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Luiz Guilherme Burlamaqui
The Making of a Global FIFA
RERIS Studies in
International Sport Relations

Edited by
Philippe Vonnard and Amanda Shuman

In collaboration with
Georgia Cervin, Sylvain Dufraisse,
Brenda Elsey, and Nicola Sbetti

Réseaux d’études des relations internationales

sportives (RERIS)

Volume 1
Luiz Guilherme Burlamaqui

The Making of
a Global FIFA

Cold War Politics and the Rise of João Havelange

to the FIFA Presidency, 1950–1974

Translated by John Ellis-Guardiola

This book is a translation of the Portuguese original:
Luiz Guilherme Burlamaqui: A Dança das Cadeiras a eleição de João Havelange à presidência da
FIFA (1950-1974), Editora Intermeios, São Paulo 2020.
Fapesp supported this project with the process number 2021/01079-6.

ISBN 978-3-11-075968-6
e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-075990-7
e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-076004-0
ISSN 2750-0489

Library of Congress Control Number: 2022947795

Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek

The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie;
detailed bibliographic data are available on the internet at http://dnb.dnb.de.

© 2023 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston

Cover image: Newly elected FIFA President João Havelange receiving a clock from former FIFA
President Stanley Rous, while FIFA General Secretary Helmut Käser looks on.
@FIFA Archives/ Museum
Printing and binding: CPI books GmbH, Leck

www.degruyter.com
This book is dedicated to the living memory of Simoni Lahud Guedes, who
passed away in 2019. Back in the 1970s, Simoni wrote the first master’s thesis
on soccer and the social sciences – Futebol Brasileiro, institutição zero. Her
work blazed a path for successive generations of researchers. Simoni, saudações
rubro-negras.
Acknowledgements
This book, now in English, is a modified version of my PhD dissertation, A dança
das cadeiras: a eleição de João Havelange à presidência da FIFA, originally pub-
lished in Portuguese. The translation was made possible due to a grant provided
by the São Paulo Research Foundation (FAPESP), which also supported my work
as a PhD student. FAPESP is a crucial institution for Brazil’s democracy and
most recently has supported researchers whose work was critical in tackling
the COVID-19 pandemic through developing vaccines, conducting mass testing,
and advancing a vigorous scientific agenda. I hope that it is more apparent
now than ever before just how crucial and necessary it is for society to prioritize
funding for the sciences.
Many people have been truly supportive in this long journey to publishing
my book. First and foremost, I would like to thank my advisors, Flávio de Cam-
pos and Alexandre Moreli, Professors at the departments of History and Inter-
national Relations, respectively, at the University of São Paulo (USP). Flavio
supported my research from the very moment we met. Moreli has been an amaz-
ing advisor as well, inspiring me with his charisma and enthusiasm.
Most of the archival material presented in this book was culled from the FIFA
Archives in Zurich, Switzerland. I would like to thank Dominick Peterman and
Michael Schmalzholz in particular for all their patience and kindness during
this process. Nicolas Barré also helped with the photo used on the cover of
this book.
A special thanks to the archival staff at the Moreira Salles Archive, the Bra-
zilian National Archive, the Brazilian Olympic Library, the National Archives of
United Kingdom, the IOC Archives, the National Football Museum in Preston,
UK, and the Itamaraty Archives both in Brasília and Rio de Janeiro.
I wish to mention João Sedas Nunes, at NOVA University Lisbon, for our in-
tellectual exchange and friendship.
I would also like to thank the members of my dissertation defense commit-
tee, Jose Paulo Florenzano, Victor Mello, and Bernardo Buarque de Hollanda, for
all their comments and encouragement to publish the book in English.
To Phillipe Vonnard and everyone on De Gruyter’s academic board, thank
you so much for the comments and the support during the editorial process.
I also want to thank my translator, John Ellis-Guardiola, for his excellent
work.
To my mother, Maria Luiza, for all her support in becoming who I am.
Finally, to my family, namely my spouse Clara and my son Noel for every-
thing.

https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110759907-002
Contents
Acknowledgements VII

List of abbreviations XI

Foreword by Barbara J. Keys XIII

Introduction 1
The invention of FIFA history 1
Was 1974 a historical turning point in FIFA history? 4
Football and Latin America’s Cold War: a state of the play 19
Structure of the book 24

Chapter 1
English stiffness: a political history of FIFA during the long sixties,
1959 – 1971 27
A political approach to FIFA history 27
The rise of Stanley Rous as president of FIFA 42
Latin America and the 1966 World Cup: a turning point? 58

Chapter 2
The administrator: politics and ideology in the making of a social legacy
(1916 – 1970) 73
João Havelange, an extraordinary life? 73
An indestructible body – becoming an Olympic athlete 76
From law school to swimming pools 83
The global Cold War and the Brazilian elite self-image 91

Chapter 3
“A Blonde Pelé”: business organization, political propaganda, and the
1970 World Cup 105
“A true representative of business leaders” 105
Unruliness explained 110
The business leaders, the ball, and the homeland 116
Where is the World Cup won? 132
The blast of gifts 137
X Contents

Chapter 4
At the heart of the Brazilian miracle: casing and political propaganda in
Havelange’s election as the president of FIFA (1971 – 1974) 145
Tying the knots: connecting the global and the national 145
The role of the soccer agents in Havelange’s election to FIFA 150
Development, Brazilian style 163
The age of the stadiums – promoting the Brazilian miracle 167
The Brazilian national team and the myth of racial democracy 179

Chapter 5
The world that we had lost. FIFA political crisis and the making of a new
international football order, 1971 – 1974 185
Voting maps 185
“We will not tolerate women’s soccer developing outside the normal
organization” 193
China: the last act 196
A telegram from Santiago 205
Europe in the mirror 213

Conclusion: a new international football order? 219

Annex: honors received by Havelange between August 1970 and

July 1974 223

Bibliography 225

Index 237
List of abbreviations

AERP (Assessoria Especial de Relações Públicas) – Special Advisory Office for Public Relations
AFA (Asociación del Fútbol Argentino) – Argentine Football Association
AFC – Asian Football Confederation
ARENA (Alianca Renovadora Nacional) – National Alliance of Renewal
BBC – British Broadcasting Corporation
BOC – Brazilian Olympic Committee
BRICS – Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa
CAF (Confédération Africaine de Football) – Confederation of African Football
CBD (Confederação Brasileira de Desportos) – Brazilian Sports Confederation
CBF (Confederação Brasileira de Futebol) – Brazilian Football Confederation
CISM – International Military Sports Council
CNC (Confederação Nacional do Comércio) – National Confederation of Commerce
CND (Conselho Nacional de Desportos) – National Sports Council
CNI (Confederação Nacional da Indústria) – National Confederation of Industry
COB (Comitê Olímpico do Brasil) – Brazilian Olympic Committee
CODI (Centro de Operações de Defesa Interna) – Center for Internal Defense Operations
CONCACAF – Confederation of North, Central American and Caribbean Association Football
CONIFA – The Confederation of Independent Football Associations
CONMEBOL (Confederación Sudamericana de Fútbol) – South American Football Confederation
COSENA (Comissão Selecionadora Nacional) – National Selection Commission
CPI (Comissão Parlamentar de Inquérito) – Congressional Inquiry
CSF (Confederación Sudamericana de Fútbol) – South American Football Confederation
DAO – Division of Asia and Oceania
DFB (Deutscher Fußball-Bund) – German Football Association
EBU – European Broadcasting Union
ECLAC – Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean
FA – Football Association
FAPESP (São Paulo State Research Foundation) -
FASA – Football Association of South Africa
FBI – Federal Bureau of Investigation
FFF (Fédération Française de Football) – French Football Federation
FIESP (Federação das Indústrias do Estado de São Paulo) – Federation of Industries of the State
of São Paulo
FIFA (Fédération Internationale de Football Association) – Federation Internationale de Football
Association
FPF (Federação Paulista de Futebol) – Paulista Football Federation
FPF (Federação Portuguesa de Futebol) – Portuguese Football Federation
GANEFO – Games of the New Emerging Forces
IAAF – International Amateur Athletics Federation
IBC (Instituto Brasileiro do Café) – Brazilian Coffee Institute
IOC – International Olympic Committee
IPES (Instituto de Pesquisas e Estudos Sociais) – Institute for Research and Social Studies
IPM (Inquéritos Policiais Militares) – Political and Military Inquires

https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110759907-003
XII List of abbreviations

ISEB (Instituto Superior de Estudos Brasileiros) – Higher Institute of Brazilian Studies

ISL – International Sports Leisure
MEC (Ministério da Educação e Cultura) – Ministry of Education and Culture
NEFOs – New Emerging Forces
OLDEFOs – Old International Forces
PSD (Partido Social Democrático) – Social Democratic Party
PTB (Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro) – Brazilian Labor Party)
SANOC – South African National Olympic Committee
SENAC (Serviço Nacional de Aprendizagem Comercial) – Commercial Apprenticeship Service
SESC (Serviço Social do Comércio) – Commercial Workers’ Social Service
SNI (Serviço Nacional de Informações) – National Intelligence Service
UBB (União de Bancos Brasileiros) – Union of Brazilian Banks
UDN (União Democrática Nacional) National Democratic Union
UEFA – Union of European Football Associations
UK – United Kingdom
UN – United Nations
UNESCO – United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization
USA – United States of America
USSR – Union of Soviet Socialist Republic
Foreword by Barbara J. Keys
For all that we think great leaders do – wring change out of resistant forces, shift
the course of history from one path to another, inspire acolytes and defeat foes –
we often overlook one of their most important pursuits. Great leaders create great
myths. The vision and self-confidence that leads them to the reins of power also
impels them, sometimes even before they are famous, to try to fashion their own
legacies. Because they have the power to shape the stories that reach us, we
often see what leaders want us to see. Their self-made narratives follow a partic-
ular pattern: they erase errors, minimize continuity and precedents, inflate ac-
complishments, and exaggerate the role of the individual relative to broader so-
cial and political developments. These narratives generate legitimacy, entrench
authority, and deflect attention from alternative possibilities.
What Luiz Burlamaqui reveals in his brilliant and insightful book is how
much João Havelange followed this pattern. Jean-Marie Faustin Godefroid
“João” de Havelange, the Brazilian who presided over FIFA from 1974 to 1998,
is commonly celebrated as the man who led a struggling, amateurish organiza-
tion out of the shoals of near-obscurity into the limelight, where wealth and
power – and corruption – followed. Under his presidency, it is typically said,
FIFA abandoned its anachronistic preoccupations, including a disdain for com-
mercialism and a sentimental attachment to the ideals of gentlemanly amateur-
ism, and became a global powerhouse. As the New York Times put it when he
finally stepped down, Havelange turned “a fledgling operation in a private res-
idence to a worldwide force that oversees a $250-billion-a-year international in-
dustry.”¹
Havelange accumulated power, and with that power he did indeed change
FIFA. He also swayed how his record has been perceived. He followed the script
that most modern mythmakers use: he spun his story ceaselessly to journalists
and opinion leaders, wooed biographers, and produced official histories that
tried to set his preferred history in stone. By painstakingly stripping away de-
cades of encrusted Havelange-inspired lacunae and misconceptions, Burlamaqui
forces upon us a new history of Havelange and of global football. He shows that
FIFA was well on its way to being a globalized institution already in the 1960s.
Havelange’s ascent was far less the rupture than the official histories portray;
many of the innovations associated with Havelange began with his predecessor,
the Englishman Stanley Rous.

 “World Cup ’98,” New York Times, June 9, 1998, accessed August 31, 2022, https://www.ny
times.com/1998/06/09/sports/world-cup-98-us-ally-elected-to-head-world-soccer-body.html.

https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110759907-004
XIV Foreword by Barbara J. Keys

Drawing on eleven archives in three countries and carefully dissecting a

wide range of sources, including government reports, diplomatic cables, person-
al correspondence, interviews, and the records of FIFA and of national football
federations, Burlamaqui brings a fresh eye to the story of football’s place in a
world undergoing rapid transformation in the 1960s and 1970s. Offering a
model of how to do transnational sport history, Burlamaqui embeds the story
of football in political, economic, and ideological currents, tacking between
local and global contexts. Every chapter brims with fresh insights.
Scholars will find his account of the relationship between the history of FIFA
and the history of Brazil of exceptional interest. Havelange’s era did mark a sig-
nificant discontinuity: he was the only non-European to lead FIFA, and Burlama-
qui helps us see exactly how a South American came to lead this important or-
ganization and why it mattered. Global football has never been a project
independent of national and international politics, and Havelange’s ascent to
the top of FIFA was intimately tied to Cold War political currents. Direct political
influence (Havelange had the support of the Brazilian government in his cam-
paign to lead FIFA) combined with ideological congruence. As Burlamaqui
shows, under Rous and Havelange, a discourse of development permeated
FIFA’s response to decolonization, tying world football to the Western political
and economic projects that replaced imperialism.
Burlamaqui is uniquely positioned to bring us this fresh history partly be-
cause he has mined Brazilian sources and has a deep understanding of the Bra-
zilian context that was so important to Havelange and to FIFA. Burlamaqui also
refuses to become a partisan in the contemporary scholarly debates about Have-
lange. He resists the easy, seductive power of the Havelange myth without sliding
into the camp that sees Havelange primarily as an agent of the forces of corrup-
tion. Burlamaqui’s work instead shifts the discussion about Havelange onto new
terrain: bureaucracy, technocratic administration, expertise, discourses of devel-
opment, the role of networks, the influence of non-Western countries, and the
interconnections between FIFA and the Brazilian military dictatorship of the
1960s and 1970s.
Burlamaqui’s capacity to approach Havelange as a historical subject with
critical detachment may partly be explicable because of when and how his inter-
est developed. In 2012 and 2013, Burlamaqui wrote a Master’s thesis on the pres-
idents of Brazilian football clubs, as part of which he was granted a two-hour
interview with Havelange. One of the clubs he wrote about was Fluminense,
where Havelange had been an athlete. As Burlamaqui says, when he talked to
people in and around this club, Havelange was a hovering presence; his name
was always coming up. Although for many years his name had been associated
with various scandals, Havelange long remained a prominent and celebrated fig-
 Foreword by Barbara J. Keys XV

ure in the world of sport, in Brazil and beyond. This was particularly true during
the years Lula was in power. Havelange, for example, was an influential member
of the bid team that in 2009 won the 2016 Olympic Games for Rio de Janeiro. His
long run as a member of the International Olympic Committee ended only in
2011, when he was forced to resign as accusations of corruption and bribe-taking
mounted. In 2012 he was shown to have taken over $1.5 million in bribes, while
more serious accusations continued to circulate. Burlamaqui’s interest in Have-
lange deepened during years when the great man’s reputation, both in Brazil and
elsewhere, was changing rapidly, often in response to obvious political calcula-
tions by those in power. It is logical that Burlamaqui, who began his doctoral
studies in 2015, would have had a clear sense of how malleable and fickle a rep-
utation can be and how much the powerful can influence it. The result is a work
of history that makes an essential contribution not only to the history of sport
but to Brazilian history and the history of international politics.
Introduction
An event is done and undone […] after all, it’s
made by those who spread its notoriety.
Georges Duby¹

The invention of FIFA history

In the 1960s, the headquarters of the Federation International de Football Asso-

ciation (hereafter, FIFA) occupied a residential house around Zurich. Compared
to the contemporary facilities, the place was modest. Situated in a relatively re-
mote neighborhood, it was a European mansion, which could be the home of a
Swiss millionaire. Anyone who passed by would confuse Helmü t Kaser, the sec-
retary general of the entity, with the owner of the house, were it not for the small
sign in front of the main entrance. In fact, Käser used to live there. Of the three
floors: the first floor lent itself to the meetings of FIFA and of the Executive Com-
mittee; the second level served as the presidential cabinet; the third was exclu-
sively the address of the secretary. Elias Zaccour, then one of the greatest busi-
nessmen in the world of soccer, visited the old building in February of 1974. His
testimony is peculiar:

[…] the secretary [Helmut Käser] was there. He gave me a list. And then I hit my finger like
that, there was so much dust on his desk. […] The dog lived with him, his daughters were all
up there. So full of dust. This was [February of] 1974. Havelange arrived in [June of] 1974.
The new headquarters of FIFA were inaugurated. [until 2007]²

On June 11, 1974, Brazilian João Havelange defeated Englishman Stanley Rous
and became the seventh president of FIFA and the first (and so far the only)
non-European. Zaccour’s speech describes the event, traversed by metaphors.
The reference to the dust of the table of Käser is not occasional. It has a double
effect. The first is to refer to something that is old or even archaic. Zaccour al-
ludes to the ruins of the European colonial order. The environment of FIFA is
identified as a place of relative abandonment, of precarious organization,
where family relations subsisted (“the daughters were all up there”). The mean-
ing of the allusion to the family is related to the exclusivity: FIFA belongs to
Europe. More than Stanley Rous, Helmut Käser, who has long been regarded

 Georges Duby, O domingo de Bouvines, 27 de julho de 1214 (Rio de Janeiro: Paz e Terra, 1993), 195.
 Interview with Elias Zaccour (2005).

https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110759907-005
2 Introduction

Figure 1: The old FIFA headquarters, 1950s. FIFA Archives, Zurich.

as the European opposition to Havelange itself, is evoked as the very symbol of

this exclusivity. The figure of Käser is confused with that of his “dogs” (“the dog
lived with him”) as the own guardians of the European domain. Here, Zaccour’s
speech can be complemented by that of Peter Pullen, an advisor to the Brazilian
Confederation of Sports in England, who was also in the building. Pullen remem-
bers “two German shepherds” living in the environment, almost as if to say that
the first guard dog was, in fact, Käser himself. One of the first acts of João Ha-
velange at the presidency was to expel the secretary of the entity building. In
order for him to step down, it would take another seven years.³

 Havelange himself told this same story as it follows. “FIFA today is wealthy. If one day… In
May, I’ll be in Zurich. If you could go there, I would enjoy it. When I got there, I did… FIFA head-
quarters was in an old building, and the general-secretary lived with his wife, two children, two
dogs and a cat, and under his apartment was FIFA headquarters where they held the meeting. So
the most you could muster were six people. I arrived, he opened the door and everything, I saw
that and said, “In a few months, you’re going to leave here because I’m going to buy a house and
you go.” And he told me: “FIFA has no money.” I went and told him, “It’s not your problem.” I’ll
tell you one thing: have you ever imagined – he lived like this – that I live in Comet (bus com-
pany that Havelange used to work for), in a garage, with my wife and daughter? It’s the same
 The invention of FIFA history 3

The second effect of Zaccour’s image is to refer to the parable of the creation
of the world. In 1974, the “arrival” of Havelange inaugurated a new time. The
characterization of a “dusty” environment, which metamorphosis completely
into a brand new one, evokes the narrative of the creation of the world. From
the dust left by Helmut Käser, from the wreckage of the “old colonial order”,
a new world breaks out. Havelange is the architect of this metamorphosis.
When he arrived in 1974, it was a low-cash entity, dominated by Europeans.
As Havelange himself likes to say, he had found FIFA in a penury “with only
twenty dollars in cash”. Thanks to his managerial skills, Havelange was able
to transform a modest family organization into a transnational company,
whose balance reached (in 1998) almost 400 million dollars. Through Havelange
hands, dust became gold.⁴
This is what can be identified as FIFA’s “official history.” In the words of an-
thropologist Clifford Geertz, “it is a tale that they tell themselves about them-
selves.”⁵ The strength of this representation in both the media and the historiog-
raphy of soccer was largely due to João Havelange’s own skill and that of the
agents who profit from his victory and the construction of a history of FIFA
that was consistent with this event. In addition to mitigating the conflicts related
to the Federation itself, this narrative eclipses the roles of several political agents
within the entity and props up Havelange as the star of FIFA’s politics and his-
tory. In this sense, this narrative erases the fact that FIFA was already a vibrant,
relatively globalized institution in the 1960s. Much like the International Olympic
Committee, FIFA picked up steam with Europe’s post-war rebuilding effort and
accelerated economically and politically throughout the Cold War and decoloni-
zation processes. For almost half a century Havelange and his allies sponsored
books, magazines, and even movies that reproduced and reinforced this narra-
tive. By analyzing different sources from a historical perspective, the main pur-
pose of this book is to show how and why these agents succeeded in producing
a narrative that placed them front and center of FIFA history.

thing. He stayed there, but eight months later he had the house. […] And I had terrible years with
this general secretary, who was a Swiss-German. He had been there for some years, and Stanley
Rous did nothing against him. What he came to hate me was tremendous.”. Interview with Ha-
velange, located at Football Museum – CPDOC (São Paulo, 2012). Interview with Peter Pullen
(2005).
 João Havelange, interviewed by the author (Rio de Janeiro, 2011).
 Clifford Geertz, “A religião como sistema cultural,” in A Interpretação das Culturas, ed. Clif-
ford Geertz (Rio de Janeiro: LTC, 1989).
4 Introduction

Figure 2: FIFA headquarters inaugurated in 1979. FIFA Archives, Zurich.

Was 1974 a historical turning point in FIFA history?

In fact, the election of Havelange was a singular event. Havelange defeated the
incumbent, Englishman Stanley Rous, an outcome that has yet to be repeated.
Besides American Avery Brundage, who took over the International Olympic
Committee (IOC) in 1952, Havelange was the only non-European to control either
of the world’s two major international sports entities (FIFA and IOC). More sig-
nificantly, Havelange’s victory, which was won with a vast majority of votes
from countries in the Middle East, South America and the Caribbean, Africa,
as well as Mexico and dissidents in Europe and Asia, was thus an outlier in
the institution’s history. Notwithstanding, it was a nailbiter: 62 to 58 and four ab-
stentions in the first round. The difference was slightly larger in the second
round: 68 to 54 and two abstentions. Once president, Havelange solved FIFA’s
main geopolitical problems: he reinstated the People’s Republic of China as a
member of FIFA, expelled South Africa definitively, and allocated Israel to
UEFA from the AFC. In 1976, Havelange signed FIFA’s first contract with Coca-
Cola to finance football development projects. Nevertheless, his campaign was
probably more impressive than his term. Taking advantage of political divisions
 Was 1974 a historical turning point in FIFA history? 5

within the organization, Havelange embarked on a global tour from 1971 to 1974.
Sizing up the campaign effort, sociologist Alan Tomlinson estimated Havelange’s
campaign spending at around £500,000. This is the same amount reported by
Gianni Infantino in 2016. However, the main question stands, was 1974 a histor-
ical turning point in FIFA history?⁶
Certainly, the election of Havelange to the presidency of the entity is the
“foundation myth” of contemporary FIFA. In this sense, it is symptomatic that
Zaccour made no distinction between Havelange’s triumph (in 1974) and the
opening of FIFA headquarters (in 1979). The election and the new headquarters
are seen as products of the same historical event. The problem begins when this
image stretches beyond the frame of the official discourse. As ingrained as it is
recurrent, this narrative pervades both academic literature and journalistic pro-
duction on football, not to mention those who, like Zaccour, were directly engag-
ed in the campaign. Thus, it is almost a consensus that Havelange’s victory over
Englishman Stanley Rous divided the historical chronology of FIFA and, more
broadly, the world of football into two eras.
Even those who opposed Havelange failed to come up with an alternative
history of the entity. Juca Kfouri, a Brazilian journalist and critic of the former
president confirms this account: “Until 1974 […] FIFA was an entity predominant-
ly focused on the interests of European football. […] it is undeniable that it was
the Brazilian [Havelange] who was responsible for the change, which trans-
formed FIFA into a transnational company.” Another journalist, Andrew Jen-
nings was even drier and sharper: “Goodbye Sir Stanley. Greetings to a new
time. 1974 was the watershed in FIFA’s history.” For Jennings and Kfouri, 1974
was the year that football was corrupted by excess money circulating through
FIFA. Although disenchanting, the universe created by the Brazilian was certain-
ly new. Capable of creating a world in the image and likeness of its creator, Ha-
velange’s election to the FIFA presidency was definitely a turning point.⁷
This underwhelming version of Havelange’s election began to be written less
than five days after the election in a letter where Stanley Rous could not conceal
his grudge: “As you may have seen on the news, black power, corruption, and
bribery took control over our congress.” In this private letter, Rous made no dis-

 Alan Tomlison, “FIFA and the men who made it,” Soccer & Society 1 (2000): 55, accessed June
13, 2022, doi: 10.1080/14660970008721248.
 Juca Kfouri, “Futebol, ouro e lama,” in Tempos vividos, sonhados e perdidos: um olhar sobre o
futebol, ed. Tostão (São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 2016), 183. Andrew Jennings, Jogo Sujo –
O Mundo Secreto da Fifa, (São Paulo: Panda Books, 2012).
6 Introduction

tinction between “black power” and “bribery and corruption.”⁸ Here, the history
of defeat is a story of the loss of a domain and is often told with a good deal of
romanticism, which obliterates both the Eurocentrism and racism that permeates
these narratives. “The world we have lost,” to quote a famous book title by his-
torian Peter Laslett, “was a pure one.”⁹ Therefore, that perception of a “world
turned upside down” was even able to affect the image of Rous itself. David
Goldblatt, for example, stated that:

President Stanley Rous was an anachronism in his own lifetime, exemplified by his unflag-
ging commitment to the notion of public service, his enduring affection for Olympian am-
ateurism, his antipathy to both the commercialism and politicization of football and his
missionary zeal for spreading the racial prejudices of his clerical counterparts.¹⁰

Indeed, many of the elements that Goldblatt characterizes as being “anachronic”

such as the commitment to public service or the antipathy to the politicization of
sport can also be found in many of Havelange’s political speeches. Moreover, it is
virtually impossible to find a text, letter or speech from Stanley Rous, where he
takes a stance openly against the commercialization of the sport. Rous was di-
rectly responsible for negotiating FIFA’s first major television contracts. In
1966, he negotiated directly with the BBC for the sale of the broadcasting rights
to the World Cup and in 1970 he went to Mexico to negotiate with Televisa. This
second contract fetched 5 million dollars, a relatively impressive amount at the
time. In 1973, Rous went to the Congress of the International Olympic Committee
and defended the commercialization of the sport before a conservative institu-
tion. Rous characterized the Olympic movement’s emphasis on the strict separa-
tion between sport and commercialization as “unrealistic” as well as “unrelated
to reality.” Nevertheless, the image of him as a relatively naïve and nostalgic ro-
mantic is what remained for history.¹¹
In a sense, Rous was partially responsible for how he came to be remem-
bered by history books. In his autobiography, Football Worlds, Rous referred to

 FIFA. Correspondance from Stanley Rous to Harry Banks (July 16, 1974). One letter. IOC Ar-
chives. COI DRM02.FOOTB005.
 Peter Laslett, El mundo que hemos perdido, explorado de nuevo (Alianza Editorial, 1983).
 David Goldblatt, The Ball is Round: a global history of football (Nova Iorque: Penguin UK,
2006), 517.
 Report Stanley Rous, attached to the Executive Committee Minutes – ExCo – Files (Guadala-
jara Meeting, 1968). “The international committee, the international federations and the Nation-
al Olympic Committees.” FIFA Archives. FIFA, “texts and speechs on football”. IOC Archives.
DRMFOOTB.022, 1973 – 1986. IOC Archives.
 Was 1974 a historical turning point in FIFA history? 7

himself as “the schoolmaster”¹² to state his dislike for political quarrels, as if he

wanted to be only a teacher. His self-perception turned out to be less crucial than
the political struggle within FIFA for establishing the limits of his legacy. Many of
the programs created by Stanley Rous were expanded and developed by Have-
lange. In 1963, meeting a direct demand from Third World countries, the “FIFA
Development Program” was created under the Rous presidency. In 1986, when
Rous passed away, FIFA News published an obituary in its monthly magazine.
There is no mention of the role Stanley Rous played in the creation of the Devel-
opment Programs, which at the time were Havelange’s main political platform.
The same obituary reduced Rous’s performance at the helm of FIFA to someone
concerned about standardizing laws and protecting them. Additionally, the writ-
er of the obituary informs the reader how Rous “will enter history”:

Sir Stanley Rous will enter the history of international football as a very great personality
whose first concern was the preservation and respect of the Laws of the Game, advocating
thus the fundamental basis, which is the source of joy and satisfaction of our sport asso-
ciation football.¹³

The more Havelange claimed to be the president of a new global and internation-
al FIFA, the more it became necessary for him to reduce Rous’s political influ-
ence. In 1998, FIFA Magazine published a collection of stories on the FIFA pres-
idents. The main purpose of the collection was to celebrate the Havelange’s
24 years in the top job at FIFA. The years between the presidency of Jules
Rimet and that of João Havelange are simply defined as “the pre-Havelange
era”. The magazine depicted Rous and Drewry as if they were preparing FIFA
for the arrival of something completely new. The portrayal of Rous reduced his
political action as head of FIFA to that of a referee. In this special edition,
there is even a photo of him refereeing a friendly between Italy and Hungary
in 1933. Even if much of Rous’s crucial support came from East Asia, North Amer-
ica and Oceania, he was described as being “backed mainly by European Asso-
ciations.”¹⁴ Once again, there is simply no mention of the creation of the Devel-
opment Programs under his presidency. Stanley Rous’s legacy was boiled down
to being referee and a European.
In official sources, Rous and Havelange are presented as symbols of different
eras in FIFA’s history. Whether 1974 was the year that changed everything in
FIFA’s history is a tempting question but should be sidestepped. In the last cen-

 Stanley Rous, Football worlds: A lifetime in sport (Londres: Faber & Faber, 1978).
 “Stanley Rous Obituary,” FIFA News, July 6, 1986.
 FIFA magazine, December, 1983.
8 Introduction

tury, historians have learned to distrust radical chronological frameworks, which

lead to abrupt ruptures. Marc Bloch called this temptation to seek an inaugural
moment the “fetishism of origins.” In his view, this methodological attitude hin-
ders the very work of the historian, which is to historicize and contextualize so-
cial phenomena, not to monumentalize dates and celebrate historical characters.
Bloch noted that the temptation to find an event inaugurating a new order was a
cliché of a brand of metaphysical history, present both in the theology of Chris-
tianity and in the foundation narratives of contemporary nation-states. “In pop-
ular usage, an origin is a beginning that explains. […] For most historical realities
the very notion of a starting-point remains singularly elusive.”¹⁵
Marc Bloch’s warning meant that for a long time historians scoured events in
the name of social processes. Interested in understanding social phenomena,
historical analysis should move away from the events perceived as exceptional
and toward medium and long-term social structures. More recently, however, so-
cial scientists have revived the study of the event. According to anthropologist
Marshall Sahlins, problem lies in the event- social process (or structure) duality.
Without abandoning the terms of the relationship, Sahlins shows how

An event becomes such as it is interpreted. Only as it is appropriated in and through the

cultural scheme does it acquire an historical significance. […] The event is a relation be-
tween a happening and the structure (or structures): an encompassment of the phenomen-
on in itself as a meaningful value…¹⁶

A practical example of the problems formulated by Sahlins can be seen in the

monograph written by Georges Duby, The Legend of Bouvines. In the nationalist
historical literature, Dimânche de Bouvines was thought of as one of the found-
ing events of the State of France. In this battle, the king of France, Philip Augus-
tus, defeated the coalition formed by the king of Germany, Otto, the Count of Fer-
rand of Flanders, and Count Renaud of Boulogne. The victory of Philip Augustus
was overwhelming: at night, there was no longer anybody in France who disput-
ed his power. The emperor had fled and the two rebellious counts had been ar-
rested. “The event that took place on the Sunday of July 27 was incontestably sig-
nificant,” Georges Duby wrote exaggeratedly, “It was the first “battle champel” a
king of France had dared wage in a century […] After Bouvines, nothing more can
stand in the way of the incredible expansion of the royal domain. (…) Bouvines

 Marc Bloch, Apologia da história ou O ofício de historiador (Rio de Janeiro: Jorge Zahar, 2001),
38.
 Marshall Sahlins, Ilhas da história (São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 1990), 12.
 Was 1974 a historical turning point in FIFA history? 9

fixed the destinies of all the European states for centuries to come.”¹⁷ From
Duby’s perspective, the event is a ritual. In historical events, a series of behaviors
and norms that would remain invisible, reveal themselves to what Duby calls
“the historian of latencies.” Here, the event is no longer “the origin that ex-
plains”, to take up the words of Marc Bloch, but the “observation post”, from
where the “sociology of war of the thirteenth century” takes place:

[…] I also think that it is precisely because it has a great resonance, because it is ‘magnified
by the impressions of witnesses, by the illusions of historians,’ because it is spoken of for a
long time, because its irruption raises a torrent of discourse, that the singular event has its
value […] Due to the very fact that it is exceptional, the event brings out, in the flood of
words that it releases, traces that without such investigation, would remain in the dark, un-
noticed, the most banal features that are rarely spoken of in everyday life and are never
written about. […] When it came to Bouvines, though, people started talking about it
that night and have never stopped since.¹⁸

Reinforced by institutions, events become categories themselves and are con-

stantly reassessed through political action. In the words of Michel de Certeau,
the event is what it becomes.¹⁹ Produced as a rule by the agents involved, histor-
ical documents are inscribed in power relations. Once again, it is because victo-
rious agents invest so many resources in spreading their own deeds that events
are propagated. Just like the Dimânche de Bouvines, the history of Havelange’s
election began to be written on the day he won his victory. Over the last
50 years, however, it has been told in different ways.
It takes a lot longer to produce an event than is usually assumed. The story
of Havelange’s election as told in the late 1970s was a far cry from later versions.
Shortly after being elected president of FIFA, Havelange began to spread the rep-
utation of his own achievement. What happened in 1974 did not seem to be new
by 1976. In most of Havelange’s interviews in the 1970s, he praised the FIFA or-
ganization. His term was not seen as a radical break, but rather more of the
same. In 1976, less than two years after taking over the organization, Havelange
stated

FIFA has millions of dollars. […] At FIFA, there are practically no administrative problems.
[…] FIFA knows four years ahead how much it will have to spend in the next four. The struc-

 Georges Duby, O domingo de Bouvines, 27 de julho de 1214 (Rio de Janeiro: Paz e Terra, 1993),
195.
 Duby, O domingo de Bouvines, 10 – 11.
 Michel de Certeau, La prise de parole. Et autres écrits politiques (POINTS, 1994).
10 Introduction

ture allows for planning in the medium and long term, with planned schedules. There is no
financial trouble. […] The only issue, therefore, is preparing budgets.²⁰

There is a stark contrast when comparing this excerpt with that from an inter-
view conducted in 2012, for the book João Havelange, o dirigente esportivo do sé-
culo XX:

When I arrived… Europe was the only region that had a voice. I must apologize for my lack
of modesty, but had I not made it to FIFA, today’s reality would be different. When I first
arrived there was barely USD 20 in hand. Until 1974, between one World Cup and another,
the Federation received loans from the European Football Union. After I arrived, the im-
provements were tremendous.²¹

The nature of the speech overlaps with the narrator’s social status. In the first
excerpt, Havelange was involved in the political struggle at FIFA. Thus, he was
speaking from within the entity, as a newly elected president, still trapped in
the political struggles that surrounded him. At that point, the future would be
the result of those struggles but by then only time could tell. In the second
case, the narrator’s position was different: by this point, Havelange was able
to make use of the past to his benefit as he knew what happened. After a trium-
phant career, he was able to cast himself in the leading role in the entity’s his-
tory. In this sense, 1974 was the natural setting.
The process of constructing FIFA’s historical record was led, as much as it
could be, by those who governed the institution. Aware of his social position,
Havelange stored a series of photographs, event invitations, documents and sep-
arate letters, diplomas, trophies, and newspaper clippings. Access to Havelang-
e’s personal file is now open for consultation at the COB (Brazilian Olympic Com-
mittee) Library. Even more important than Havelange’s personal collection, only
recently made available to the public, is the record showing just how prodigal he
was when it came to sponsoring books about his own career and that of FIFA.
There were two books on FIFA organized directly by Havelange, several fore-
words (including academic books) written by him, and five sponsored books di-
rectly linked to his person. As Havelange consolidated his power within FIFA, the
1974 election grew in importance. In the 1990s, Havelange gave successive inter-
views to newspapers and academics around the world, where he would almost
invariably repeat the story of how he transformed a family business into a multi-

 Interview with João Havelange ([1976]) in João Havelange: determinação e coragem, ed. Vival-
do Azevedo (Rio de Janeiro: Cia. Nacional, 1978).
 José Mário Pereira and Silvia Marta Vieira, João Havelange, o dirigente esportivo do século
XX, (Rio de Janeiro: Casa da Palavra, 2010).
 Was 1974 a historical turning point in FIFA history? 11

national thanks to his own managerial skills. In the last decade of his life, Ha-
velange rarely declined an interview, spreading his own version of history exten-
sively in the media. Finally, it should be noted that the second half of the 1990s
marks the substantive increase in the publication of academic production on
sports, particularly on sports institutions. Considering the power of Havelange’s
FIFA, it was easy and seductive to draw a straight line between the success of the
1994 and 1998 World Cups and the 1974 election of Havelange.²²
The proof that Havelange cared and was aware of his historical legacy is the
public fight between him and his own biographer, journalist Ernesto Rodrigues.
Rodrigues is a well-known figure in Brazil and wrote a biography of Ayrton
Senna, which has enjoyed months on the best-seller list. He has worked in the
country’s main media outlets, like the weekly magazine Veja and Rede Globo
de Televisão. Rodrigues decided to write a biography of Havelange. He conducted
over 30 hours of recorded interviews in Brazil with Havelange, alone. Once the
biography was complete, Havelange was unhappy with what had been writ-
ten. This led Havelange even to threaten to sue Rodrigues, which never hap-
pened. Rodrigues filmed the conversations and arguments he had with Have-
lange, and produced a movie called Conversa com JH (Writer’s Block). The
movie shows how the disputes between the two were fierce, with Havelange
even scratching pages of Rodrigues’ biography before the author.
Joseph Blatter, Havelange’s political heir, followed in his footsteps when it
came to investing in the institution’s history. Inspired by his predecessor, Blatter
inaugurated a FIFA headquarters in 2007 and launched a book, The Home of
FIFA, dedicated to the building’s modernist architecture. On each occasion
where Joseph Blatter celebrated the “Havelange era,” he also celebrated himself.
In political terms, there was a patent continuity between the two administra-
tions. In 2014, FIFA sponsored United Passions, a film that recreates the institu-
tion’s history and whose budget was $17 million. The film was released right after
the arrests of FIFA officials by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI). It was a
box office failure. Jules Rimet, João Havelange, and Joseph Blatter – played by

 Havelange wrote the foreword for Tessema, FIFA, Zurich, self-published, 1996 and also for
Gyorg Syzpesi FIFA: die story Untere ein Ungarischen spiegel. FIFA, Zurich, 1981. Both were mem-
bers of the FIFA Executive Committee Havelange wrote d the back cover of Tomlison e Sugden,
FIFA and the contest for World Football, op.cit. Those books, as it follows were published to
honor Havelange carreer. João Havelange: determinação e coragem, 1978, Jovem Havelange: a
FIFA no Terceiro Milênio, 1998; João Havelange, o dirigente esportivo do século XXI, 2012, and
Jogo Duro: a história de João Havelange, by Ernesto Rodrigues. Also, Fédération internationale
de Football Association, 1904– 1984. Zurich: self-published, 1984; 90 years of FIFA – 20 years
of FIFA Presidency. Zurich: FIFA, 1994.
12 Introduction

Gérard Depardieu, Sam Neil, and Tim Roth, respectively – are the three main
characters, with a quick mention of Stanley Rous. Blatter and Havelange’s
high-level investments in the “framing” of their and FIFA’s history are notewor-
thy.²³ Here, it should be kept in mind that the writing processes of history are
inseparable from political struggle. Therefore, the right to tell FIFA’s institutional
history is partly a product and the result of the political struggles that have shap-
ed the organization over the last century.²⁴
In this sense, analyzing the books sponsored by Havelange may help to trace
how the perception of his election has changed over time. Havelange sponsored
at least five books about himself. The common thread running through almost all
of them is that the author’s name does not appear on the front cover, but rather
on the back cover, and sometimes only discreetly. The first book was released
less than four years after he was elected. João Havelange: determinação e cora-
gem (João Havelange: Determination and courage) was published by Brazilian
National Press and edited by Vivaldo Coaracy. Havelange threw a large party
to celebrate the release at the Association of Sports Writers of the State of Rio
de Janeiro (Associação dos Cronistas Esportivos do Estado do Rio de Janeiro).
Coaracy was a personal friend of Havelange. Between 1969 and 1974, he was re-
sponsible for publishing the Bulletin of the Brazilian Sports Confederation (Bo-
letim da CBD). It was a means through which Havelange could spread his own
ideas to the general public. Coaracy was the first writer to tell the story of Have-
lange’s campaign for the FIFA presidency. The book outlines Havelange’s life,
from “childhood in Cosme Velho” to “the victory day.” Coaracy narrates how Ha-
velange cleared the highest hurdles to reach that fateful day in Frankfurt. In
Coaracy’s book, the Havelage’s election is described as a “Brazilian Odyssey.”
In this “Brazilian Odyssey,” the space of Havelange’s political action is that of
the Brazilian nation-state. This book draws a clear line between Havelange’s
project and the Brazilian elite. His victory is the victory of a particular national
project: the project of the “Brazilian miracle.” From 1969 to 1973, Brazil’s econ-
omy grew at a rate of 10 percent a year. This period was also marked by an in-
crease in civilian opposition to the military government in Brazil. The regime
cracked down with more violence, imprisoning and torturing hundreds of oppo-
nents. Keep in mind that this repression relied on the aid and support of a sig-

 “Framing memory” is an expression by historian Michael Pollack. Michael Pollack, “Memó-

ria, esquecimento e silêncio,” Estudos Históricos 2 (1989): 3, accessed July 13, 2022, https://bib
liotecadigital.fgv.br/ojs/index.php/reh/article/view/2278.
 The home of FIFA (Zurich: FIFA, self-published, 2007). Pierre Lanfranchi et al., 100 years of
Football: The FIFA Centennial Book (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolosn, 2004).
 Was 1974 a historical turning point in FIFA history? 13

nificant part of the business community. Havelange was seen and perceived as
part of that group.
The main point for Coaracy is that Havelange’s individual success was the
material evidence of the collective triumph of a given political elite ruling Brazil
at the time. Ex-President Medici’s quotes, spread throughout the book, show the
connection between Havelange’s victory and the government at the time. Coara-
cy also recalls the “Mascate” Award given to Havelange by the National Confed-
eration of Trade (CNC) in 1970. On that occasion, Havelange was described as the
prodigal son of the Brazilian elite. “Who better than Havelange to sell the image
of Brazil abroad?” In a simple equation, it is almost as if Brazil’s victories on the
soccer field represented those of the Brazilian “people” while Havelange’s action
abroad symbolized the success of the project carried out by the political elite. In
the words of Vargas Netto, Havelange was the “Blond Pelé.”²⁵

A man who captured his efforts and anguish, who suffered from solidarity, but always
hoped for, always dreamed of, absorbed the blows like those veteran fighters who are al-
ways recovering. This man is João Havelange… Just as Pelé rolled that ball to Jair and
the other to Carlos Alberto and waited for the explosion, the CBD President rolled out an
errand for Captain Coutinho and a duty for Brigadier Jeronymo, both men he trusted and
rolled out another for Zagalo […] Like Pelé he was playing for the team. […] Pelé became
blond. Still, he was Pelé.²⁶

This story continues eight years later. In 1984, on the ten-year anniversary of Ha-
velange’s election, another book came out: FIFA, 1904 – 1984. It is worth observ-
ing that FIFA had not produced an official book since late the 1920s. In the 1950s
the Executive Committee even considered a commemorative book to mark the in-
stitution’s fiftieth anniversary. Entitled the Golden Book of FIFA, a line item was
included in the organization’s budget to finance it but in the end, the idea was
snuffed out due to lack of funding. The impact of this type of literature should
not be neglected. It presents a rare opportunity for the FIFA community to spread

 Bernardo Buarque de Hollanda journalists like Vargas Netto as “cronistas-cartolas”. Cartola

(Top Hat) in an expression that means “sporting director”. Vargas Netto was at the same time
sports directors and a journalists. It is worth mentioning that Vargas Netto was the nephew
of Getúlio Vargas, and son of Minister Viriato Dorneles Vargas. He presided over nearly a decade
of the Metropolitan Football Federation (FMF), as well as being a member of the National Sports
Council (CND) and vice president of the Brazilian Olympic Committee (COB) for a decade. Ber-
nardo Borges Buarque de Hollanda, “O cor-de-rosa: ascensão, hegemonia e queda do Jornal dos
Sports entre 1930 e 1980,” in O esporte na imprensa e a imprensa esportiva no Brasil, ed. Bernar-
do Borges Buarque de Hollanda and Victor Andrade de Melo (Rio de Janeiro: 7 Letras, 2012),
94– 95.
 “Um Pelé Louro,” Boletim da CBD, August, 1970.
14 Introduction

its own ideas in press and academic circles. In FIFA, 1904 – 1984, the authors em-
phasized the beginnings of FIFA and the organization’s rapid transformation in
the 1970s. Havelange’s legacy was inked in the signing of the contract with Coca-
Cola (in 1978) and the foundation of the organization’s technical development
programs. Throughout the publication, Havelange appears in pictures playing
football on the African continent. Like Rous’s obituary, there is no mention of
creating those development programs during his presidency. They are Havelang-
e’s trademark. Nevertheless, the mentions of his victory against Rous as a found-
ing event remain timid in this publication. Those who read it have the feeling
that FIFA is going through significant yet gradual changes.²⁷
Havelange extended an invitation to edit that book to three authors: Gunther
Furrer, Joseph Blatter and Paulo Godoy. Gunther Furrer had been hired by FIFA in
the late 1970s after a brief career as editor of the Neue Zurich Zeitung. One can’t
say much about Furrer’s participation in the book, however that of Paulo Godoy
and Joseph Blatter is certainly strategic. Godoy was one of the editors of the
Comércio e Mercado magazine, sponsored by the National Confederation of
Trade (CNC) Between 1971 and1975, Godoy was also executive secretary of the
CNC. In 1970, this same body awarded Havelange with the “Mascate” award
Godoy and Havelange were childhood friends. Although they had attended the
same school, the Liceu Francês in Laranjeiras, at different times. Additionally,
they participated in the Fluminense Futebol Clube where they would deepen
their friendship. Alongside Abílio de Almeida (who later became a member of
the FIFA Executive Committee) and João Lyra Filho, Godoy was one of the
three key advocates for electing Havelange, who organized most of the cam-
paign.

[…] I was the ghost writer and a confidant. The person with whom he could tell the stories.
[…] In my life, I had always been the “secretary.” The word secretary is has embedded with
the concept of secret. A discrete fellow. Someone who can die, but does not tell anyone any-
thing.²⁸

According to Godoy, Havelange had invited him to be the secretary general of the
organization. In fact, Godoy was at FIFA in October 1974, as seen in the corre-
spondence between the Brazilian Sports Confederation and Helmut Käser. In a
cordial and brief letter, Godoy praised Käser’s reception at FIFA House. Almost

 In 1929, Carl William Hirschman published the Fédération Internationale de Football Associ-
ation, 1904 – 1929. Amsterdam: J. H. de Bussy, 1929. For the information about the Golden Book of
FIFA, check “Activity report addressed by the secretary-general to 1954 Congress”.
 Interview with Paulo Godoy (2004– 2005).
 Was 1974 a historical turning point in FIFA history? 15

forty years later, Godoy reconstituted the plot almost, explaining the reasons for
his refusal:

[…] I would not be your friend if I accepted such a role. I am at your disposal … but FIFA
secretary? … if I arrived there, a stranger, a native of Latin America […] I would not be your
friend if I accepted that. […] You shouldn’t make any staff changes until you get to know the
mechanism, the bureaucracy, that kind of thing, and get your administrative program up
and running,. […] When it comes to money, Europeans are unpredictable.²⁹

Replacing the secretary-general is not an easy task, and it is not up to the pres-
idency, as Paulo Godoy’s statement seemed to imply. Replacing the Secretary-
General requires that a person be nominated and later chosen by the Executive
Committee. In this sense, Blatter’s presence in the book is complementary to that
of Godoy. Unlike his predecessors, Helmut Käser and Kurt Gassmann, Blatter was
not a lawyer. With an undergraduate degree in economics and a background in
sales and marketing, he started a promising career at the Longines watch com-
pany when he decided to quit in 1975, motivated by an invitation to work on the
FIFA Development Committee. Certainly the Development Committee grew in im-
portance with the rise of Havelange. Blatter’s business profile caught Havelang-
e’s attention, who wanted him as secretary general. In order for Käser to be re-
placed, it would be necessary to secure a political agreement with the Executive
Committee. Havelange’s power base was still fragile: the tension with Europe
had not been completely settled. First, Havelange invited Hermann Neurberger
(from the DFB, Germany) to join the World Cup Organizing Committee. Have-
lange then asked Neurberger to nominate Blatter as a candidate. Once he had
the German nomination, he was finally accepted by the Committee. Over the
next seventeen years, Blatter was FIFA Secretary-General.³⁰
In light of the institutional weakness, alluding to 1974 as a dramatic break
would be a risk. Ten years later, however, this might have been a possibility. Be-
fore the United States World Cup, FIFA would publish another book about its
own history: FIFA, the 90 Years. As fate would have it, FIFA’s 90th anniversary
happened to coincide with the twentieth anniversary of Havelange’s election. In
this book, the authors’ names do not even appear on the back cover. On the front
cover, there is just a photo of Havelange. His image is enmeshed with that of the
institution. In Blatter’s own words, Havelange is a “monument of FIFA.”³¹ His

 Interview with Paulo Godoy (2004– 2005).

 Ernesto Carneiro Rodrigues, Jogo duro: a história de João Havelange (Rio de Janeiro: Record,
2007).
 Ernesto Carneiro Rodrigues, Jogo duro: a história de João Havelange (Rio de Janeiro: Record,
2007).
16 Introduction

name is mentioned alongside Jules Rimet, the architect of the World Cup, as one
of the living symbols of the institution. Guillermo Cañedo, president of the Mex-
ican Football Federation, wrote the foreword. Cañedo was an old ally of Have-
lange and one of the creators of his campaign for the FIFA presidency. In Cañe-
do’s words:

Over the past twenty years, what was once a conservative football administration has bur-
geoned into a dynamic sports institution. Backed by [sic] partnership with television, the
world’s major sport has evolved into an economic, social and even political force. New
competitions have been devised and development programs for the less privileged associ-
ations created. […] All this has only been possible because a dynamic President in the per-
son of João Havelange has been at the helm of FIFA.³²

With these books, the so-called official history of FIFA was put into a nutshell: a
narrow, conservative European entity transformed into a global force by Have-
lange. The place reserved for the 1994 World Cup in this history is certainly spe-
cial since the soccer world held the United States was as the “final frontier” for
FIFA. “American exceptionalism” manifested itself in sports and popular culture
as Americans deliberately refusing to practice “European” football. This image
was so widespread that FIFA officials saw themselves to be missionaries, con-
verting the last skeptics to the world of football. Once the US was conquered,
football or soccer could finally become global. Moreover, the ties between the
sport and the entertainment industries were much more conspicuous in the
USA than in the rest of the world by 1994. The relationship between television
and sport in the USA was unmatched, even by Europe. Therefore, to hold a
World Cup in the United States meant to unify the two trademarks by which Ha-
velange’s legacy will be presented: the global and the commercial one. At odds
with the “traditionalists” and always teaming up with the “Third World”, the
1994 World Cup is presented as an exclusive product of the president’s willpow-
er. As FIFA, the 90 Years book claimed, USA was his “legacy to football”.³³

America – in the broadest sense – stands as a symbol for Havelange and his era at the helm
of FIFA. Havelange, whose family emigrated from Belgium to Brazil to build a new life, em-
bodies both continents in one person. […] His tireless initiative mobilized the Third World to

 Guillermo Canedo, foreword to 90 years of FIFA. 20 years of FIFA Presidency Joao Havelange,
by Fédération Internationale de Football Association (Zürich: FIFA, 1994) 9.
 For the american context: Nicholas Kiooussis, “Exceptions and exceptionalism. The United
States Soccer Football Association in a Global Context, 1950 – 1974” (Master’s thesis., Kinesiology
and Health Education, The University of Texas at Austin, 2015). For the World Cup of 1994: Josh-
ua Nadel, “Cup of welcome? Media, marketing, Latinos and the 1994 World Cup,” Political Sci-
ence (2014): accessed July 13, 2022, doi: 10.5771/9783835326064-298.
 Was 1974 a historical turning point in FIFA history? 17

support him and refute the sceptics in traditional football countries who once scorned his
ideas. USA ‘94 will be his World Cup, his legacy to football, which he has already steered
into the next millennium with his creative imagination and modern ideas.³⁴

Havelange’s final act came four years later. In 1998, twenty-four years after that
fateful day in Frankfurt, Havelange decided to retire from FIFA. Joseph Blatter
succeeded him, elected thanks to the support of his predecessor. That year,
the Paulista Football Federation (FPF) sponsored the last book about the Brazil-
ian leader, Jovem Havelange – A FIFA no Terceiro Milénio (Young Havelange: FIFA
in the Third Millennium). Everything suggests that Ermírio de Morais hatched the
idea. Morais wrote the foreword. He had also been president of the FPF itself and
was a prominent figure in the Brazilian cement industry (Votorantim group). To-
gether with Sílvio Pacheco and Havelange himself, he was chosen to be one of
the Brazilian delegates to the Frankfurt Congress in 1974. His name appears in
the proceedings, but a family problem kept him from participating. Produced
in Brazil, the book was published in several languages (Arabic, Mandarin, Por-
tuguese, Korean, English, Spanish, French, and German). The book itself does
not contain much new information when compared to the one published in
1994. The date, 1974, was still upheld as the year of the founding event in the his-
tory of FIFA. The noteworthy feature of this book is that like Coaracy’s 1978 book,
this publication was also sponsored by the Brazilian business community. Curi-
ously, though, unlike the 1978 publication, the reference Havelange’s alliance
with the military dictatorship disappeared completely. Médici, the military pres-
ident who supported Havelange in 1974, is simply not mentioned in this most re-
cent book. Havelange’s triumph in Frankfurt appeared not as a part of a collec-
tive effort, but as someone who triumphed thanks to his own willpower and
personal merit. At a time when Brazil’s democratic institutions grew stronger,
it was probably better for the Brazilian business community to keep silent
about this inconvenient past.³⁵
In 2012, the last book of tributes would be published: João Havelange, o di-
rigente esportivo do século XX (João Havelange: the great 20th century sports ad-
ministrator). Sponsored by the Brazilian Olympic Committee (COB) in a bilingual
luxury edition (French and Portuguese), this book is part of the so-called “sports
decade” in Brazil. Photos and a long interview, interspersed with interruptions
by the authors rehash Havelange’s story. It seemed like a good idea to revive

 Fédération Internationale de Football Association, 90 years of FIFA. 20 years of FIFA Presi-

dency Joao Havelange (Zürich: FIFA, 1994), 68 – 69.
 Federação Paulista de Futebol, Jovem Havelange: a FIFA no Terceiro Milênio (São Paulo: FPF,
1998).
18 Introduction

the history of his term as head of FIFA in the lead-up to Brazil’s hosting of the
World Cup and the Rio de Janeiro Olympic Games.
In a sense, Havelange’s early political project anticipated Brazil’s sports di-
plomacy through mega-events, as well as its BRICS diplomacy. Along with Lula
and Paulo Coelho, Havelange was one of the main advocates to promote Brazil at
the Congress of the International Olympic Committee to clinch the bid for Rio de
Janeiro to host the 2016 Summer Olympic Games. His power was still great with-
in the entity. Here, the last book ends with Havelange’s famous speech at the
IOC, where he promised to be alive in 2016 to celebrate his 100th birthday with
a large banquet at the Rio de Janeiro Olympic Games.
It seemed like a perfect storyline. But, of course, Havelange was not count-
ing on the political crisis that took root in Brazil, especially from 2013 onward.
That is when the challenges to his memory and his legacy started. In Rio de Ja-
neiro, discussions about the name of the Rio de Janeiro Olympic Stadium, which
had been named after him in 2007 became an issue. After a debate in the City
Council of Rio de Janeiro, the stadium earned a new namesake, Nilton Santos,
world champion in 1958 and 1963, former left back of the Brazilian National
team. At the international level, Havelange resigned from his permanent position
as a member of the International Olympic Committee and as FIFA’s honorary
president after being engulfed in bribery scandals involving the now-defunct In-
ternational Sport and Leisure (ISL) sports marketing company. João Havelange
and Ricardo Teixeira had been accused of receiving kickbacks on the contracts
between ISL and FIFA. The convictions of Havelange and Teixeira were followed
by the imprisonment of CONCACAF and CONMEBOL leaders by the US courts,
which ultimately led to Joseph Blatter’s resignation.
In February 2016, Gianni Infantino would become the ninth chairman of
FIFA. Less than six months later, Havelange passed away amidst the celebration
of the Olympic Games. He was fully aware of his actions, although since 2012 he
was no longer fit to swim his usual two thousand meters. The press coverage was
reserved. Some obituaries were scattered around the main newspapers in the
country. The Fluminense Futebol Clube declared official mourning. A seventh-
day Requiem Mass was celebrated at the Brazilian Football Confederation
(CBF). FIFA lamented his death on its website, and nothing more. For a historian,
now looks like the appropriate time to get back to where everything started.
 Football and Latin America’s Cold War: a state of the play 19

Football and Latin America’s Cold War: a state of the play

Football politics itself was long considered safe from the elements of Cold War
politics.³⁶ Even if many historians had conducted in-depth studies on the rela-
tions between the Cold War and sports politics, football and FIFA politics were
rarely considered a focal point of analysis. Of the sixteen articles in the book
edited by Stephen Wagg and David L. Andrews, Sports and Cold War (2007),
only one mentioned football directly.³⁷ Since the United States had no interest
in soccer, it was hard to connect the world’s most popular sport to the dynamics
of the conflict. Nevertheless, the history of Cold War “is not what it once was”
and football’s role in it must also be reevaluated.³⁸
As Odd Arne Westad pointed out, the debates on Cold War History centered
excessively on the origins of the conflict. As is well-known, US-Soviet Union rival-
ry began during the post-war settlement of Europe (1945 – 1956), and only after
that spread to Asia and the Middle East, then to Latin America, and finally to
Africa. Therefore, by focusing on the origins of the conflict, historians also
tend to adopt a Euro-American perspective. As Odd Westad argues, the Cold
War should not be viewed simply as a conflict between two “national states”
or superpowers but rather as a historical moment of circulating a series of ideol-
ogies that shaped the most distinctive spaces of social life. Over the last decade,
and especially after the publication of Westad’s Global Cold War (2005), it is pos-
sible to observe an inflection point in these main narratives of the Cold War. This
shift not only broadened the chronological period analyzed, but it also changed
the way historians approach the Cold War itself.³⁹
Like football, Latin American history has often been absent from historical
narratives about the Cold War. Even when it was evoked, historians tended to
perceive it as a footnote that merely mirrored US internal politics and tensions.
In general, Latin America’s own conflicts were perceived as a mere reflex of the

 Robert Elderman, “The Football of Europe in the Early Cold War” (paper presented at Soccer
as a Global Phenomenon, Harvard University. April 2016.) See also, Robert Elderman and Chris-
topher Young, The Whole World Was Watching: Sport in the Cold War (Stanford University Press,
2019).
 Sports and Cold War (London: Routledge, 2007). See also: H.L. Ditcher and A. L. Jonhs, Dip-
lomatic Games: Sport, Statecraft, and International Relations Since 1945 (University Press of Ken-
tucky, 2014).
 Odd Wetad. “Three possible paradigms for Cold War History,” Diplomatic History, 24
(2000): 4.
 Tanya Harmer, Allende’s Chile and the Inter-American cold war (North Carolina, University of
North Carolina Press, 2011).
20 Introduction

US, thus substantially diminishing LATAM’s role in international dynamics.⁴⁰

Here, the challenge is not only to understand how Cold War politics affected
Latin American history but also to grasp how Latin American history shaped
the international dynamics of Cold War.⁴¹
The work of Tanya Harmer on Allende’s Chile and the Inter-American Cold-
War could be seen as an example of a new trend in the relationship between
Latin America history and the Cold War. Tanya Harmer argues that Pinochet’s
coup d‘état was much more a part of an inter-American Cold War to determine
the future of the continent. Much more the result of a regional contest between
Cuba, Chile, the United States, and Brazil than by an international struggle be-
tween soviets and Americans. Recently, Gianfranco Caterina demonstrated the
inadequacy of the concept of bipolarism for understanding Brazil-Soviet rela-
tions, by showing that the anticommunist sentiment in Brazil has much more
to do with the Cuban Revolution than a fear of the Soviet Union itself.⁴²
One can gain an alternative view of the role of Latin American history in the
Cold War by looking at what Gilbert Joseph called “contact zones.”⁴³ According
to Joseph, one of the main issues in writing the history of Latin America’s Cold
War was an excessive reassessment in terms of the imperatives of economic pol-
icy and state-nation politicism which often marginalized human subjects and ig-
nored their political agency. As Joseph states, we must bear in mind that “power
does not flow from the policies and the intervention of states; it also works
through language and symbolic systems that manifests itself in identities and ev-
eryday practices”.⁴⁴
Modern societies, sports and international games are privileged zones for
cultural creativity that permit the articulation of languages and practices that

 Vanni Pettinà and José Antonio Sánchez Román, “Beyond US hegemony: the shaping of the
Cold War in Latin America,” Culture & History Digital Journal 4.1 (2015): 1. Aldo Marchesi, “Es-
cribiendo la Guerra Fría latinoamericana: entre el ‘Sur local’ y el ‘Norte global’,” Estudos Históri-
cos 30 (2017): 187.
 Matthew Brown, “The Global History of Latin America,” Journal of Global History, 10 (2015):
365. doi: 10.1017/S1740022815000182.
 Harmer, Tanya Harmer, Allende’s Chile and the Inter-American cold war (North Carolina, Uni-
versity of North Carolina Press, 2011). Gianfranco Caterina, “Um grande oceano: Brasil e União
Soviética atravessando a Guerra Fria (1947– 1985)” (PhD diss., FGV/CPDOC, 2019).
 Gilbert M. Josep, “What we now know and should know: bringing Latin America more mean-
ingfully into Cold War studies,” in In from the Cold, ed. Gilbert M. Josep (Duke University Press,
2008).
 Josep, “What we now know and should know,” p. 9.
 Football and Latin America’s Cold War: a state of the play 21

can challenge official and public discourses.⁴⁵ João Havelange’s triumph at FIFA
is an example of Joseph’s contact zones. Havelange’s election is seen by the lit-
erature as a result of the general crisis that affected FIFA in the sixties as many
authors have emphasized the role of international issues inside the organization:
the re-affiliation of China, apartheid in South Africa, decolonization, deep-root-
ed competition between South America and Europe etc. It is possible to consider
that this is a correct yet incomplete explanation since it neither seriously consid-
ers the connections built by Havelange, nor the many new arrangements estab-
lished in Latin America let alone the history of Brazil itself.
When I started to write this book back in 2015, Andrew Kirkendall wrote an
essay reviewing the state of the field of Cold War Latin America, where he noted
that the literature on sports was scarce. He further predicted: “that soon good
work will be done on sports and the Cold War in Latin America.”⁴⁶ As pointed
out by Heather Ditcher, the field of sports as diplomacy has grown substantially
in recent years leading to a diplomatic turn in the studies on sports.⁴⁷ This turn
especially impacted studies focused on the relationship between sports and the
Cold War. Vonnard and Quin note that the dominant literature on this relation-
ship followed a model that limits sports to the political instrument of the State.⁴⁸
One of the indirect effects of this model is that it neglects the role of feelings in
international relations, a field on the rise in recent years. National sentiments
and stereotypes have an impact on political decision-making, and therefore
ought to be included in the analysis of these relations. The effect that reducing
sports to a political tool has is that of overestimating the rationality and inten-
tion of political actors, in addition to bolstering a view of international relations
focused on the State.⁴⁹

 Eduardo P. Archetti, Masculinities: Football, Polo and the Tango in Argentina (Oxford, Oxford
University Press, 1999).
 Andrew J. Kirkendall, “Cold War Latin America: the state of the field,” H-Diplo essay 119
(2014): 1.
 Heather L. Dichter, “The diplomatic turn: The new relationship between sport and poli-
tics” The International Journal of the History of Sport 38 (2021): 247. J. Simon Rofe, “Sport and
diplomacy: A global diplomacy framework,” Diplomacy & statecraft 27 (2016): 212.
 Philippe Vonnard, Nicola Sbetti, and Grégory Quin, “Divided but not disconnected: studying
a new paradigm for a history of sport during Cold War,” in Beyond Boycotts: Sport during the
Cold War in Europe, ed. Philippe Vonnard, Nicola Sbetti, and Grégory Quin, v. 1 (Walter de Gruyt-
er GmbH & Co KG, 2017).
 Barbara Keys, “Henry Kissinger: the emotional statesman,” Diplomatic History 35.4 (2011):
587. doi: 10.1111/j.1467-7709.2011.00968.x. Barbara Keys, “Senses and Emotions in the History
of Sport,” Journal of Sport History, 40 (2013): 21.
22 Introduction

In this context, it would be interesting to return to a seed planted by Sarah

Snyder, can historians of international relations look at fans, players and coach-
ing staff as diplomatic actors? Is it possible to speak of soccer as its own type of
diplomacy? Peter Beck’s methodological distinction between soccer diplomacy
and soccer-as-diplomacy could be useful here. The former, soccer diplomacy, fo-
cuses on how nation states use sport. The latter, soccer-as-diplomacy considers
the actors involved in the field of sports—clubs, fans, managers, international
sports federations—in creating a diplomacy with a power of its own. “While soc-
cer diplomacy is a relatively well-known area, soccer-as-diplomacy is still an
emerging concept.”⁵⁰
This book is part of this “emerging area,” given its consideration of the
stakeholders in the sports field as diplomatic actors. The impact of this growing
trend on the international stage has barely been felt in Latin America, at least so
far. One reason for this, is the inequality in terms of conditions for research: the
barriers to access to European and North American archives, for example, as a
result of the soaring value of the US-dollar and the euro against South American
currencies.. It comes as no surprise that the main studies in this perspective are
those by Clement Astruc on the internationalization of Brazilian soccer in the
post-war era, Axel Elias Jimenez on Mexico’s international projection in the
1960s, and Brenda Elsey on the emergence of the concept of pan-Americanism,
researchers from, no less, France, the United Kingdom and the United States, re-
spectively.⁵¹ This is why most of the studies produced in South America are lim-
ited by the borders of their own countries.⁵² As a result, the literature produced
in Latin America on this topic overwhelmingly tends to overestimate the role of
the State.
This perspective needs to be broader to better understand Latin America’s
precise role in building up an international sporting order. Phillipe Vonnard

 Sarah B. Snynder, “Playing on the same team: what international and sport historians can
learn from each other,” in Soccer diplomacy: international relations and football since 1914, ed.
Heather Ditchter (Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky, 2020).
 Clément Astruc, “Beyond the Maracanazo: The World Cup, diplomacy and the international
exposure of Brazilian football in 1950,” Soccer & Society 21.8 (2020): 861. doi: 10.1080/
14660970.2020.1793622. ELSEY, Brenda Elsey, “Cultural Ambassadorship and the Pan-American
Games of the 1950s,” The International Journal of the History of Sport 33 (2016): 105. Elías Jimé-
nez, “The 1968 Olympic Games: Conflicting Forms of Citizenship and Nation Building in Mexico
City,” Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 38.1 (2022): 86. doi: 10.1525/msem.2022.38.1.86. Elías
Jiménez, Mexico City’s Olympic Games: Citizenship and Nation Building, 1963-1968 (Springer In-
ternational Publishing, 2021).
 Lívia Gonçalves Magalhães, Ditadura e futebol: O Brasil e a Copa do Mundo de 1970 Polhis 5
(2012).
 Football and Latin America’s Cold War: a state of the play 23

and Gregory Quin showed how South American soccer was used as a benchmark
and model for creating UEFA. In the post-war era, FIFA practically depended on
CONMEBOL for survival, and the European confederation model is squarely in-
spired on the South American regional model. Not only did Europeans at the
time admire the South American practice of soccer, but also their management
model. Along these lines Sotomayor and Torres organized collections on Latin
America’s role in globalizing the concept of Olimpismo, or the Olympic Move-
ment in LATAM.⁵³ They show how, at least in the field of sports, Latin America
was far from being a passive agent in the international arena and decisively con-
tributed to building a international sports order.
The rise of João Havelange to the FIFA presidency was one of the decisive
moments that brings the issues mentioned above to the fore. Havelange’s elec-
tion precisely coincided with a wave of euphoria spreading overBrazil. The coun-
try’s annual GNP was a robust 10 % and optimism prevailed in Brazilian cities; it
was the so-called Brazilian Miracle. Many economic analysts thought Brazil was
the rising economic power of the seventies. In their view it seemed that between
1969 and 1974 Brazil had found a safe road to becoming a first world country.
Those years are also considered to the harshest times in the Brazilian military
regime since the government started to invest heavily in a more repressive appa-
ratus, torture became a common practice, and many civil rights were abolished.
Therefore, the study of Havelange’s election also must be seen as a contribu-
tion to the history of that period. Havelange was sponsored by the Brazilian gov-
ernment and also by important segments of Brazilian civil society. The networks
built by him and his connections within the Brazilian nation-state are the focal
points of this study. In terms of foreign policy, together with Cuba, Brazil was the
only Latin American country to estabilsh a foreign policy specifically for Africa.
Brazil’s diplomacy expanded to Africa at the same time that Havelange searched
for allies in the different countries of the continent. Finally, Havelange‘s triumph
is an example of the role ideology played during the Cold War. Between 1971 and
1974, Havelange’s campaign tried to sell the image of Brazil as a country that
should be presented as a development model, an effective third way (neither so-
cialist nor capitalist) to achieve economic growth. In fact, just as Havelange had
tried to publicize, Brazil’s success on the football field mirrored its economic
success.
This research got started in 2015 and represents four years of work consult-
ing eleven archives: Biblioteca Nacional do Brasil (National Library of Brazil),

 Antonio Sotomayor and César R. Torres, Olimpismo: The Olympic Movement in the Making of
Latin America and the Caribbean (University of Arkansas Press, 2020).
24 Introduction

Brazilian Olympic Committee Library, Walther Salles Archive, International

Olympic Committee Archive, FIFA Institutional Archives, FIFA Library, Royal So-
ciety Archives, National Archives (London, United Kingdom), National Football
Museum (Preston, UK), and Itamaraty Historical Archive (Rio de Janeiro and Bra-
sília). At each of these archives, attempts were made to collect sources of a dif-
ferent nature so that the history of the 1974 FIFA election could be reconstructed
as best possible. Of course, these journalistic narratives are also part of this the-
sis, but they are confronted with sources of a different nature, such as diplomatic
sources, personal correspondence, institutional material from the football feder-
ations, iconographic sources, among others.
In addition to the written sources, it is worth highlighting the importance of
some interviews conducted by the researcher for this book. The researcher per-
sonally interviewed João Havelange himself in 2011, Iuri Kler, Havelange’s repre-
sentative in Moscow, Antônio Carlos de Almeida Braga, a personal friend of
Havelange, Reinaldo da Gama, son of businessman José da Gama, and Bellini
Cunha, who collaborated with the entrepreneurial campaign for the 1970
World Cup. In addition to these people, it is worth mentioning the use of inter-
views with Havelange by other researchers. At the Brazilian Football Museum,
the interview with Havelange conducted by Carlos Eduardo Sarmento, Bernardo
Borges Buarque de Hollanda and Daniela Alfonsi is available for public consul-
tation. Many of these interviews used in the course of the book were conducted
by Ernesto Rodrigues, who wrote a biography of João Havelange in 2009. Many
characters interviewed by Ernesto had already passed away. The possibility of
listening to the interviews was essential to elaborate and build a more complex
picture of the 1974 FIFA presidential election.

Structure of the book

To tell the story of Havelange’s election to the FIFA presidency, we decided to di-
vide the book into five chapters.
Chapter one, English stifness, covers FIFA’s history and historiography in the
international context of the 1960s. The paradox is that, although FIFA’s general
principles are upheld as being unchangeable and universal rules in the context
of the institution, they are subject to the disputes of political agents. One of
FIFA’s main points of disagreement in the 1960s revolved around the legal equal-
ity of new members, that is, whether new national associations should have the
same political weight as the old ones. While the new national associations as-
pired to greater weight and participation in FIFA’s bureaucratic structure, Euro-
pean powers sought to limit the newcomers’ scope of action. In this context, the
 Structure of the book 25

British countries took the lead and made efforts to include, albeit hierarchically,
FIFA’s new associations.. Contrary to what is commonly argued, Stanley Rous’s
own success is a product of these reforms, thus he should not be seen as a con-
servative. At the time, FIFA’s monopoly was at stake, threatened by the creation
of alternative sports institutions, especially the organization of the Games of the
New Emerging Forces (GANEFO) in Indonesia. One of FIFA’s responses to the
pressure from newly affiliated countries was the creation of the Technical Devel-
opment Committee and a greater openness to African and Asian nations. Like
“sport,” the notion of development is a category that can often be seen as social-
ly “neutral” or “universal.” And yet, as anthropologist Arturo Escobar showed,
the discourse surrounding development was forged at the end of World War II
as a way of preserving the ties between the former colonies and Europe, medi-
ated, to a large extent, by international institutions (the UN and its programs
are the most salient example). It was no different at FIFA when the creation of
the Development Committee implied the tutelage pact between European coun-
tries and the newly liberated former colonies.
Far from being an element of Brazilian uniqueness, the obsession with de-
velopment and economic growth is a political product of the Cold War status
quo. In Brazil, the established verbiage, a veritable grammar of development,
made it possible for João Havelange to build a political project capable of mobi-
lizing Third World countries. This grammar enabled Havelange to connect the el-
ements of Brazil’s history to international issues. This intersection between the
national and international begins to be drawn in chapter two and three – The
Administrator and A Blond Pelé. Havelange’s rise within Brazilian civil society
was what allowed him to build and fashion his candidacy for the FIFA presiden-
cy. In this case, the biographical analysis points less to his figure than to the in-
stitutions (sports clubs, family networks, etc.) with which he was associated. Ha-
velange’s victory in the 1974 FIFA election was favoredby the triumph of Brazil‘s
National Team in 1970. The main point addressed in this chapter is that winning
the World Cup was not enough – it was also necessary to convince part of the
population that the Brazil team’s victory was the result of Havelange’s manage-
rial skills. It was the Blond Pelé – as defined by Vargas Netto, a sport journalist –
whom ought to be praised for the victory in the Mexico World Cup, not Pelé him-
self and his teammates. In an attempt to be in the limelight, Havelange delivered
a speech where he claimed the World Cup victory for a technical-scientific elite
capable of guiding Brazil towards economic development.
In chapter four, At the heart of Brazilian Miracle, the book follows those who
provided Havelange with financial and logistical support. They were both mem-
bers of civil society (soccer businesspeople, journalists, magnates in the coffee
sector or figures connected to investment capital) or state bureaucracy itself (Ita-
26 Introduction

maraty and the Ministry of Education). Elias Zaccour, a football agent, is a key
figure in the chapter: he was the one who introduced Havelange to African Foot-
ball officials. Zaccour’s well-established networks were crucial for Havelange to
win the election. Havelange extended invitations to many African Football Con-
federation officials to visit Brazil during the Independence Cup held in 1972 so
that they could admire the Brazilian economic development in persona.
The book ends with chapter five, The world we had lost?, with a discussion
about the day João Havelange was voted into the FIFA presidency: after all, who
were his allies? Why did they support his bid? In this regard, the chapter ana-
lyzes the voting map, including a description of which countries that supported
or opposed Havelange. The analysis of the voting map provides researchers to
rely on more than memories of Havelange’s election to the FIFA presidency. In
retrospect, his election boiled down to a battle between a newly decolonized
South, and a Eurocentric North. Even so, the analysis of the map provides a
glimpse of the extent to which the regional disputes during the Cold War favored
his victory. Thus, it is important to observe what kind of impact the different re-
gional contexts had on his election. In this respect, the context of the first half of
the 1970s was particularly favorable for Havelange. The chapter ends by connect-
ing the episodes of the Carnation Revolution in Portugal, the return of China to
the United Nations, and the civil-military coup in Chile to the electoral chess-
board at FIFA.
Chapter 1
English stiffness: a political history of FIFA
during the long sixties, 1959 – 1971
[…] we have always been open-hearted. […] but if you go back fifty years,
England, the English, were stiff.
João Havelange¹

A political approach to FIFA history

The 1960s are presented as a blank slate in FIFA’s official memory.² A good start-
ing point to reflect on this silence can be FIFA’s own official film, United Pas-
sions, a institutional historical novel. The film is divided into sections starting
with FIFA’s foundation (1904), then addresses the work of Jules Rimet in creating
the World Cup (1930), followed by FIFA’s uncertain survival during World War II
(1939 – 1945), and from there skips abruptly to Havelange’s election in 1974. The
narrative omits the time between Jules Rimet’s retirement and Havelange’s rise.
In 1998, Havelange’s last year as FIFA president, the FIFA newsletter described
the 1960s as the pre-João Havelange era. The suffix pre- made it clear that
what had occurred then was irrelevant, and merely served to clear the field
for the triumphant arrival of the Brazilian leader. Reflecting upon silence implies
considering the production of memory as being related to the political disputes
of the present time. Moreover, the official story is coercively presented as the
only one possible. As a counterpoint, this chapter aims at brushing FIFA’s histo-
ry against the grain – to quote Walter Benjamin – by examining the political dis-
pute over the entity and of sports institutions in the 1960s. As a result, the his-
torian will not only focus on the political and economic conditions that made

 João Havelange, interviewed by the author (Rio de Janeiro, 2011).

 There are exceptions in terms of academic field, especially the works of Taylor M., “England
and the “Continent Reconsidered (1920 – 1960),” in Building Europe with the Ball Turning Points
in the Europeanization of Football (1914 – 1989) ed. Philippe Vonnard and Grégory Quin (Oxford:
Peter Lang, 2016). Dietschy, Paul. “Making football global? FIFA, Europe, and the non-European
football world, 1912– 74,” Journal of Global History 8.2 (2013): 279. Philippe Vonnard, L’Europe
dans le monde du football. Genèse et formation de l’UEFA (1930 – 1960) (Bruxelles: Peter Lang,
2018). Grégory Quin, “La reconstruction de la Fédération Internationale de Football Association
(FIFA) après la Seconde Guerre mondiale (1944– 1950),” Staps 4 (2014): 21.

https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110759907-006
28 Chapter 1 English stiffness

Havelange’s rise possible, but also attempt to examine the internal logic of the
competing projects that were vanquished.³
Certainly, one cannot compare the official memory with the academic liter-
ature produced on the subject. Nevertheless, there are few works about FIFA in
the 1960s, most of which make the mistake of portraying this period as one of
stagnation.⁴ In this regard, the debate gravitates around the meanings attributed
to the political project of Stanley Ford Rous (FIFA president from 1961– 1974). In
an equally teleological key, the analysis would suggest that Rous’s mistakes
would have led to Havelange’s rise to the FIFA presidency. Following this reason-
ing Rous’s management would have been resistant to both the commercializa-
tion and the “excessive politicization” of FIFA. This vision is summarized in
the way David Goldblatt characterized Stanley Rous: “an anachronism in his
own lifetime”.⁵ Sociologist Paul Darby made similar observations to Goldblatt’s:
“Rous’ position can be seen as evidence of a certain political naiveté and a mis-
reading of the complex manner in which sport and politics interact.”⁶ Rous
was brought up in a racist environment and did not see the issue of apartheid
in South Africa as a serious problem. This, however, was not enough to charac-
terize him as anachronistic, much less as naive. The idea that racism and colo-
nialism belong to a distant past that deconstructed with the colonial world is the
mistake in the analysis. Racism is a phenomenon of contemporary times, and its
marks on global society persist and are highlighted in political action on a daily
basis. Here, the task at hand is to connect Stanley Rous’ political project and
agency to his own lifetime.
Stanley Rous’s own politics reveal the distance between this portrait and his
agency. In his speech to the Olympic Congress in 1972 he even predicted that the
greatest danger for sport “was to limit itself to the present,” and finished by criti-
cizing the modus operandi of the International Olympic Committee. He said that
it was an “unrealistic” way of dealing with both the politics and the commercial

 Michael Lowy, Walter Benjamin: aviso de incêndio, uma leitura das teses “Sobre o Conceito de
História” (Rio de Janeiro: Boitempo, 2015).
 Alan Tomlinson, “The supreme leader sails on: Leadership, Ethics, and governance in FIFA,”
Sport in Society 17 (2014): 1155, accessed March 9, 2022, doi: 10.1080/17430437.2013.856590. Paul
Darby, “Stanley Rous‘s own goal: football politics, South Africa and the contest for the FIFA
presidency in 1974,” Soccer & Society 9 (2008): 259, accessed March 9, 2022, doi: 10.1080/
14660970701811172.
 David Goldblatt, The Ball is round: a global history of football (London: Penguin Books, 2007),
517.
 Paul Darby, Africa, Football and FIFA: political, colonialism and resistance (London: Frank
Cass, 2002), 71.
 A political approach to FIFA history 29

value of the games.⁷ It is also telling that the Stanley Rous’ contemporaries’ de-
scriptions of him were very different from those of the historians’ caricatures. In
1952, one journalist delivered praise for him: “Since the departure of Frederick
Wall, revolutionary changes have been made to the legislative and policy frame-
works of soccer. Detected in all these changes is the hand of Rous, a man of in-
ternational vision and realistic approach.”⁸
Both inside and outside FIFA, two distinct political projects for sporting in-
stitutions emerged in the 1960s. Rous’s presidency represents what might be
called a tutelary pact – a hierarchical alliance among representatives of the Eu-
ropean soccer associations and the emerging sectors of world soccer. Rous’s al-
liances crisscrossed the map of the British Empire: the United States, Australia,
British Africa, Caribbean nations, India, and especially Southeast Asia. Rous was
the best-known sports politician internationally, even before he became presi-
dent of FIFA. A deft politician, he based his decision-making on dialogue with
his supporters. In practice, the tutelary pact was far from revolutionary, but it
cannot be characterized as being the antithesis of institutional change. It is
worth noting that the nature of this pact was designed a priori, but rather was
part and parcel of the institutional dynamics themselves. How much, and
what kind of power was granted – not to mention to whom – depended on
the correlation of political forces within the association. While Rous excelled
at making ties around the globe, he never commanded unanimity on his own
continent. Radicalized sectors saw the very existence of a pact as being exces-
sive. They, in turn, did not accept the granting of political and economic resour-
ces to associations outside of Europe. Criticism from other groups was more
pragmatic. In this case, the target was Rous himself, and what these constituents
wanted was to control FIFA on their own terms.
The opposite of the tutelary pact was institutional revolution. Threats to
break with FIFA were always on the agenda, but never as much as in the
1960s. In this sense, the other project that, despite being quickly defeated,
changed the political landscape of international sports institutions was the
creation and staging of the Games of the New Emerging Forces (GANEFO) in
1963. GANEFO represented the antithesis of the tutelary pact: by virtue of its
ephemeral quality the organization of these games upended the institutional

 Stanley Rous, The international Olympic Committee, the International Federations, and the Na-
tional Olympic Committees in “Texts and speeches on football”, IOC Archives, FIFA, Lausanne,
DRMFOOTB/022, 1973-1976.
 Football Association, “Sir Stanley Rous”, by a Special Correspondent, in The History of the
Football Association, Geoffrey Green (London: The Naldrett Press, 1953). Taylor M., “England
and the Continent Reconsidered (1920 – 1960)”.
30 Chapter 1 English stiffness

principles of international sports federations. Masterminded by Indonesian lead-

ers and sponsored by the Chinese government, this movement proposed a radi-
cal break with the organizational structure of international sports institutions.
This revolutionary experiment was enough to change the center of gravity of
power within FIFA and the International Olympic Committee. GANEFO’s strength
lay in how it overturned the values espoused by hegemonic sports institutions.
The idea of qualifying the 1960s as “long” seems to be well accepted in the
historiography. It is part of a debate that sees the 1960s as a key moment of cul-
tural, political, and socioeconomic transformations, many of which began as
early as the 1950s and continued into the early 1970s.⁹ To paraphrase Marwick,
international society of the 1960s was permeated by new ideas.¹⁰ In this vein,
theorist Frederic Jameson located the origin of the 1960s in the Cuban revolution
of 1959 and the end of the decolonization processes in British and French Africa
(1960 – 1964). In Jameson’s view, these processes constitute the birth of the idea
of the “Third World,” which can be seen as a benchmark of the 1960s. These in-
ternational movements had an impact on the civil societies of several countries
around the world, especially that of the United States with the rise of the Black
and feminist movements and the global uprisings of May 1968. In Jameson’s
view, this decade came to an end with the economic crisis of 1973, caused by
the first oil price shock that year.¹¹ This crisis rebalanced world markets and
led the political movements to step back, thus giving rise to a conservative coun-
teroffensive.
When it comes to understanding “the long 1960s” in sports institutions the
weight of Chinese foreign policy is key. Considering this long decade as a period
of its own accounts for the movements of Chinese foreign policy, albeit not
exclusively. When looking at it through this prism, the period starts in 1958,
which represents the withdrawal of the All-China Sports Federation from FIFA.
In 1971, the last year of this period, China returned to the UN, a move that
also had many repercussions in the history of international sports institutions
themselves. The return to the UN meant a change in China’s stance in the inter-
national arena and led to the rapprochement of China’s national sports associ-
ations with the world sports federations. In this respect, the Chinese govern-
ment used sports to rebuild bridges with developing countries. The latter year,

 Christopher Kalter, The Discovery of the Third World: Decolonization and the rise of the new left
in France, c. 1950 – 1976 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016).
 Arthur Marwick, “The Cultural Revolution of the Long Sixties: Voices of reaction, protest and
permeation,” The International History Review 4 (2005): 780.
 Frederic Jameson, “Periodizando os anos 1960,” in Pós-modernismo e política, ed. Heloisa
Buarque de Hollanda (Rio de Janeiro: Rocco, 1992).
 A political approach to FIFA history 31

1971, also marks the Maoist adherence to the Third World doctrine. From that
point forward the leaders of the Chinese Communist Party pivoted from introduc-
ing themselves in the international public arena as part of a socialist “Second
World” to an integral part of the countries of the “Third World.”¹²
In this vein, political and economic discussions that marked the Cold War
in the 1960s were in the mix of FIFA’s institutional relations. One of the most
striking features of the Cold War was the creation of an “international consen-
sus” around the concept of development.¹³ In this sense, development became
a belief, a goal to which most countries desired to achieve. Debates took were
held on the best ways to achieve development, but the use of the term itself
was never questioned.¹⁴ One year after GANEFO, the FIFA Development Commit-
tee was created in 1964 out of close connection to international debate.¹⁵ This
forum was a space for contact between the Afro-Asian bloc and the European
powers. Arturo Escobar even observed that such international aid programs
were the way the former metropoles managed to preserve their ties with their for-
mer colonies, but under a new guise.¹⁶ By circulating technical knowledge FIFA
sought to standardize the rules of association soccer in addition to reducing the
soccer gap between countries, thereby raising the bar for the game worldwide.
Nonetheless, the map of sports development could not be superimposed on
the economic order. Brazil and South America, despite being considered under-
developed from an economic perspective, were anything but when viewed from
the logic of soccer. Brazil, in particular, was toe-to-toe with England, Germany
and Italy in joining the first team of international soccer nations. After examin-
ing the two competing political projects of the 1960s, this chapter ends shows
how the Brazilian-South American political project emerged to win over FIFA.
It is worth saying that this project developed out of contact with a diversity of
players in the international sports field, historical circumstances and chance.
The 1966 World Cup acted as an element of sentimental cohesion among the

 Chen Jian, “China, the Third World and the Cold War,” in The Cold War and the Third World,
comp. Robert McMahon (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013).
 David Engerman, “The romance of development and the new histories of Cold War,” Diplo-
matic History 28 (2003): 23, accessed March 9, 2022, http://www.jstor.org/stable/24914770.
 Gilbert Rist, The history of development: From western origins to global Faith (New York: Zed
Books, 2014).
 Jörg Krieger, “The sole anti-democratic federation in the entire Olympic Movement. Early In-
ternational Association of Athletics Federation Development Initiatives Between Commercializa-
tion and Democratization, 1974– 1984,” The International Journal of the History of Sport 33 (2016):
1341, accessed March 9, 2022, doi: 10.1080/09523367.2017.1279150.
 Arturo Escobar, Encountering development: the making and the unmaking of the Third World
(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001).
32 Chapter 1 English stiffness

leaders of the South American and Afro-Asian blocs, catalyzing their rupture
with the European bloc. The emotions awaken by the World Cup created a favor-
able environment for the creation of a South American bloc. Moreover, although
they kept to the margins of the Afro-Asian bloc, in FIFA at least, the defeat of the
Latin American countries in the 1966 World Cup ended up uniting the “colonized
peoples” against the “imperialist order”.
In the long 1960s, a specter hung around sporting institutions – the specter
of Bandung. The European powers united to defeat it: the sports federations and
the IOC, the radicals in Belgium, the Latin powers of Italy and Spain, and the
forces of the British Empire. What the sports leaders feared was for the decolo-
nization processes to go rogue and deal a blow to the legal-institutional nature of
sports organizations. This feeling of fear worked as the driving force of history.
In a letter addressed to IOC president Avery Brundage, an American, Lord
David Burghley, better known as the Marquis of Exeter, expressed the anguish
of this transformational time: “What is happening runs counter to our principles.
Clearly, we must take firm action for amateur sport as we understand it to sur-
vive.”¹⁷ The Marquis’ sense of certainty was vanishing in thin air. They had to
react.
President of the IAAF (International Amateur Athletics Federation) between
1946 and 1976, Lord David Burghley was one of the key figures in the history of
the post-World War II sports movement.¹⁸ In 1933, Burghley was elected a mem-
ber of the IOC and very quickly became an influential figure in the organization.
His persona seemed to accumulate the virtues of an amateur sportsman as ide-
alized by Pierre de Coubertin: of noble origin, educated at Cambridge and the
elite schools of Switzerland, a winning profile and a staunch champion of the
ideals of amateurism and of sport as an end in itself.¹⁹ The gold medalist at
the 1928 Olympic Games in the 400-meter hurdles, Burghley – like Stanley
Rous – seemed to have a special eye for the former British colonies. Governor
of Bermuda from 1943 to 1945, the Marquess of Exeter’s performance as an im-
perial administrator earned him the title of Lord, and David Burghley was chair-

 David Burghley, Correspondance to Avery Brundage (November 29, 1963). One letter, IOC Ar-
chives.
 See Kevin Jefferys, “Lord Burghley, Chariots of Fire and the Gentleman amateur in British
Athletics,” Sport in Society 33 (2013): 445.
 Jefferys, “Lord Burghley, Chariots of Fire and the Gentleman amateur in British Athletics,”
445.
 A political approach to FIFA history 33

man of the organizing committee for the 1948 London Olympics, a key moment
in the postwar reconfiguration of the British Empire.²⁰
Alongside cricket and rugby,²¹ athletics and soccer were the most popular
sports in African and Asian countries. Not surprisingly, the British controlled
these international federations, and did so until the early 1970s. Understanding
the reasons behind this British dominance in sports is a question raised by the
historiography.²² In the view of Pascal Charitas, the answer must be sought in the
way the British colonies were administered and managed, and in its fundamen-
tal contrast to the French model of colonization.²³ In the French colonies, the col-
onists had a monopoly on power, and the Africanization of bureaucratic cadres
happened at a relatively later stage, as did the establishment of an overseas
French-speaking community, inspired by the British Commonwealth, known as
the Communauté Franco-Africaine, which only dates back to 1958. In the British
case, colonial power was delegated to local staff on the basis of what the liter-
ature calls an associanist model.²⁴ Moreover, as Charitas writes, “what makes
the British unique lies in their ability to very quickly understand the problems
of colonization and separate them through international organizations such as
Commonwealth.”²⁵ As early as 1944, the constitution of the Commonwealth en-
abled the British to establish an Anglophile space in the international arena,
even though the British Empire was in the process of dissolution.²⁶ Early on,
the Commonwealth also made it possible to preserve the ties built within impe-
rial civil society. In the case of international sports politics, where the personal

 Pascal Charitas, “Imperialism in the Olympics of the Colonization in the Postcolonization:

Africa into the International Olympic Committee, 1910 – 1965,” The International Journal of the
History of the Sport 7 (2015): 909, doi:10.1080/09523367.2015.1027153.
 Phillipe Dine, French rugby football: a cultural history (Oxford: Berg, 2001); Derek Birley, A so-
cial history of cricket (London: Aurum Press, 1999).
 Peter Beck, Scoring for Britain: International Football and International Politics, 1900 – 1939
(London: Routledge, 1999), for instance, raised the issue of the relationship between Europe
and United Kingdom before the World War II.
 Pascal Charitas, “L’Afrique au mouvement olympique: Enjeux, strategies et influences de la
France dans l’internalisation du sport africain (1944– 1946)” (Phd diss., Université Paris-Sud,
1966), 703.
 Louis William Roger, The ends of British Imperialism: The scramble for Empire, Suez and De-
colonization (London, IB: Tauris, 2006).
 Charitas, “Imperialism in the Olympics of the Colonization in the Postcolonization,”, 703.
 The origins of the Commonwealth date back to the end of the 19th century, but it became an
instrument of English diplomacy with the decolonization processes. After the decolonization of
India in 1947, the country becomes part of the Commonwealth. Sport played a central role in this
project to maintain British rule. The Commonwealth Games replaced the British Empire Games
in 1954, and became the most visible form of British influence in these countries.
34 Chapter 1 English stiffness

relationships play a major role, the Commonwealth gave the British a compara-
tive advantage.
Throughout the decade, the contradictions between the sporting institutions
– dominated by the European world – and the decolonization processes sharp-
ened. In the words of Jeremi Suri, the crisis of the 1960s is expressed in the per-
ception that “a broad spectrum of citizens criticized not only their leaders’ com-
petence, but also their values.”²⁷ In the case of sports institutions, these values
pretend to be universal. The assumption that sports and politics did not mix was
intended to cover, when it came to monopolistic sports associations, every coun-
try in the world. Not long before, sports institutions seemed consolidated. In
1951, admitting the Soviet Union to these institutions was the necessary step to-
wards their triumph. In theory, the incorporation of the Soviet Union into the
Olympic movement meant that rival initiatives such as the Workers’ Olympiad
would not be financed by a superpower.²⁸
The 1950s are characterized by a certain sense of stability, progress, and po-
litical-economic growth, which was suddenly shattered in 1958. According to
James Hershberg’s suggestion for periodization, this year represents the opening
act of the Cold War’s “crisis years,” which would last until 1963 with the Cuban
missile crisis.²⁹ In 1958, the Taiwan Strait crisis³⁰ had an immediate effect on the
sports monopolies of FIFA and the IOC. After a failed attempt at détente between
China and Taiwan between 1955 and 1957, Mao Zedong decided to go on the of-
fensive, changing the foreign policy of “peaceful coexistence.” After the 1949
revolution, Mao Zedong believed in the mobilization of the masses as a necessa-
ry step in the consolidation of the Chinese revolution, seen as a continuous
movement. Success in the transition from socialism to communism required
that the socialist revolution be permanent and underpinned by the broad mobi-
lization of the masses. The idea of a continuous revolution is the basis of the
“Great Leap Forward” policy. In the short run, the result of the “Great Leap For-
ward” was the broad politicization of the various spheres of social life of the Chi-

 Jeremi Suri, “Counter cultures: the rebellion against the Cold War order, 1965 – 1975”, in The
Cambridge History of Cold War, ed. Odd Arne Westad and Melvyin Leffler (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2010).
 James Riordan, “The worker sports movement,” in The International Politics of Sport in the
Twentieth Century (Routledge: 2002).
 James G. Hershberg, “The crisis years 1958 – 1963,” in Reviewing the Cold War: Approaches,
interpretations, theory, ed. Odd Arne Westad (London: Frank Cass, 1998), 303.
 In 1958, Mao Zedong decided to launch a bomb attack to Jinmen Island. The bombing result-
ed in the deaths of around 450 Chinese and 404 Taiwanese soldiers. Due to the mutual defense
treaties signed by Taiwan and the United States, tensions rose and the possibility of American
intervention in the region was feared.
Random documents with unrelated
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 2. “Disˈ
cus.” A quoit, or circular and usually perforated plate of
metal or stone, used for pitching at a mark. Pitching quoits was a
favorite amusement among the ancients, and forms the subject for
frequent artistic representations. The most famous is Myron’s statue
called the “Discobolus,” now in the British Museum.
3. “Hyacinth.” In ancient times, it is said, there could be traced on
the leaves of the hyacinth the Greek characters which express the
word alas. Thus in his “Song of Silenus,” just published, Cole speaks
of
 “The flowers the name still bearing which Apollo’s favorite bore,
With the syllable of sorrow marked upon them evermore.”

The origin of the hyacinth is also thus related: When Ajax (see
notes on “Preparatory Greek”) took his own life there sprung up
from his blood a purple flower, bearing the Greek letters which were
the initials of his name and expressive of a sigh.
4. “Clymˈ
e-ne;” 5. “E-ridˈ
a-nus;” 6. “He-liˈ
ä-dēs;” 7. “Amˌ
phi-triˈ
te.”
dent.” From tris, three, and dens, a tooth or prong. A three-
8. “Triˈ
pronged fork—Neptune’s scepter.
9. “Lemˈnos.” A Turkish island in the Grecian Archipelago, sacred
to Vulcan.
o-me,” not Eurymone. A daughter of Oceanus.
10. “Eu-rynˈ
11. “Necˈ tar.” The beverage of the gods. Homer describes it as
resembling red wine, and says its continued use would cause
immortality.

TEMPERANCE TEACHINGS OF SCIENCE.

1. “Re-genˈ
e-sis.” A reproductive principle.
2. “Black death.” The plague that raged in Europe in the
fourteenth century, when it is said to have carried off twenty-five
millions of people. It derived its name from the body turning black.
3. “Cau-cāˈ
sian,” not Cau-căˈ
sian, as so often pronounced.
4. “An-acˈ
re-ons.” Poets of Anacreon’s class—Lyric poets—who
write odes of a light character, and of which love, social pleasures
and wine are the subjects.
 5. “Ma-rasˈ
mus.” A wasting of the body without apparent disease;
atrophy; phthisis.
6. “Pan-demˈ ic.” Incident to the whole population. From the Greek
pas (all) and demos (people).
7. “Visˈ
i-goths.” Western Goths; ancient inhabitants of the country
along the Danube.
8. “Fritˈ
i-gern.” A leader of the Visigoths in their wars against the
Romans in the latter part of the fourth century. He was a man of
superior military and executive ability, and it is to his leadership that
Gibbon attributes the power at that period of these people. He
speaks of him as the “predecessor and master of the renowned
Alaric.”
9. “Lăzˌ
za-rōˈ
nĭ.” The poor in Italy who live by begging, and have
no permanent habitations. So called from the hospital of St. Lazarus
at Naples, which is their refuge.
10. “Mu-sĭˈ
sĭ.” Strolling musicians of the organ grinder class.
11. “Proph-y-lacˈ
tic.” Preventive of disease.
12. “Aqua forˈ
tis.” Strong liquid; nitric acid.
13. “Scirrhus,” skĭrˈ
rus. Indolent ulcers, often cancerous.
14. “Apologue,” apˈo-log. A relation of felicitous events, intended
to convey useful instruction; a moral fable.
15. “Lesˈ
ghi-an;” 16. “Daghistan,” däˈ
ges-tänˌ
; 17. “Cauˈ
cā-sus;” 18.
“Schnapps,” shnăps. Holland gin.
19. “Musˈ
co-vites.” Inhabitants of the northern borders of ancient
Russia.
20. “Ossetes,” osˈse-teez. A race living on both sides of the
Caucasus, near the Dariel Pass.
 21. “Slĕ-bōˈ
vĕts.” Inferior brandy, distilled from peaches.
22. “Ca-checˈ tic.” Pertaining to cachexy, a diseased condition of
the body, resulting from cancer or syphilis.
23. “Theˈ
ine.” A bitter, fusible, and volatile substance obtained in
the form of white prisms, from coffee, tea, etc., the same as
caffeine.
24. “Bouchardat,” bouˌshärˌdäˈ. A French chemist, born in 1810. He
has written much on scientific subjects.
25. “Ob-fus-caˈ
tion.” The act of darkening or confusing things.
26. “Lēˈ
thal.” Deadly; mortal; fatal.

KITCHEN SCIENCE AND ART.

1. “Hor-deˈ
um Vul-gaˈ
re.” Latin noun and adjective, signifying
common barley.
2. “Avēˈ na Sa-tiˈ
va.” A species of bearded grass or wild oats; sown
oats, literally.
3. “Lake habitations.” These are dwellings constructed within the
margins of lakes, at some distance from the shore. Researches on
the continent have established the fact that in prehistoric times
nearly all the shallow lakes in Switzerland and the adjoining
countries were peopled by lake-dwelling communities. Their villages
were constructed on platforms which were supported by piles. Many
of the huts which were built on these substructures were roughly
constructed of branches of trees; the floors were of clay and the
roofs were thatched.
4. “Orizza salva,” ō-rīˈ
za. Sown rice.
5. “Polygonum esculentum,” po-ligˈ
on-um es-cu-lenˈtum.
“Polygonum” means many knees, referring to the numerous joints in
the stems of these plants. “Esculentum” means esculent; fit to eat.
6. Transcriber’s Note: This note was omitted in the original, as
were the notes for section “The cereals”.

HOME STUDIES IN CHEMISTRY.

1. “Grotto del Cane,” grotˈ to del caˈ
nā. Grotto of the dog. An
excavation at the foot of a hill not far from Naples. The “American
Cyclopædia” says of it: “It would seem from Pliny’s reference to it as
‘Charon’s ditches,’ that in his time the mephitic gas for which it is still
remarkable was exhaled in quantity sufficient to prove fatal to
human life. At the present time this forms but a shallow stratum on
the floor, in which a candle is extinguished and dogs are stifled by
way of experiment. The custom of exhibiting the effect of the
carbonic acid gas upon dogs has given the distinctive name to the
grotto.”
2. “Kilkenny Cats.” “The story of two cats which fought so
ferociously in a saw pit that when the battle was over only the tail of
each was left. This is an allegorical representation of the
municipalities of Kilkenny and Irish-town, who contended so stoutly
about boundaries and rights to the end of the seventeenth century
that they mutually impoverished each other—ate each other up,
leaving only a tail of each behind.”
3. “Babcock’s Fire Extinguisher.” This instrument consists of an
iron cylinder, in which are placed suitable quantities of the materials
that, uniting, generate carbonic acid gas. There is an arrangement in
the extinguisher by which the materials are brought in contact, and
the gas when needed is instantly generated; as provision is made for
its egress a stream can be poured on the flame to extinguish it.
4. “Fire Grenade,” gre-nādeˈ
. A hollow ball in which the gas is
generated and which is thrown into the flames. The gas escaping
extinguishes the fire.
 5. “As-phyxˈi-a.” Apparent death resulting from suffocation,
drowning, or inhalation of certain gases.
PEOPLE’S CHRISTMAS VESPER AND
PRAISE SERVICE.

PREPARED FOR “THE CHAUTAUQUAN,” FOR CHRISTMAS,

DECEMBER 25, 1884.
This Christmas Service may be obtained of us at the following
rates, postage paid by us: 100 copies, $1.00; 200 copies, $1.50; 300
copies, $2.00; 400 copies $2.50; 500 copies, $3.00.
Address, The Chautauquan, Meadville, Pa.

Praise God, from whom all blessings flow;

Praise him all creatures here below;
Praise him above, ye heavenly host;
Praise Father, Son and Holy Ghost.

HYMN 8.—Old Hundred.

From all that dwell below the skies,
Let the Creator’s praise arise;
Let the Redeemer’s name be sung,
Through every land, by every tongue.

Eternal are thy mercies, Lord;

Eternal truth attends thy word;
Thy praise shall sound from shore to shore,
Till suns shall rise and set no more.

Your lofty themes, ye mortals, bring;

In songs of praise divinely sing;
The great salvation loud proclaim,
And shout for joy the Savior’s name.

PRAYER.

hymn 332.—Tune, Lenox.

 Let earth and heaven agree,
Angels and men be joined,
To celebrate with me
The Savior of mankind;
To adore the all-atoning Lamb,
And bless the sound of Jesus’ name.

Jesus! transporting sound!

The joy of earth and heaven;
No other help is found,
No other name is given,
By which we can salvation have;
But Jesus came the world to save.

Jesus! harmonious name!

It charms the hosts above;
They evermore proclaim
And wonder at his love;
’Tis all their happiness to gaze—
’Tis heaven to see our Jesus’ face.

PROMISE OF CHRIST’S COMING.

Pastor.—O Lord, how manifold are thy works; in wisdom hast thou
made them all.
Congregation.—In Mount Zion, and in Jerusalem shall be
deliverance, as the Lord hath said.
Pas.—Abraham shall surely become a great and mighty nation,
and all the nations of the earth shall be blessed in him.
Con.—And in thy seed shall all the nations of the earth be
blessed; because thou hast obeyed my voice.
 Pas.—When the fullness of the time was come, God sent forth his
Son, made of a woman, made under the law, to redeem them that
were under the law.
Con.—And the Word was made flesh, and dwelt among us, and
we beheld his glory, the glory as of the only begotten of the Father,
full of grace and truth.
Pas.—He shall be great, and shall be called the Son of the
Highest; and the Lord God shall give unto him the throne of his
father David.
Con.—And he shall reign over the house of Jacob forever; and of
his kingdom there shall be no end.
Pas.—And thou shalt call his name JESUS; for he shall save his
people from their sins.

ANTHEM BY THE CHOIR.

THE ANGELS TELL OF HIS COMING.

Pas.—And there were in the same country shepherds abiding in
the field, keeping watch over their flock by night.
Con.—And, lo, the angel of the Lord came upon them, and the
glory of the Lord shone round about them; and they were sore
afraid.
Pas.—And the angel said unto them, Fear not; for, behold, I bring
you tidings of great joy, which shall be to all people.
Con.—For unto you is born this day in the city of David a Savior,
which is Christ the Lord.
Pas.—And suddenly there was with the angel a multitude of the
heavenly host praising God, and saying,
 Con.—Glory to God in the highest, and on earth peace, good will
toward men.
Pas.—And it came to pass, as the angels were gone away from
them into heaven, the shepherds said one to another, Let us now go
even into Bethlehem, and see this thing which is come to pass,
which the Lord hath made known unto us.
Con.—And when they had seen it, they made known abroad the
saying which was told them concerning this child.
Pas.—And the shepherds returned, glorifying and praising God for
all the things that they had heard and seen, as it was told unto
them.

tune—St. Martin.

How great the wisdom, power and grace,

Which in redemption shine;
The heavenly host with joy confess
The work is all divine.

Before his feet they cast their crowns,

Those crowns which Jesus gave,
And, with ten thousand thousand tongues,
Proclaim his power to save.

With them let us our voices raise,

And still the song renew;
Salvation well deserves the praise
Of men and angels too.

THE SAVIOR HAS COME.

 Pas.—And the Word was made flesh, and dwelt among us, and
we beheld his glory, the glory as of the only begotten of the Father,
full of grace and truth. Thou art my Son, this day have I begotten
thee.
Con.—I will make him my first-born, higher than the kings of the
earth.
Pas.—Unto us a Son is given, and the government shall be upon
his shoulder.
Con.—A voice from heaven, saying, This is my beloved Son, in
whom I am well pleased.
Pas.—The devils cried out, saying, What have we to do with thee,
Jesus, thou Son of God.
Con.—He shall be great, and shall be called the Son of the
Highest.
Pas.—The Jews sought the more to kill him, because he said that
God was his Father, making himself equal with God.
Con.—Jesus said, Dost thou believe on the Son of God? It is he
that talketh with thee.
Pas.—Say ye, Thou blasphemest, because I said, I am the Son of
God?
Con.—The Jews said, By our law he ought to die, because he
made himself the Son of God.
Pas.—I ascend to my Father and your Father; to my God and your
God.
Con.—These are written, that ye might believe that Jesus is the
Christ, the Son of God.

tune—Antioch.
 Joy to the world! the Lord is come;
Let earth receive her King;
And heaven and nature sing.
Let every heart prepare him room.

Joy to the world! the Savior reigns;

Let men their songs employ;
While fields and floods, rocks, hills and plains
Repeat the sounding joy.

He rules the world with truth and grace,

And makes the nations prove
The glories of his righteousness,
And wonders of his love.

CHRIST BRINGS PEACE AND BLESSING.

Pas.—Behold my servant, whom I uphold; mine elect, in whom
my soul delighteth; I have put my spirit upon him; he shall bring
forth judgment to the Gentiles.
Con.—He shall not cry, nor lift up, nor cause his voice to be heard
in the street.
Pas.—A bruised reed shall he not break, and the smoking flax
shall he not quench; he shall bring forth judgment unto truth.
Con.—He shall not fail nor be discouraged till he have set
judgment in the earth; and the isles shall wait for his law.
Pas.—Sing unto the Lord a new song, and his praise from the end
of the earth; ye that go down to the sea, and all that is therein; the
isles, and the inhabitants thereof.
Con.—Let the wilderness and the cities thereof lift up their voice,
the villages that Kedar doth inhabit; let the inhabitants of the rock
sing; let them shout from the top of the mountains.
Pas.—Let them give glory unto the Lord, and declare his praise in
the islands.
Con.—And I will bring the blind by a way that they knew not; I
will lead them in paths that they have not known; I will make
darkness light before them, and crooked things straight; these things
will I do unto them, and not forsake them.

hymn 66.—Tune, Duke Street.

Come, let us tune our loftiest song,

And raise to Christ our joyful strain;
Worship and thanks to him belong,
Who reigns, and shall forever reign.

His sovereign power our bodies made;

Our souls are his immortal breath;
And when his creatures sinned, he bled,
To save us from eternal death.

Burn every breast with Jesus’ love;

Bound every heart with rapturous joy;
And saints on earth, with saints above,
Your voices in his praise employ.

SERMON BY THE PASTOR.

PRAYER.
GLORIA PATRI.
Glory be to the Father,
And to the Son, and to the Holy Ghost,
As it was in the beginning, is now, and ever shall be,
World without end. Amen.

BENEDICTION.
 TALK ABOUT BOOKS.

Four neatly printed, well bound, illustrated books, edited for boys
by Sidney Lanier, appear as Christmas books, and happy boys indeed
will all those be who receive any or all of them as presents. The very
mention of good King Arthur, although little more than his name may
be known, seems to act as a charm upon boyish hearts and
fascinate them with its spell. And now that they can read all about
him,[E] and how he organized his famous Knights of the Round-
Table, about the search for the holy cup, Sir Tristram, and all the
rest, they will find the old charm working with increased power, and
will be fairly surprised at the endless fascination of the story.
Froissart five hundred years ago wrote a history of the wars of his
times, in which occurred the battle of Crecy, where the blind old king
of Bohemia fell, the battle of Poitiers, and the Siege of Calais; an
account of an expedition against the Saracens, and much about the
old-time knights. And now this old book, which has lived, and grown
in esteem for so long, has been condensed and rewritten[F]
especially for the boys. If they read aright, the true spirit of
knighthood must take possession of them as they read these
knightly tales.
“The Boy’s Percy”[G] is a collection of old ballads of war,
adventure, and love. We read in rhyme of Robin Hood and his
amazing marksmanship. There is the “Ballad of Chevy Cace,” and the
“Friars Gray,” “The legend of Sir Guy,” “St. George and the Dragon,”
and many others. And as we read these all seem to emerge and
stand out “like rich tapestry work, wrought large as life” upon the
hangings of our living room.
 And then comes a collection of twelve Welsh legends[H] of King
Arthur and his knights, giving to the readers of our times the quaint
old fancies of the people of Wales in years gone by. At the close of
his introduction to this book Mr. Lanier says: “I can wish my young
readers few pleasures of finer quality than that surprised sense of a
whole new world of possession which came to me in my first reading
of these old tales.”
There is a new edition of Hawthorne’s “Wonder Book.”[I] Ever
since the author put into effect his idea that classical myths were
capable of being rendered into very capital reading for the children,
this book has been a marvel to childhood. This new edition has the
additional charm of being illustrated by the able hand of Mr. F. S.
Church.
“The Story of Vitean,”[J] from Frank Stockton’s lively pen, proved
a great favorite in St. Nicholas, some time ago, and now that it has
been gathered into a book will be a real addition to anybody’s
library. It is a story of the thirteenth century, of knights of the
cotereaux, of the Inquisition, and of marvelous adventures. The boy
heroes and their opposites make a story of wonderful interest.
“The Wagoner of the Alleghanies”[K] is another favorite poem
which appears in a new Christmas dress. The cover is not pretty, but
the printing and paper are, and the illustrations are engravings of
great merit.
A little time spent with Messrs. Geo. H. Boughton and Edwin A.
Abbey’s delightful “Rambles”[L] quite dispels any prejudice which we
may have against Holland as an uninteresting country. These
gentlemen have proven in their book that she possesses picturesque
people. These “sketchable” fisher-folk, these stout lasses and round
Dutchmen have furnished subjects for a collection of charming
pictures which, with the interesting text furnished by Mr. Boughton,
make an unusually fine volume.
 “Uncle Lawrence” has again furnished his young friends with a
capital story[M] which has the rare merit of teaching them a great
many things without boring them at all. The queer ideas and
experiments of Miss Mollie, the little heroine, are very entertaining.
The book is largely an adaptation from the French.
The most complete edition of Lord Tennyson’s works[N] yet issued
is the collection by the Harpers. It has the merit of being complete
and exact; beside, the book is enriched by good illustrations, and
has as an introduction a very excellent sketch of Tennyson, reprinted
from Harper’s Magazine for December 1883.
The beautiful “Artists’ Edition” of “Gray’s Elegy,” which Messrs.
Lippincott & Co. gave us last holiday time is out this year in a smaller
but equally choice form.[O] The engravings in these books are
exceedingly fine.
A really funny book is a rarity, but it is a rarity found in “Stuff and
Nonsense.”[P] Mr. Frost has surpassed himself in the grotesque
pictures he has put to his nonsensical rhymes. Particularly laughable
are his picture stories, “A Fatal Mistake,” and “The Balloonists.”
Among the picture-and-song books for young folks, “Stories in
Rhyme for Holiday Time”[Q] is particularly desirable. The rhymes are
quite good, and the pictures better than in the average book of this
kind. Among the rhymes, “Bob’s Bicycle Ride” will be found most
entertaining, and “Eglantine, or The Magical Gloves” is a beautiful
fairy story.
Shakspere’s Seven Ages of Man furnishes the text for an elegant
holiday volume[R] of full page photogravures. These illustrations are
from well known paintings, notable among them being Church’s
“Infant” and Harper’s “School Boy.” It is a very choice book.
Mr. Shepard in simplifying Josephus has met a want of the times.
These old masterpieces of literature which it used to be thought only
mature minds could comprehend, rewritten into simpler language for
young readers can not fail of bringing about grand results. The
“Young Folks’ Josephus”[S] is written in language that any scholar in
the fourth reader class can readily understand and enjoy.
The story of two fun-loving, manly boys who lived in Compton,[T]
is full of rich humor, and many a hearty laugh is enjoyed over its
pages. The scrapes they got into, and some of their original methods
of trying to get out again are set forth in such a vivid manner that
one feels almost as if he had been through them himself. And the
fact that one of these boys was white and the other black only
heightens the interest of the book.
“Country Cousins,”[U] although it does not belong to the older
people, seems to be especially interesting to them. The New York
Tribune says, in answer to one of its correspondents; “Mrs. ⸺ will
find ‘Country Cousins’ pleasant reading in natural history.” It might
have said, too: If any boy or girl wants to know about birds, or
toads, or elks, or tree-chopping, or all kinds of shells, and ever so
many other things, they can all be found illustrated and fully
described in “Country Cousins.”
The last of the entertaining Bodley books[V] opens by presenting
to the reader a group of six persons sitting on the deck of a steamer
which was just casting off from Hull for a voyage to Scandinavia.
They go as far north as any one can go, and see the sun at
midnight; they visit the fiords, and the principal mountains, and all
leading places of interest; they seek out the home of Hans Christian
Andersen and Thorwaldsen; and after spending several months in
this way return to their home in the United States.
“The Voyage of the Vivian”[W] is an account of an expedition to
the North Pole. It presents an array of facts upon a groundwork of
fiction. The facts have been taken from accounts made by explorers
from the earliest time down to the present. As these explorers pass
into those far-away frozen regions they recall and relate the
experiences of the real characters who had been there before them.
The author indulges in a little that is purely imaginary. He allows his
crew to reach the open Polar Sea, “and explore islands and waters
which are as yet concealed from mortal vision.” The book is designed
for young readers, but those of mature minds will find it very
entertaining. It is finely illustrated, many whole page pictures being
given.
“My Aunt Jeanette”[X] is a very readable book; albeit some
passages do bring a certain moisture to the eyes and a mist over the
page that, for a time, interrupts the reading. It is the plainest kind of
a narrative, without special literary merit, and the farthest remove
from anything sensational. The reader is without ceremony
introduced to a rural New England community, with the
characteristics of New England of eighty years ago. He meets the
settled pastor, and members of his flock, and finds them mostly
worthy people, and decidedly religious. The principal character is so
well drawn that, having laid the book aside, the image has the
distinctness of a real presence.
“Wall Street in History”[Y] is a book well written and beautifully
illustrated. It gives a concise, but clear, reliable history of that
famous locality, and some events that have given it a world-wide
celebrity. The maps, sketches, and numerous portraits add interest
to the history, and give the varying aspects of the place from its
primitive to its present condition. The site, at first a picturesque
tangle of underbrush and wild vines, was partially reclaimed from its
wilderness state by constructing there a wooden wall, which, for half
a century, fenced in the city, and subsequently gave its name to a
street where business is now transacted on a larger scale, and with
more tremendous results than at any other place on the continent.
A collection of some thirty of Dr. O. W. Holmes’s poems[Z] has just
been made by Houghton, Mifflin & Co., which for illustrations,
typography and binding is a marvel of beauty. The frontispiece, a
portrait of Dr. Holmes, is a real treasure. It is an etching by S. A.
Schoff, and far surpasses anything of the kind we have ever seen of
the genial doctor.
 The Adventures of Robin Hood could not be better told than they
have been by Howard Pyle.[AA] From the time he starts Merry Robin
to the shooting match at Nottingham Town up to the sad hour of his
death there is not a dull page in the book. The publishers have
chosen a delightful make-up, with Old English style of illustrations,
with numerous head and tail-pieces, and a sprinkling of red ink and
queer devices.

[E] The Boy’s King Arthur. By Sidney Lanier. New York: Charles
Scribner’s Sons. 1884. Price, $2.00.
[F] The Boy’s Froissart. By Sydney Lanier. New York: Charles
Scribner’s Sons. 1884. Price, $2.00.
[G] The Boy’s Percy. By Sidney Lanier. New York: Charles
Scribner’s Sons. 1884. Price, $2.00.
[H] Knightly Legends of Wales. By Sidney Lanier. New York:
Charles Scribner’s Sons. 1884. Price, $2.00.
[I] A Wonder Book for Girls and Boys. By Nathaniel Hawthorne.
With illustrations by F. S. Church. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin & Co.
1885. Price, $2.50.
[J] The Story of Vitean. By Frank R. Stockton. New York:
Charles Scribner’s Sons. 1884. Price, $1.50.
[K] The Wagoner of the Alleghanies. A Poem of the Days of
Seventy-Six. By T. Buchanan Read. Illustrated from drawings by
Hovenden, Fenn, Gaul and Low. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott &
Co. 1885. Price, $1.50.
[L] Sketching Rambles in Holland. By Geo. H. Boughton, A.R.A.
With illustrations by the author and Edwin A. Abbey. New York:
Harper & Brothers. 1885.
[M] Young Folks’ Ideas. A story by Uncle Lawrence.
Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott & Co. 1885.
[N] The Complete Poetical works of Alfred, Lord Tennyson,
Poet Laureate. New York: Harper & Brothers, Publishers. 1884.
[O] An Elegy written in a Country Churchyard. By Thomas
Gray. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott & Co. 1885.
 [P] Stuff and Nonsense. By A. B. Frost. New York: Charles
Scribner’s Sons. 1884. Price, $1.50.
[Q] Stories in Rhyme for Holiday Time. By Edward Jewitt
Wheeler. Illustrated by Walter Saterlee. New York: Funk &
Wagnalls. 1884.
[R] The Seven Ages of Man, from Shakspere’s “As you like it.”
The Artist’s Edition. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott & Co. 1885.
Price, $3.00. Smaller Edition, $1.50.
[S] Our Young Folks’ Josephus. Simplified by William Shepard.
Illustrated. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott & Co. 1884. Price, $2.50.
[T] Two Compton Boys. By Augustus Hoppin. With ninety-three
illustrations. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin & Co. 1885. Price, $1.50.
[U] Country Cousins. By Ernest Ingersoll. New York: Harper &
Brothers. Franklin Square. 1884.
[V] The Viking Bodleys. By Horace E. Scudder. With
illustrations. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin & Co. 1885. Price, $1.50.
[W] The Voyage of the Vivian. By Thomas W. Knox. New York:
Harper & Brothers. Franklin Square. 1885.
[X] My Aunt Jeanette. By Mrs. S. M. Kimball. New York: Phillips
& Hunt; Cincinnati: Cranston & Stowe. 1884. Price, $1.00.
[Y] Wall Street in History. By Martha J. Lamb. New York: Funk
& Wagnalls. 1883.
[Z] Illustrated Poems of Oliver Wendell Holmes. Boston:
Houghton, Mifflin & Co. 1885.
[AA] The Merry Adventures of Robin Hood of Great Renown in
Nottinghamshire. Written and illustrated by Howard Pyle. New
York: Printed by Charles Scribner’s Sons. 1884.
 SPECIAL NOTES.

We hope that the plan adopted in this issue, of marking the words
in the Required Readings in The Chautauquan which are annotated,
with a figure, will meet with the approval of our readers. Many
requests have been received asking for some plan of marking the
words on which notes had been made.

The course of study as it appears in the Popular Educational

circular in this issue of The Chautauquan is complete and correct. It
was found necessary to revise the course somewhat after its first
appearance in the circular, hence the difference between the course
as it first appeared and as it now is given.

The Vesper Service which appears in this issue of The Chautauquan

has been prepared especially for our readers. It can be procured at
our office in quantities, if desired. See advertisement.

SUBSTITUTIONS.
It is earnestly desired that all members of the C. L. S. C. will read
the appointed and required books.
Substitutes can be accepted only where pupils are too poor to
purchase new works.
It is not allowable for local circles, committees or chairmen to
choose other than the appointed readings.
Any other policy would be disastrous to the aims of the C. L. S. C.
 J. H. Vincent.
New Haven, Nov. 6, 1884.

ENGLISH HISTORY AND LITERATURE—BLUE

SEAL—SHIELD.
W. D. MacClintock, A. M., Secretary of Department.

I. History:

A. Required:

Green’s “Short History of the English People” $1.20

Creighton’s “Age of Elizabeth” (Epoch Series) $1.00

B. Recommended:[AB]

Freeman’s “Growth of the English Constitution” $1.75

McCarthy’s “Epoch of Reform” (Epoch Series) $1.00

II. Literature:

A. Required:

Brooke’s “English Literature” (Literature Primers) $ .45

Ward’s “English Poets,”[AC] four volumes $4.00
“English Classics” Series (Clarke & Maynard), of
Addison’s “Sir Roger De Coverley;”
Bacon’s “Essays;”
Macaulay’s “Bunyan;”
Carlyle’s “Hero as a Prophet;” each $ .10
Shakspere’s “King Lear,” and “Merchant of Venice” (Rolfe edition), in
paper 40 cts., cloth 60 cts.
 B. Recommended:

Whipple’s “Literature of the Age of Elizabeth” $1.50

Minto’s “Manual of English Prose Literature” $2.50

[AB] The Seal will be given for the “Required Reading,” but a
desire to render the required course as cheap as possible has
made it incomplete. It is therefore hoped that all who can buy the
books will read the “Recommended” books.
[AC] Although this book seems expensive, yet, seeing that
there are four volumes, that it is a standard work, and that it
covers the whole period of our literature, it will be found to be
cheap.

Transcriber’s Notes:
Obvious punctuation errors repaired.
Page 127, “sources” changed to “source” (These
are the source elements of)
Page 133, two paragraphs about Neptune (Some
of the principal exploits ascribed to Neptune … were
subservient to his will.) appeared originally at the
end of the section about Hephaistos, and have been
moved to a more relevant place.
Page 145, “reigns” changed to “reins” (held the
reins of government)
Page 156, “Observtory” changed to “Observatory”
(the Observatory of Melbourne, Australia)
Page 160, “ihtng” changed to “thing” (the
sensuous and senseless thing)
 Page 162, “sterotyped” changed to “stereotyped”
(do not seek to use any stereotyped plan)
Page 164, “Wr.” changed to “Mr.” (Mr. Whitmore
expressed)
Page 169, “Massagæte” changed to “Massagetæ”
(The Massagetæ, one of the Scythian nations)
Page 179, “caffine” changed to “caffeine” (etc.,
the same as caffeine)
 *** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE
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