by Jones himself. He had
nothing to gain by his action and much to lose should the effort of
the colonists result in failure. He was a man of affairs and possessed
an ample fortune. To anticipate events, it may be stated that he
spent it all in the cause to which he had devoted himself, and
eventually became bankrupt. He was not a military man; still less
was he aware of the exigencies and demands of the naval service.
For the present, however, he did his work efficiently and well.

The Duras was purchased immediately, as were two other


merchant vessels, the Pallas and the Vengeance, all at the cost of
the royal treasury. To these were added the Cerf, a king's cutter, a
well-appointed and efficient vessel, and the United States ship
Alliance, a new and very handsome frigate built at Salisbury,
Massachusetts, in 1778, which had arrived in Europe with Lafayette
as a passenger. Jones had specifically asked that the American
frigate should be assigned to his squadron--a most unfortunate
request, as it afterward turned out.

The Duras was an East Indiaman of obsolete type; a large, old-


fashioned ship with a very high poop and topgallant forecastle. She
had made, during many years of service, a number of round voyages
to the East Indies. While stoutly built for a merchant ship, as
compared to a man-of-war of her size she was of light and
unsubstantial frame. In the absence of particular information I
suppose her to have been of something under eight hundred tons
burden. Neglect had allowed her to fall into such a bad condition
that her efficiency as a proposed war vessel was further impaired by
her inability to stand the necessary repairs.
Jones, however, surveyed her and determined to make her do.
Indeed, there was no choice; it was that or nothing. He hoped to
effect something with her which would warrant him in demanding a
better ship; so, with a sigh of regret for the Indien, he set to work
upon her, doing his best to make her efficient. By his orders she was
pierced for twenty-eight guns on her main deck and six on the poop
and forecastle. In order to further increase her force, Jones, after
much deliberation, resorted to the hazardous experiment of cutting
six ports in the gun room, on the deck below the gun deck, close to
the water line; so close, in fact, that, with anything like a sea on, to
open the ports would be to invite destruction by foundering.[8] Only
under exceptionally favorable circumstances, therefore, could these
guns be used. At best the gun-room battery could only be fought in
the calmest weather and smoothest water. In this dangerous place
he mounted six old and condemned 18-pounders, which were all
that he could obtain from the French arsenals. On the main deck
fourteen 12-pounders and fourteen 9-pounders were mounted.[9]
Two 9-pounders were placed aft on the quarter-deck, two in each
gangway, and two on the forecastle. All the guns were old and worn
out; many of them had been condemned by the French Government
as unfit for use. The six guns on the lower deck were mounted three
on a side, but a sufficient number of ports had been cut to admit of
shifting the guns and working the whole battery on either side. New
guns had been ordered cast for the Richard at the French gun
foundries; but the usual delays compelled Jones to take what he
could, and finally sail with these old makeshifts. The guns intended
for the Bon Homme Richard arrived after she had gone.

The Alliance was a frigate-built ship of thirty-two guns, 9- and 6-


pounders, manned by two hundred and fifty men, and commanded
by Pierre Landais. Landais was an ex-officer of the French navy, who
had been dismissed for insubordination and incapacity. Ignorant of
these facts, knowing only that he had been a navy officer, and
wishing to please their royal ally, and perhaps pay a delicate
compliment also to Lafayette, who was a passenger upon the ship
on her first cruise, the marine commissioners had appointed him to
the command of this fine and handsome little frigate. The Alliance
was one of the fastest ships of her day; indeed, she may be
regarded as the precursor of that long line of splendid frigates and
sloops of war which have been the pride of American shipbuilders
and the admiration of foreign navies. Properly re-armed and refitted,
under the command of stout old John Barry she did splendid service
on several occasions later in the war. Her swiftness and mobility, it
was believed, would add greatly to the usefulness of Jones'
squadron.

The Pallas was a fairly efficient merchant ship, frigate built,


carrying thirty 6-pounders, commanded by Captain de Cottineau de
Kloguene. The Vengeance was a twelve-gun brig of little force, and
the Cerf a sixteen-gun cutter, under the command of Captains Ricot
and de Varage respectively.

After many difficulties and disheartening delays, chiefly overcome


by Jones' invincible determination and persistence, the squadron
was at last made ready for use. The first duty assigned to the daring
commodore was a cruise for the driving of the enemy's ships out of
the Bay of Biscay, and convoying merchant ships bound from port to
port along the coast. It was not a particularly congenial duty, but he
entered upon it zealously and without complaint.

The squadron sailed on the 19th of June, 1779. During the night
of the 20th the Alliance ran foul of the Richard, and as a result of
the collision the mizzenmast of the Alliance was carried away, while
the Richard lost her head, cutwater, jib boom, etc. The blame for the
accident mainly rested on Landais, who, it was afterward developed,
had behaved disgracefully on this occasion, showing such a lack of
presence of mind and seamanly aptitude, coupled with such timidity
and shrinking from duty, that, when the accident occurred, he not
only gave no orders, but basely ran below to load his pistols, leaving
the ship to be extricated from her critical situation by the junior
officers. Perhaps he was afraid that the infuriated Jones would attack
him for the mishandling of his ship. Jones, who had been below
when the accident occurred, immediately assumed charge of the
Richard, and by prompt action averted a more serious disaster. To do
Landais justice, however, the officer of the watch on the Richard also
must have been culpable, for he was subsequently court-martialed
and broken for his lack of conduct on this occasion.

Refusing to return to port, and patching up the two ships as well


as possible from their present resources, Jones performed the duties
assigned to him, driving the enemy's ships out of those waters and
safely delivering his convoy. On the return voyage, Captain de
Varage, of the Cerf, had a spirited encounter with a heavily armed
privateer of greater force than his own, which lasted for an hour and
ten minutes and resulted in the privateer striking her flag. Before he
could take possession, however, other ships of the enemy appeared,
and he was forced to abandon his prize. The Richard chased several
sail, two of which were thought to be frigates, and the officers and
men manifested every disposition to get into action; but the ships
sighted were all able to run away from the cumbrous and slow-
sailing American ship.

On the last day of June the squadron put into L'Orient again to
repair damages. During the cruise it is interesting to note that Jones
dispatched thirty pounds, in the shape of a draft, through a friend in
Dublin, to Scotland for the use of his family. He frequently made
them remittances from his scanty supplies of money, and, in fact, he
never forgot them, however busy with great undertakings he may
have been.

Instructions were received at L'Orient from Franklin intended to


govern the future movements of the squadron. They had, of course,
been prepared after consultation with De Sartine. Jones was directed
to cruise off the west coast of Ireland to intercept the West Indian
ships and then to proceed to the northward, passing the Orkneys,
and range down the coast of Scotland and endeavor to capture the
Baltic fleet--which, by the way, had been one of his original projects.
After carrying out these orders he was instructed to proceed to the
Texel about August 15th, where he would find further directions
awaiting him. Prizes were to be sent to Dunkirk or Ostend in France,
or Bergen in Norway, consigned to such agents as De Chaumont
should designate.

Jones was very much disappointed, naturally, with the Richard,


and in acknowledging the receipt of these instructions he made a
last effort to get the Indien. It was intimated that such might be the
result of his cruise when he arrived at the Texel, if it were successful,
but that no change could be made in his orders at present. Franklin
refused to attempt to have them modified by consulting with the
ministry, and, in a way gentle but sufficiently decided, he directed
Jones to finish repairing the ships with all speed and proceed to
carry out the orders he had received. The commodore, swallowing
his disappointment and dissatisfaction with a rather ill grace, it must
be confessed, hastened to get his ships in shape for the proposed
expedition.

During the cruise in the Bay of Biscay a mutinous spirit had


broken out among the English seamen, with whom in part Jones had
been forced to man his ship in default of other men, which had
become sufficiently developed to result in an organized conspiracy to
take the Richard. The plot was discovered and the ringleaders were
put in irons. When the Richard arrived at L'Orient, these men, two
quartermasters, were court-martialed; but, instead of being
sentenced to death, as they deserved, they were severely flogged
with the cat-o'-nine-tails. Jones, who, if he erred, leaned to the side
of mercy, seems to have been greatly relieved at this termination of
the affair. At this time the lieutenant of the Richard, who had been in
charge of the watch during the collision, was also court-martialed
and dismissed the service.

These several unfortunate happenings had given De Sartine a


very low idea of the efficiency and value of the Bon Homme Richard
and the squadron, which galled Jones extremely. Indeed, I imagine
De Sartine looked upon Jones in the light of a nuisance more than
anything else. The repairs progressed very slowly, and it was not
until August that the ships were ready to proceed. Meanwhile an
event of the greatest importance had occurred in the arrival of a
cartel at Nantes with one hundred and nineteen exchanged
American prisoners. Many of them entered on the Richard, and
Jones was thus enabled to weed out a large proportion of the
mutinous and disorderly element in his crew. The fine qualities of
some of these new recruits enabled him to replace many of his petty
officers--invaluable adjuncts to an efficient crew--with experienced
seamen who could be depended upon, not merely as sailors, but as
men who, fresh from the horrors and brutalities of English prisons,
were more than ready to fight against the red flag wherever it was
planted. They leavened the whole mass.

The re-enforcement was of the greatest value; but Jones' good


fortune did not end here, for before he sailed again he was joined by
a young American naval officer of the highest capacity and courage,
named Richard Dale, who had been captured in the Lexington and
held a prisoner in England. He had effected a most daring and
romantic escape from the Mill Prison by the assistance of an
unknown woman, whose name and the circumstances of their
acquaintance remained a mystery; Dale absolutely refused to divulge
them to the day of his death.

Jones found in him a congenial spirit and an able subordinate. He


promptly appointed him first lieutenant of the Richard, and between
the two men there speedily developed a friendship as lasting as it
was unaffected and disinterested. Next to Jones himself, in the early
records, stands the name of this young man, then scarcely twenty-
three years of age. Aside from the great commodore, it was he who
contributed more to the subsequent success of the Richard than any
other man. At the request of De Sartine, Jones also received on the
Richard a battalion of royal marines, who were all French of course,
and who had been augmented until they numbered one hundred
and thirty-seven officers and men, under Lieutenant-Colonel de
Chamillard de Warville. It was supposed by the minister that they
could at least keep order on the ship! The time limited to the
expiration of the cruise was extended to the end of the month of
September.

The total complement of the Richard, therefore, according to


Jones' statement, was about three hundred and eighty officers, men,
and boys, including the one hundred and thirty-seven marines. A roll
of officers and men is given by Sherburne in his Life of Jones.

On this list, which purports to contain the names of those who


were on board on the date of the battle with the Serapis, are
enumerated the names of but two hundred and twenty-seven
officers and men. It omits the name of de Chamillard and another
colonel of infantry, de Weibert, who were actually on board, and
gives no names of the French marines. Adding the two hundred and
twenty-seven to the one hundred and thirty-seven, we get three
hundred and sixty-four, which is as near as we can come to Jones'
figures. There may have been others whose names were added later
on, but at any rate it is safe to take Jones' statement as practically
correct.

Assuming that the known factors fairly represented the whole


crew, we find that among the officers twenty-four were Americans,
two were Frenchmen, and six British, including Jones and two
surgeon's mates. Among the seamen fifty-five were American born,
sixteen Irish, sixty-one British, twenty-eight Portuguese, twenty who
are not described, of whom seven were probably Portuguese, and
fifteen of other nationalities, including, according to Cooper, some
Malays--possibly Filipinos learning thus early to fight for freedom
under, not against, the Stars and Stripes! Thus, scarcely more than
one fifth of the complement were native Americans. The marines, of
course, were efficiently organized and commanded, and were of the
usual character of the men in the French service. The rest of the
crew, with the exception of the Americans, who were filling the posts
of petty officers, were a hard-bitten, reckless crowd of adventurers,
mercenaries, bravos, and what not, whom only a man like Jones
could control and successfully direct. Under his iron hand they
developed into as ready a crew as ever fought a ship, and in our
estimation of his subsequent success the fact must not be lost sight
of that he made out of such a motley assemblage so efficient an
organization. The officers were fairly capable, though none of them
reached the standard of Dale, and at least one of them left the
cruise with a serious cloud upon his reputation.

Perhaps two thirds of the crew of the Alliance were English


seamen who had been recruited from the men of the line of battle
ship Somerset, which had been wrecked in America, and a large
number of her crew captured. They enlisted on the Alliance in the
hope of capturing her and making their escape, thus avoiding a
sojourn in American prisons. On the way to France, owing to the
presence of these men on the ship, a conspiracy had developed, the
successful termination of which was only prevented by the resolution
and courage of Lafayette and the passengers with the regular
officers of the ship. There were but a small number of Americans on
the Alliance, owing to the fact that she was commanded by a
Frenchman, under whom Americans generally refused to sail. The
officers, with few exceptions, were poor in quality. Her crew had
been somewhat improved before the squadron sailed, by the
enlistment of some of the prisoners from the cartel, but it was still
far from being an efficient body of men, and under such a captain as
Landais there was no hope of it ever becoming so.

The officers and crew of the Pallas, Vengeance, and Cerf were
French in toto, the officers all holding French commissions. The
squadron was entirely at the charges of the French Government,
although each of the officers sailed with a supplementary American
commission issued by Franklin and his confrères, and all the vessels
were under the American flag.

De Chaumont had been indefatigable in fitting out the ships as


best he could, and personally he had done everything in his power
to further the success of the enterprise. If his labors had ceased
there, the results would have been better; but, probably under the
direction of the minister, and influenced by the natural reluctance of
the French officers and men to serve under the command of an
officer of another country, de Chaumont prepared a concordat,
which he suppressed until just before the time of sailing, when it
was exhibited to Jones and the other captains and their signatures
demanded. By the terms of this singular document the officers and
men and the several vessels of the squadron, instead of being under
the absolute charge of Jones himself, as is the case with every
properly organized expedition, were formed into a species of alliance
offensive and defensive; and while, of course, the headship was
necessarily under Jones while he lived, he was so hampered and
restricted by the various articles of the agreement as to feel himself
scarcely more than first among his equals. He was left with full
responsibility for success, but so shorn of power and ability to
compel obedience to his orders as to render it necessary for him to
resort to persuasion to effect his end. Any ordinary commander
would have withdrawn at the last moment, but Jones was
determined upon effecting something; so, with great reluctance and
unavailing protests, he signed the concordat, and the ill-assorted
squadron proceeded on its way.[10]

Surely never before was such an expedition for warlike purposes


put forth upon the narrow seas! It is difficult to see what result any
sane man could have legitimately expected from it. That it
accomplished anything was due to Jones himself--commodore by
virtue of a paper agreement, just as binding and effective as any of
the several signers wished it to be! The world had long known him
as a man remarkable for audacity in conception, boldness in
planning, hardihood in carrying out, and downright courage in the
supreme moment. As a seaman and a fighter he had few equals and
no masters. But the cruise developed that he possessed other
qualities of leadership which are sometimes lost sight of in this
brilliant galaxy, qualities which his previous experience had not led
us to expect him to exhibit. He was shown to be considerate, tactful,
forbearing, persuasive, holding himself under strong restraint.
Naturally of a passionate, impetuous, uncontrollable nature, that he
exhibited these qualities speaks well for the man. He had learned to
control his feelings in the bitter school of procrastination, evasion,
and disappointment of the past year.

CHAPTER IX.
THE CRUISE OF THE SQUADRON.

All things being as ready as it was possible to make them, on the


14th of August, 1779, amid the booming of cannon and the waving
of flags, the expedition set sail. Very pretty it must have looked,
dropping down the roads, as sail after sail was set on the broad
yardarms extending above the little commander on the poop deck of
the Indiaman, resolutely putting his difficulties and trials behind him,
and glad to be at last at sea and headed for the enemy. And yet he
might well have borne a heavy heart! Only a man of Jones' caliber
could have faced the possibilities with a particle of equanimity. By
any rule of chance or on any ground of probability the expedition
was doomed to failure, capture, or destruction. But the personality
of Jones, his serene and soon-to-be-justified confidence in himself,
discounted chance and overthrew probability. I have noticed it is
ever the man with the fewest resources and poorest backing who
accomplishes most in the world's battles. The man who has things
made easy for him usually "takes it easy," and accomplishes the easy
thing or nothing.
The squadron was accompanied by two heavily armed privateers,
the Monsieur and the Granvelle, raising the number of vessels to
seven. The masters of the privateers did not sign the concordat, but
they entered into voluntary association with the others and agreed
to abide by the orders of Jones--an agreement they broke without
hesitation in the face of the first prize, which was captured on the
18th of August. The prize was a full-rigged ship, called the
Verwagting, mounting fourteen guns and loaded with brandy. The
vessel, a Dutch ship, had been captured by the English, and was
therefore a lawful prize to the squadron. The captain of the
Monsieur, which was the boarding vessel, plundered the prize of
several valuable articles for his own benefit, manned her, and
attempted to dispatch her to Ostend. Jones, however, overhauled
her, replaced the prize crew by some of his own men, and sent her
in under his own orders. The Monsieur and her offended captain
thereupon promptly deserted the squadron in the night.

On the 21st, off the southwest coast of Ireland, they captured a


brig, the Mayflower, loaded with butter, which was also manned and
sent in. On the 23d they rounded Cape Clear, the extreme
southwestern point of Ireland. The day being calm, Jones manned
his boats and sent them inshore to capture a brigantine. The ship,
not having steerage way, began to drift in toward the dangerous
shore after the departure of the boats, and it became necessary to
haul her head offshore, for which purpose the captain's barge was
sent ahead with a towline. As the shades of evening descended, the
crew of the barge, who were apparently English, took advantage of
the absence of the other boats and the opportunity presented, to cut
the towline and desert. As they made for the shore, Mr. Cutting Lunt,
third lieutenant, with four marines, jumped into a small boat
remaining, and chased the fugitives without orders; but, pursuing
them too far from the ship, a fog came down which caused him to
lose his bearings, and prevented him from joining the Richard that
night.

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