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Social Regulation: Case Studies from Tibetan History
 Brill’s
Tibetan Studies
Library

Edited by

Henk Blezer
Alex McKay
Charles Ramble

volume 41

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/btsl

Social Regulation: Case Studies
from Tibetan History

Edited by

Jeannine Bischoff and Saul Mullard

LEIDEN | BOSTON
Cover illustration: Lhasa, Potala. Bundesarchiv. Picture 135-S-15-04-10, Photo: Schäfer, Ernst 1938/1939.

The Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available online at http://catalog.loc.gov

LC record available at http://lccn.loc.gov/2016035048

Typeface for the Latin, Greek, and Cyrillic scripts: “Brill”. See and download: brill.com/brill-typeface.

issn 1568-6183
isbn 978-90-04-33122-8 (hardback)
isbn 978-90-04-33125-9 (e-book)

Copyright 2017 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands.

Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Hes & De Graaf, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Rodopi and
Hotei Publishing.
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system,
or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise,
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that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive,
Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change.

This book is printed on acid-free paper and produced in a sustainable manner.

Contents

Acknowledgements vii
List of Contributors viii

Introduction 1

1 Regulating Sikkimese Society: The Fifteen-clause Domestic Settlement

(nang ’dum) of 1876 10
Saul Mullard

2 Reason against Tradition: An Attempt at Cultural Reform in a

Tibetan-speaking Community in Panchayat-Era Nepal 49
Charles Ramble and Nyima Drandul

3 Monastic Guidelines (bCa’ yig): Tibetan Social History from a Buddhist

Studies Perspective 64
Berthe Jansen

4 The lCags stag dmag khrims (1950): A New Development in Tibetan

Legal and Military History? 99
Alice Travers

5 On the Exercise of Jurisdiction in Southeast Tibet after the Rise of the

Ganden Phodrang Government 126
Peter Schwieger

6 Completely, Voluntarily and Unalterably? Values and Social Regulation

among Central Tibetan mi ser during the Ganden Phodrang Period 151
Jeannine Bischoff

7 A Study of the Treaty of the First Tibet-Gorkha War of 1789 181

Yuri Komatsubara

8 A Study of gTan tshigs: A Genre of Land Tenure Document and Its

Implication in Tibetan Social History 197
Kensaku Okawa
vi contents

9 Different Copies of the Iron-Tiger Land Settlement and Their

Historical Value as Taxation Manuals 209
Kalsang Norbu Gurung

10 State, Law, and Morality in Traditional Tibet 231

Fernanda Pirie

Index 251
Acknowledgements

This volume is the second in a series of collected papers representing the

results of the research project “Social History of Tibetan Societies, 17th–20th
Centuries” (http://www.tibetanhistory.net/). The project, which has been run-
ning from March 2012 to February 2015, is funded by France’s National Research
Agency (ANR) and the German Research Council (DFG). The host institutions
in France are the Centre de Recherche sur les Civilisations de l’Asie Orientale
(CRCAO, UMR 8155) and the École Pratique des Hautes Études (EPHE); and
in Germany the Department of Mongolian and Tibetan Studies, Institute for
Oriental and Asian Studies (IOA), University of Bonn.
The editors wish to thank the contributors for their patience while the vol-
ume was in its making, and everybody involved in this process—proofreaders,
commentators and discussants. We would especially like to thank Charles
Ramble and Fernanda Pirie for their editorial help with the volume.
List of Contributors

Alice Travers
is a researcher at the French National Centre for Scientific Research (CNRS), in
the East Asian Civilisations Research Centre (CRCAO), Paris, where she works
on social history in 19th and 20th century traditional Tibet. Her PhD disserta-
tion and several articles deal with the subject of the aristocracy, as well as the
intermediate/middle classes of Central Tibet. She is currently working on the
history of the Ganden Phodrang army.

Berthe Jansen
is a researcher at Leiden University. Her current research focuses on the inter-
action between monastic and secular law in the Ganden Phodrang period,
a four-year project funded by the NWO’s VENI grant. In general, she is inter-
ested in the influence of the pre-modern Tibetan Buddhist monastery on soci-
ety at large. The main sources she examines are Tibetan monastic guidelines
(bca’ yig), on which she has published various articles. In 2015, she obtained
her PhD in Buddhist Studies at Leiden University with a dissertation entitled
“The Monastery Rules: Buddhist Monastic Organization in Pre-modern Tibet.”
In addition to her academic research endeavours, she has been working as an
interpreter and translator of (Buddhist) Tibetan since 2004.

Charles Ramble
is Directeur d’études (Professor of Tibetan History and Philology) at the
Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, Paris, a position he has held since 2009.
From 2000 to 2010 he was the Lecturer in Tibetan and Himalayan Studies at
the University of Oxford, where he continues to hold a position as University
Research Lecturer. His publications include The Navel of the Demoness: Tibetan
Buddhism and Civil Religion in Highland Nepal (2008), and several volumes in
a series entitled Tibetan Sources for a Social History of Mustang (2008, 2016).
His research interests include Tibetan social history, Bon, biographical writing,
and Tibetan ritual literature and performance.

Fernanda Pirie
is Professor of the Anthropology of Law, at the Centre for Socio-Legal Studies,
of the University of Oxford. She has carried out anthropological studies of legal
practices in the Tibetan world and is engaged on a historical study of Tibet’s
laws in its medieval period. She is the author of The Anthropology of Law
(OUP, 2013) and Peace and Conflict in Ladakh (Brill, 2007). She has jointly edited
list of contributors ix

volumes on Conflict and Violence in Tibet and Inner Asia (with Toni Huber,
Brill 2008), Modern Ladakh (with Martijn van Beek, Brill 2008), and Legalism:
Community and Justice (with Judith Scheele, OUP, 2014).

Jeannine Bischoff
is a doctoral student at Department for Mongolian and Tibetan Studies of the
University of Bonn, Germany. Her research focuses on Tibetan administrative
documents concerning the rural communities attached to Kundeling monas-
tery, in Central Tibet, before 1959.

Kalsang Norbu Gurung

completed his PhD at Leiden University and is currently affiliated to the
Department of Mongolian and Tibetan Studies, Bonn University. He is also
working in the project “Katalogisierung der Orientalischen Handschriften in
Deutschland” (KOHD). He has served as the president of the International
Seminar of Young Tibetologists since 2012.

Kensaku Okawa
Is an associate professor at Nihon University. He obtained his Ph.D. from the
University of Tokyo. His current research interests are Tibetan social history,
Tibetan modern literature, and Sino-Tibetan relations in the 20th and the 21st
centuries. He has translated Tibetan novels by Don grub rgyal, sTag ’bum rgyal,
and Padma tshe brtan into Japanese. His recent publications on Tibetan social
history include “A Study on Nang zan: On the Reality of the ‘servant worker’
in Traditional Tibetan Society”, Revue d’études tibétaines, no. 36, forthcoming
2016.

Nyima Drandul
is a native of Nepal’s Mustang District, where he was born and educated in
a family of Nyingmapa tantric lamas. He has held positions as a research
assistant in several international projects, including the Nepal-German
Project on High Mountain Archaeology (1992-1997) and, most recently, the
ANR/DFG-funded Social History of Tibetan Societies, 17th–20th Centuries
(2012–2016). He is the principal collaborator in the publication series Tibetan
Sources for a Social History of Mustang.

Peter Schwieger
is Professor of Tibetan Studies at Bonn University in Germany. His publica-
tions cover the literature of the Tibetan Nyingma School, Tibetan diplomatics,
Ladakhi and East Tibetan history, Tibetan oral literature and the grammar of
x list of contributors

Tibetan language. Currently his research focuses on the political and social
history of Tibetan societies. His recent publication is The Dalai Lama and the
Emperor of China: A Political History of the Tibetan Institution of Reincarnation
(New York, Columbia University Press, 2015).

Saul Mullard
(DPhil Oxford) was a member of the Social History of Tibetan Societies
research group and is a specialist of Sikkim’s social and political history. He
has authored several books in this area including Opening the Hidden Land
(Leiden, Brill, 2011) and Royal Records: A Catalogue of the Sikkimese Palace
Archives (2010, with Hissey Wongchuck) and a number of articles relating to
the social history of Sikkim. His research interests include ethnicity, slavery
and forced labour, and the historical development of social status markers in
Sikkim and the Tibetan Himalayas.

Yuri Komatsubara
completed her PhD in History at Meiji University and is currently a part-time
lecturer at the School of Arts and Letters at Meiji University. Her research
focusses on the history of the relations between Tibet, Qing-China and Nepal
based on archival material.
Introduction
Saul Mullard and Jeannine Bischoff

To submit myself to all my governors, teachers, spiritual pastors and mas-

ters; to order myself lowly and reverently to all my betters.
Edward IV (1549)

…
[W]ithin the vast area of our estate, there wasn’t a single person who didn’t
know me. That’s because I was the chieftain’s son. If you don’t believe me,
become a slave or a brilliant son of a commoner and see if people know who
you are.
Idiot, Alai, Red Poppies, 5

∵
Both of these quotations—no matter if they originate from late medieval
England or Tibet of the Ganden Phodrang (dGa’ ldan pho brang) period—
illustrate an observation we all know from our daily life: the fact that as mem-
bers of a human group we all share a set of beliefs and behavioural patterns
with which we try to make sense of our world and our relation to others. Who
these “others” are varies significantly from situation to situation. Others can be
family and friends, equals and superiors and inferiors; or complete strangers.
Nevertheless, we must be able to interact with them in a way that is gener-
ally understood. For this purpose there exist norms and standards of inter-
action. These, however, do not always come naturally, but are imposed by
society in general or institutions within a society that are in the position of
regulating behaviour.
History is all too often written with a focus on the political, military, or
diplomatic powers of a given state; historiography is a narrative of winners
that draws a “straight cord on the bow of history” (Fifth Dalai Lama). Social
History, however, causes this straight cord to fray somewhat and, eventually,
snap owing to the shift in emphasis towards people’s everyday lives and by
highlighting societal structures that had previously been neglected. Seldom
are the subjects of social history heroes or victors. “Social history is necessarily
concerned with an understanding and elucidation of structures: how folk

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���7 | doi ��.��63/9789004331259_002

2 mullard and bischoff

engaged with one another, collaboratively, collectively, often in conflict—and

at all levels from the family unit to national and even international identities”.1
The question of what social history is or which questions it is expected to
answer is a highly disputed topic. Eric Hobsbawm claimed that “The history
of society is history” in itself (1971: 29). Thus, social history provides a compre-
hensive approach towards the past and the collective human experience of
that past. Social history studies groups of people rather than looking at indi-
viduals, especially those groups who were formerly overlooked because they
lacked power. Social history turns “conventional” history writing upside down
and looks at it from below. In contrast to the convention of historical writing
as “a rapid succession of unique events generated by decisions of the members
of the political elite” (Fairburn 1999: 35), it provides the social context for these
developments and their social dimension.
This volume is the outcome of the panel “Rules, Reforms and Regulations”
of the 13th Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies held
in Ulanbaataar, Mongolia, in July 2013. Most of the papers were produced by
members of the research project “Social History of Tibetan Societies, 17th–20th
Centuries”. Additionally Berthe Jansen, Yuri Komatsubara and Kensaku Okawa
contributed to the panel as well as to this volume, as their current research foci
are directly relevant not only to the project generally, but specifically to the
topic of social regulation.
While the first volume that resulted out of the research project, Tibetans
who Escaped the Historian’s Net (2013) mapped the field and identified the
actors in the social history of Tibetan societies, this volume looks specifically
into regulatory mechanisms within social groups. Thus, thanks to the first pub-
lication of the project which “push[ed] further ajar” the door of the social his-
tory of Tibetan societies, this volume attempts to pass the threshold and keep
the door open.
When we consider the history of Tibetan societies and the extent to which
it is represented in academia, it becomes apparent that publications on this
topic are not exactly to be found in excess. Historical studies of the Tibetan
world can be divided into two main areas, which as the casual student of
Tibetan history knows, overlap somewhat: first, the history of Buddhist lead-
ers, practitioners, and establishments; and secondly, the history of the Tibetan
state or other regional political entities. But what of the people who are neither
eminent Buddhist figures nor political leaders? Where are they to be found

1 Evans, E. http://www.history.ac.uk/makinghistory/resources/articles/social_history.html;
accessed 17-08-2016.
Introduction 3

in the history of Tibet? The writing of social history within Tibetan Studies
has mostly been the sovereign territory of anthropologists with a couple of
historians breaching the boundaries from time to time. It was especially
Melvyn C. Goldstein who “kicked off” the writing of Tibetan social history a
few decades ago (see for example, Goldstein 1968; 1986). Nevertheless, the use
of legal documents in particular for the writing of social history is still in its
infancy. Up to now in Tibetology legal sources are very often analysed from
a philological perspective, looking at the specifics of language and sentence
structures. Any of these is a means of communication that is always related to
discourses that have rules and norms that regulate the way in which things are
expressed (Müller 2004: 8). Although this was mostly—as Bloch remarked for
the case of Medieval Europe—“a matter of memory and practice” (Bloch 2014:
380), it also required proof in the form of legal documents. Needless to say,
there are pioneering works that have paved the way to proceeding from philo-
logical groundwork to analysing the sources with a social historical approach.
To mention but a few: the pioneering works of Schuh’s analysis of the archive
of the monastery of bKra shis bsam gtan gling in sKyid grong (1988), his intro-
duction into Tibetan seals (1981), and his investigation of public and private
documents from West Tibet (Ladakh) (2008). Further works that deserve men-
tion regarding the use of legal sources are by Hanna Schneider (2012), Peter
Schwieger (1999, 2015), Charles Ramble (2008) and Saul Mullard (2011). Taking
philological investigations as a basis, the next step is to (re)construct a his-
torical narrative of Tibetan societies from this material. Society is based on
a foundation where factors like hierarchies and rule, family, authority, beliefs
and so forth have an impact. In “common” Tibetan historiographies we often
find a chronology of facts and how those played a role in determining the poli-
cies and decision-making processes of high-ranking officials and lamas. They
often lack a “behind-the-scenes” approach that involves source criticism and
context analysis.
Whether as a result of the history of Tibetan studies, where philological
approaches have often dominated the reading of Tibetan works, or else due
to the forced and somewhat constructed distinction between our understand-
ing of Tibet from either a literature-based or anthropologically-based perspec-
tive, the result has been the same: somewhere, the idea that the past should
be understood as a collection of human experiences rather than as a series of
events compiled into a compelling narrative, has been lost. In short, the past
is not just a series of events that can be detached from the social and narrated;
because it is formed from people’s interactions with one another, individually
or within social groups, it is rather to be analysed and understood from the
perspective of the people who lived that past.
4 mullard and bischoff

The title of this volume promises case studies from Tibetan history. To live up
to the plurality of Tibetan societies mentioned in the project’s title, the range
of contributions covers not only the Central Tibetan area under the so-called
Ganden Phodrang government (mid-17th to mid-20th centuries), but also
includes studies from adjacent areas like southeast Tibet and the Himalayan
kingdoms of Nepal and Sikkim.
It will be obvious from the contributions that there are multiple ways of
regulating a society. Of course there are rules and regulations that are issued
from above and have to be complied with. But then there are also moral
appeals, administrative orders and diplomacy. All these ensure that the society
in question continues to function. Regulation helps to keep society stable, and
exercises power and control as well as protection. While all this is achieved by
using a language that everybody concerned can understand, social regulation
also makes sure that there remains a minimum basis for interaction between
different levels of hierarchy (Pernau 2011: 145–146).
Society is composed of different institutions, elements, organisations, and
sub-groups, many of which have internal forms of regulation (for example
military, monastic, and so forth). As the categories into which a society may be
divided are numerous, inconsistent and unstable, an all-encompassing expla-
nation of the mechanisms of the entirety of society is impossible (Fairburn
1999: 18–19).
This volume attempts to bring to light various actors and strategies involved
in social regulation in case studies from Tibetan societies. Only by gaining
knowledge about the human environment can our understanding about the
framework of institutions that governs (Tibetan) societies develop (Bloch
2014: 66). These may be intertwined, but can nevertheless be identified and put
into the social-historical context of the societies examined by the contribu-
tions in this volume. While it is impossible to grasp all categories of society and
their modes of interaction and regulation, an attempt to include a good many
of them is realised in this current publication.
While there are two main institutions that regulate Tibetan society, namely
the government and its agents, as well as Buddhism, there are various modes
of regulation that are exemplified throughout the papers in this volume.
None of these, however, functions on its own. Let us take authority, for exam-
ple. Authority is a strong regulative tool that plays a role in all the papers of
this volume. The overall regulator of society is the ubiquitous power of the
state with the implementation of laws at its basis (Osterhammel 2010: 1057).
Nevertheless, the scope of societal regulation apart from the state is much
broader than “mere” political power. As the reader will see, there are sets of
Introduction 5

human arrangements within Tibetan societies that together create the way
situations are dealt with.
This is aptly demonstrated in Saul Mullard’s paper on the fifteen-clause
domestic settlement (nang ’dum) of 1876. The author addresses the impact
of demographic change on social, economic and political relations in 19th-
century Sikkim, showing that the trend of commoners leaving their natal
estates in search of more favourable living conditions in British Darjeeling had
many ramifications for social cohesion, traditional social relations, as well as
for political and economic policy. One such ramification was the settlement of
Nepalese immigrants on Sikkimese estates and the belief of certain sections of
Sikkimese society that foreign immigration threatened the stability of society.
The fifteen-clause domestic settlement, he argues, can be read as a regulatory
response to the changes in Sikkimese society caused by emigration on the one
hand and immigration on the other, as it not only sets in motion the creation
of fairer legal processes but also serves as a blueprint for social reconciliation
by combining national sentiment with shared moral values.
Whilst the document discussed in Mullard’s paper was clearly authored by
individuals closely associated with political power in Sikkim, Charles Ramble
and Nyima Drandul show that regulatory reform was not just the purview of
the state. They discuss an exceptional document from a Tibetan-speaking
community in Panchayat-Era Nepal. For the purposes of maintaining and
preserving the social fabric as it was, it was common to regulate society, for
example by making the attendance of religious festivals obligatory in times
when it was felt that voluntary attendance was becoming less common. The
document they discuss here, however, seeks to implement reforms, by reduc-
ing the scope, complexity and costs of a number of customs, well-established
traditions that had been current in this community for several generations.
The reform is implemented not by a ruling authority, but by the village com-
munities themselves.
Community regulation is also the subject of Berthe Jansen’s paper, though
in this case the focus is not on the village but the monastic community. Jansen
provides valuable insight into the social history of Tibetan Societies from a
Buddhist Studies perspective. She argues that the majority of Tibetan societies
are inseparable from Buddhist views on life: Buddhism, its ideals and philo-
sophical views have a major influence on society. Thus, when read carefully
and with social-historical questions in mind, Buddhist texts like hagiographies,
tantric commentaries and, in Jansen’s case, monastic guidelines, can provide
valuable information about the mechanisms underlying Tibetan society.
Monastic guidelines are a straightforward means of religious regulation. They
6 mullard and bischoff

clarify not only how the monastery in question is to be organised, but also how
its residents should interact with the surrounding lay population. It can also
be seen how these regulatory guidelines reacted to situations of interaction in
everyday practice; social regulation was a fluid process.
Alice Travers’ paper is another fine example of the regulation of a particular
social group. While Jansen focusses on the inhabitants of monasteries, Travers
analyses a legal code of the Tibetan military, regulating—in strikingly simi-
lar ways to the monastic guidelines—the lives of Tibetan soldiers. The legal
code analysed by her has a legitimising opening section stating that, up to this
point, it has not been necessary to have a military law code (dmag khrims), as
the Tibetan people are generally peaceful and compassionate. However, the
text goes on to give a list of obligations, crimes and offences along with pun-
ishments that the wrongdoers will have to face. While some of these offences
are clearly of a military character—for example, failure to maintain one’s
equipment—there are also wrongdoings that relate to society in general,
thereby ensuring that soldiers are not separated from society but have to behave
correctly within its framework. Examples include punishment for harass-
ing women, entering people’s houses and fighting with monks. Interestingly,
despite regulating the military, this law code also illustrates the fact that within
the group (that is, the military as a whole) the social fabric of the wider society
is maintained, as higher ranking officers can save face by paying a fine instead of
being flogged.
Social regulation from the top of society could only be implemented by a
stable government. Peter Schwieger discusses the question of who actually
exercised jurisdiction in rGyal thang (in southeast Tibet) after it had been
offered as a religious estate (chos gzhis) to the Fifth Dalai Lama. He bases his
analysis on legal documents from rGyal thang and argues that whilst the Lhasa
government was the nominal ruler of the region, its jurisdiction was confined
to the clergy, whereas the Qoshot Mongols were largely responsible for day-to-
day political control. This also included legal matters, like taxation and trade.
There was, however, a lack of definition of powers, so that the jurisdictions of
the two ruling entities overlapped and changed over time, depending on shift-
ing power relations and struggles in their respective political heartlands. The
local lamas then were ready to step out from being ruled into being the rulers
themselves. Schwieger’s paper illustrates the fragility of power relations and
therefore also that of the institutions of social regulation.
Jeannine Bischoff adopts a more focussed perspective on the way social
regulation was directly imposed on the Tibetan population. She analyses two
private obligation contracts, from which it is obvious that a large proportion
of social regulation was actually achieved through shared values. These values
Introduction 7

include modes of interaction with higher-ranking members of society and

determine the way in which this interaction takes place. She points out recur-
ring themes and expectations within Tibetan society and demonstrates that
these, as shown in some of the other contributions, maintain the social fabric
through regulation.
Another way of stabilising existing power relations can be seen in Yuri
Komatsubara’s paper. The author presents a hitherto unavailable piece of diplo-
matic regulation, the English translation of the treaty of the First Tibet-Gorkha
war of 1789. The treaty provides a glimpse of the actual circumstances in which
it was drawn up, including religious and hierarchical differences between the
contracting parties and how these were dealt with, for example through seat-
ing arrangements. By maintaining the “face” of the parties involved, the suc-
cess of the treaty was ensured. When we look at the content of the treaty, it is
striking that the maintenance of former circumstances is the intended aim.
This can be seen in the concern for the situation of traders living at the bor-
der between Nepal and Tibet: they were not only dependent on the mainte-
nance of the fragile political situation, but were also defined in their behaviour
towards the traders living on the other side of the border. Only by preserving
the political peace could their mode of living be maintained.
gTan tshig ensure stability as well, not only of landholdings but also of the
social surroundings, as no one was allowed or dared to challenge an officially
legitimised land tenure document. On the basis of three examples of this type
of document Kensaku Okawa illustrates the ever-changing balance of power in
Central Tibet, and shows how the successive issuing of confirmations of land
tenure documents regulated the social groups involved, be they monastic com-
munities or aristocrats. The value of these documents was that they regulated
power struggles that might occur, especially in times of change of rule, when
those who sought to increase their estates might contest existing landholdings
by challenging the corresponding land tenure documents. Thus, in the cases
presented by Okawa, we see that social regulation does not necessarily require
that things change, but may ensure rather that they remain the same.
While gtan tshig, as described by Okawa, relate to single examples of land
tenure and corresponding taxation, there also was, as Kalsang Norbu Gurung
shows, an institutionalised government system of taxation. His particular
focus is the Iron Tiger Land Settlement of 1830. Interestingly, he presents us
with different versions of the settlement, thereby showing that there was a
general regulation from the Central Government, but that the actual imple-
mentation and information were applied according to what was relevant for
the individual estate or region or even individual taxpayers. Thus, the govern-
mental institution regulated the entirety of society through its administrative
8 mullard and bischoff

sub-institutions. The purpose, however, was to maintain the existing fabric

of society.
The volume has been made complete by Fernanda Pirie, who, in a concluding
chapter, takes up the various issues discussed in the individual contributions
and provides a comprehensive and insightful overview of the mechanisms of
social regulation.
The editors of the volume hope that readers will share the editors’ interest
and fascination of the topic of social regulation in Tibetan societies and enjoy
the read.

Bibliography

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dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho, Fifth Dalai Lama of Tibet. New Delhi: Aditya.
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resources/articles/social_history.html.
Fairburn, M. 1999. Social History. Problems, Strategies and Methods. New York: St Martin’s
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Goldstein, M. 1968. An Anthropological Study of the Tibetan Political System. PhD dis-
sertation. University of Washington.
——— 1986. Reexamining Choice, Dependency and Command in the Traditional
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Hobsbawm, E. 1971. From Social History to the History of Societies. Daedalus 100(1),
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Mullard, S. 2011. Opening the Hidden Land: State Formation and the Construction of
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Müller, B. 2004. Censorship and Cultural Regulation. Mapping the territory. In B. Müller
(ed.) Censorship and Cultural Regulation in the Modern Age. Critical Studies Vol. 22.
Amsterdam, New York: Rodopi, 1–32.
Osterhammel, J. 2012. Die Verwandlung der Welt. Eine Geschichte des 19. Jahrhunderts.
Bonn: bpb.
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Ramble, Ch., P. Schwieger, and A. Travers (eds). 2014. Tibetans who Escaped the
Historian’s Net. Kathmandu: Vajra Books.
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Association for Tibetan Studies, Leiden 2000. Leiden: Brill, 415–28.
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firmationsurkunden, Rechtsentscheide, Handschreiben und schriftliche Anordnungen,
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Aufstellungen, Sonstige. Verzeichnis der Orientalischen Handschriften in Deutsch­
land, Band XI, 16. Stuttgart: Steiner.
——— 2012b. Tibetischsprachige Urkunden aus Südwesttibet (Spo-Rong, Ding-Ri und
Shel-Dkar): Band 2: Verpflichtungserklärungen, Vergleichsurkunden, Schlichtungs-
und Teilungsurkunden. Verzeichnis der Orientalischen Handschriften in Deutsch­
land, Band XI, 17. Stuttgart: Steiner.
Schuh, D. 1981. Grundlagen tibetischer Siegelkunde. Eine Untersuchung über tibetische
Siegelschriften in ʼPhags-pa-Schrift. Sankt Augustin: VGH Wissenchaftsverlag.
——— 1988. Das Archiv des Klosters bKra-šis-bsam-gtan-gliṅ von sKyid-groṅ: 1. Teil.
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——— 2008. Herrscherurkunden und Privaturkunden aus Westtibet (Ladakh). Her­
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——— 2015. The Dalai Lama and the Emperor of China: A Political History of the Tibetan
Institution of Reincarnation. New York: Columbia University Press.
 CHAPTER 1

Regulating Sikkimese Society: The Fifteen-clause

Domestic Settlement (nang ’dum) of 1876

Saul Mullard

Introduction

“All societies have rules,” wrote Christopher Hutton in his book on language
and the law (Hutton 2009: 62). Tibetan societies are also governed by rules,
whether they are rules of kinship, marriage, theft or violence, they serve the
same process in any society: they guide behaviour and regulate relationships
and interaction. By studying these rules, how they are formed and what moral
principles guide them, we can gain insights into the society itself. A key com-
ponent in the study of social regulation is morality, the guiding force in social
behaviour. For Emile Durkheim, it is the collective consciousness that serves
as the “general regulating force in society” (Treviño 2001: 236). Written codes
are oftentimes quite different from the implicit rules described by Hutton and
Durkheim, as the process of writing rules requires a reduction of general moral
themes; nevertheless, they are often influenced by the unwritten conven-
tions that govern society and social interaction. In the Sikkim of the mid-19th
century, what is interesting is that a process had begun whereby written moral
codes became increasingly tied to nationalism. Social cohesion becomes inte-
grated with political and national themes.
This paper looks specifically at the example of the fifteen-clause domestic
settlement of 1876, signed by the leading aristocratic families and monastic
estates of Sikkim. It is both a practical piece of lawmaking and an attempt
to enshrine the political existence of Sikkim within religious and moralis-
tic themes. In particular it deals with two key issues relevant to the study of
Sikkim on the cusp of modernity: the problem of Nepalese immigration and
the creation of a national narrative for the kingdom. Through the examination
of the clauses in this agreement along with a study of the socio-political con-
text of the time, this paper aims to draw some preliminary conclusions regard-
ing the construction of a narrative of social regulation and its relationship to
the cohesion of the Sikkimese socio-economic system on the one hand and
demographic changes brought about by both emigration of Sikkimese com-
moners and immigration of Nepalese workers.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���7 | doi ��.��63/9789004331259_003

Regulating Sikkimese Society 11

The Text

The fifteen-clause domestic settlement was written two years into the reign of
the ninth Sikkimese king (chos rgyal) Thutob Namgyal (mThu stobs rnam rgyal)
who ruled Sikkim from 1874–1914. The text (Sikkimese Palace archive catalogue
number PD/9.5/027) is 69 lines long. The opening five lines are written in a
Tibetan cursive script closely resembling the Tsugmakhyug (tshug ma ’khyug)
sub script style. The remainder of the document is written in Tibetan short-
hand (’khyug bris). It is divided into a number of sections, but these sections
do not completely correspond to those given by Hanna Schneider for other
types of reconciliation documents (’dum khra) namely: publicatio, arenga, nar-
ratio, dispositio (Schneider 2002: 421–23). Instead the text is closer in structure
to an obligation contract (gan rgya), though it begins with an invocation—
a departure from the set style of obligation contracts as has been discussed
by Schneider (2002: 418) where the text should start with the inscriptio. In the
domestic settlement the inscriptio follows the invocation:

Z. Om Swasti! With devotion and praise to Guru Rinpoche, the lotus

[born] the protector of the four realms, who performed the accomplish-
ment of subjugation from the virtuous beautiful mountain, and who is
the noble ornament of the disciples of the noble dharma, the emanation
of the Lord Buddha who came forth from the treasure lake. Praise to the
Lama who, through kindness, established the great happiness of the sub-
jects in the maintenance of the royal and religious laws, who in this place,
the hidden land, opened the northern door, the mighty Lord of the
Dharma: the emanation Lha btsun [chen po]. By the effort of prayer the
leader of rdzog chen [Lha btsun chen po] arrived in this pure land which
is the second Akanishta. The Dharmaraja, the leader of men is the crown
jewel of the subjects, prostrations to the priest and patron relationship,
which is inseparable like the sun and the moon! Today on the virtuous
day which is the fortune of all beings of the Nyi ma ’brug epoch, when the
stars are aligned and 100 types of auspiciousness are arranged on the 15th
day, which is a Sunday, and which is the festival of Buddha Amithabha
the month of the Fire Dog [ninth month], the end of the autumn season
of the Male Fire Rat year [1876], which is known as ’dzin byed, a submis-
sion [has been made]
Z. To the golden throne, to the lotus feet of the supreme holder of the
dual laws which are the sources of temporal and spiritual wellbeing.1

1 For Tibetan text see the addendum at the end of this paper.
12 Mullard

This is then followed by the introductory protocol:

The subjects under [royal] authority with homage submit thus. We, who
are listed below, the religious community led by the monastic community,2
The Drag shar Minister from Lhan rtse, and the Gangtok minister who
leads whatever Lho po, Lepcha and Limbu communities from rDzong
dgu have voluntarily accepted the permanent Domestic Reconciliation.
The results of which are:

Then follows the arenga. This provides a quasi-historical context for the docu-
ment highlighting the historical unity between the different ethnic communi-
ties of Sikkim when faced with attacks on their shared culture and customs:

Even though the Lepcha had held the Hidden Land of Sikkim, from
Ghir ti ’gor, La Chen and La chung, Mon phu, Pathing3 and in each and
every district and village of these places, all the Lepcha were the ser-
vants and the Mang ’gor (Magar)4 the lords. And so [they] resided like
that. In the collected prophetical guidebooks of Rig ’dzin rgod ldem can
it says that the Four yogin brothers who were the timely emanations of
the Guru: “will come from the eastern direction one named Phun tshogs
rnam rgyal, from the southern direction mNga’ bdag sems dpa’ chen po,
from the western direction bKa’ [sic] tog rig ’dzin chen po, and from the
northern direction in the form of Heruka the very powerful Nam mka’

2 Pemayangtse monastery, which is considered the head of the monastic community of Sikkim
is not specifically mentioned instead we find gra tshang [sic. Grwa tshang]. In Sikkim this
term is used normally as an exclusive synonym for the monk-body of Pemayangtse. The sig-
natory section also refers to gra tshang, though it clearly notes that the monastic community
is led by Rab [brtan] gling, which is known by the name Ralang monastery. Incidentally this
is the leading and oldest monastery of the bKa’ brgyud pa in Sikkim.
3 Here the places refer to the four directions: Ghir ti ’gor is modern Giddi near Kurseong
(Darjeeling–South), La chen and La chung (North Sikkim), Mon phu (Ilam–West) and
Pathing (East).
4 This refers to a historical narrative found in Sikkim which notes that prior to the arrival of
Lho-pa from Tibet, Sikkim was ruled by a Magar king. The Magar king in question was prob-
ably Lo Hang Sen (1609–61), who was the son of Mukunda Sen King of Palpa. According to
Raja R. Subedi (2005: 26–27) Lo Hang Sen was dispatched by Mukunda Sen to pacify the
Kotchee kings of the plains (i.e. the rulers of Cooch Bihar). It is from Lo Hang Sen that the
Sena rulers of Vijaypur claimed descent and, according to Sikkimese historical works, it was
the kingdom of Vijaypur which lay claim to the area that is now western Darjeeling district
and Southern Sikkim.
Regulating Sikkimese Society 13

’jigs med.” In accordance with the Northern prophecy, having opened the
doors to the sacred land and proceeding, at the same time, towards Yog
bsam bkra shis steng kha they came across each other and had a con-
versation. Since mNga’ bdag sems dpa’ chen po was from the true lin-
eage of the [Tibetan] dharmarāja, it was said that he should be the king
of this land; however, Lha btsun Chen po said “as we three are Lamas
we are excluded, and that the one of the four yogin brothers, who are
emanations of the guru, who is from the eastern direction and who has
the name Phun tshogs is the [true] king.” Eight realized Yogis together
with the realized Yogi bsKal bzang Don sgrub were sent to the presence
of the king in Gangtok Libing and with prayers they met, invited [and
accompanied him to yog bsam] and the four Yogi brothers met together
and had a conversation. Lha btsun chen po performed the auspicious
enthronement and offered the seven symbols of royal power, and [Phun
tshogs] was enthroned as the king who holds the hidden land. Then at
Ga ’bigs Ling com zing ’gyang lung rtsog,5 an oath was sworn which con-
nected together the eyes of the Lepcha and the body of the Lhopa [as]
both a feather and a wing is connected to a bird. Stones were erected and
five khal of live animal’s blood was measured and poured out [over the
stones] to confirm the oath and because the Lhopa and Lepcha were rein-
vigorated by the vow to work to protect the customs together, the Magar
were forced to retreat [from Sikkim] and were thus conquered. In addi-
tion there have been, until now, many invasions and heretical enemies
in this land directed against the father and son of rDzogs chen and the
gradual establishment of Buddhism. Regarding the eight year long occu-
pation by the Bhutanese who, by leading their troops into battle, burned

5 Today the place in question, which is in North Sikkim some 17km north of Gangtok, is known
simply as Kabi Lungchog. Lingchom, on the other hand, is both a place in the greater Kabi
block North Sikkim, and a place in Gayzing (rgyal zhing) block West Sikkim. The formulation
of this place name is quite interesting and is partially derived from what is considered to be
the Lepcha word Long chog which is now synonymous with a series of standing stones which
were traditional used as altars on which offerings were made. There are many sites like this
in Sikkim. This word, however, might well be a loan from Tibetan, corresponding to slong
’tshog[s] which would refer to the event of gathering in order to erect the stones. However,
in this phrase above both Lepcha and Tibetan terms are used in the name i.e. zing ’gyang
and lung rtsog. In this case it is clear that Zing ’gyang conveys the meaning of “cessation
of unrest”. In this case (if we accept that lung chog is a loan of slong ’tshogs the place name
would accurately represent the event of gathering to erect stones for the cessation of unrest:
i.e. a convention establishing peace. If long chog is indeed a loan word from Tibetan the
original meaning had been lost by the time the domestic settlement was written in 1876.
14 Mullard

and captured Rab brtan rtse rdzong;6 during the time of Chos rgyal Phyag
rdor rnam rgyal, not only did letters arrive successively from the pinna-
cle of the Lama’s residence in Lhasa [i.e. the regent], but also the third
Heruka ’Jigs med dpa’ bo and mKhan chen Rol pa’i rdo rje came to Rab
brtan rtse and because of which the Bhutanese withdrew. Thereafter, the
monks of Padma yang rtse were established as the principal preceptors
under [’Jigs med dpa’ bo’s] authority. Although the protection and main-
tenance of political and religious authority was spoiled and damaged
successively by Bar sa thang, De shes mngon shes,7 sPur na Ali, and rDzor
shing, [the country] was liberated and power returned after only a short
period of time. [This history] is clearly understood in the minds of all
of the high and low laymen, monks, ministers and lords, who have been
commissioned with implementing the will [of the king], and so we, the
undersigned, voluntarily accept that [we] must protect ourselves and our
territory.

Following the arenga is the narratio which details the circumstances leading
up to the signing of this document. In this case it is the settlement of Nepalese
immigrants in Sikkim by a number of aristocratic families.

Since the royal government continually raises this [point], and because
whatever the king commands is for the benefit of us the humble subjects

6 There is a rather unfortunate error in the Tibetan text at this point where it reads rdzong rab
rtse btsigs [sic] blangs. It is not completely certain whether the Bhutanese set fire to the fort
in question and then took possession of it or took possession of it and rebuilt it. According
to other sources (see Mullard 2011: 62 and 81–82) we know this castle was constructed prior
to the Bhutanese invasion and that in BGR the Bhutanese are said to have extending and
renovated the palace (2003: 67). This, however, may well be a misreading of this very text as
according to JPKB, we know that this palace was extended after the First War of Succession.
Either way it is likely that in order to create confusion and take the palace the roof, which
would have been made of thatch as was the Sikkimese mthod or roof construction, may have
been burned. If this was the case the Bhutanese, once they occupied the fort would probably
have wanted to rebuild the roof, particularly given the strength of monsoon rains in Sikkim.
7 This is most likely a reference to the leader of the Limbu rebellion in the 1730s, who is known
by Limbus today as Srijunga Tiongshi. According to the Limbu tradition, which refers him
as a saintly emanation, he was captured by the monks of Pemayangtse and tied to a tree,
where his body was riddled with arrows. Other sources indicate that he was in fact a ren-
egade monk of Pemayangtse who led a political rebellion by allying himself to a faction from
the plains and a group of aristocrats discontented with the Second War of succession and the
’Bar spung regency which followed.
Regulating Sikkimese Society 15

and the ever-increasing diffusion [of the dharma], it is therefore insepa-

rable from the prophecies of the master [Guru Rinpoche]. In particular in
the oral instructions of Guru Rinpoche it states that “If the royal and reli-
gious laws are not maintained there is the great danger that this land will
be captured by uncivilized heretics.” The present behaviour of all the
high and low [subjects of Sikkim] is an example of this and therefore
tantamount to the destruction of their own land as if it were the enemy.
And by means of summoning foreign people from various countries,
[they] have not followed the laws of the kingdom and it is clearly known
that the settling of the Nepali Gurung community, which is out of the
desire for hidden profit8 to those [who have settled them in Sikkim],9
does not bring benefit to the dharma. In addition to this report, ’Bar
phung [sic], Ling ldam, bKra shis steng kha, the four regions of Gangtok,
the large eastern region, excluding the monastic estates, are not only the
territory of the above mentioned Lho po, Lepcha and Limbu, but also
rather than abiding by the essence of the agreement made by the minis-
ter of the great Sikkimese government [Prince Srid skyong rnam rgyal]
and Lord Eden in the Iron Bird year (1861) instead [they follow] the bad
example of the demon shouting in heavenly lands. The main points of
the Domestic Settlement which enacted many newly created prohibi-
tions, which were not part of the various earlier laws of this place [are
as follows].

There then follows the main body of the text which includes the fifteen clauses.
The clauses can be summarised as follows:

Clause 1:
A. It has been illegal to settle foreigners in Sikkim since the proclamation
made by the seventh Sikkimese king Tsuphu Namgyal (gTsug phud
rnam rgyal) in the Water Ox year (1853).
B. This proclamation has been forwarded to all officials who hold authori-
sation certificates (lag ’khyer) and has been repeated in successive
communications, such as those prohibiting the abuse of commoners.
C. It is imperative to adhere to the commands of one’s own sovereign
lord.

8 Profit which has not been disclosed to the government.

9 Specifically this refers to the Kazis of Sikkim who settled large populations of Nepalese peo-
ple in their estates in order to increase their personal revenue.
16 Mullard

Clause 2:
It is illegal to compel commoners to perform compulsory transportation of
trade goods (’u lag), provide porters or pack animals without proper govern-
ment authorisation. This causes misery and spreads discontent amongst the
people.

Clause 3:
A. It is illegal to disturb the peace of the country by obstructing roads,
bridges, and passes.
B. This has only occurred in the past because of the ‘selfish’ desire for
profit.

Clause 4:
All taxpayers (’khral mi) must provide good service to their lords and should
refrain from making minor complaints.

Clause 5:
In cases of internal conflict within or between the three communities of the
Lhopo (lho—Bhutia), Lepcha (mon), and Limbu (gtsong) an honest and
mutually respected elder can be appointed and given the power to fine
those responsible the following amount: Five rupees (rgya tam) for the
greatest infringement (rkyen rtsa che ba), three thala (tha la) for an interme-
diate violation, and for a minor infraction the culprit should serve chang
and raise prayer flags.

Clause 6:
In cases of dispute, irrespective of the social status of the accused or victim,
and immediately upon notification being received by the landlord an elder
should convene an assembly and make a judgement without partiality to
either side. The judgement shall be binding.

Clause 7:
In cases of violent robbery or forced settlement [of non-residents] in the
land where the Lhopo, Lepcha, or Limbu live, a notification must be
submitted immediately to the government. The landlord should gather all
the people of the region in question and whatever action needs to be taken
for the security and peace of the country and the three communities,
whether it is the sacrifice of one’s life or the forfeiture of one’s wealth. It
must be done.
Regulating Sikkimese Society 17

Clause 8:
With the exception of Lamas and the government, it is illegal for subjects to
leave their land and take up residence under another lord. If a subject takes
another as his lord all his land will be repossessed by the government and
the subject expelled from the country. The lord, who has allowed a runaway
to settle on his land, will also have his land reclaimed and he too will be
expelled from the country.

Clause 9:
Opposition to the dharma is heretical. Service to the Lord and Lamas is the
most important practice for the avoidance of suffering of the lower realms
and achieving the happiness of the higher realms. For the development of
love towards one’s own religion in the mind and heart, and having collected
the highest offerings, perform the gnas gsol10 and purification rituals, and
read the Kangyur. On the tenth day perform the offerings for previous sins,
recite the seven chapter supplication,11 perform the suppression of the sick-
ness causing demons and renounce the forces of negativity in the mind, and
instead perform the supplications to the gods of the forces of positivity.

Clause 10:
In small disputes it is illegal to employ shamanic ritual specialists such as
bong thing, bon bon, pe mar, pe ba,12 dpa’ bo and rnal ’byor ma to summon
evil demons to the land of humans.13

Clause 11:
Even though the royal laws are strict, if accused of a violation the culprit
should not engage the services of a duplicitous middleman but should
instead make a direct appeal to the government.

Clause 12:
When a minor dispute escalates into a major conflict as a result of a case of
injustice a public assembly must be convened immediately to resolve the
issue fairly.

10 This is an annual ritual in Sikkim involving the supplications to the local guardian deities
as a means of purifying the earth.
11 Revealed by gter ston bZang po grags pa.
12 These are the Pe dang ma and Pe dang ba, who are the shamans of the Limbu people.
13 For a discussion of the dpa’ bo and rnal ’byor ma as Sikkimese village shamans see Balikci
2008: 145–46.
18 Mullard

Clause 13:
Those who pervert the law for their own self interest and betray the com-
munity by revealing the inner secrets and who bring external issues into the
community should be expelled from the country. If there are some people
who, having acted in that way, and have subsequently rejected the wrong
path and made a truthful confession of their previous actions then their
confessions should be heard by the people.

Clause 14:
It is illegal to change the verdict of a public assembly on account of self-
interest, pointless prejudice and personal bias.

Clause 15:
A. A general amnesty is granted to all Gurungs who had been settled in
Sikkim until now.
B. Henceforth it is illegal to settle anymore foreigners
C. If someone violates this clause:
i) A notification must be submitted to the government
ii) The culprit should be apprehended by a general gathering of
people.
iii) All his property and wealth (excluding religious objects) shall be
seized and yielded to the government
iv) All his certificates and letters patent should be transferred along
with whatever taxation and ’u lag responsibilities and obliga-
tions he may have.
v) He must resign any posts he may hold
vi) The settlers must be apprehended by a gathering of the public,
convened by the elders of the Lhopo, Lepcha, and Limbu com-
munities and told to leave the land. If they fail to leave they must
be forcibly ejected.

Following this section, which details the fifteen clauses of the domestic settle-
ment, there is a penultimate clause. This is essentially a penalty clause, though
it does not include all the legalistic proverbs found in other legal documents
(see Schneider 2002: 424–26). Instead, it contains a benediction to those that
follow the rules established in the preceding clauses, promising the blessings
of the gurus and other non-worldly beings, everlasting bliss, wealth and health:
in short a desirable, long and satisfying life. Yet to those that break the vow to
uphold the rules, a malediction is cast upon them promising a ritual death of
a most macabre nature, involving the descent of countless malevolent spirits
Regulating Sikkimese Society 19

to the world to feast upon the oath-breakers’ flesh and bones. If that was not
enough of a penalty, an additional financial penalty of 30 gold srang would be
demanded of any lord who acts as an accomplice to a law breaker:

The above-mentioned clauses should be established in the hearts of

all the monks and laymen, the ministers and district officials together
with the three communities of the Lhopo, Lepcha and Limbu. Starting
from the above-mentioned date until the power of the four elements of
Earth, Water, Fire and Wind are destroyed, with awareness of the above
points [of this] conference may the groups who have received the vow
be blessed with ever increasing life, power and prosperity, fame and for-
tune, like the waxing moon by the gurus, tutelary divinities, ḍāka and
ḍākinī, the dharma protectors, the glorious lord Ma ning accompanied
by the male dharma protectors, Ekajaṭī accompanied by the female pro-
tectors and by the retinue of your own patron deities. If those [who are]
the incarnation of several demons and the enemies of the dharma do not
follow the above-mentioned agreement, and who cause destruction of
their own country by letting the inner [secrets] outside, and bring exter-
nal enemies in, the life, breath, heart and warm blood of those dharma
destroyers, will be destroyed like dust by their own tutelary deities who
will take their wrathful form such as the four classes of wrathful dharma
protectors, the 725 divinities of the bKa’ brgyad, the wrathful tutelary
guru, the protectoress Ekajaṭī, the upper territorial deity Gangs chen
mdzod lnga, the territorial deities of the lower valley Ma mgon lcam bral,
the territorial deity of the intermediate space dPa’ bo hung ri, the army
of 100 lha gods, the army of 100,000 btsan gods, the guardian deity of the
Hidden land. Immediately the above-mentioned gods with satisfaction
shall devour the warm flesh, blood and inner parts [of the oath breakers].
If there arises one who assists the enemies with regards to the above-
mentioned agreement, by acting duplicitously or deceitfully, and who
returns cooked meat back to its raw state, who has the designation of lord,
and who delivers the truthful speech [outside] must cleanly offer the fine
of thirty gold srang, in pure unadulterated form, to the law place without
the delay of a single breath on the very day [of committing the crime]. The
following people have agreed to abide by that which has been written:

Then there is the list of signatories:

1. The Densapa (gDan tshab pa) minister of Barmiok (’Bar nyag sic: nor-
mally myag) father and son [Seal].
20 Mullard

2. The Drag shar uncle, father and son [SEAL].

3. The minister and lord of Gangtok, his brother and his retinue [SEAL].
4. The Bar [spung?] minister father and son [SEAL].
5. The lord of Lasso (La sogs) [SEAL].
6. The general manager (spyi mgron) of Barfung (’Bar phungs), called Nyin
mo [SEAL].
7. bSod nams bsten, the general manager of Lingdam (Ling sdam)
[thumbprint].
8. The general manager of Tashi Tenkha (bKra shis lteng kha), Kun bzang
bde chen [who leads] the assembly of the council of advisors [SEAL].
9. The [lord] Zhal lding [thumb print].
10. The Subba Hang tse rong [SEAL].
11. The rTa sa of Zamdong (Zam mdong rta sa) [called] Lung brgyas [SEAL].
12. The rTa sa of upper Rinyi river, [called] Kham bu [SEAL].
13. The rTa sa of upper Ga led river [SEAL].
14. The rTa sa of upper Rathong river [SEAL].
15. The rTa sa of upper Ringbig river [SEAL].
16. The mark of the rNam gnyer father and son [thumbprint].
17. The eastern minister, his brother father and son [SEAL].
18. The Gra tshang [sic] and all the religious groups, led by Rab brtan gling.
19. The monks and Lamas of Rumtek monastery [SEAL].
20. The lamas and monks of Kathog (Ka stog sic) [SEAL].

The Text in Context and the Politics of Immigration

As was discussed earlier, the structure of this document is not dissimilar from
that of an obligation contract (gan rgya), even though the document is identi-
fied as a reconciliation document (’dum). That being said, an important dif-
ference between the fifteen-clause settlement and obligation contracts, more
generally, is that it is clear from both the content and context that this is not a
private contract, which Bischoff (in this volume) defines as a key characteristic
of this type of legal document, but instead the hand of a unified authority,
though not necessarily the state, is clearly identifiable. Here a little contextual
information may be helpful.
The fifteen-clause settlement introduces several laws for the maintenance of
order within Sikkim, which will be discussed later. However, the primary focus
of this document is on the illegal settlement of Nepalese people in Sikkim.
The text makes reference to an earlier edict made by Thuthob Namgyal’s
father, Tsugphu Namgyal (1785–1863, reigned 1790–c.1861): the Water Ox Year
Regulating Sikkimese Society 21

(1853) proclamation against Nepalese Settlement; and the (Iron Bird) 1861
Treaty of Tumlong signed between Sikyong Namgyal (Srid skyongs rnam rgyal,
1819–1874) and Sir Ashley Eden (1831–1887). The latter treaty does not men-
tion Nepalese settlement, though it is the subject of a later correspondence
between Sir Ashley Eden, then Lt. Governor of Bengal until 1882, and Thutob
Namgyal in 1878 (Sikkim Palace Archives catalogue number: PD/1.7/001).14 Be
that as it may, the reference to the earlier agreement is likely the result of a
wish to set a precedent for what follows in the fifteen-clause settlement.
By the time of the signing of the fifteen-clause settlement in 1876, the
political context of Sikkim was characterised by factional in-fighting between
rival aristocratic families. Following the abdication of Tsugphu Namgyal—as
a result of illness—in 1861, his son Sidkyong Namgyal acted as regent/king15
for Tsugphu Namgyal’s younger son and designated heir Thutob Namgyal.
Sidkyong Namgyal was an incarnate lama of the bKa’ brgyud pa and was the
nominal head of this school in Sikkim and from most accounts he seems more
suited to the religious life. He was, essentially, a poor candidate for regent.
He lacked his father’s vision and political skill, particularly his father’s abil-
ity to neutralise the rivalry and factionalism amongst the aristocracy, for
which Tsugphu Namgyal’s reign is mostly known. Most accounts of Sidkyong
Namgyal’s regency mention his sister unusually frequently. She is identified in
sources as either Tenzing Choeden or Tenzing Dolma (bsTan ’dzin chos sgron/
sgrol ma). Indeed, many edicts and proclamations were made in both their
names such as the Iron Monkey proclamation (1860) against Nepalese settle-
ment (’Bras ljongs rgyal rabs—hereafter BGR: 183–84). It seems that Tenzing
Choeden was, perhaps, more suited to rule than her brother, but her gender
disqualified her from the position and, unfortunately, deprived Sikkim of a
potentially strong leader at a time (following the death of Tsugphu Namgyal in
1863) when the country needed it most. Instead the administration of Sikkim
became dominated by two brothers of the Khangsarpa (Khang gsar pa) family:
the Abbot of Phodang monastery, Lama Karma Tenkyong (known in Sikkimese
sources as the Phodang Lama) and his brother and Chancellor, Lhundrup Dorje

14 For those interested see the appendix below for a copy of the English text.
15 Sidkyong Namgyal is treated as a king (chos rgyal) in most of Sikkim’s historical works
such as BGR and Khenpo Chowang’s history ’Bras mo ljongs kyi chos srid dang ’brel ba’i
rgyal rabs lo rgyus. However, in administrative documents from the time he ruled Sikkim
he is never given the title of chos rgyal. Instead he is usually referred to as either rgyal
tshab or srid skyong.
22 Mullard

(known as the Khangsar Dewan in British sources).16 According to BGR, by 1870

they had settled twenty Nepalese people in the region of the confluence of the
Rangpo and Tista rivers. In 1871 Tenzing Choeden and Sikyong Namgyal again
issued an order for the removal of those Nepalese settlers, but this was ignored
and by 1875 Tsedon Aden (rTsis mgron a ldan), known in British sources as
Cheebu Lama, had settled Nepalese people in the lower valleys of the Raman
and Rishi rivers. The Lasso kazi then also brought Nepalese to work in his lime-
stone quarry near Namchi. At least this is the chronology of events given in
BGR (183–84). An examination of earlier administrative documents from the
Sikkimese Palace Archives seems to paint a different picture. The Water Ox
(1865) population register (Palace Archive number PD/1.1/006) is a document
detailing the taxable population by household. It is quite an extensive record,
detailing the population of nine Sikkimese regions (bSang, Nam rtse, Zam
gdong, gNam lcags zil gnon, sGog rdzong, Ilam, Nam then, Ring con, and ’Bar
myag) and it is 138 lines long. In the first 44 lines it lists 304 households by
the name of the head of household. These households are divided into groups
of sixteen and include two types of taxpayer: regular taxpayers (khral pa)
and new taxpayers (khral gsar). The total new taxpaying households amount
to 76, of that number 46 household names or 61% are clearly identifiable as
Nepalese. The remainder of the new taxpayers are a mixture of Lepcha, Limbu
and Tibetan names, which suggests several potential issues:

1. There was significant movement of people within Sikkim as a result

of either:
a) The division of a household
b) Flight from oppressive landlords/high tax burden
2. The ethnic composition of immigrants included Nepalese Lepchas,
Limbus and Nepalese communities speaking Tibetan languages or fol-
lowing Tibetan Buddhism.
3. The administrative procedure of recording a new household after the
family line of the previous tenant has been extinguished. For example
Dar bhong khral pa ’das tshar skyes dman yos lo shi khral gsar 1 (line 34)

16 Their family’s rise began during the reign of Tsugphu Namgyal’s father, Tenzing Namgyal
(1769–c.1790). Tenzing Namgyal was forced to flee Rabtentse Palace at the age of five
(1774) because the Gorkhas’ expansion into eastern Nepal threatened western Sikkim,
where the palace is located. During his exile he was cared for by Chagdor Khangsarpa
(the grandfather of the Khangsarpa brothers) who was subsequently raised to the rank of
Lord Chamberlain following the re-establishment of the Sikkimese government in 1780.
Regulating Sikkimese Society 23

the taxpayer of Dar bhong [sic] was extinguished [when] his wife died in the
hare year [so there is] one new taxpayer.

In all probability this demographic shift was due to a combination of the above
factors, though the factor of most concern to landlords would likely have been
the movement of commoners within Sikkim. The trend of commoners leav-
ing their traditional lands not only adversely affected the tax base of an estate
and consequentially the economic power and social status of a landlord, but
it also weakened the bonds and obligations that governed social relations.
Whilst it could be expected to occasionally lose a household from death or
migration, PD/1.1/006 records a statistically significant change in population
amounting to 25% of all total taxpayers. Such a figure cannot be attributed to
the odd household line dying out or individual cases of runaway commoners,
nor can it be a result of normal birth and death rates, but instead is indicative
of a clear trend of emigration on the one hand and immigration on the other.
Socially, the impact of such a demographic shift had the potential to ignite a
revolutionary change in social relations, as has been noted by social historians
of migration such as Leslie Page Moch. Whilst Page Moch highlights migra-
tion in Europe, her study of pre-industrial migration highlights the key factors
of demographic change—in this case a population increase and a scarcity of
rural opportunities—and economic incentives—employment opportunities
in growing urban centres (2003: 6–9). Her work is useful for understanding the
impact of population changes on social and economic change, relevant to the
study of migration in other parts of the world. Essentially rapid population
decreases have oftentimes contributed to wider social change.
A comparable example to the changes taking place in Sikkim in the mid-
19th century is that of the depopulation of England resulting from the Black
Death. In that case the demographic changes greatly improved the lives and
conditions of peasants. They had the freedom to move to another estate that
provided more favourable conditions than their previous one; they com-
manded higher wages and paid less tax and as result their living standards rap-
idly increased (Byrne 2006: 233–34). In the Sikkimese example the changes in
population did not result from a catastrophic plague but instead from the wide-
spread emigration of Sikkimese commoners to an independent region that
guaranteed freedom of movement and wage-labour—a great improvement
on their current living standards—and that place was British Darjeeling. The
extent of migration from Sikkim to Darjeeling cannot be precisely identified as
population data was only collected in Darjeeling in a systematic way from 1872
onwards. That being said the Darjeeling tract (i.e. the original landgrant and
not the modern town and district of the same name) had originally been home
24 Mullard

to some 400 Lepcha households (or approximately 1,000 individuals) that had
migrated to Ilam in the 1830s as a result of the Kotapa rebellion (See Mullard
2013 for details). By 1850, the first superintendent of Darjeeling, Dr Campbell,
had estimated the population to have grown to around 10,000 and by 1869 had
grown further to around 22,000 (Darjeeling Gazetteer 1947: 49). By 1872, the
date of the first official census, the population had grown to 94,712 individuals
(Bengal District Gazetteer for Darjeeling 1907: 35). The total population figure
includes immigrants from Nepal, the population of Kalimpong and part of
the Sikkimese plains which were annexed in 1850. That being said there were
separate figures of 3,952 Lepchas and 4,663 Limbus, (Report of the Census of
Bengal 1872: 180). Unfortunately Lhopos (Bhotiyas in British records) were not
enumerated separately; instead they are most likely covered by the Buddhist
category for which a figure of 1,368 is given; though interestingly the same
breakdown lists a total of 36,585 male and female agriculturalists who speak
Tibetan dialects (Census of Bengal 1872: 13). It is unclear whether that latter
figure includes Bhutanese from Kalimpong and Tibetan speaking (broadly
defined) Nepalese. The gender imbalance of that figure was 29,877 men to only
6,708 women, which may well suggest that either the majority of those people
were immigrant or there was the widespread practice of hiding women from
the census officials.
For those commoners who remained in Sikkim, PD/1.1/006 suggests that
their living conditions were also changing. Like the peasants of medieval
England their bargaining power increased dramatically. The statistical data
from PD/1.1/006 shows that, like their English counterparts, Sikkimese peasants
could and did relocate from one estate to another with a degree of impunity.
The landlords, on the other hand, had very few options as simply compelling
those who remained to fulfil or increase their obligations would have only
lead to further and more rapid emigration as it did following the wars of 1850
and 1860, where increasing demands were placed on the Sikkimese peasantry.
Instead landlords were left with two realistic options, either accept the change
in social power relations and the corresponding change in income or bring in
other people to make up the shortfall, whilst granting concessions to those
original inhabitants who remained.
In the regions recorded in PD/1.1/006, it was the latter course of action that
prevailed. Interestingly that document clearly indicates that Nepalese immi-
gration was already quite advanced in regions associated with a number of
estates, five years before it is specifically identified in BGR. For example, the text
refers to regions associated with Lasso Kazi (who was the hereditary governor
of the royal estate of Namchi and the Sikkimese representative in Darjeeling),
Cheebu Lama (via his sister’s husband, who was also Cheebu Lama’s cousin,
Regulating Sikkimese Society 25

the rdzong dpon of lesser ’Bar myag),17 and the Khangsarpa brothers (whose
family intermarried with the rdzong dpon of bSang). Incidentally, and impor-
tantly for our study of the fifteen-clause settlement, all of the landlords asso-
ciated with the regions in PD/1.1/006 and identified in BGR as those who
initiated Nepalese immigration come from minor aristocratic families (with
the exception of the Lasso Kazi). That is not to say that they lacked the ancient
lineages of other houses, for they all claim illustrious ancestry, instead they
lacked two things: social status derived from a history of continual political
power and economic power derived from large estates. Consequently, they had
the most to lose from emigration as they could not absorb a 25% decrease in
taxable households compared to larger estates like g.Yang thang, Gangtok, or
greater ’Bar myag. They also had the most to gain from Nepali immigration
as the Nepalese brought with them techniques such as terrace cultivation,
which opened new areas to agriculture; improving the income of the estate
lords through increased tax revenue. This increased economic productivity
undoubtedly changed the social dynamic between these families and the more
established aristocratic families like the Barfung (’Bar spung).
So by the time the fifteen-clause settlement was signed two major factions
had developed amongst the upper class of Sikkimese society. The dividing
line between these two factions was whether it was acceptable to counteract
the depopulation of Sikkimese commoners with Nepalese immigration. On the
side of anti-immigration were the major houses of the Barfung clan (Bamiok,
Gangtok, Barfung, and Tashitenkha), the house of Drag Shar (Drag shar), and
the monastic community of Pemayangtse. On the pro-immigration side were
the Khangsarpa, Sang, and the Aden clan. The Lasso family were originally
in favour of Nepalese immigration during the life of Lasso Tumon but when
he died, Lha Tenzing, who should have inherited the title and lands of Lasso
Tumon (despite the fact that he was not Tumon’s biological son), was dispos-
sessed of his rights by the Khangsar brothers, who transferred his lands to a
Newari contractor (BGR: 188), alienating a former ally.
The authors of BGR are unusually candid in this episode. Here they iden-
tify the dispossession of Lha Tenzing of his step-father’s (Lasso Tumon) titles
and offices as the precipitating factor for the signing of the 1876 settlement.
According to BGR the Khangsar brothers, taking advantage of King Thuthob
Namgyal’s youth, appointed their ally the Kachoe Tulku (mKha’ spyod sprul
sku) as deputy representative of Darjeeling under Lha Tenzing’s step-father.

17 This is not to be confused with the ’Bar myag blon po, which comes from a different family
line. The ’Bar myag blon po are from the Densapa branch of the ’Bar spung clan, whereas
the ’Bar myag rdzong dpon family descend from the A ldan clan.
26 Mullard

Once appointed he manipulated the accounts to implicate Lasso Tumon in

the embezzlement of the king’s annual rent from the British for the lease of
Darjeeling. Lasso Tumon was then stripped of all his offices, including that of
hereditary governor of the royal estate of Namchi. Thereafter a meeting was
convened between Phodang lama, Kachoe Tulku, and Laxmi Das Pradhan,
where Laxmi Das was appointed to govern south Sikkim (BGR: 186–87). The
appointment of Laxmi Das to a position comparable to that of the ministe-
rial families proved to be a step too far; resulting in a meeting of the anti-
immigration faction in Namchi and the resolution to submit a series of legal
measures for the king’s approval: the fifteen-clause settlement.

A Blueprint for Social Cohesion

Clearly, the historical context shows that the political factionalism in Sikkim at
the time contributed to the signing of the 1876 settlement. Yet it is more than
just an issue of political interests and hostility to the growing power of the
Khangsarpa, it also reflects an ideological difference between those who saw
immigration as a way to grow Sikkim and those who saw it as a threat to its
ethnic balance. Essentially, it represents a clash of ideas regarding what Sikkim
was and what it should be. This makes the text of the fifteen-clause settlement
particularly interesting as it makes use of the motif of lho mon gtsong gsum.
By so doing it echoes the phrase used in a much earlier document: The agree-
ment for the unity of the three communities of Lhopo, Lepcha and Limbu, known
in Sikkim as The lho, mon, tshong agreement. This document dates from 1663
and is a reconciliation document signed by representatives of the three ethnic
communities of Sikkim following a period of conflict and hostility between
the forces of the emerging kingdom of Sikkim under the first king Phuntshog
Namgyal (b.1604 and reigned 1643–c.1670), and the pre-existing clan-based ter-
ritories of local Lepcha, Limbu, and Lhopo rulers. The signing of this treaty
marks their acceptance of a new political order based on the principle of the
unity of all three groups under the authority of the Sikkimese king (Mullard
2011: 145). The use, therefore, of this motif in the fifteen-clause agreement is
not without significance. By referring back to an agreement, which had already
become part of the cultural memory of the formation of Sikkim, the fifteen-
clause settlement identifies Nepalese immigration as an act against the unity
of the three communities, which in turn defines the Sikkimese kingdom. The
unity of the three communities is essentially projected as the unity of Sikkim
and by extension it transforms the motif into a representative, but embryonic,
symbol for Sikkimese nationhood.
Regulating Sikkimese Society 27

Politically, this is a very clever trick. Nepalese immigration is no longer a

potential solution to demographic changes in Sikkim, nor is it a policy dispute
between two factions engaged in an economic and political power struggle; it
is instead, and simply put, anti-Sikkimese and a threat to the sanctity of the
Hidden Land and Buddhism. Those who have settled Nepalese are labelled as
doing so for their “own selfish profit” and their actions are “tantamount to the
destruction of their own land as if it were an enemy”. Once those key points
have been conceded, the rest of the clauses in the settlement fall into place;
they are designed to repair the damage that has been done to the cohesion of
Sikkimese society and nationhood by those who settled Nepalese immigrants.
Yet rarely is anything ever so black and white. By presenting a motif from the
cultural and historical memory of Sikkim and transforming it into a quasi-
national symbol, indelibly tied to the sanctity of the Hidden Land, for a new
national and common consciousness it creates a narrative of internal logic
which actually obfuscates the actual reason for the breakdown of social cohe-
sion. The national narrative inverts cause and result, by stating that Nepalese
immigration has caused a breakdown in society, when in fact immigration
is a response to a problem caused by the loosening of social bonds: namely,
the population decrease of Sikkimese commoners resulting from emigration.
Emigration, in turn, has resulted from the push factor of the physical and eco-
nomic burdens placed on commoners by the socio-economic system of Sikkim
and the pull factor of an alternative more liberal system in British territory.
Essentially, people chose increased equality, better economic relations and
wage-payment for labour. Therefore, the transformations that were occurring
in Sikkimese society were interwoven within themselves, acting as both conse-
quences and causes for further social change. This is shown in the chart below.
Here it is shown that the decrease in the Sikkimese population resulting from
emigration to Darjeeling (and after 1865 British hill territory more generally)
sparked a complex series of changes, which in turn caused further change.
Nepalese immigration is but one of those changes in Sikkimese society.
Something alluded to in the diagram below is that as each change caused
further change and by extension further problems for social cohesion there
was a corresponding need to constantly develop solutions to regulate the ever-
changing social situation (the dotted lines). This was particularly relevant to
those elements of the chart represented by diamond boxes where the different
solutions employed by landlords to the problem of population decrease led to
a disparity of conditions on different estates, which in turn led to further emi-
gration and increased Nepalese immigration. It is here that the fifteen-clause
agreement is relevant. Although it misidentifies Nepalese immigration as the
cause of the breakdown in Sikkimese society, it is nonetheless a solution to
28 Mullard

PUSH FACTOR PULL FACTOR

Living conditions on Sikkimese Better opportunities in British
estates territory (Darjeeling)

Emigration of
Sikkimese
commoners

Decreased
population on
Sikkimese
estates
Increased
Solutions bargaining
required power of
commoners
Loosening of
bonds
between
landlords and
Nepalese commoners
immigration Concessions to
commoners

Disparity of Internal
conditions on migration of Abusive
Sikkimese commoners landlords
estates within Sikkim

Increased
depopulation
on some
Sikkimese
Key estates

Decision

Feedback loop Legal

solutions such as 15
clause settlement

Figure 1.1 Diagram illustrating the factors contributing to population changes in Sikkim and
the signing of the 15 clause domestic settlement.

the cycle of change shown in diagram one. It identifies the need for a unified
approach to the problem: a standardisation of rules, relationships and behav-
iour. Essentially the different clauses seek to remove the disparities between
different estates and re-regulate society through a single set of rules and, by
so doing, re-build the relationships between different social groups. Though
Regulating Sikkimese Society 29

it is unclear how or if these clauses were implemented, they nonetheless rep-

resent recognition of some of the problems facing Sikkimese society and the
need for recreating social cohesion. Therefore, and to some degree irrespective
of their actual functionality, they mark an important attempt to maintain
the bonds between lords and their tenants and prevent increased migration
both of Sikkimese commoners and Nepalese immigrants.

Conclusion

The fifteen-clause settlement is an interesting legal document from a piv-

otal period in Sikkim’s social and political history. Nepalese immigration into
Sikkim was and continues to be a controversial topic. The wider historical con-
text of this period shows that it emerged as a response to a wider demographic
shift in Sikkimese society, whereby a significant portion of the Sikkimese com-
mon population (25%) physically removed themselves from their natal estates.
Whilst the flight of Sikkimese subjects to Darjeeling and other British hill ter-
ritories is well known in studies of Sikkimese history, its impact upon social
change and Nepalese immigration has not been recognised in full. Indeed this
paper has shown that Nepalese immigration was not just simply the result of
aristocratic greed, but instead has to be understood as one of many solutions
(irrespective of whether this solution was right or wrong) to the de-population
of commoners attempted by the landed families of Sikkim.
It was not necessarily the act of introducing Nepalese into Sikkim that posed
a threat at that particular moment in time; it was instead those that intro-
duced Nepalese into Sikkim who posed a threat. A threat to the more estab-
lished families of Sikkim, that is. The study of demographic change in Sikkim
shows that significant change in the social relations between different strata
of Sikkimese society, such as the increased freedom and bargaining power
of Sikkimese commoners, came not from Nepalese immigration but instead
from population scarcity. It was this that altered and weakened the bonds of
commoner and lord. There were two main solutions to this change in social
relations: either grant concessions to the commoners or settle Nepalese immi-
grants. Given the high degree of local autonomy of these estates lords were
free to make their own decisions and as a result a disparity of opportunities
arose. Instead of decreasing migration this had the unintended consequence
of fuelling depopulation of Sikkimese estates.
The signatories of the fifteen-clause settlement seem aware of this prob-
lem. Their solution was to introduce a series of standard measures which
would rebuild the relationship between commoner and lord, prevent further
30 Mullard

Nepalese immigration and create fairer legal processes. This document,

though, is more than just a series of practical measures for the improvement of
Sikkimese society and social conditions. It also creates a new national identity
which is founded upon the unity of the three ethnic communities of Sikkim.
This, in turn, reinforces a system of common morality whereby social cohe-
sion is defined by the unity of these ethnic groups, and acts that have the con-
sequence (intentional or otherwise) of disrupting this unity are essentially
wrong. This reflects Durkheim’s “collective conscience” whereby acts do not
transgress collective consciousness because they are “wrong”, but are wrong
because they transgress collective consciousness (1997: 40). In the example of
the fifteen-clause settlement it is Nepalese immigration which is defined as a
“wrong” act because it transgresses the new collective narrative of Sikkimese
unity and the dominant religion of the kingdom. The conclusion of that logic
is that as Nepalese immigration was allowed to occur; social cohesion degen-
erated into what Durkheim might have identified as a state of anomie and as
such Sikkimese society needed to be reunified and social cohesion repaired.
What this meant in practice is difficult to determine, as it is not clear whether
the provisions in the 15 clauses were ever implemented. That being said, the
document nonetheless presents a blueprint for social reconciliation where
concessions to commoners, particularly with regards to the abuse of the trans-
portation taxes and the jurisdiction of village elders to arbitrate disputes,
are provided in exchange for the maintenance of the bonds between lord
and tenant.
Interestingly, whilst immigration is identified as a social catastrophe, this is
factually inaccurate. Essentially all evidence suggests that the fragmentation
of Sikkimese society (in this period at least) resulted not from immigration.
This was one of several solutions to the true problem: the outward migration of
Sikkimese commoners to British hill territories and the subsequent population
crisis on Sikkimese estates.

Appendix

Transliteration of PD/9.5/027
1. Om swa sti_tub dbang sprul gyi chu gter las skyes pa’i_ dam chos ’gro ba’i ’dung ’phrog18
drag pa’i brgyan_ ri bzang ge19 sar thul ba’i phun tshogs kyi20_ srid bzhi mgon du gsol ba
pad mar gus_ yang sprul lha btsun

18 ’dul bya
19 dge
20 kyis
Regulating Sikkimese Society 31

2. dbang phyug chos kyi rje_ byang ’go dbye zhing sbas yul ’di nyid du_ rgyal khrims
chos khrims bsrung {zhing mnga’+3} ’bangs rnams_ bde ba’i dpal bkod bkrin bla mar
gus_ ’og smin gnyis pa dag pa’i smon ’jongs ’dir
3. smon lam thugs btsan21 ’gro mgon rdzogs chen ’phebs_ mnga’ ’bangs gtsug nor mi
dbang chos kyi rgyal _ chos22 yon nyi zla zung la gus phyag ’tshal_ deng ’dir ’dzin byed
ces grags me pho byi lo’i ston tha me khyi
4. zla ba_ rgyal ba ’od dpag med kyi dus chen yar tshes bco lnga gza’ nyi ma rgyu dkar
bya zhug rten ’brel myigs23 nyi ma ’brug ’gro kun bskal ba ldan pa’i nyin dge bar
5. phan de’i ’byung gnas lugs gnyis gong ma khrim bdag rin po che’i zhabs pad gser khri
drung du zhu gsol
6. gus ’bang mnga’ ’og rnams nas lha phyag bcas zhu gsol_ bsham gsal gus pa gra tshang
khrid chos sde rnams dang_ lhan blon drag
7. shar _ sgang blon khrid rdzong dgu gang yin lho mon gtsong gsum nas blos blangs
’gyur med kyi nang ’dum byed pa’ ’bras bu_ sbas yul ’bras ma ljongs de yang mon gyi24
sa bzung ’dug rung_ ghir ti ’gor nas la
8. che chung_ mon phu_ spa thing yul ’bru25 so sor kho pa’i rdzongs bcas_ mon spyi
g.yog byas mang ’gor dpon byas nas bsdod26 mos27 lags_ dus bab kyi gu ru’i sprul pa rnal
’byor mched bzhi rig ’dzin rgod ldem bcan gyi gnas yig
9. lung sbyangs28 las_ shar gyi phyogs nas phun tshogs rnam rgyal ming bcan_ lho yi
phyogs nas mnga’ bdag sems dpa’ chen po_ nub kyi phyogs nas bka’ tog rig ’dzin chen
po_ byang gi phyogs nas he ru ka pa nam mkha’ ’jig med
10. rtsal ’phebs_ byang lung bzhin gnas ’go phye nas yog bsam bkris steng su dus mts-
hung ’phebs pa’i_ zhal ’dzoms gsung ’gros mdzad pa snga bdag sems dpa’ chen po chos
rgyal gyi gdung brgyud dngos yin
11. pas yul der rgyal po ngos ’dzin gsung ’dug rung_ lha btsun chen po gsung ba ngos
gsum chos gnas ma ltogs29 gu ru’i sprul pa rnal ’byor mched bzhi shar gyi phyogs nas
phun tshogs ming bcan zhes bya ba
12. rgyal po de yin pas_ rdogs ldan bskal bzang don sgrub gtsos rdogs ldan mched brg-
yad sgang tog li ’bing phyogs su rgyal po tsal30 phar btang ba’i smon lam gyi31 zhal mjal
gdan ’dren zhus pa’i mched bzhi zhal mjal

21 brtson
22 mchod
23 Brgya sgrig
24 gyis
25 gru
26 bsdad
27 smos
28 byang
29 gtogs
30 rtsar
31 gyis
32 Mullard

13. gsung mol mdzad_ lha btsun chen pos rgyal srid sna bdun gyi dbang bskur bkris
mnga’ gsol byas nas sbas yul ’dzin pa’i rgyal por mnga’ gsol_ de nas ga ’bigs ling com
zing ’gyang lung rtsog
14. ru lho mon bya shog spu gnyis ’brel gyi lho pa gzugs mon pa mig byas nas gna’ sgam32
mdo33 rtsug khal lnga sems can srog chags khrag tig te bslug34 nas bstan pa mnyam
skyongs bya brgyu35
15. gna’ gam thos me che mdzad pa’i_ lho mon gnyis kha’ ’debs kyi36 phyug mang ’gor
thar sprad zin pas_ yul ’dir da bar chos rims byon rdzogs chen yab sras rim byon la
bstan dgra tshur
16. ’gol mang rab zhig byung ’dug pa ma tshad_ ’brug pas dmag ’dren gyi37 rdzong rab
rtse btsigs blangs lo ngo brgyad thub la_ chos rgyal phyag rdor rnam rgyal chen po’i sku
dus lha sa bla grang
17. steng nas spyi yig rims par phebs pa ma zad_ ldag ’thung gsum pa ’jig med dpa’ bo_
khen38 chen rol pa’i rdo rje mchod gnyis rab rtser ’phebs nas ‘brug pa phyir phud zin
pa nas _ de rjes
18. gra tshang pa zhabs ’og dbu yi mchod gnas su bkod rgyal srid chos bzhin skyongs ba’i
bar sa thang_ de shes mngon shes_ spur na A li_ rdzor shing rims par ’jig ’dug rung gnas
19. skabs kyi thar sprod zin pa_ blon rdzong ser skya drag zhan mtshangs ma’i ’gong39
mngags las dmigs gsal ma tshod _ gong gsal rnams nas blos slangs40 gi rang sde rang
bsrung zhig bya dgos_ gzhung
20. sa chen po yang yang ’phebs par bstan41_ gus pa rnams kyi sems chung la zhig
ltogs42 bla dpon gyi ji gsung dang_ dmang43 gi ’phros cha’i rigs ’dra bla’i lung bsten dang
’khyed44 med_ mkhyad par pad ma’i zhal lung las

32 dam
33 rdo
34 blug
35 rgyu
36 kyis
37 gyis
38 mkhan
39 dgongs
40 Blos blang
41 rten
42 Abbreviation for lta rtog
43 Probably mang ba’i
44 khyad
Regulating Sikkimese Society 33

21. rgyal khrims chos khrims gnyis kyi ma ’tsho na_ yul ’dir tha skob45 bla lo’i ’dzin nyin46
che dsung ’dug pa_ da cha’i drag zhan mtshangs47 mas mdzad bcod48 ltar na rang sde
dgra ltar bcom pa’i spe
22. zhing_ yul ’bru sor sor phags49 rol mi rigs ’gugs thab50 brgyal51 srid kyi ’gong52 bzhes
med pa sa snyed skog53 mdung54 gi phyug ‘gu rung sna ’dren byed pa bstan pa la ’phen55
du ma gsong56 ba mkhyen gsal lags_ ’di yin
23. zhu ma mtshod57_ lhag par ’bar phung_ ling ldam_ bkris steng kha_ sgang thog
’tsho58 bzhi_ shar ’tsho chen_ ngos chos sde nas sdom pa_ gong gsal lhon mon gtsong
gsum gyi yul yin pa
24. ma tshod rang dpon ’bras gzhung chen po dang_ lar Ae dkrin chen po lcags bya lor
lhan rgyas thog bcad mtshams don zhing gsor59 gnas zhu brgyu60 las lha yul ’dre skad
mig ’dren ngan pa61 ma zad_ gnas
25. kyi nyi stabs rigs sngar med sar62 spros mi bya ba’i nang ’du ma byed pa’i ’bras po_
tshig don dang po ’jam dbyang sprul pa chos rgyal gtsug phud rnams par rgyal ba nas_
chu glang lo’i bcad mtshams gong63
26. don la_ gzhung ’ger64 mtshangs65 mo’i mi gser ’dab srid byung dogs kyi gor ’brug
phags66 rol mi rigs sna ’dren spyod mi chog pa ma zad_ ser skya blon rdzong drag gzhan
gang sa nas za rnyed btser bsun gyi

45 Mtha’ khob
46 nyes
47 tshang
48 spyod
49 pha
50 thabs
51 rgyal
52 dgongs
53 lkog
54 gdung
55 phan
56 song
57 tshad
58 tsho
59 sor
60 rgyu
61 Mig ltos ngan pa
62 gsar
63 dgongs
64 sger
65 tshang
66 pha
34 Mullard

27. ’phral67 mi la ‘dabs srigs btang mi mchog pa’i gan rgya dang_ lag ’khyer bka’ shog las
sna so sor sprod pa’i bcad mtshams gong don nang ltar zhu ba legs_ gtso bor gzhung
sa chen po’i zhab
28. ’degs bka’ ’dzin rin po che don ltar snga rgyur phyi ’gyang med pa rang ’dod kha
tshang la ma ltos pa’i_ rang dpon chen po’i zhabs ltas khur byed zhu gos dang_ tshig
don gnyis pa yul mi nas
29. zhus pa’i bka’ tham rin po che gong don zhing_ gzhung sa chen po’i bka’ ’dzin ma
‘phebs par bar skab68 phrungs69 dkrug btang mi kha la nyan dos mi khring70 tshongs
zog ’u lag sogs brten nas khas
30. len byed mi chog pa dang_ tshig don gsum pa mi re gnyis kyi rnyed dkris phran bu
las_ rang sde bcom pa’i yul khrims la ma ltos pa’i la lung chu zam ’gal ba ’phar71 bzhag_
gong khor
31. yul las ’gal nas phungs72 dkrug btang mi chog pa dang_
don 4 pa bla gzhung ser skya mtshangs73 mo’i ’khral mi yod shis rang dpon zhab ltegs74
kun lam zhu ba las_ don tsa phran bur rnyed
32. dkris kyi75 dpon stag76 ’khur ngom pa ’phar bzhag kha nas tshig cig kyang mi ’dzod
po dgos rgyu dang_ don 5 pa lho mon gtsong gsum gang sa nas rnyed bar mo’i ’dabs
srigs77 kyi nang ’phrug che chung
33. ji ltar byung kyang yul gyi rgan mi bsam shes nas dkon mchog dpang gtsugs drang
thig sbug skyur thog ldan phud rdzug lhag gi spe zhing78_ rkyen rtsa che ba79 la rgya
ṭam 5_ ’bring la tha la 3_ tha mar dar rdags

67 khral
68 skabs
69 ’khrugs
70 ’khyer
71 phar
72 dpung
73 tshang
74 ’degs
75 kyis
76 rtags
77 Rdabs bsigs
78 It is unclear what this drang thig sbug skyur thog ldan phud rdzug lhag gi spe zhing means,
the last two words should probably read dpe bshin. From the context it implies something
like “having discarded bias and adopting honesty and based on the essential case . . .”
79 Blame/fault/primary culprit/main accused.
Regulating Sikkimese Society 35

34. chang ’dren las lhag ’phar mi chog pa_ slar legs lam gyi mthun ’grig dgos rgyu dang_
don 6 pa rnyed80 ’phran bur dkris nas drag zhan gang sa nas skutshb81 byung tshe de
’phral do bdag
35. nas so sor mda’82 sbyar83 thog ’gyang med yul gyi rgan mi rtsos84 mtshangs ma85
hrug rdzom kyi kha lag ’rgyu sogs zhi drag gang la ’jug kyang g.yas khag yon dkris86 med
pa bya brgyu dang_ don 7 pa
35. lho mon gtsong gang sa la dbang yod kyi87 zhis chags88 khrog bcom89 bya mi byung
nas do bdag nas mda’ sbyar90 gyi91 yul mi tshang rdzom thog gzhung sa chen por skyid
bsdug gi rnyan ’dren zhu
36. thog_ byed lte bde la A rgyu bsdog ston gyi bya ba rtse thog92 lho mon gtsong rang la
che ba srog ldeng_ chung ba ’rgyu93 nor gang la thug kyang ’gyod pa med pa bya brgyu
dang_ brgyad par
37. yul khrims gong gsal khung94 na las_ bla gzhung chen po ma ltogs_ bar skab ser ’ju’i
dpon zur tshol bya mi chog cing _ gal srid sna ‘dren lho mon gtsong gang sa nas bya
mi byung
38. tshe tshang ma mnyam rdzom thog byed lti bde yis zhigs95 chags phrog bcom gyis
gzhung sar phul ba’i slar yul nas phyir phud bya brgyu dang_ yul zung bsam mi de yang
phyir phu thog gong
39. gsal zhing ’gyed pa med pa bya rgyu dang_ don 9 pa blobs96 dpon pad ma’i lung las_
brgya97 bod mon dang rdzam gling sa steng ’khrug_ ’bas yul ’di na mi bde ’dug mngal98
dus_ O rgyan

80 Nyes rtags dkris

81 Abbreviation for sku tshab
82 brda
83 ’byor
84 gtsos
85 Tshang ma
86 ’khrid
87 kyis
88 gzhis chags
89 ’phrog bcom
90 Brda ’byor
91 gyis
92 It is unclear what this phrase means: byed lte bde la A rgyu bsdog ston gyi bya ba rtse thog
93 rgyu
94 khungs
95 gzhis
96 slob
97 rgya
98 sdug bsngal
36 Mullard

40. rje la re sa gzhan ma mchis_ rje btsun rgya ba’ dbang po pad ma ’byung zhes gsung
ba ltar_ ’bas pa’i gnas yul ’di nyid du mu ltas99 sha gzan nag po’i lugs su ldog bcod100
41. kho na las gnar101 ba’i ’rgyu102 rkyen tho103 ris ngan gsong104 bde ’dug105 spangs
blangs rang gi byang bcod106 las drag pa’i_ gtso bor bla dpon chen po’i zhabs ltes107
dang rang bstan rang bces108
42. bsam blo ched109 sgyed kyis dus chen rnams su phud stab ’du nas gnas gsol_ khrus
gsol_ brgya ba’i gsung rab khri klog_ tshes bcu la skang bshags_ li110 bdun _ nad bdag
43. stob ’joms dmigs gsal ’khod rigs111 la ma ltos par dkar phyogs lha la gsol kha bya
brgyu dang_ don 10 par rnyed dkris phran bu nas spa112 ’o rnas113 ’byor_ pe ba_ pe mar_
bon bon
44. bong thing sogs kyi lha ’dre mi yul du ’bug pa’i ’bad ’dre btang mi chog pa dang_
don 11 par rgyal khrims ji ltar ngag tsha kyang_ then cig yul khrims rang la langs pa’i
spe zhing
45. gong ma bla gzhung chen por zhu na ma ltogs bar skabs dam sril btang ba’i kha ’jam
ting114 khag mi la ’khros115cha tsam byed mi chog cing_ don 12 par_ rkyen tsa phran bu
la zhib nas
46. mi thob thob ’tshul bya mi sa phyogs gang sa nas byung kyang gong ’jod zhing
mnyam rdzom thog zhi drag gang la thug kyang sngar gyur phyir ’gyangs med pa bya
brgyu dang_ don 13 par_ yul ’di nas
47. mdong ser116 bstan shig117 re gnyis nas kha 1 lce 2_ phyi kha nang g.yab_ nang kha
phyi bkhyer_ ngo gzung zas phyir byed mi byung tshes gong ’khod tshangs118 rdzoms
thog yul nas phyir phud btang

99 stegs
100 chos
101 mnar
102 rgyu
103 mtho
104 song
105 sdug
106 spyod
107 ’degs
108 gces
109 che ba
110 le’u
111 Synonym for nag phyogs
112 dpa’
113 rnal
114 gting
115 gros
116 gdong
117 bzhis
118 tshang
Regulating Sikkimese Society 37

48. brgyu dang lam nor zlog shes kyi119 phyin ched120 dam sogs kha she ngo bskog med
pa zhu ba nan phyir byung na dmang121 nas bsan bzhes bya brgyu dang_ don 14 par
dmang122 gi bcad tshams123 la gsor
49. gnas124 ma byed par rang ’dod khar tshang125 gi ’dod pa chog med sogs brten126 nas
rkyang mi chog cing_ don mtshan yang rnying bco lnga par yul ’bru127 so sor phags128
rol mi rigs mang dag ’dug
50. shing rang dpon chen po’i bstan pa la bsam shes rang bstan rang bces kyi129 gongs
gsal ser skya gang sa nas_ phags130 rol pa phyug ’gu rung sngon slebs ma ltogs sar ’dzugs
sna ’dren bsten
51. nas byed mi chog cing_ gal srid bstan shig re gnyis kyi sna ’dren bya mi byung tshes
mtshangs131 ma khrug rdzom132 thog gzhung sar rnyan133 ’dren zhus pa’i byed lti134
bstan shig gzung
52. dkris_ zhigs135 nor mtshang136 ma gzhung sar rdzong ’bul zhu thog bstan pa’i ling
dkris137 ma zad_ ’phral138 ’ul dos skyer139 mtshang140 ma rtsis sprod bya thog gong141
zhus bya brgyu dang_ sna ’dren
53. med par phyugs yul ’dir tshang tshes_ gong gsal lho mon gtsong sogs rgen142 mi
bsam shes nas skod don mda’ nam byung sems chung rang ’dod khar tshang la ma ltos
pa’i nyin

119 kyis
120 chad
121 dmangs
122 dmangs
123 mtshams
124 sor gnas
125 mtshang
126 rten
127 gru
128 pha
129 kyis
130 pha
131 tshang
132 rug ’dzoms
133 snyan
134 ste
135 gzhis
136 tshang
137 Li khri
138 khral
139 skyel
140 tshang
141 dgongs
142 rgan
38 Mullard

54. cig la ’gyang med du brnams143 gtong rdzom thog zhi drag gi legs gang la ’jug rung
zhi ’jam gyi kha lag brgyu gsum mnyam ston gyi phyir slog bya brgyu dang_ gong gsal
don mtshon rigs ser skya
55. blon rdzong_ lho mon gtsong bcas kyi snying gi dkyil du yid mjags mdzad_ zhes
gong tshes nas zungs144_ sa chu_ me rlung_ ’byung ba bzhi stob ma zhig gi bar du
gong gsal
56. mdun ma ’di la bsam shes kyi145 gsor146 gnas zhus pa’i rigs la tshes dang bsams stobs
’byor rnyan grags thams cad mi nyams zla ba’i yar ngo ltar gong nas gong du ’phel zhing
brgyas pa’i_ bla ma
57. yi dam_ dpa’ bo ’kha ’gro_ chos skyongs gsrungs ma_ dpal mgon ma ning tsos chos
skyongs pho brgyud_ Ae ka dza sti tsos gsungs ma mo brgyud_ rang rang ’go ba’i lha
tshogs rnams kyi
58. byin rlabs tsol cig_ bla mas byin gyi rlabs_ mkha’ ’gro lung bsten147_ chos skyong gi
bar bcad gsel ba’i stong grogs brgya148 chen po mdzad du gsol lo_ bdud sprul bstan shig
re gnyis nas
59. gong gsal mdun ma ’di la gsol gnas ma byed par nang kha phyi mkhyer_ phyi dgra
nang g.yab dgra la ngo gzungs rang sde shig mi byung tshes byed sti bstan shig ’de149
yis srog
60. dbugs snying phrag drod mor chos gsung drag po bsde bzhi_ bka’ brgyad mdun150
brgya nyer lnga_ yi dam ’gu ru drag po_ bsrung ma Ae ka rdza sti_ phugs yi bzhi bdag
mdzod lnga stag
61. rtse_ mda’ yi bzhi bdag ma mgon lcam bral_ bar gyi bzhi bdag dpa’ bo hong ri_ lha
dmag brgya_ btsan dmag ‘bum_ ’bas yul gsrung ba’i ke rgyu chos skyong_ rang rang
62. ’go ba’i lha tshogs rnams nas bdud dang bshad du phob shig drag po’i skur bzheng
ste ’jig med thal ba’i ’dul ’phran zhing du rlag ching_ sha khrag nang ’khrol drod mor
logs [?] dus tshod ma
63. ’gyang par gong gsal lha tshogs rnams kyis rngam zas gyis zhig kha ram kha yi_ gong
gsal mdun ma ’di la gsol gnas ma byed par kha cig lce 2_ rbag151 ’do gnyis_ rtsos pa rjen

143 rnams
144 bzung
145 kyis
146 sor
147 ston
148 rgya
149 de
150 bdun
151 sbas
Regulating Sikkimese Society 39

64. ldog152_ dpon stag153 ’khur_ dran ltam154 sar rkyes155_ ri ’bul ’tsho mkhyom156_ dgra
la ngo gzung bya mi byung tshes bha157 gser srang gsum bcu tham pa ngo zhu ngo med
par nyin cig
65. la khrims sar dngul rkyang gtsang sgrub dbugs kyi cha tsam ’gyang med gtsang ’bul
thog_ slar yang bris bsten ’di rang la gsol gnas158 zhu brgyu’i _ ’bar nyag ldan159 blon
pha bu’i
66. rtags_ drag shar ’khu mtshan160 pha bu’i rtags_ sgang blon dpun161 ngo ’khor gyi
rtags_ bar blon pha bu’i rtags_ la sogs dpun gyi rtags_ ’bar phungs spyi gron nyin
mo’i rtags
67. ling sdam spyi gron bsod bsten rtags_ bkra lteng spyi gron kun bzang bde chen _
gros ’khyung162 ’dus zung gi rtags_ zhal lding rtags_ shu spags hang rtse rong rtags_ zam
mdong rta sa lung brgyas
68. rtags_ ri nyed chu ’go rta sa kham bu’i rtags_ ga led chu ’go rta sa’i rtags_ ra thong
chu ’go rta sa’i stags_ ring ’bigs chu ’go rta sa’i rtags_[?] rnams gnyer pha bu’i rtags_
shar blon
69. dpun163 pha bu’i rtags_ gra tshang_ rab gling khrid chos sde gang yin lag bkor gi
rtags_ rum dgon bla spyi rtags_ ka stog bla spyi rtags

Translation
Om Swasti! Praise to the lotus[-born] protector of the four realms who completely sub-
jugated [the demons] from the virtuous beautiful mountain and who is the wrathful
ornament of the human disciples of the noble dharma, the emanation of the Lord
of Subduers who came forth from the treasure lake. Praise to the Lama who, through
kindness, established the great happiness of the subjects in the maintenance of the
royal and religious laws, who in this place, the hidden land, opened the northern door,
the mighty Lord of the Dharma: the emanation Lha btsun [chen po]. By the effort of
prayer, the leader of rdzogs chen [Lha btsun Chen po] arrived in this pure land which
is the second Akanishta. The Dharmaraja, the leader of men is the crown jewel of the

152 This must be bcos sha rjen log

153 rtags
154 bden gtam
155 skyel
156 ri dbul mtsho ’khyoms, to push over a mountain and agitate the sea?
157 ’ba’ The fine
158 This means law
159 gdan tshab
160 khu mtshan
161 spun
162 ’gros [mi] khyung
163 spun
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Now, for your trouthe, seeth this gentil man!'
And with that word he for a quisshen ran,
And seyde, 'kneleth now, whyl that yow leste, 965
Ther god your hertes bringe sone at reste!'

139. Can I not seyn, for she bad him not ryse,
If sorwe it putte out of hir remembraunce,
Or elles if she toke it in the wyse
Of duëtee, as for his observaunce; 970
But wel finde I she dide him this plesaunce,
That she him kiste, al-though she syked sore;
And bad him sitte a-doun with-outen more.

140. Quod Pandarus, 'now wol ye wel biginne;

Now doth him sitte, gode nece dere, 975
Upon your beddes syde al there with-inne,
That ech of yow the bet may other here.'
And with that word he drow him to the fere,
And took a light, and fond his contenaunce
As for to loke up-on an old romaunce. 980

141. Criseyde, that was Troilus lady right,

And cleer stood on a ground of sikernesse,
Al thoughte she, hir servaunt and hir knight
Ne sholde of right non untrouthe in hir gesse,
Yet nathelees, considered his distresse, 985
And that love is in cause of swich folye,
Thus to him spak she of his Ielousye:

142. 'Lo, herte myn, as wolde the excellence

Of love, ayeins the which that no man may,
Ne oughte eek goodly maken resistence 990
And eek bycause I felte wel and say
Your grete trouthe, and servyse every day;
And that your herte al myn was, sooth to seyne,
This droof me for to rewe up-on your peyne.

143. And your goodnesse have I founde alwey yit, 995

Of whiche, my dere herte and al my knight,
I thonke it yow, as fer as I have wit,
Al can I nought as muche as it were right;
And I, emforth my conninge and my might,
Have and ay shal, how sore that me smerte, 1000
Ben to yow trewe and hool, with al myn herte;

144. And dredelees, that shal be founde at preve.—-

But, herte myn, what al this is to seyne
Shal wel be told, so that ye noght yow greve,
Though I to yow right on your-self compleyne. 1005
For ther-with mene I fynally the peyne,
That halt your herte and myn in hevinesse,
Fully to sleen, and every wrong redresse.

145. My goode, myn, not I for-why ne how

That Ialousye, allas! that wikked wivere, 1010
Thus causelees is cropen in-to yow;
The harm of which I wolde fayn delivere!
Allas! that he, al hool, or of him slivere,
Shuld have his refut in so digne a place,
Ther Iove him sone out of your herte arace! 1015

146. But O, thou Iove, O auctor of nature,

Is this an honour to thy deitee,
That folk ungiltif suffren here iniure,
And who that giltif is, al quit goth he?
O were it leful for to pleyne on thee, 1020
That undeserved suffrest Ialousye,
And that I wolde up-on thee pleyne and crye!

147. Eek al my wo is this, that folk now usen

To seyn right thus, "ye, Ialousye is love!"
And wolde a busshel venim al excusen, 1025
For that o greyn of love is on it shove!
But that wot heighe god that sit above,
If it be lyker love, or hate, or grame;
And after that, it oughte bere his name.

148. But certeyn is, som maner Ialousye 1030

Is excusable more than som, y-wis.
As whan cause is, and som swich fantasye
With pietee so wel repressed is,
That it unnethe dooth or seyth amis,
But goodly drinketh up al his distresse; 1035
And that excuse I, for the gentilesse.

149. And som so ful of furie is and despyt,

That it sourmounteth his repressioun;
But herte myn, ye be not in that plyt,
That thanke I god, for whiche your passioun 1040
I wol not calle it but illusioun,
Of habundaunce of love and bisy cure,
That dooth your herte this disese endure.

150. Of which I am right sory, but not wrooth;

But, for my devoir and your hertes reste, 1045
Wher-so yow list, by ordal or by ooth,
By sort, or in what wyse so yow leste,
For love of god, lat preve it for the beste!
And if that I be giltif, do me deye,
Allas! what mighte I more doon or seye?' 1050

151. With that a fewe brighte teres newe

Out of hir eyen fille, and thus she seyde,
'Now god, thou wost, in thought ne dede untrewe
To Troilus was never yet Criseyde.'
With that hir heed doun in the bed she leyde, 1055
And with the shete it wreigh, and syghed sore,
And held hir pees; not o word spak she more.

152. But now help god to quenchen al this sorwe,

So hope I that he shal, for he best may;
For I have seyn, of a ful misty morwe 1060
Folwen ful ofte a mery someres day;
And after winter folweth grene May.
Men seen alday, and reden eek in stories,
That after sharpe shoures been victories.

153. This Troilus, whan he hir wordes herde, 1065

Have ye no care, him liste not to slepe;
For it thoughte him no strokes of a yerde
To here or seen Criseyde his lady wepe;
But wel he felte aboute his herte crepe,
For every teer which that Criseyde asterte, 1070
The crampe of deeth, to streyne him by the herte.

154. And in his minde he gan the tyme acurse

That he cam therë, and that he was born;
For now is wikke y-turned in-to worse,
And al that labour he hath doon biforn, 1075
He wende it lost, he thoughte he nas but lorn.
'O Pandarus,' thoughte he, 'allas! thy wyle
Serveth of nought, so weylawey the whyle!'

155. And therwithal he heng a-doun the heed,

And fil on knees, and sorwfully he sighte; 1080
What mighte he seyn? he felte he nas but deed,
For wrooth was she that shulde his sorwes lighte.
But nathelees, whan that he speken mighte,
Than seyde he thus, 'god woot, that of this game,
Whan al is wist, than am I not to blame!' 1085

156. Ther-with the sorwe so his herte shette,

That from his eyen fil ther not a tere,
And every spirit his vigour in-knette,
So they astoned and oppressed were.
The feling of his sorwe, or of his fere, 1090
Or of ought elles, fled was out of towne;
And doun he fel al sodeynly a-swowne.

157. This was no litel sorwe for to see;

But al was hust, and Pandare up as faste,
'O nece, pees, or we be lost,' quod he, 1095
Beth nought agast;' but certeyn, at the laste,
For this or that, he in-to bedde him caste,
And seyde, 'O theef, is this a mannes herte?'
And of he rente al to his bare sherte;

158. And seyde, 'nece, but ye helpe us now, 1100

Allas, your owne Troilus is lorn!'
'Y-wis, so wolde I, and I wiste how,
Ful fayn,' quod she; 'allas! that I was born!'
'Ye, nece, wol ye pullen out the thorn
That stiketh in his herte?' quod Pandare; 1105
'Sey "al foryeve," and stint is al this fare!'
159. 'Ye, that to me,' quod she, 'ful lever were
Than al the good the sonne aboute gooth';
And therwith-al she swoor him in his ere,
'Y-wis, my dere herte, I am nought wrooth, 1110
Have here my trouthe and many another ooth;
Now speek to me, for it am I, Cryseyde!'
But al for nought; yet mighte he not a-breyde.

160. Therwith his pous and pawmes of his hondes

They gan to frote, and wete his temples tweyne, 1115
And, to deliveren him from bittre bondes,
She ofte him kiste; and, shortly for to seyne,
Him to revoken she dide al hir peyne.
And at the laste, he gan his breeth to drawe,
And of his swough sone after that adawe, 1120

161. And gan bet minde and reson to him take,

But wonder sore he was abayst, y-wis.
And with a syk, whan he gan bet a-wake,
He seyde, 'O mercy, god, what thing is this?'
'Why do ye with your-selven thus amis?' 1125
Quod tho Criseyde, 'is this a mannes game?
What, Troilus! wol ye do thus, for shame?'

162. And therwith-al hir arm over him she leyde,

And al foryaf, and ofte tyme him keste.
He thonked hir, and to hir spak, and seyde 1130
As fil to purpos for his herte reste.
And she to that answerde him as hir leste;
And with hir goodly wordes him disporte
She gan, and ofte his sorwes to comforte.

163. Quod Pandarus, 'for ought I can espyen, 1135

This light nor I ne serven here of nought;
Light is not good for syke folkes yën.
But for the love of god, sin ye be brought
In thus good plyt, lat now non hevy thought
Ben hanginge in the hertes of yow tweye:' 1140
And bar the candele to the chimeneye.

164. Sone after this, though it no nede were,

Whan she swich othes as hir list devyse
Hadde of him take, hir thoughte tho no fere,
Ne cause eek non, to bidde him thennes ryse. 1145
Yet lesse thing than othes may suffyse
In many a cas; for every wight, I gesse,
That loveth wel meneth but gentilesse.

165. But in effect she wolde wite anoon

Of what man, and eek where, and also why 1150
He Ielous was, sin ther was cause noon;
And eek the signe, that he took it by,
She bad him that to telle hir bisily,
Or elles, certeyn, she bar him on honde,
That this was doon of malis, hir to fonde. 1155

166. With-outen more, shortly for to seyne,

He moste obeye un-to his lady heste;
And for the lasse harm, he moste feyne.
He seyde hir, whan she was at swiche a feste
She mighte on him han loked at the leste; 1160
Not I not what, al dere y-nough a risshe,
As he that nedes moste a cause fisshe.

167. And she answerde, 'swete, al were it so,

What harm was that, sin I non yvel mene?
For, by that god that boughte us bothe two, 1165
In alle thinge is myn entente clene.
Swich arguments ne been not worth a bene;
Wol ye the childish Ialous contrefete?
Now were it worthy that ye were y-bete.'

168. Tho Troilus gan sorwfully to syke, 1170

Lest she be wrooth, him thoughte his herte deyde;
And seyde, 'allas! upon my sorwes syke
Have mercy, swete herte myn, Cryseyde!
And if that, in tho wordes that I seyde,
Be any wrong, I wol no more trespace; 1175
Do what yow list, I am al in your grace.'

169. And she answerde, 'of gilt misericorde!

That is to seyn, that I foryeve al this;
And ever-more on this night yow recorde,
And beth wel war ye do no more amis.' 1180
'Nay, dere herte myn,' quod he, 'y-wis.'
'And now,' quod she, 'that I have do yow smerte,
Foryeve it me, myn owene swete herte.'

170. This Troilus, with blisse of that supprysed,

Put al in goddes hond, as he that mente 1185
No-thing but wel; and, sodeynly avysed,
He hir in armes faste to him hente.
And Pandarus, with a ful good entente,
Leyde him to slepe, and seyde, 'if ye ben wyse,
Swowneth not now, lest more folk aryse.' 1190

171. What mighte or may the sely larke seye,

Whan that the sparhauk hath it in his foot?
I can no more, but of thise ilke tweye,
To whom this tale sucre be or soot,
Though that I tarie a yeer, som-tyme I moot, 1195
After myn auctor, tellen hir gladnesse,
As wel as I have told hir hevinesse.

172. Criseyde, which that felte hir thus y-take,

As writen clerkes in hir bokes olde,
Right as an aspes leef she gan to quake, 1200
Whan she him felte hir in his armes folde.
But Troilus, al hool of cares colde,
Gan thanken tho the blisful goddes sevene;
Thus sondry peynes bringen folk to hevene.

173. This Troilus in armes gan hir streyne, 1205

And seyde, 'O swete, as ever mote I goon,
Now be ye caught, now is ther but we tweyne;
Now yeldeth yow, for other boot is noon.'
To that Criseyde answerde thus anoon,
'Ne hadde I er now, my swete herte dere, 1210
Ben yolde, y-wis, I were now not here!'

174. O! sooth is seyd, that heled for to be

As of a fevre or othere greet syknesse,
Men moste drinke, as men may often see,
Ful bittre drink; and for to han gladnesse, 1215
Men drinken often peyne and greet distresse;
I mene it here, as for this aventure,
That thourgh a peyne hath founden al his cure.

175. And now swetnesse semeth more sweet,

That bitternesse assayed was biforn; 1220
For out of wo in blisse now they flete.
Non swich they felten, sith they were born;
Now is this bet, than bothe two be lorn!
For love of god, take every womman hede
To werken thus, if it comth to the nede. 1225

176. Criseyde, al quit from every drede and tene,

As she that iuste cause hadde him to triste,
Made him swich feste, it Ioye was to sene,
Whan she his trouthe and clene entente wiste.
And as aboute a tree, with many a twiste, 1230
Bitrent and wryth the sote wode-binde,
Gan eche of hem in armes other winde.

177. And as the newe abaysshed nightingale,

That stinteth first whan she biginneth singe,
Whan that she hereth any herde tale, 1235
Or in the hegges any wight steringe,
And after siker dooth hir voys out-ringe;
Right so Criseyde, whan hir drede stente,
Opned hir herte, and tolde him hir entente.

178. And right as he that seeth his deeth y-shapen, 1240

And deye moot, in ought that he may gesse,
And sodeynly rescous doth him escapen,
And from his deeth is brought in sikernesse,
For al this world, in swich present gladnesse
Was Troilus, and hath his lady swete; 1245
With worse hap god lat us never mete!

179. Hir armes smale, hir streyghte bak and softe,

Hir sydes longe, fleshly, smothe, and whyte
He gan to stroke, and good thrift bad ful ofte
Hir snowish throte, hir brestes rounde and lyte; 1250
Thus in this hevene he gan him to delyte,
And ther-with-al a thousand tyme hir kiste;
That, what to done, for Ioye unnethe he wiste.

180. Than seyde he thus, 'O, Love, O, Charitee,

Thy moder eek, Citherea the swete, 1255
After thy-self next heried be she,
Venus mene I, the wel-willy planete;
And next that, Imenëus, I thee grete;
For never man was to yow goddes holde
As I, which ye han brought fro cares colde. 1260

181. Benigne Love, thou holy bond of thinges,

Who-so wol grace, and list thee nought honouren,
Lo, his desyr wol flee with-outen winges.
For, noldestow of bountee hem socouren
That serven best and most alwey labouren, 1265
Yet were al lost, that dar I wel seyn, certes,
But-if thy grace passed our desertes.

182. And for thou me, that coude leest deserve

Of hem that nombred been un-to thy grace,
Hast holpen, ther I lykly was to sterve, 1270
And me bistowed in so heygh a place
That thilke boundes may no blisse pace,
I can no more, but laude and reverence
Be to thy bounte and thyn excellence!'

183. And therwith-al Criseyde anoon he kiste, 1275

Of which, certeyn, she felte no disese.
And thus seyde he, 'now wolde god I wiste,
Myn herte swete, how I yow mighte plese!
What man,' quod he, 'was ever thus at ese
As I, on whiche the faireste and the beste 1280
That ever I say, deyneth hir herte reste.

184. Here may men seen that mercy passeth right;

The experience of that is felt in me,
That am unworthy to so swete a wight.
But herte myn, of your benignitee, 1285
So thenketh, though that I unworthy be,
Yet mot I nede amenden in som wyse,
Right thourgh the vertu of your heyghe servyse.

185. And for the love of god, my lady dere,

Sin god hath wrought me for I shal yow serve, 1290
As thus I mene, that ye wol be my stere,
To do me live, if that yow liste, or sterve,
So techeth me how that I may deserve
Your thank, so that I, thurgh myn ignoraunce,
Ne do no-thing that yow be displesaunce. 1295

186. For certes, fresshe wommanliche wyf,

This dar I seye, that trouthe and diligence,
That shal ye finden in me al my lyf,
Ne I wol not, certeyn, breken your defence;
And if I do, present or in absence, 1300
For love of god, lat slee me with the dede,
If that it lyke un-to your womanhede.'

187. 'Y-wis,' quod she, 'myn owne hertes list,

My ground of ese, and al myn herte dere,
Graunt mercy, for on that is al my trist; 1305
But late us falle awey fro this matere;
For it suffyseth, this that seyd is here.
And at o word, with-outen repentaunce,
Wel-come, my knight, my pees, my suffisaunce!'

188. Of hir delyt, or Ioyes oon the leste 1310

Were impossible to my wit to seye;
But iuggeth, ye that han ben at the feste,
Of swich gladnesse, if that hem liste pleye!
I can no more, but thus thise ilke tweye
That night, be-twixen dreed and sikernesse, 1315
Felten in love the grete worthinesse.

189. O blisful night, of hem so longe y-sought,

How blithe un-to hem bothe two thou were!
Why ne hadde I swich on with my soule y-bought,
Ye, or the leeste Ioye that was there? 1320
A-wey, thou foule daunger and thou fere,
And lat hem in this hevene blisse dwelle,
That is so heygh, that al ne can I telle!

190. But sooth is, though I can not tellen al,

As can myn auctor, of his excellence, 1325
Yet have I seyd, and, god to-forn, I shal
In every thing al hoolly his sentence.
And if that I, at loves reverence,
Have any word in eched for the beste,
Doth therwith-al right as your-selven leste. 1330

191. For myne wordes, here and every part,

I speke hem alle under correccioun
Of yow, that feling han in loves art,
And putte it al in your discrecioun
To encrese or maken diminucioun 1335
Of my langage, and that I yow bi-seche;
But now to purpos of my rather speche.

192. Thise ilke two, that ben in armes laft,

So looth to hem a-sonder goon it were,
That ech from other wende been biraft, 1340
Or elles, lo, this was hir moste fere,
That al this thing but nyce dremes were;
For which ful ofte ech of hem seyde, 'O swete,
Clippe ich yow thus, or elles I it mete?'

193. And, lord! so he gan goodly on hir see, 1345

That never his look ne bleynte from hir face,
And seyde, 'O dere herte, may it be
That it be sooth, that ye ben in this place?'
'Ye, herte myn, god thank I of his grace!'
Quod tho Criseyde, and therwith-al him kiste, 1350
That where his spirit was, for Ioye he niste.

194. This Troilus ful ofte hir eyen two

Gan for to kisse, and seyde, 'O eyen clere,
It were ye that wroughte me swich wo,
Ye humble nettes of my lady dere! 1355
Though ther be mercy writen in your chere,
God wot, the text ful hard is, sooth, to finde,
How coude ye with-outen bond me binde?'
195. Therwith he gan hir faste in armes take,
And wel an hundred tymes gan he syke, 1360
Nought swiche sorwful sykes as men make
For wo, or elles whan that folk ben syke,
But esy sykes, swiche as been to lyke,
That shewed his affeccioun with-inne;
Of swiche sykes coude he nought bilinne. 1365

196. Sone after this they speke of sondry thinges,

As fil to purpos of this aventure,
And pleyinge entrechaungeden hir ringes,
Of which I can nought tellen no scripture;
But wel I woot a broche, gold and asure, 1370
In whiche a ruby set was lyk an herte,
Criseyde him yaf, and stak it on his sherte.

197. Lord! trowe ye, a coveitous, a wrecche,

That blameth love and holt of it despyt,
That, of tho pens that he can mokre and kecche, 1375
Was ever yet y-yeve him swich delyt,
As is in love, in oo poynt, in som plyt?
Nay, doutelees, for also god me save,
So parfit Ioye may no nigard have!

198. They wol sey 'yis,' but lord! so that they lye, 1380
Tho bisy wrecches, ful of wo and drede!
They callen love a woodnesse or folye,
But it shal falle hem as I shal yow rede;
They shul forgo the whyte and eke the rede,
And live in wo, ther god yeve hem mischaunce, 1385
And every lover in his trouthe avaunce!

199. As wolde god, tho wrecches, that dispyse

Servyse of love, hadde eres al-so longe
As hadde Myda, ful of coveityse;
And ther-to dronken hadde as hoot and stronge 1390
As Crassus dide for his affectis wronge,
To techen hem that they ben in the vyce,
And loveres nought, al-though they holde hem nyce!

200. Thise ilke two, of whom that I yow seye,

Whan that hir hertes wel assured were, 1395
Tho gonne they to speken and to pleye,
And eek rehercen how, and whanne, and where,
They knewe hem first, and every wo and fere
That passed was; but al swich hevinesse,
I thanke it god, was tourned to gladnesse. 1400

201. And ever-mo, whan that hem fel to speke

Of any thing of swich a tyme agoon,
With kissing al that tale sholde breke,
And fallen in a newe Ioye anoon,
And diden al hir might, sin they were oon, 1405
For to recoveren blisse and been at ese,
And passed wo with Ioye countrepeyse.

202. Reson wil not that I speke of sleep,

For it accordeth nought to my matere;
God woot, they toke of that ful litel keep, 1410
But lest this night, that was to hem so dere,
Ne sholde in veyn escape in no manere,
It was biset in Ioye and bisinesse
Of al that souneth in-to gentilnesse.

203. But whan the cok, comune astrologer, 1415

Gan on his brest to bete, and after crowe,
And Lucifer, the dayes messager,
Gan for to ryse, and out hir bemes throwe;
And estward roos, to him that coude it knowe,
Fortuna maior, [than] anoon Criseyde, 1420
With herte sore, to Troilus thus seyde:—

204. 'Myn hertes lyf, my trist and my plesaunce,

That I was born, allas! what me is wo,
That day of us mot make desseveraunce!
For tyme it is to ryse, and hennes go, 1425
Or elles I am lost for evermo!
O night, allas! why niltow over us hove,
As longe as whanne Almena lay by Iove?

205. O blake night, as folk in bokes rede,

That shapen art by god this world to hyde 1430
At certeyn tymes with thy derke wede,
That under that men mighte in reste abyde,
Wel oughte bestes pleyne, and folk thee chyde,
That there-as day with labour wolde us breste,
That thou thus fleest, and deynest us nought reste! 1435

206. Thou dost, allas! to shortly thyn offyce,

Thou rakel night, ther god, makere of kinde,
Thee, for thyn hast and thyn unkinde vyce,
So faste ay to our hemi-spere binde,
That never-more under the ground thou winde! 1440
For now, for thou so hyest out of Troye,
Have I forgon thus hastily my Ioye!'

207. This Troilus, that with tho wordes felte,

As thoughte him tho, for pietous distresse,
The blody teres from his herte melte, 1445
As he that never yet swich hevinesse
Assayed hadde, out of so greet gladnesse,
Gan therwith-al Criseyde his lady dere
In armes streyne, and seyde in this manere:—

208. 'O cruel day, accusour of the Ioye 1450

That night and love han stole and faste y-wryen,
A-cursed be thy coming in-to Troye,
For every bore hath oon of thy bright yën!
Envyous day, what list thee so to spyen?
What hastow lost, why sekestow this place, 1455
Ther god thy lyght so quenche, for his grace?

209. Allas! what han thise loveres thee agilt,

Dispitous day? thyn be the pyne of helle!
For many a lovere hastow shent, and wilt;
Thy pouring in wol no-wher lete hem dwelle. 1460
What proferestow thy light here for to selle?
Go selle it hem that smale seles graven,
We wol thee nought, us nedeth no day haven.'

210. And eek the sonne Tytan gan he chyde,

And seyde, 'O fool, wel may men thee dispyse, 1465
That hast the Dawing al night by thy syde,
And suffrest hir so sone up fro thee ryse,
For to disesen loveres in this wyse.
What! hold your bed ther, thou, and eek thy Morwe!
I bidde god, so yeve yow bothe sorwe!' 1470

211. Therwith ful sore he sighte, and thus he seyde,

'My lady right, and of my wele or wo
The welle and rote, O goodly myn, Criseyde,
And shal I ryse, allas! and shal I go?
Now fele I that myn herte moot a-two! 1475
For how sholde I my lyf an houre save,
Sin that with yow is al the lyf I have?

212. What shal I doon, for certes, I not how,

Ne whanne, allas! I shal the tyme see,
That in this plyt I may be eft with yow; 1480
And of my lyf, god woot, how that shal be,
Sin that desyr right now so byteth me,
That I am deed anoon, but I retourne.
How sholde I longe, allas! fro yow soiourne?

213. But nathelees, myn owene lady bright, 1485

Yit were it so that I wiste outrely,
That I, your humble servaunt and your knight,
Were in your herte set so fermely
As ye in myn, the which thing, trewely,
Me lever were than thise worldes tweyne, 1490
Yet sholde I bet enduren al my peyne.'

214. To that Cryseyde answerde right anoon,

And with a syk she seyde, 'O herte dere,
The game, y-wis, so ferforth now is goon,
That first shal Phebus falle fro his spere, 1495
And every egle been the dowves fere,
And every roche out of his place sterte,
Er Troilus out of Criseydes herte!

215. Ye be so depe in-with myn herte grave,

That, though I wolde it turne out of my thought, 1500
As wisly verray god my soule save,
To dyen in the peyne, I coude nought!
And, for the love of god that us hath wrought,
Lat in your brayn non other fantasye
So crepe, that it cause me to dye! 1505

216. And that ye me wolde han as faste in minde

As I have yow, that wolde I yow bi-seche;
And, if I wiste soothly that to finde,
God mighte not a poynt my Ioyes eche!
But, herte myn, with-oute more speche, 1510
Beth to me trewe, or elles were it routhe;
For I am thyn, by god and by my trouthe!

217. Beth glad for-thy, and live in sikernesse;

Thus seyde I never er this, ne shal to mo;
And if to yow it were a gret gladnesse 1515
To turne ayein, soone after that ye go,
As fayn wolde I as ye, it were so,
As wisly god myn herte bringe at reste!'
And him in armes took, and ofte keste.

218. Agayns his wil, sin it mot nedes be, 1520

This Troilus up roos, and faste him cledde,
And in his armes took his lady free
An hundred tyme, and on his wey him spedde,
And with swich wordes as his herte bledde,
He seyde, 'farewel, my dere herte swete, 1525
Ther god us graunte sounde and sone to mete!'

219. To which no word for sorwe she answerde,

So sore gan his parting hir destreyne;
And Troilus un-to his palays ferde,
As woo bigon as she was, sooth to seyne; 1530
So hard him wrong of sharp desyr the peyne
For to ben eft there he was in plesaunce,
That it may never out of his remembraunce.

220. Retorned to his real palais, sone

He softe in-to his bed gan for to slinke, 1535
To slepe longe, as he was wont to done,
But al for nought; he may wel ligge and winke,
But sleep ne may ther in his herte sinke;
Thenkinge how she, for whom desyr him brende,
A thousand-fold was worth more than he wende. 1540

221. And in his thought gan up and doun to winde

Hir wordes alle, and every contenaunce,
And fermely impressen in his minde
The leste poynt that to him was plesaunce;
And verrayliche, of thilke remembraunce, 1545
Desyr al newe him brende, and lust to brede
Gan more than erst, and yet took he non hede.

222. Criseyde also, right in the same wyse,

Of Troilus gan in hir herte shette
His worthinesse, his lust, his dedes wyse, 1550
His gentilesse, and how she with him mette,
Thonkinge love he so wel hir bisette;
Desyring eft to have hir herte dere
In swich a plyt, she dorste make him chere.

223. Pandare, a-morwe which that comen was 1555

Un-to his nece, and gan hir fayre grete,
Seyde, 'al this night so reyned it, allas!
That al my drede is that ye, nece swete,
Han litel layser had to slepe and mete;
Al night,' quod he, 'hath reyn so do me wake, 1560
That som of us, I trowe, hir hedes ake.'

224. And ner he com, and seyde, 'how stont it now

This mery morwe, nece, how can ye fare?'
Criseyde answerde, 'never the bet for yow,
Fox that ye been, god yeve your herte care! 1565
God helpe me so, ye caused al this fare,
Trow I,' quod she, 'for alle your wordes whyte;
O! who-so seeth yow knoweth yow ful lyte!'

225. With that she gan hir face for to wrye

With the shete, and wex for shame al reed; 1570
And Pandarus gan under for to prye,
And seyde, 'nece, if that I shal ben deed,
Have here a swerd, and smyteth of myn heed.'
With that his arm al sodeynly he thriste
Under hir nekke, and at the laste hir kiste. 1575

226. I passe al that which chargeth nought to seye,

What! God foryaf his deeth, and she al-so
Foryaf, and with hir uncle gan to pleye,
For other cause was ther noon than so.
But of this thing right to the effect to go, 1580
Whan tyme was, hom til hir hous she wente,
And Pandarus hath fully his entente.

227. Now torne we ayein to Troilus,

That resteles ful longe a-bedde lay,
And prevely sente after Pandarus, 1585
To him to come in al the haste he may.
He com anoon, nought ones seyde he 'nay,'
And Troilus ful sobrely he grette,
And doun upon his beddes syde him sette.

228. This Troilus, with al the affeccioun 1590

Of frendes love that herte may devyse,
To Pandarus on kneës fil adoun,
And er that he wolde of the place aryse,
He gan him thonken in his beste wyse;
A hondred sythe he gan the tyme blesse, 1595
That he was born to bringe him fro distresse.

229. He seyde, 'O frend, of frendes the alderbeste

That ever was, the sothe for to telle,
Thou hast in hevene y-brought my soule at reste
Fro Flegiton, the fery flood of helle; 1600
That, though I mighte a thousand tymes selle,
Upon a day, my lyf in thy servyse,
It mighte nought a mote in that suffyse.

230. The sonne, which that al the world may see,

Saw never yet, my lyf, that dar I leye, 1605
So inly fair and goodly as is she,
Whos I am al, and shal, til that I deye;
And, that I thus am hires, dar I seye,
That thanked be the heighe worthinesse
Of love, and eek thy kinde bisinesse. 1610
231. Thus hastow me no litel thing y-yive,
Fo which to thee obliged be for ay
My lyf, and why? for thorugh thyn help I live;
For elles deed hadde I be many a day.'
And with that word doun in his bed he lay, 1615
And Pandarus ful sobrely him herde
Til al was seyd, and thanne he him answerde:

232. 'My dere frend, if I have doon for thee

In any cas, god wot, it is me leef;
And am as glad as man may of it be, 1620
God help me so; but tak now not a-greef
That I shal seyn, be war of this myscheef,
That, there-as thou now brought art in-to blisse,
That thou thy-self ne cause it nought to misse.

233. For of fortunes sharp adversitee 1625

The worst kinde of infortune is this,
A man to have ben in prosperitee,
And it remembren, whan it passed is.
Thou art wys y-nough, for-thy do nought amis;
Be not to rakel, though thou sitte warme, 1630
For if thou be, certeyn, it wol thee harme.

234. Thou art at ese, and holde thee wel ther-inne.

For also seur as reed is every fyr,
As greet a craft is kepe wel as winne;
Brydle alwey wel thy speche and thy desyr. 1635
For worldly Ioye halt not but by a wyr;
That preveth wel, it brest alday so ofte;
For-thy nede is to werke with it softe.'

235. Quod Troilus, 'I hope, and god to-forn,

My dere frend, that I shal so me bere, 1640
That in my gilt ther shal no thing be lorn,
Ne I nil not rakle as for to greven here;
It nedeth not this matere ofte tere;
For wistestow myn herte wel, Pandare,
God woot, of this thou woldest litel care.' 1645

236. Tho gan he telle him of his glade night.

And wher-of first his herte dredde, and how,
And seyde, 'freend, as I am trewe knight,
And by that feyth I shal to god and yow,
I hadde it never half so hote as now; 1650
And ay the more that desyr me byteth
To love hir best, the more it me delyteth.

237. I noot my-self not wisly what it is;

But now I fele a newe qualitee,
Ye, al another than I dide er this.' 1655
Pandare answerde, and seyde thus, that he
That ones may in hevene blisse be,
He feleth other weyes, dar I leye,
Than thilke tyme he first herde of it seye.

238. This is o word for al; this Troilus 1660

Was never ful, to speke of this matere,
And for to preysen un-to Pandarus
The bountee of his righte lady dere,
And Pandarus to thanke and maken chere.
This tale ay was span-newe to biginne 1665
Til that the night departed hem a-twinne.

239. Sone after this, for that fortune it wolde,

I-comen was the blisful tyme swete,
That Troilus was warned that he sholde,
Ther he was erst, Criseyde his lady mete; 1670
For which he felte his herte in Ioye flete;
And feythfully gan alle the goddes herie;
And lat see now if that he can be merie.

240. And holden was the forme and al the wyse,

Of hir cominge, and eek of his also, 1675
As it was erst, which nedeth nought devyse.
But playnly to the effect right for to go,
In Ioye and seurte Pandarus hem two
A-bedde broughte, whan hem bothe leste,
And thus they ben in quiete and in reste. 1680

241. Nought nedeth it to yow, sin they ben met,

To aske at me if that they blythe were;
For if it erst was wel, tho was it bet
A thousand-fold, this nedeth not enquere.
A-gon was every sorwe and every fere; 1685
And bothe, y-wis, they hadde, and so they wende,
As muche Ioye as herte may comprende.

242. This is no litel thing of for to seye,

This passeth every wit for to devyse;
For eche of hem gan otheres lust obeye; 1690
Felicitee, which that thise clerkes wyse
Commenden so, ne may not here suffyse.
This Ioye may not writen been with inke,
This passeth al that herte may bithinke.

243. But cruel day, so wel-awey the stounde! 1695

Gan for to aproche, as they by signes knewe,
For whiche hem thoughte felen dethes wounde;
So wo was hem, that changen gan hir hewe,
And day they gonnen to dispyse al newe,
Calling it traytour, envyous, and worse, 1700
And bitterly the dayes light they curse.

244. Quod Troilus, 'allas! now am I war

That Pirous and tho swifte stedes three,
Whiche that drawen forth the sonnes char,
Han goon som by-path in despyt of me; 1705
That maketh it so sone day to be;
And, for the sonne him hasteth thus to ryse,
Ne shal I never doon him sacrifyse!'

245. But nedes day departe moste hem sone,

And whanne hir speche doon was and hir chere, 1710
They twinne anoon as they were wont to done,
And setten tyme of meting eft y-fere;
And many a night they wroughte in this manere.
And thus Fortune a tyme ladde in Ioye
Criseyde, and eek this kinges sone of Troye. 1715

246. In suffisaunce, in blisse, and in singinges,

This Troilus gan al his lyf to lede;
He spendeth, Iusteth, maketh festeyinges;
He yeveth frely ofte, and chaungeth wede,
And held aboute him alwey, out of drede, 1720
A world of folk, as cam him wel of kinde,
The fressheste and the beste he coude fynde;

247. That swich a voys was of hym and a stevene

Thorugh-out the world, of honour and largesse,
That it up rong un-to the yate of hevene. 1725
And, as in love, he was in swich gladnesse,
That in his herte he demede, as I gesse,
That there nis lovere in this world at ese
So wel as he, and thus gan love him plese.

248. The godlihede or beautee which that kinde 1730

In any other lady hadde y-set
Can not the mountaunce of a knot unbinde,
A-boute his herte, of al Criseydes net.
He was so narwe y-masked and y-knet,
That it undon on any manere syde, 1735
That nil not been, for ought that may betyde.

249. And by the hond ful ofte he wolde take

This Pandarus, and in-to gardin lede,
And swich a feste and swich a proces make
Him of Criseyde, and of hir womanhede, 1740
And of hir beautee, that, with-outen drede,
It was an hevene his wordes for to here;
And thanne he wolde singe in this manere.

250. 'Love, that of erthe and see hath governaunce,

Love, that his hestes hath in hevene hye, 1745
Love, that with an holsom alliaunce
Halt peples ioyned, as him list hem gye,
Love, that knetteth lawe of companye,
And couples doth in vertu for to dwelle,
Bind this acord, that I have told and telle; 1750

251. That that the world with feyth, which that is stable,
Dyverseth so his stoundes concordinge,
That elements that been so discordable
Holden a bond perpetuely duringe,
That Phebus mote his rosy day forth bringe, 1755
And that the mone hath lordship over the nightes,
Al this doth Love; ay heried be his mightes!

252. That that the see, that gredy is to flowen,

Constreyneth to a certeyn ende so
His flodes, that so fersly they ne growen 1760
To drenchen erthe and al for ever-mo;
And if that Love ought lete his brydel go,
Al that now loveth a-sonder sholde lepe,
And lost were al, that Love halt now to-hepe.

253. So wolde god, that auctor is of kinde, 1765

That, with his bond, Love of his vertu liste
To cerclen hertes alle, and faste binde,
That from his bond no wight the wey out wiste.
And hertes colde, hem wolde I that he twiste
To make hem love, and that hem leste ay rewe 1770
On hertes sore, and kepe hem that ben trewe.'

254. In alle nedes, for the tounes werre,

He was, and ay the firste in armes dight;
And certeynly, but-if that bokes erre,
Save Ector, most y-drad of any wight; 1775
And this encrees of hardinesse and might
Cam him of love, his ladies thank to winne,
That altered his spirit so with-inne.

255. In tyme of trewe, on haukinge wolde he ryde,

Or elles hunten boor, bere, or lyoun; 1780
The smale bestes leet he gon bi-syde.
And whan that he com rydinge in-to toun,
Ful ofte his lady, from hir window doun,
As fresh as faucon comen out of muwe,
Ful redy was, him goodly to saluwe. 1785

256. And most of love and vertu was his speche,

And in despyt hadde alle wrecchednesse;
And doutelees, no nede was him biseche
To honouren hem that hadde worthinesse,
And esen hem that weren in distresse. 1790
And glad was he if any wight wel ferde,
That lover was, whan he it wiste or herde.

257. For sooth to seyn, he lost held every wight

But-if he were in loves heigh servyse,
I mene folk that oughte it been of right. 1795
And over al this, so wel coude he devyse
Of sentement, and in so unkouth wyse
Al his array, that every lover thoughte,
That al was wel, what-so he seyde or wroughte.

258. And though that he be come of blood royal, 1800

Him liste of pryde at no wight for to chase;
Benigne he was to ech in general,
For which he gat him thank in every place.
Thus wolde Love, y-heried be his grace,
That Pryde, Envye, Ire, and Avaryce 1805
He gan to flee, and every other vyce.

259. Thou lady bright, the doughter to Dione,

Thy blinde and winged sone eek, daun Cupyde;
Ye sustren nyne eek, that by Elicone
In hil Parnaso listen for to abyde, 1810
That ye thus fer han deyned me to gyde,
I can no more, but sin that ye wol wende,
Ye heried been for ay, with-outen ende!

260. Thourgh yow have I seyd fully in my song

Theffect and Ioye of Troilus servyse, 1815
Al be that ther was som disese among,
As to myn auctor listeth to devyse.
My thridde book now ende ich in this wyse;
And Troilus in luste and in quiete
Is with Criseyde, his owne herte swete. 1820

Explicit Liber Tercius.

Rubric; from Cp. 1-56. Lost in Cm. 3. H2. leef; Ed. lefe; Cl. lyef; Cp. H. lief. 7.
Cl. thin (for 2nd thy). 9. Cl. of; rest if. // Cp. Ed. wel; H2. wil; Cl. wole; H. wol.
10. Cl. Cp. beste. 11. Cl. H. Ed. The; H2. To. // Cl. feld (for fele). 12. Cl.
nough (!). 13. Cl. word; H. world; Cp. Ed. worlde; H2. wirk. 17. Cl. H.
Comeueden (rightly); Cp. Comended; Ed. Comenden; H2. Commodious(!). //
Cp. Ed. amorous; H2. amerous; Cl. H. amoreux. // All hem (wrongly); read
him; see l. 19. 20. Cp. H. H2. hym; Ed. him; Cl. hem. 22. H. apasen; Ed.
apeasen; H2. apesyn. // Cl. Iire. 23. Cl. lyste; rest list. 28. H2. hym; rest it.
32. Cl. thing. 33. Cl. constreue. // Cl. H. Cp. Io; H2. io; Ed. go; (Io=jo). 36. Cl.
vniuersite (!). 38. Cl. H. worse. 42. Cl. this (for thy). // Cl. seruyce. 44. Cp. H.
Inhielde. 49. H2. gladnes; rest om. 51. All lesson. 56. H2. leve (sic); rest leue.
// Cp. H. Ed. werken; Cl. werke. 57. Cm. how; rest so. // Cl. om. that. 58. Cp.
Ed. Cm. shorte; rest short. 59. Cl. lad. 60. Cl. om. in. 65. Cl. rufully; Ed.
routhfully. 66. thou] Cl. yow. 74. H2. Ed. ey; rest I. 76. lordshipe] Cl. mercy.
77. Cl. beseche. 79. H. Cm. wex; Cl. Cp. wax. 81. Cl. smyte. 83. Cl. om. he.
90. Cp. H. Ed. resons; Cl. resones; Cm. werkis; H2. wordis. 92. Cl. An; H2.
Hym; rest In. 93. Cl. quooke. 97. Cm. ferste; rest first (ferst). 99. Cl. whily. //
Cl. ho (for he). 100. Cl. that; rest for. 101. Cl. om. I. 110. Cm. wrethe (for
herte). // Cm. I; H2. y; rest om. 114. Cl. for to; rest to. 116. H. puked; H2.
procurid (!). 119. Cm. H2. om. that. 121. Cp. H. Ed. wilne; Cm. wiln; Cl. wille.
// Cl. shal seye; rest om. shal. 125. of] Cl. on. 135. Cl. deligence. 136. Cl. Cp.
H. Ed. om. I; see l. 141. 138. Cl. defende (!). 139. Cl. Cm. digne; rest deigne.
142. Cl. Cp. myn; Cm. myne. 144. H2. serve; rest seruen. // Cl. Cp. H. ben ay
I-lyke; Ed. to ben aye ylike; H2. bene y-lyke; Cm. ay ben I-lik; but read been
y-lyke ay. 149. And] Cl. A. // Cl. om. a. 150. Cl. Cp. H. feste. 152. Cl. that this;
rest om. that. 160. Cl. But (for And). 167. Cp. H. hennes; Cm. henys; Cl. hens.
172. MSS. soueraynte. 173. Cp. Ny (for Ne I). 176. Cl. my dere; rest om. my.
179. Cl. Ed. to; rest in-to. 180. yow] Cl. now. 183. H. yen; Cm. eyȝyn; rest
eyen. 188. Cl. Cp. H. in the; rest om. the. 190. Cl. Cm. H2. Ed. om. as. 193.
Cl. and on; Ed. H2. and one; H. and oon; Cp. an oon; Cm. a-non; read as
oon? 194. Cm. H2. the; Cp. to; rest two. 195. my] Cl. Cm. myn. 205. H2.
They come vpwardis at. 207. Cl. blynde. 208. Cl. it is tyme. 213. Cl. ins. hire
bef. diden. // Cp. H. diden; Cl. deden. 214. Cm. spekyn wondir wel; Cl. (and
rest) wonder wel spaken (speken). 221. Cl. gardeyn. 223. Cl. lyste; Cp. Ed. H.
leste. 229. Cp. Ed. paillet; rest pailet. 237. Cl. speke; rest speken (spekyn).
240. Cl. om. so. 242. Cp. Cm. waxeth; Ed. woxe; rest wax (but read wex).
244. Cl. sethen do. 250. Cl. a game bygonne to. 254. Cp. H. Bitwixen; Cl.
Bytwene. 260. Cl. alle; rest al. 262. Cl. for to abrygge; Cp. H. for tabregge;
Cm. to abregge. // Cl. destresse. 268. Cl. alwed. 269. Cl. dar I; rest I dar wel.
270. Cl. om. that. 279. Cl. bygone. 280. Cl. wonne. 281. Cl. om. wol. // Cl.
H2. go. 283. Cl. preuete. 290. Cl. Cm. Ed. om. ther. 293. H. Ed. this (for yet);
Cp. thus. 299. Cl. selue; Cm. seluyn. 300. H2. as for to; blabbe. 301. Cl. the
(for they). 308. Cl. kyng (for kynde). // Cl. auauntures (!). 310. As] Cl. A. 312.
Cl. H2. holde; rest holden. 313. Cl. om. it. 315. Cl. Cp. H2. And a; rest And. //
Cl. heste; H2. hest; rest byheste. 319. Cl. byhight; Cp. bihyghte. 320. Cl. no
more; rest om. no. 332. Cl. womman (!). 323. Cl. this not. 324. Cm. wis man;
H2. wyse man; rest wyse men. 327. Cl. wys. 329. Cl. om. harm. 335. Cl.
suffice; rest suffise. 337. Cl. om. wel. 340. the] Cl. H2. thi. 341. Cl. make (for
may). 344. or] Cl. and. 346. theffect] Cl. the feyth. 347. Cl. sorwe (for herte).
351. Cl. om. as. 352. Cp. H. H2. dede; Cl. Cm. ded. 355. Cl. Cp. H. for to (for
to). 356. Cm. Wex; Cl. Cp. H. Wax. 360. Cm. aprille; H. aperil; rest April. 361.
remembre] Cl. remembreth. 363. H. didest; Cl. Cp. dedest. 366. Cl. I to; rest
om. to. 368. Cm. Ed. tel; rest telle. 380. Cl. thenketh. 382. Cp. H. Caytif; Cl.
Castif; rest Captif. // All Agamenoun. 385. Ed. the lyketh; H2. it lyke the; Cl. it
lyketh; Cp. H. Cm. it liketh the. 386. Cl. meche; Cp. muche. // Cl. Cm. don;
rest I-do (y-do, ydon). 389. Cl. In; rest on. 390. Cl. the wole. 391. Cp. H.
sclaue; Ed. slaue; Cl. knaue (with sl altered to kn). 397. Cl. baudery. 398. Cl.
om. wood. 412. All Tel. // Cl. Cp. H. om. me. 414. Cl. seruyce. 417. Ed. moste;
rest most. 425. Cp. Ed. though; H2. thogh; Cl. H. thought; Cm. tho. 441. Cl.
he (for her). 442. All lay; perhaps read laye (subjunctive). 443. Cl. dishesed.
446. Cm. man; Cl. Cp. H. men. // Ed. men be. // Cl. yplesed; rest plesed. 450.
Cp. H. writen; Cl. wreten. 451. Cl. om. and. 452. or] Cl. Ed. and. 453. Cl. as
it; rest om. it. 457. Cl. om. awayt. 462. Cl. make; a (for an). 463. Cm. speke;
rest spake. 475. Cl. seruyce. 476. Cp. H. auyse; rest deuyse. 481. Cm. goode;
rest good. 485. Cp. Ed. y-like; H. yhold; rest ylyk. 491. wayten] Cl. wene. 496.
Cl. stont; Cp. H. Cm. stant. 497. Cl. Cp. Cm. Hise. 507. Cm. These; rest This.
509. Cl. myght; Cp. H. Cm. myghte. 510. Ed. fulfell; rest fulfille. 514. Cl. And;
rest As. 516. Cl. There-as; rest Wher-as. 520. Cl. om. -to. 525. Cp. H. H2.
impossible. 526. Cp. H. Cm. Dredeles; Cl. Dredles. // Cm. cler; rest clere. 527.
Of] Cl. From. 531. Cp. H. H2. witen; rest weten. 533. Cl. puruyaunce. 540. H.
moste; Cm. Ed. muste; Cl. most. 545. Cl. om. -thy. 547. Cl. there but; rest
om. but. 548. Cl. shortely. 551. Ed. H2. welken; Cp. wolken; rest walkene
(walken). 552. Cl. straught; H. H2. streight; Cp. streght. 555. Cl. woned; rest
wont. 558. Cp. H. cape. 562. sholde] Cl. shal. 563. Cl. om. ne. 572. Cp. H.
thruste (!); Cm. thourrste (for thurfte); H2. Ed. durst; Cl. dorste (but read
thurfte). // Cl. haue neuere. 573. Cl. hem; rest him. 576. Cl. Cp. H2. whan
that; rest om. that. 578. Cl. ther; rest ther-of. 579. Cl. Cp. Ed. with-outen. //
Cl. a-wayte. 584. H. goosish; Cp. goosissh; H2. gosisshe; Cl. gosylyche; Ed.
gofysshe (!). // Cl. peple; H. peples; Cm. puples; Cp. poeples; Ed. peoples.
587. Cm. mot; rest most (must). 589. Cl. om. hir. 595. Cl. vn to the; rest to.
601. Cl. Cp. stuwe. 602. Cl. om. in. 603. Cl. H. Wnwist. 608. Cl. hym; rest
hem. 612. Cl. auyse; rest deuyse. 613. Cl. like; Cp. H. Cm. liken. // Cl.
laughen that here. 614. Cp. Cm. Ed. tolde; Cl. H. told. // Cl. tales; Ed. a tale;
H2. the tale; rest tale. 616. Cl. she wolde; rest om. she. 617. H2. werdis; Cl.
Cp. Ed. wyerdes; H. wierdes; Cm. wordis (!). 619. Cm. H2. herdis; rest
hierdes. 621. Cl. om. now. 630. it] Cl. a. 632. Cl. om. I. 636. Cl. be. nought
a-] Cl. for no. 637. Cl. om. as. 640. ron] Ed. rayned. H2. flood; Cl. H. Cm.
flode. 642. Cl. om. it. 645. dere] Cl. drede. 648. a] Cm. on. 664. Cp. outer; H.
outter; Cl. other; Ed. vtter; Cm. vttir. 674. Cl. Cp. H. The voyde; Cm. They
voydyn; Ed. They voyde; H2. They voydid &. 676. Cl. that; H2. om.; rest the.
684. Cl. in; rest at. 690. Cp. Ed. skippen; H. skipen; Cm. schepe; H2. skipe;
Cl. speken. // traunce] Ed. praunce. 696. Cl. Cp. sey; H. seye; Cm. woste; H2.
wist; Ed. sawe. // Cl. Ed. H2. al. 697. Cl. om. up-. 704. Cl. om. For. 711. Cp.
H. gruwel; Cl. Cm. growel; Ed. gruell. 715. Cl. An; Cp. As; rest And. 717. Cl.
combest; Cm. H2. cumbrid; Cp. H. Ed. combust. // Cl. om. in. 722. Cl. Cp. Ed.
om. O. 725. Cl. Cp. H. Cipres; Cm. Cipris; Ed. Cipria; H2. Ciphis. 726. Ed.
Daphne. 727. Cm. wex; Cl. Cp. H. wax. 729. Cl. Cp. H. hierse; H2. hyerce;
Cm. hirie; Ed. her (!). 729, 731. Cl. ek, by-sek; H. eke, bi-seke. 735. Cl. help;
rest helpeth. 737. Cl. a-garst (!). 738. Cp. H. don; Cm. do; rest do on. // Cl. a-
boue; rest up-on. 739. Cl. folewe; Cp. Cm. folwe; H. Ed. folowe. 745. Cp. H.
Ed. layen; Cl. lay. 753. Cl. Cm. haveth. 756. H. rise; Cl. rysen. 758. Cm. H2.
thus; rest om. // hem] Cl. vs. 761. H2. Ey; Ed. Eygh; rest I. 762. Cl. Quod
tho; rest om. tho. 763. Cl. om. er. 770. com] Cl. cam. 775. Cm. houe; H2.
howe. 776. Cl. Cp. H. Ed. this mene while; Cm. H2. om. mene. 777. Cl. om.
2nd a. 780. Cl. that; Cp. Cm. H. Ed. al. 791. shal] H2. ow; Ed. owe. 795. Cl.
Ed. H2. is this. 797. Cp. H. Cm. scholden louen oon; Cl. louen sholde on. //
hatte] Ed. hight. 799. Cl. alle these thynges herde. 801. she] Cl. H2. ful. // Cl.
answerede. 802. Cl. tolle (!). 804. Cl. conseytes. 809. Cl. more (for morwe). //
and] Cl. yf. 810. Cl. fully excuse. 811. him] Cl. he. 813. Cl. om. god. 818. Cp.
Ed. either; H. oyther (for eyther); Cl. Cm. other. // Cl. nough. 823. Cl. Other
he; rest Or. 826. derknesse] H. distresse. 829. Cl. om. that. 833. ful] Cl. but.
834. Cl. Cm. manere. 839. Cl. H. mad Troylus to me; H2. thus Troylus me
made; Cm. Ed. Cp. Troylus mad to me. 842. him] Cl. yow. 843. Cl. myn; Cp.
H. my. 847. Ed. I (for for I). // H. Ed. for the beste. 850. Ed. H2. om. a. 854.
H. abedes; Cm. abydis. 857. Cp. H. Ed. Wel; rest om. // Cl. H2. to rescowe;
rest om. to. 859. Cm. H2. How is; rest om. is (here). // H2. y-falle; Cm. falle;
rest is falle. 861. H2. feldyfare; Cl. feld-fare; rest feldefare. 862. Cp. H. Ed.
ne; rest om. // Cl. gref. 869. I] Cl. ye. 870. Ye] Cl. I. 880. Cl. malis. 887.
more] Cl. H2. bettre. 889. Cl. ben sene; Cp. H. Cm. be sene; H2. be seyn; Ed.
he sene. 892. dede men] Cl. a dede man. 893. trowe I] Cl. I trowe. 898. Cl.
stenteth; rest stynteth. 900. Cp. Ed. Cm. nolde; H. nold; Cl. nold not. Cp. H.
setten; Cl. Cm. sette. 909. Cl. To; rest So. // H. spek; rest speke. 912. Cm.
om. is. // H. teuery (for to euery). 917. Cl. at; H2. am; Cm. H. Ed. al; Cp. om.
928. to] Cl. Cp. H. Ed. for to. 931. Cl. H. A; rest At. 935. or] Cl. Cm. H2. and.
// Cl. tacches. 936. Cp. Ed. This is seyd. // Cl. hym; rest hem. // Cl. is; rest be
(ben, beth). 947. Cl. That; H2. That good; rest Ther good. 954. Cl. Cm. Cp.
H2. hede; Ed. heed; H. hed. 956. Cl. -lych; H. -lyche. 964. Cl. quysshon; Cm.
qwischin; H2. cusshyn. 965. Cp. Ed. leste; rest lyste, lyst. 968. Cl. put; Cp. H.
putte. 970. H2. dewte; Cp. dewete. 975. Cl. H2. now gode; rest om. now.
976. Cl. om. al. 978. Cl. fyre; Ed. fiere; rest fere. 980. Cl. loken. 990. Cl.
goudly; Cp. H. goodly. // Cl. Cp. make; H. Cm. Ed. maken. 994. for] Cl. first;
Cm. H2. om. 995. H2. found; rest founden. // Cp. ȝit; Cm. yite; rest yet. 999.
Cl. emforthe; Cp. H. Ed. emforth. 1002. Cl. H2. dredles. 1004. Cl. H2. yow
not. 1005. your] Cl. H2. yow. 1009. Cl. loue (for myn, as a correction). 1014.
Cl. refuyt; Cp. H. Cm. refut; Ed. refute. 1015. Cl. ins. him bef. arace. // arace]
Cl. Ed. race. 1017. Ed. dignyte (for deitee). 1020. for to] Cl. that I. // on] Cl.
Ed. of. 1022. up-on] Cl. on. 1029. Cl. Cm. to bere; rest om. to. 1032. Cl. And
whanne. 1033. Cp. H. piete; rest pite. 1043. Cl. dishese. 1046. Cp. H. Ed. list;
Cl. lyste. // Cm. ordel. 1047. Cl. lyste; Cp. H. Ed. leste. 1055. Cl. in-to the bed
down; rest doun in the bed. 1056. Cl. wreygh; Cp. H. wreigh; Cm. wrigh; Ed.
wrighe. 1060. Cl. om. a. 1066. Cm. Ed. liste; rest lyst (list, lest). 1067. Cl. om.
a. 1074. in] Cl. vn. 1075. that] Cl. the. 1087. Cl. eighen; Cp. H. Ed. eyen.
1094. Cl. H2. For; rest But. // Ed. hushte. 1096. Cl. Buth; Cp. H. Ed. Beth.
1097. Cl. he him in-to bedde. 1104. Cp. Ed. Cm. pullen; Cl. H. pulle. 1113. Cl.
no; Cm. not; Cp. H. nought. 1116. to] Cl. for. 1121. Cl. bet gan; rest gan bet.
1129. Cp. Ed. keste; Cl. Cm. kyste. 1131. Cp. H. herte; rest hertes. 1132. Cp.
H. Ed. leste; Cl. lyste. 1137. All eyen (eyȝen). 1141. Cl. Cp. chimeney; H. Cm.
chimeneye. 1143. H. Ed. list; Cl. lyste. 1144. Cp. Cm. thoughte; Cl. H.
thought. 1163. Cp. Ed. andswerde; H. answarde; Cl. answered. 1168. Cp. H.
Ed. Ialous; Cm. Ielous; Cl. Ialousye. 1169. Cl. om. it. 1177. Cp. H. answerde;
Cl. answered. 1192. Cl. Cp. Cm. it; rest him. // Cp. H. foot; Cl. fote. 1193. Cp.
H. thise; Cm. these; Cl. this. 1194. Cp. H. sucre; Cm. seukere; H2. Ed. sugre;
Cl. sour. // Cp. H. soot; Cl. sot; Cm. H2. sote; Ed. soote. 1195. Cl. mot. 1200.
Ed. aspen; H2. auspen. 1201. Cl. om. his. 1203. Cl. om. tho. 1206. Cm. Ed.
mote; rest mot. 1208. H. boot; Cl. Cp. Cm. bote. 1209. Cp. H. Cm. answerde;
Cl. answered. 1211. Cl. yolden. 1218. hath] Cl. is. 1219. Cl. the more; rest
om. the. 1222. Cl. sith that; rest om. that. 1225. Cp. comth; Cl. come. 1227.
Cl. Iust. 1229. Cl. entent; H. entente. 1231. Cl. Cm. wrythe; Cp. H. Ed. writhe;
H2. writhen is (read wryth or writh). 1234. Cl. gynneth to; Cp. bygynneth to;
rest begynneth. 1236. Cl. ony. 1238. Cl. Criseyd. // Cl. stynte; Cp. H. stente.
1240. y-] Cl. is. 1241. Cl. out; gysse. 1244. Cl. alle; word. 1247. Cl. streyght;
Cp. streghte. 1248. Cl. fleysshly. 1251. Cl. om. heuene and to. 1258. Cl. the;
rest that (after next). 1261. Cl. Cm. Benyngne; Cp. H. Benigne. 1264. Cl.
nodestow(!). 1266. Cl. seye; Cp. H. Cm. seyn. 1268. H2. coude leest; Cm.
couthe lest; Cp. H. leest koude; Cl. lest kowde. 1269. Cl. be; Cp. H. Cm. ben.
// Cl. to; Cp. H. Cm. vn-to. 1272. Cp. H. H2. pace; Cl. passe. 1276. Cl.
dishese. 1285. Cp. H. Cm. benignite; Cl. benyngnite. 1286. Cm. thynkith; Cl.
thenk; Cp. H. thynk that. 1288. Cl. seruyce. 1290. Cl. for that; rest om. that.
1291. Cl. Cm. Cp. stere; H. Ed. fere (feere). 1294. Cl. om. that I; Cm. Cp. om.
I. 1296. Cl. But; rest For. 1298. H. Cp. Ed. fynden; Cl. Cm. fynde. // Cl. lyfe.
1299. Cp. H. Ny (for Ne I). // Cm. Ed. H2. not; Cl. Cp. H. om. 1302. Cl. to;
rest un-to. 1314. Cl. om. thise. 1315. Cm. be-twixe; Cl. be-twexen; H.
bitweyne. // Cl. Cm. dred; rest drede (read dreed). 1318. Cl. om. two. 1321.
Cl. daunder (!). 1322. Cl. blyssyd; rest blisse (blis). 1324. Cp. Ed. tellen; Cm.
tellyn; H. talen; Cl. telle. 1326. Cm. (2nd) I; Cl. Cp. H. and; Ed. om. 1339. Cp.
H. Cm. Ed. a-sonder; Cl. a-sondry. // Cp. H. Cm. Ed. gon; Cl. go ne(!) // Cl.
om. it. 1340. Cm. H2. wende; Cp. Cl. H. wenden. 1341. Cm. Ed. Cp. H2.
moste; Cl. H. most. 1342. Cl. nere (for were). 1345. And] Cl. A. // goodly] Cl.
gladly. 1346. H. Cm. blynte; Cp. Ed. bleynte; Cl. blente. 1352. Cl. eighen; Cp.
H. Ed. eyen. 1356. Cl. wreten; Cp. H. writen. 1361. H. swiche; H2. Ed. suche;
Cl. swich. 1362. Cl. whanne; Cm. whan; Cp. H. when. 1365. H. bilynne; rest
blynne. 1370. Cl. of; rest and. 1373. Cl. Cp. H. or a; Cm. a; rest om. 1375.
tho] Cl. the. // Cl. Ed. pens; Cp. H. Cm. pans. // Cp. H. mokre; H2. moker;
Cm. mokere; Cl. moke. // Cl. Ed. kecche; Cm. crache(!); Cp. tecche(!); H2.
teche(!); H. theche(!). 1385. Cp. H. Ed. lyue; Cl. leue. 1387. tho] Cl. that.
1388. Cl. eerys. 1390. Cl. drenken. 1394. Cp. H. Thise; Cl. This. 1396. Cp. H.
speken; Cl. speke. 1398. hem] Cl. hym. 1400. to] H. Cm. in-to. 1401. Cp. H.
Cm. mo; rest more. // Cp. H. fel; Cl. fille. 1403. Cp. H. Cm. al; Cl. alle. 1405.
Cl. dede; Cm. dedyn; Ed. dydden; rest diden. 1407. Cl. Cp. Ed. -peyse; rest -
pese. 1408. Cl. shep(!); H. slep; rest slepe. 1409. Cl. nough(!) 1410. H. Cm.
kep; rest kepe. 1414. Cl. Cp. gentilesse; rest gentilnesse. 1415. Cl. whanne;
Cp. Cm. whan; H. when. 1416. Cl. to crowe; rest om. to. 1418. Cm. hese (=
his); rest here (hire). // Cl. bemys throw. 1419. Cl. Cm. after-; rest est-. 1420.
than] All that. 1424. Cl. Cm. des-; rest dis-. 1425. Cp. H. hennes; Cm. henys;
Cl. hens to. 1426. Cl. ellys. 1428. Ed. Alcmena. 1435. Cl. Cm. flest; Cp. H. H2.
fleest. 1442. Cl. hastely. 1444. H. piteous; Cp. pietous; rest pitous. 1450. Cl.
crueel. 1453. Cp. H2. yen; rest eyen. 1454. Cm. espyen. 1457. Cl. Cm. these;
Cp. H2. thise. 1459. Cl. shent; rest slayn. 1460. Cm. Ed. let; Cl. late; rest lat
(read lete). 1462. Cl. Cp. selys. 1464. Cl. he to; rest om. to. 1465. Cp. H. fool;
Cl. Cm. fol. 1466. Cl. Cp. Cm. dawyng; rest dawnyng. 1471. H. Cp. sighte; Cl.
sight; Ed. syghed. 1476. H. my lyf an oure; Cp. Ed. my lyf an houre; Cl. an
hour my lyf. 1482. Cl. brenneth; H. bitleth(!); Cp. biteth; Ed. byteth; rest
streyneth. 1486. Cm. H2. Yit; rest om. // Cp. H. wiste; Cl. wist. 1490. Cl. Cm.
wordes; rest worldes. 1491. Cp. H. Cm. Ed. enduren; Cl. endure. 1492. Cp. H.
answerde; Cl. answered. 1498. Cl. Troles(!). 1506. Cl. An. 1516. H. Cp. ayein;
Cl. a-yen. 1525. Cl. myn herte and dere swete. 1526. Cp. H. sownde; Cl.
sound. 1527. Cp. H. Cm. answerde; Cl. answerede. 1535. Cl. Cp. Ed. bedde;
rest bed. 1536. Cl. woned. 1542. Cl. Hise; rest Hire (Her). 1543. Cl. hire; rest
his. 1546. Cl. new; Cp. H. Cm. newe. 1554. Cp. dorste; Cl. H. dorst. 1558. Cl.
ye my; rest om. my. 1559. slepe] Cl. shepe(!). 1562. Cp. H. com; Cl. Cm.
come. 1563. Cl. H. murye; Cm. merie. 1564. Cp. H. answerde; Cl. Cm.
answerede. // Cl. om. for. 1566. Cp. H. caused; Cl. causes. 1568. Cl. Cm. om.
O. 1570. H. Cm. wex; Cl. Cp. wax. 1573. Cl. Here haue. // Ed. smyteth; Cp.
smyten; rest smyte. 1575. Cl. keste. 1576-82. Cp. om. 1577. and] Cl. an.
1578. to] Cl. for to. 1579. Cl. H2. but; rest than. 1583. H. Cp. ayeyn; Cl. a-
yen. 1587. Cl. come. 1592. Cm. kneis; Cp. H. knowes. 1593. Cl. out of; rest
om. out. 1595. he] Cl. Cm. and. // Cl. H. Cm. blysse; rest blesse. 1600. Cp.
Cm. flegetoun; Ed. Phlegeton. // Cl. Cp. H. Cm. fery; H2. firy; Ed. fyrie. 1603.
Cm. myghte; Cl. might. // Cm. Ed. mote; Cp. H. moote; Cl. mot. 1608. Cp. H.
hires; Cl. heres. 1609. Cp. heighe; Cm. hye; Cl. H. heigh. 1611. Cp. y-ȝiue; Cl.
y-yeue. 1613. Cl. Cm. leue; rest lyue. 1619, 1621, 1622. Cl. Cp. lief, grief,
mischief; Cm. lef, gref, myschef; H2. leef, greef, mischeef. 1621. now] Cl. it.
1622. Cl. of of (!); rest of this. 1627. Cl. H2. be; rest ben. 1629. Cp. H. Thart.
// Cl. ynowh. 1634. Cl. kep; rest kepe. 1642. Cp. H. Ny. 1644. Cm. wistist
thou; Ed. wystest thou; Cp. wystestow; Cl. H. wistow. 1655. than] Cl. er.
1656. H. answerde; Cl. answerede. 1657. Cl. Cm. onys. 1659. Cp. H. Cm.
herde; Cl. herd. 1662. H. Cp. preysen; Cl.preyse. 1663. Cp. Cm. righte; Cl. H.
right. 1664. chere] Cl. clere. 1671. Cp. Cm. felte; Cl. H. felt. 1675. Cm. H2.
ek; rest om. 1677. Cp. H. theffect. 1679. Al brought. // Cl. Cp. H. H2. whan
that; Cm. Ed. om. that. 1680. Cl. om. thus. 1687. Cl. complende(!); Cp.
comprende; rest comprehende. 1693. H. wryten; H2. writyn; Cl. y-wrete.
1694. Cl. by-thenke; rest by-thynke. 1696. signes] Cl. synes. 1700. traytour]
Cl. traytous. 1702. Cl. Cp. H. om. allas. 1703. H2. Pirous; Ed. Pyrous; H.
Pirors; Cl. Cp. Cm. Piros. 1704. Ed. Whiche; rest Which. 1708. him] Cl. here;
Cp. H. hire. // Cl. sacrifice. 1711. Cl. woned; Cp. H2. Ed. wont; H. wonte; Cm.
wone. 1713. Cp. Cm. wroughte; Cl. H. wrought. 1718. Cl. H. festeynynges;
Cp. H2. festynges; Cm. festyngys; (read festeyinges). 1720. aboute him] Cl.
hym aboute. 1722. H. fresshiste; Cl. fresshest. 1723. Cl. om. 2nd a. //
stevene] H. neuene. 1725. Cl. rong vp into. 1731. Cl. ony. 1734. Cl. y-
maked(!). 1738. Cp. H. Cm. Ed. gardyn; Cl. gardeyn. 1745. Cl. heste. 1747.
Cl. hem lyst hym (wrongly). 1748. Cl. Cp. knetteth; H. knettheth; Ed.
knytteth; H2. kennyth; Cm. endytyth. // Cl. Cm. of; H. Cp. Ed. and; H2. om.
1753. Cl. elementes; Cp. H. elementz. 1755. Cp. H2. Ed. mote; Cl. H. mot;
Cm. may. 1759. Cl. Constreyne. 1760. Cl. om. so. // Cp. H. Ed. fiersly; Cm.
fersely; H2. fersly; Cl. freshly. 1762. Cp. H. lete; Cl. late; Cm. let; Ed. lette.
1767. H. Cp. cerclen; Cm. serkelyn; Cl. cerchen; Ed. serchen; H2. cherysson.
1768. Cp. H. wey; Cl. weye. 1769. twiste] Cl. it wyste. 1770. Cl. lest; Cp. H.
liste. 1771. Cl. kep. 1774. Cl. certaynly. 1776. Cl. H. Cm. encres; Ed. encrease.
1779. Cl. om. he. 1780. Cp. boor; Cm. bor; rest bore. 1784. Cl. H2. cometh;
rest comen. 1787. Cl. Cp. H. alle; rest al. 1794. Cl. heyghe; Cp. H. heigh.
1797. Cm. vnkouth; Cl. vnkow; Cp. vnkoude; rest vnkouthe. 1800. Cm. real.
1801. Cl. Lyst hym; Cp. H. Him liste. 1804. Cp. Cm. wolde; Cl. H. wold. 1805.
Cp. H. Ed. pride and Ire enuye. 1807-1820. Lost in Cm. 1810. In] Cl. I. // Cp.
H. tabide. 1815. Cl. seruyce. 1816. Cl. dishese. 1818. wyse] Cl. wys. Colophon.
From Ed.; Cl. Cp. H. H2. wrongly place it after Book IV, l. 28.
 BOOK IV.
[Prohemium.]

1. But al to litel, weylawey the whyle,

Lasteth swich Ioye, y-thonked be Fortune!
That semeth trewest, whan she wol bygyle,
And can to foles so hir song entune,
That she hem hent and blent, traytour comune; 5
And whan a wight is from hir wheel y-throwe,
Than laugheth she, and maketh him the mowe.

2. From Troilus she gan hir brighte face

Awey to wrythe, and took of him non hede,
But caste him clene oute of his lady grace, 10
And on hir wheel she sette up Diomede;
For which right now myn herte ginneth blede,
And now my penne, allas! with which I wryte,
Quaketh for drede of that I moot endyte.

3. For how Criseyde Troilus forsook, 15

Or at the leste, how that she was unkinde,
Mot hennes-forth ben matere of my book,
As wryten folk thorugh which it is in minde.
Allas! that they shulde ever cause finde
To speke hir harm; and if they on hir lye, 20
Y-wis, hem-self sholde han the vilanye.

4. O ye Herines, Nightes doughtren three,

That endelees compleynen ever in pyne,
Megera, Alete, and eek Thesiphone;
Thou cruel Mars eek, fader to Quiryne, 25
This ilke ferthe book me helpeth fyne,
So that the los of lyf and love y-fere
Of Troilus be fully shewed here.

Explicit [prohemium]. Incipit Quartus Liber.

5. Ligginge in ost, as I have seyd er this,
The Grekes stronge, aboute Troye toun, 30
Bifel that, whan that Phebus shyning is
Up-on the brest of Hercules Lyoun,
That Ector, with ful many a bold baroun,
Caste on a day with Grekes for to fighte,
As he was wont to greve hem what he mighte. 35

6. Not I how longe or short it was bitwene

This purpos and that day they fighte mente;
But on a day wel armed, bright and shene,
Ector, and many a worthy wight out wente,
With spere in hond and bigge bowes bente; 40
And in the berd, with-oute lenger lette,
Hir fomen in the feld anoon hem mette.

7. The longe day, with speres sharpe y-grounde,

With arwes, dartes, swerdes, maces felle,
They fighte and bringen hors and man to grounde, 45
And with hir axes out the braynes quelle.
But in the laste shour, sooth for to telle,
The folk of Troye hem-selven so misledden,
That with the worse at night homward they fledden.

8. At whiche day was taken Antenor, 50

Maugre Polydamas or Monesteo,
Santippe, Sarpedon, Polynestor,
Polyte, or eek the Troian daun Ripheo,
And othere lasse folk, as Phebuseo.
So that, for harm, that day the folk of Troye 55
Dredden to lese a greet part of hir Ioye.

9. Of Pryamus was yeve, at Greek requeste,

A tyme of trewe, and tho they gonnen trete,
Hir prisoneres to chaungen, moste and leste,
And for the surplus yeven sommes grete. 60
This thing anoon was couth in every strete,
Bothe in thassege, in toune, and every-where,
And with the firste it cam to Calkas ere.

10. Whan Calkas knew this tretis sholde holde,

In consistorie, among the Grekes, sone 65
He gan in thringe forth, with lordes olde,
And sette him there-as he was wont to done;
And with a chaunged face hem bad a bone,
For love of god, to don that reverence,
To stinte noyse, and yeve him audience. 70

11. Thanne seyde he thus, 'lo! lordes myne, I was

Troian, as it is knowen out of drede;
And if that yow remembre, I am Calkas,
That alderfirst yaf comfort to your nede,
And tolde wel how that ye sholden spede. 75
For dredelees, thorugh yow, shal, in a stounde,
Ben Troye y-brend, and beten doun to grounde.

12. And in what forme, or in what maner wyse

This town to shende, and al your lust to acheve,
Ye han er this wel herd it me devyse; 80
This knowe ye, my lordes, as I leve.
And for the Grekes weren me so leve,
I com my-self in my propre persone,
To teche in this how yow was best to done;

13. Havinge un-to my tresour ne my rente 85

Right no resport, to respect of your ese.
Thus al my good I loste and to yow wente,
Wening in this you, lordes, for to plese.
But al that los ne doth me no disese.
I vouche-sauf, as wisly have I Ioye, 90
For you to lese al that I have in Troye,

14. Save of a doughter, that I lafte, allas!

Slepinge at hoom, whanne out of Troye I sterte.
O sterne, O cruel fader that I was!
How mighte I have in that so hard an herte? 95
Allas! I ne hadde y-brought hir in hir sherte!
For sorwe of which I wol not live to morwe,
But-if ye lordes rewe up-on my sorwe.

15. For, by that cause I say no tyme er now

Hir to delivere, I holden have my pees; 100
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