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In the Line of Fire:
Trauma in the
Emergency Services
CHERYL REGEHR
TED BOBER
cheryl regehr
ted bober
1
2005
1
Oxford New York
Auckland Bangkok Buenos Aires Cape Town Chennai
Dar es Salaam Delhi Hong Kong Istanbul Karachi Kolkata
Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Mumbai Nairobi
São Paulo Shanghai Taipei Tokyo Toronto
9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Printed in the United States of America
on acid-free paper
throughout the process of preparing this book, we have
experienced the fullness of life, including stresses and
challenges of clinical and research work, the SARS epi-
demic, concerns of West Nile virus, technological prob-
lems such as a blackout that left one-quarter of North
America in the dark, and, most importantly, the serious ill-
ness and death of family members. At the same time, ba-
bies were welcomed into lives of our extended family and
friends, one child left for university, and others entered
new and exciting stages of life. All the while, colleagues
and friends were supportive, brought tea and humor.
Thanks to Graham, Kaitlyn, and Dylan for tolerance, support, and fabulous
senses of humor.—cr
I also wish to thank colleagues and mentors David Hoath, Keith Travis, Liz
White, Donna Little, Madeline Brynes, and Janina Bober. Thanks to Vicky
Lynham and Clare Pirie for their research support. And thanks to the love
and support of my partner Sue and daughter Jacqueline.—tb
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Contents
13 Foreword, Albert R. Roberts vii
1 Setting the Stage 3
2 All in a Day’s Work: Traumatic Events
in the Line of Duty 12
3 Building a Framework: Health, Stress,
Crisis, and Trauma 24
4 Disastrous Events: Mass Emergencies and
the Emergency Responder 47
5 The Right Stuff: Trauma and Coping 66
6 Help or Hindrance? Stress and the Emergency
Service Organization 82
7 Heroes or Villains? Public Inquiries 99
8 Are You Coming Home Tonight? The Impact
of Emergency Service Work on Families 113
9 The Continuum of Interventions I:
Doing the Right Job at the Right Time 126
10 The Continuum of Interventions II:
Interventions for Extreme Stress 151
11 Laying the Foundation: Developing Trauma
Response Teams 175
12 Keeping It Going: Team Maintenance 195
13 Does It Work? Evaluating the Efficacy
of Interventions 211
13 References 235
13 Index 259
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IN THE LINE
OF FIRE
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1
SETTING THE STAGE
Following the crash of two subway trains during rush hour, ambulance, fire,
and police crews worked tirelessly in cramped and difficult conditions to
move ambulatory victims safely from the tunnel, to carry out the injured, and
to extricate those trapped in the debris. The response was time-consuming
and hot. Paramedics held the hands of trapped victims and reassured them.
In the end, however, three passengers died during the rescue attempts. As
indicated by the advertisement in figure 1.1, which ran in newspapers one
week later, the public response was overwhelmingly supportive towards
emergency responders. People brought food and drink and offered their
thanks. Emergency responders were called heroes. At the public inquiry
that followed, however, it was suggested that altered fire and ambulance
procedures during the course of extrications could have saved at least one
life. It seems that heroism isn’t necessarily forever.
3
4 in the line of fire
This book is about everyday heroism. It is about the work emergency re-
sponders do and the traumatic situations they face when serving the pub-
lic. It is about the impact of this work on them and their families. We look
at factors at multiple levels that make these jobs and the impact they have
on individuals more difficult or less difficult. Our purpose is to show that it
is not one event alone that causes trauma in people who work in the emer-
gency services. Rather, trauma is a result of the interplay between an event,
the person encountering the event, the public and media response to the
event, the organization in which responders work, and the supports and life
that they have outside the workplace. In the end, we attempt to provide
suggestions for intervention that take into account these multiple levels of
influence. The goal is to assist mental health workers, managers of emer-
gency service organizations, and peer support team members to realize that
there is no single, one-size-fits-all model for assistance. Interventions must
fall on two continuums: one that spans prevention, early intervention af-
ter a traumatic event, and long-term follow up, and one that spans the in-
dividual responders, their families, the organizations in which they work,
and the community as a whole.
The information contained in this book is derived from a series of research
projects conducted on two continents with more than 350 police officers,
paramedics, and firefighters, and with 300 emergency mental health prac-
titioners. These projects involved quantitative data gathering through the use
of questionnaires addressing various issues regarding exposure to traumatic
events, public response to the events, personal and organizational supports,
and levels of distress experienced by emergency service workers. In addition,
qualitative research interviews were conducted with over 50 emergency re-
sponders to more fully understand their experiences, what aspects of the job
they find most troublesome, and what forms of assistance are most useful.
6 in the line of fire
solved within a few weeks, as the individual, with or without assistance from
others, develops new strategies for managing the event. Trauma theory, on the
other hand, refers to a set of physical, cognitive, and psychological responses
to a particular horrifying event. As a result of this exposure, individuals ex-
perience symptoms of intrusive thoughts and dreams, autonomic arousal,
and behavioral avoidance of stimuli that may trigger memories of the event.
Increasingly, however, trauma theorists are aware that people are highly in-
dividual in their responses to horrifying events, and that several individuals
encountering the same event will have great disparity in the severity and du-
ration of symptoms. Finally, secondary trauma or vicarious trauma refers to
overwhelming emotions and thoughts experienced by people who are exposed
to traumatic imagery through their work with others. From this perspective,
the process of empathically joining with others who are suffering allows for
the transfer or assimilation of traumatic symptoms in the worker. Thus,
merely witnessing the distress of another, such as a grieving parent, can lead
to distress on the part of workers.
Clearly all the theories discussed above—stress theory, occupational stress
theory, crisis theory, trauma theory, and secondary or vicarious trauma the-
ory — are highly relevant to understanding responses to stress and trau-
matic events in emergency workers. It is the premise of this book, however,
that each of these theories in isolation is inadequate in explaining the com-
plexity of the work exposures and subsequent reactions of emergency re-
sponders. Rather, we contend that individual responses to adverse events
are best understood within the broad context of an individual’s life experi-
ence. One approach to comprehending the complex interactions between
people and their environment is the ecological framework. This perspective
allows for multiple levels of influence in any one situation. For instance,
emotional distress is rarely predicted by any one event. Certainly, as we dis-
cuss in this book, emergency responders are exposed to events far beyond
the average person’s experience. It is not surprising that people will be af-
fected by such exposures. Yet reactions to even the most gruesome and dev-
astating of events are highly variable. Thus, we must consider the personal
history and concurrent struggles of the individual encountering the event.
We must consider the organizational environment in which they work. We
must consider the societal response to the event in terms of public attitude
and media attention. We must also consider the social supports an indi-
vidual has in terms of friends and family. From an ecological perspective,
the relationship between these levels of influence is the best way of un-
derstanding response to any adverse event.
In chapter 4, we review catastrophic incidents, which in and of them-
selves affect many of those responding. Disasters are events that occur
8 in the line of fire
rarely if ever in the work life of the average responder; yet when they do oc-
cur, they have lasting impacts. Disasters are unique in terms of the extent
of loss and devastation, the length of time and hours of work involved in the
rescue and recovery efforts, and the disruption to the daily and family life
routine of emergency service workers.
We continue our discussion of multiple levels of influence, which began
in the chapters on daily exposures to events and disasters, by considering
the individual encountering the event. Chapter 5, “The Right Stuff,” begins
by describing the types of reactions encountered by emergency responders
exposed to stressors. The symptoms experienced by responders range from
mild distress to symptoms that significantly influence functioning. Preex-
isting or concurrent vulnerabilities often contribute to the development of
more severe symptoms. Someone who is also dealing with other losses or
stressors may have reduced capacity to cope with additional traumas. In ad-
dition, coping strategies vary between individuals. Coping strategies dis-
cussed by emergency responders include the deliberate use of cognitive
strategies. For instance, during a traumatic event, emergency workers de-
scribe conscious attempts to shut out the emotional reactions of family
members of the victim and visualize the next technical step to be accom-
plished. They also discuss the need to shut down their own emotions. Fol-
lowing the event, an additional strategy involves reviewing the event from
a technical standpoint and identifying learning opportunities. Other types
of strategies involve having a positive personal life, talking to family, exer-
cising, and blowing off steam with colleagues.
All workplace traumas are experienced within the context of organiza-
tional culture and climate. Recent advances in workplace health research
have found that psychosocial factors in the workplace have a significant ef-
fect on work-related health problems. Occupational health research indi-
cates that a lack of control over work demands and a lack of resources to
work effectively seriously damage the health of workers. This is particularly
true in the instances of high psychological demand. Higher rates of heart
disease are evident in jobs that impose unpredictable and uncontrollable
demands, particularly when one’s skills and decision-making abilities are
underutilized. Clearly high demand and unpredictability are central factors
in the jobs of emergency responders. In addition, the organizational struc-
ture is frequently based on a hierarchical command model that demands
high levels of accountability and low levels of autonomy and input into poli-
cies and procedures. The degree to which distress is acknowledged, ac-
cepted, and supported varies considerably between organizations and be-
tween departments within any one organization.
In the aftermath of September 11, 2001, the North American public is
setting the stage 9
aware as never before of the stresses, danger, and potential for fatalities
inherent in the work of emergency responders. While the initial public re-
sponse to tragic events may be an outpouring of support and admiration
for emergency workers, this support inevitably wanes and society begins
to consider what might have been done to facilitate a more positive out-
come to the disaster. Following the occurrence of a significant event such
as a mass casualty or death of an emergency responder in the line of duty,
frequently a postmortem inquiry is performed in the form of a coroner’s
inquest, an internal investigation, or a specially formed public commis-
sion. The experience of going through a postmortem review can be ex-
tremely stressful for workers. Emergency service workers are often faced
with life-threatening and uncontrollable situations where quick thinking
and reasoned action are required. Failure to deal with these acute situa-
tions optimally may result in professional condemnation, community sanc-
tions, and possible legal actions. Chapter 7, “Heroes or Villains?,” dis-
cusses inquiries into deaths that occur during a traumatic event and the
media and public response to emergency service workers during these re-
view processes.
A final level of influence that must be considered when discussing the
impact of traumatic events on emergency responders is their personal sup-
port network, in particular their families. There is considerable evidence
that family support is a key protective factor in managing the stresses of the
jobs of emergency responders. However, families of responders are also sig-
nificantly affected by their loved one’s choice of work. Daily stressors in-
clude coping with shift work and long and unpredictable hours that can in-
terfere with family activities and undermine a sense of support. Added to
this is the constant fear for the emergency responder’s safety. When criti-
cal events occur, these fears are heightened. Over time, the coping strate-
gies employed by emergency responders can cause additional stress on fam-
ilies. One result of exposure to trauma described by workers is that they at
times felt disengaged and emotionally distant from family members. An-
other issue is generalized anger and irritability, often vented on family. Fur-
ther, responders describe generalized fears for the safety of family members
and a tendency to become overprotective. In the chapter “Are You Coming
Home Tonight?” we discuss the strains that emergency work places on fam-
ilies and strategies for maintaining this central resource.
Using the ecological framework, in chapters 9 and 10 we suggest a con-
tinuum of interventions aimed at addressing the multiple levels of influence
that lead to trauma and stress reactions. Interventions for complex issues,
such as trauma in the emergency service, cannot be simple, one-size-fits-
all models. Rather, interventions must be offered at different times along
10 in the line of fire
that responsible practitioners in this area, both those with mental health
backgrounds and those with emergency service professional backgrounds,
wish to provide effective and responsible interventions. Therefore, in ad-
dition to reviewing research evidence currently available, we make sugges-
tions for evaluating the programs each of us provide.
2
ALL IN A DAY’S WORK
Traumatic Events in the Line of Duty
Emergency workers are exposed to events involving human pain and suf-
fering on a daily basis. They work to rescue individuals trapped in crashed
vehicles, they extricate people from fires, they collect the remains of sui-
cide victims, they care for victims of assault. While for the most part emer-
gency workers are equipped to deal with these events, on occasion one par-
ticular event will have a lasting impact. In recent years, researchers
focusing on the potential impact of emergency work have recognized that
exposure to death and destruction can result in post-traumatic stress symp-
toms and depressive symptoms in emergency workers (Bryant and Harvey,
1996; Marmar et al., 1999; McFarlane, 1988; Regehr, Hill, and Glancy,
2000). Symptoms described include recurrent dreams, feelings of detach-
ment, dissociation, guilt about surviving, anger and irritability, depression,
memory or concentration impairment, somatic disturbances, alcohol and
substance use, and reexperiencing of symptoms when exposed to trauma
stimuli (Gersons, 1989; Solomon and Horn, 1986). These symptoms un-
doubtedly have an impact on the health and well-being of emergency work-
ers and their families.
While most of us can imagine that emergency workers will be affected by
an event involving mass casualty, it is frequently a smaller and less sensa-
tional event that triggers an emotional response. Such events as the lonely
death of an elderly person or the suicide of a desperate individual do not
make the news or capture public attention. They do not result in an out-
pouring of public support for emergency services. Yet these quieter events
12
all in a day’s work 13
may have more lasting effects than other, more dramatic events involving
the loss of many lives. In this chapter, we discuss the types of traumatic
events emergency workers encounter and begin to consider the impact of
this exposure on them.
Dramatic Events
The research literature and the popular press have focused a great deal in
recent years on critical events that occur in the line of duty for emergency
workers and the impact that this may have on them as individuals. This fo-
cus generally involves mass casualties, including natural disasters (McFar-
lane, 1998); bus crashes killing children (Dyregrov, Kristoffersen, and Gjes-
tad, 1996); explosions on a naval ship (Ursano, Fullerton, Vance, and Kao,
1999); airplane crashes (Brooks and McKinlay, 1992); train wrecks
(Tehrani, Walpole, Berriman, and Reilly, 2001); and terrorist attacks (Galea
et al., 2002; Pfefferbaum, Doughty, et al., 2002). It is easy to see why such
large-scale events would draw the attention of researchers, the media, and
the public. While disasters of great magnitude are unlikely to happen often
in the career of an emergency responder, most emergency responders are
nevertheless exposed to many gruesome and dramatic events.
In the studies we have conducted with emergency responders, we pro-
vided a list of events that clinical experience and the literature have sug-
gested may cause distress in those exposed while on duty. These events in-
cluded the death of a patient in the responder’s care, the death of a child,
exposure to mass casualties, witnessing violence perpetrated against a
member of the public, being personally assaulted by a member of the pub-
lic, a responder feeling his or her life was threatened while on duty, and
having a coworker die in the line of duty. Figure 2.1, “Exposure to Critical
Events,” demonstrates the rates of this exposure in three groups: 103 Cana-
dian firefighters, 164 Australian firefighters (Regehr, Hill, and Glancy, 2000),
and 86 Canadian paramedics (Regehr, Goldberg, and Hughes, 2002). As
can be seen in this figure, paramedics, as a result of the nature of their
work, report significantly higher rates of exposure to death of patients, mul-
tiple casualties, deaths of children, and violence against others, with over
80% reporting exposure to each of these events. In addition, paramedics
were more likely to have been assaulted (almost 70%) and feel that they had
been in situations where their lives were at risk (56%). Nevertheless, over
40% of the firefighters in Canada report being exposed to violence against
others and witnessing multiple casualties; over 40% of firefighters in both
countries had been exposed to the death of a child, and approximately 30%
of firefighters report experiencing the death of a person in their care. These
14 in the line of fire
100
90
Percentage of workers exposed
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
Death of Line of duty Violence Violence Near death Death of child Multiple
patient death against self against other casualties
findings are consistent with those of other studies. For instance, 56% of vol-
unteer firefighters in New South Wales reported that their safety had been
seriously threatened at some time, 26% in the last year (Marmar et al.,
1999). Similarly, 82% of ambulance personnel in Scotland reported expo-
sure to a particularly disturbing incident in the past 6 months (Alexander
and Klein, 2001).
In addition to asking emergency responders whether they had been ex-
posed to the events listed above, we were also interested in whether emer-
gency responders would identify that these events were distressing for
them. We therefore asked them to identify whether they had ever experi-
enced “significant emotional distress” as a result of events on the same list.
The results of this question appear in figure 2.2, “Workers Exposed Re-
porting Distress.” It is clear from this graph that the event causing distress
for the greatest number of people is the death of a child, followed by the
death of a colleague in the line of duty and the death of a patient for whom
the responder had responsibility. There is a fair bit of discrepancy between
groups regarding the distress experienced as a result of multiple casualties,
violence against themselves, and risk to their own safety. These findings
come to light when we examine interviews held with emergency responders
about their experiences and exposure.
The next sections report the results of 50 interviews conducted with
paramedics, firefighters, and police officers. The interviews were 1– 2 hours
in length and were conducted in a place most convenient to the respon-
all in a day’s work 15
90
80
Percentage reporting distress
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
Death of Line of duty Violence Violence Near death Death of child Multiple
patient death against self against other casualties
described a baby who had been burned to death in an oven. A police offi-
cer described a child that had been viciously bitten and scalded to death
with boiling water. He explained that despite the fact that he had many
years of experience on the force and had seen many gruesome things by
that point, this particular event caused nightmares and distress. Another
officer described the sense of helplessness that he experienced when a baby
died. As he held the three-month-old in his arms, he states that was the
only time in his life that he felt overwhelmed by helplessness.
Emergency responders indicated that the impact of child deaths and se-
vere abuse of children was due to the fact that they were unable to under-
stand why something like this might have occurred. One recalled, “I
thought it was the child’s father that had done this and I sat, just outside
the building for the longest time just trying to make sense of it and of
course that’s the biggest trap in any of these things, trying to make sense
out of what are by definition nonsensical things.”
Dealing with the grief of others adds to the trauma of child deaths. Re-
sponders described situations where parents were screaming and beating
on the backs of firefighters and paramedics as they were attempting to as-
sist an injured child or a baby who died suddenly in the crib. One para-
medic described his feelings toward the mother of a dead child. “It was just
heart-wrenching; I didn’t want to talk to her, I didn’t want anything to do
with her at all. I couldn’t even look at her.”
A firefighter described working on a child, although he knew it was dead.
“The parents are just looking at each other and looking at you to do some-
thing, but not saying anything. You put the baby in your hand and the kid’s
head just fits in the palm of your hand. You look at it, and you look at the
parents, and you know that you’re doing something just to pacify them, just
to show them that there’s something you’re doing. You’re ventilating and
also doing compressions. The baby is dead but you’re going through the
motions and you’re just pumping away and everybody is looking at you and
the other crew members are just looking at you looking at them, because
they understand what you’re going through. And they’re going, ‘Holy shit,
there’s nothing you can do.’ They know it’s over.”
covered a female real estate agent whose throat had been cut when show-
ing a property to a client. “Surprise! . . . She wasn’t having difficulty breath-
ing, she was bleeding to death.” He then described his reaction. “Suddenly
you kick into a high gear, you go into an adrenaline rush, basically, and
you’re trying to keep a handle on everything, and it’s around 2 hours, at the
end of it you just try to breathe.” A police officer and a firefighter both de-
scribed their attendance at a murder-suicide. At first when they entered the
property, they were confronted with a woman who had cut her throat and
abdomen but was still alive. Upon further investigation, they discovered the
dismembered body of her husband. “I saw in the bedroom this guy’s leg
leaning up in the corner. That’s all I saw was a human leg.”
Sewell (1994) adds that the impact of homicide investigations on police
officers involves not only exposure to the sights and smells of the scene, but
also the responsibility for dealing with surviving family members. This in-
volvement can last for years as family members seek information on aspects
of the investigation, arrest, and trial.
Line-of-Duty Death
A line-of-duty death has a profound impact on emergency service organi-
zations and those who work in the organizations. We speculate that the lev-
els of distress identified in the graph above displaying subjective reports of
distress are in fact low, as many people responding to that question in our
study may have had a death occur in their organization, but not of some-
one with whom they were closely associated. Other researchers have un-
derscored the traumatic impact of a death on duty on other members of the
organization (Violanti, 1999). A study of police officers suggested that the
death of a partner, the line-of-duty death of another officer, or the suicide
of a colleague were among the top 6 of 144 possibly stressful events on the
job. Of other items in the top six, two related to the shooting or killing of
another person by a police officer in the line of duty (Sewell, 1983). Vi-
olanti and Aron (1994) found that killing someone in the line of duty and
having a fellow officer killed ranked first and second on a list of stressors
for 103 police officers.
One responder recalled a situation occurring 23 years earlier in which
three firefighters with whom he was acquainted died in a warehouse fire. A
police officer discussed the loss of a colleague and friend when his vehicle
was hit by a drunk driver who had a suspended license. Friends continue to
carry a plaque commemorating him to annual police events. A paramedic
described in detail the shooting death of a police officer.
It happened so close to the police station that there was hundreds of
police officers, or what seemed to be hundreds of police officers, there.
All of them stressed to the maximum, because they could see them-
selves lying on the ground instead of him. We had everybody from the
apartment complex standing out on their balconies yelling and scream-
ing. We had a six-foot fence that we had to get around, which means
our response was delayed. The officers were getting angry and yelling
and screaming and trying to pull our stretcher over a six-foot fence. So
we’re trying to gain control of the officers, we’re trying to gain control
of the scene, we’re trying to work on a patient with people screaming
and throwing things above us.
When we got to the hospital the media became a big issue. Every-
body was there from every news station you could think of — that
heightened the stress. The hospital trauma team is now part of the sce-
nario, and they’re interested in trying to figure out what’s just gone on.
So we’re trying to update them, update the police chief, who was on
the scene, the Internal Investigations Unit of the department. All of
those things now add further stress on us. It sort of just kept piling and
piling and piling throughout the entire call, it never let off once. It just
kept getting worse in terms of stress.
Then at the hospital was the time that the officers could finally just
all in a day’s work 19
break down completely. That impacts on you to see adult police offi-
cers, male and female, all over the hallways crying.
He was only 20 something years old, so that added further impact.
Ultimately, by the time we left the hospital, his fiancée had arrived. I
felt like I gave his spouse a chance to see him when he was still alive.
If it hadn’t been for our revival, he would have been dead at the scene
and therefore she wouldn’t have had a chance to see him, and nor
would any of his family. Sometimes it’s not the patient we impact, it’s
the family, and that kind of makes it all worthwhile at the end of the
day.
Risk of Personal Injury
In general, emergency responders do not describe violence directed toward
themselves as traumatic unless it threatens their lives. Responders indicate
that they have been assaulted, particularly on domestic violence calls, sur-
rounded by dangerous characters on the street, and threatened by people
on drugs. However, these events do not stay with them as traumatic expe-
riences. For the most part, emergency responders are physically fit individ-
uals well trained in defending themselves. One paramedic described feel-
ing fearful and carrying a flashlight for use as a club in the early part of his
career. He indicates that he was “set straight” by a more senior paramedic
and has now learned to talk his way out of situations. Another stated, “You
have to be able to talk your way out of some fairly serious altercations, be-
cause drunks and junkies are not necessarily known for their demeanor.”
Understandably, responders did experience distress when confronted
with severe risk to life and limb. One paramedic described feeling “shaken
up” when he and his partner were attacked by a man experiencing diabetic
shock. He recalls the man’s wife standing in the home holding her infant as
the man punched out a window and destroyed furniture. In the end it took
six men to subdue the patient. A police officer described how he and his
partner were attacked. The officer was thrown over a balcony and believed
his back was broken because he was unable to move. He watched helplessly
as his partner was beaten until help arrived. While his back was not bro-
ken, the injuries caused him to be off duty for a period of time. Another
officer was shot during an episode where a gunman was being contained in
a building. The bullet did not penetrate his Kevlar vest, so he continued
working to the end of his shift. Later, in retrospect, as he looked at the se-
vere bruising, he realized the risk to his life. Firefighters described being in
situations where their air supply was running low or a fire was burning too
hot for them to safely remain in the building.
Another officer was involved in an incident where a civilian was shot and
killed by an armed robber. He was off duty at the time and was an unarmed
customer in the business where the shooting occurred. He described being
20 in the line of fire
in such close proximity that the bullet actually bounced off him after pen-
etrating the victim.
This thing started happening with the sound of a shot. When that hap-
pens, you hear one thing at a time, you don’t hear everything. I don’t
know how else to describe it. In this particular case, one person was
the major speaker, but there were other noises happening that I wasn’t
hearing, which were the employees screaming and the yelling that they
were doing as they were told. I pretty much focused in because I
wanted to know what he was saying. I had been lying on the floor at
this point, and I had been watching everything step by step. When the
shot went off, and I heard the shot ring, and I knew what it was, the
best way I can describe it is my vision shut down to the carpet within
about a foot around me, and I couldn’t see anything else. I know a
shot, and I’ve heard shots, and I’ve shot guns. I know what a gun
sounds like, and the sound sounded very soft in comparison, even
though it was in an enclosed area. It should be loud, like so loud it
should ring your ears, but it wasn’t. It was muffled, in a big way. And
then the adrenaline or fear or whatever it is that runs through your
body when that happens, shut everything down to the point where I
could only see in the immediate area of me. And then again I began
doing some conscious things because I’m a policeman. I started look-
ing for what had hit me. And after that, the field of vision became open
again.
One officer emphasized the feeling of helplessness in a shooting incident
in which he and several police officers were “just basically trying to get
cover, and not knowing where this guy was, and he fired over the twenty
minutes about six rounds, and that one shook me up a little bit because it
was kind of tense, not knowing where this guy was going to pop up . . . what
are we going to do, how do we find this guy, how do we get out of here, and
stop this guy from doing it.”
tragic events. The effects of these exposures are described in detail in chap-
ter 5, “The Right Stuff.”
As a result of the exposure that traumatic events get within emergency
service organizations and in the popular press, it is not surprising that many
of the intervention efforts have been directed at these types of events. The
most well known of these approaches is the crisis debriefing group model,
an early-intervention strategy designed to mitigate post-traumatic stress re-
actions (Bell, 1995; Dyregrov, 1989; Mitchell, 1982; Raphael, 1986). This
model offers a brief group treatment approach, usually limited to a single
session. It is based on the premise that emergency service professionals
possess the internal resources to deal with most work-related events but
can benefit from limited extra assistance in extreme circumstances. Other
aspects generally included in intervention programs include preventative
education, informal group opportunities to discuss the event (defusings),
family outreach, and follow-up counseling.
fighter recalled, “That was in the days when I was trying to get my father
to stop drinking.”
The death of a patient in care can also have a lasting effect. One para-
medic described working with a cardiac patient. The man said to him, “I’m
going to die.” And the paramedic responded that everything was under con-
trol and that he was fine. “Then his last words to me were ‘goodbye,’ and
that was it. That really struck me.” Another recalled the routine transfer of
a woman with a chronic lung condition who was on a ventilator. En route
she went into distress and died. “She was looking at me, like she was plead-
ing for me to save her. That was early in my career before we had our cur-
rent equipment. It really bothered me.”
Another type of event recounted by some respondents was that of people
dying alone. “Loneliness, people being alone and very ill, that bothers me.”
One paramedic described taking an elderly man who lived alone away from
his apartment for the last time and transporting him to a palliative care
unit. Other workers described the despair they felt when discovering a sui-
cide victim and wondering what had happened that might have lead to this
solution. “You’re wondering why would [he commit suicide]— look at this,
he’s got everything, why would he do this? . . . there was no indication . . .
that was like, wow, life is really frail.”
Summary
The descriptions above make it clear that emergency responders are ex-
posed to tragic events far beyond the experiences of most people. In addi-
tion, they are not simply exposed to one tragic event in the course of their
careers; rather, a career involves a string of horrifying exposures outside the
average person’s experience. These events involve various types of human
tragedy, including the abuse and death of innocent children, severe vio-
lence perpetrated by one individual against another, accidents caused by
negligence, suicide, and lonely deaths. One police officer summarized his
experiences by stating that he had probably dealt with 100 sudden deaths;
he has seen people decapitated, severed limbs, and shootings and that no
one had ever asked him to talk about it before. While each of these events
in and of themselves has the capacity to cause reactions, it is frequently the
accumulation of events that continues to wear on an individual, until one
event is the final straw. A firefighter described how his chief left the job af-
ter the death of a child — he had stated that he had seen just too many chil-
dren die.
While those individuals who select a career in the emergency services are
in many ways prepared for the types of events they will encounter and over
all in a day’s work 23
the course of their careers develop strategies for managing the impact of
these events, they are still human and are unlikely to be unaffected. In this
book we attempt to shed some light on the following questions:
What is the impact of exposure to tragic events in the lives of others
on emergency responders?
What individual, institutional, and community factors influence re-
sponse to traumatic events?
How can mental health professionals assist emergency responders,
their organizations, and their families to manage responses to tragic
events?
3
BUILDING A FRAMEWORK
Health, Stress, Crisis, and Trauma
24
building a framework 25
Stress
theory
Occupational Crisis
stress theory
theory
Vicarious/ Trauma
secondary theory
trauma theory
ganizations that have rules, norms, and cultures that also influence re-
sponse to adverse events, we then review occupational stress theory. While
each of these theories adds to our appreciation of the experiences of emer-
gency service workers, we suggest that they are too limited in providing a
comprehensive understanding of the multiple forces that influence their
response to events that occur on the job. As a result, we offer the ecologi-
cal and population health frameworks to put trauma responses in the broad
context of people’s lived experiences and to use this broader understanding
to direct our efforts at intervention.
Stress Theory
To survive and prosper, our ancestors collected and hunted food, crafted
tools, and gathered in small groups to take advantage of environmental re-
sources and overcome environmental challenges. When acute threats were
encountered, biological adaptations served as protective mechanisms. Res-
piration and blood pressure increased; oxygen and energy shifted to large
muscles from the immune, digestive, and reproductive systems, less es-
sential for immediate survival (see Bremner, 2002). Today, the biological
mechanisms that have evolved to confront danger are remarkably similar to
those of earlier times (Dubos, 1980) and are often summarized by the con-
cept “flight or fight” (Cannon, 1932). Academic focus on these biological
26 in the line of fire
Lazarus and Folkman (1984) viewed stress as the balancing act between
demands and resources. This addition of the cognitive process of appraisal
to the theoretical formulation of stress recognizes that people are not
merely on a physiological autopilot at times of stress but rather have the
ability to alter their responses. Bandura’s work (1997) recognized the power
of a person’s belief in his or her own ability to cope effectively as important
to coping successfully. Belief in one’s own competence, also referred to as
self-efficacy, is associated with lower levels of distress following an expo-
sure to a threat or extreme stress (Benight, Ironson, Klebe, Carver, Wyn-
ings, et al., 1999; Regehr, Cadell, and Jansen, 1999). Self-efficacy has re-
cently been expanded to include the importance of communal efficacy in
responding to large-scale stress events.
Hobfoll’s (1989, 2002) Conservation of Resources (COR) theory enriched
the appraisal model by introducing the importance of resources, community,
and culture. In COR theory the loss and gain of personal, social, and mate-
rial resources are key determinants in the experience of stress. COR’s cen-
tral premise is that people strive to obtain, retain, protect, and foster re-
sources — that is, the things that they value. Resources are generally defined
as objects such as property or other belongings, conditions such as a good
job, personal attributes such as self-acceptance, or social skills and energies
such as time or knowledge. Stress occurs when there is a threat of resource
loss, actual resource loss, or the failure to regain resources after a significant
loss (Hobfoll, 1989).
Research has demonstrated that after the initial exposure to extreme
stress, resource losses predicted ongoing distress among disaster victims,
combat veterans, rape victims, and the general population (Ironson, Wyn-
28 in the line of fire
Crisis Theory
Crisis theory has had an interesting history in that it has been an integral
part of the work of social work, psychiatry, psychology, and the community
volunteer movement. One of the pioneers in the development of crisis the-
ory was Erich Lindemann (1944), who worked with the survivors of a 1942
fire in the Coconut Grove nightclub in Boston, in which close to 500 peo-
ple died. Lindemann observed and documented the reactions of the sur-
vivors, which included somatic responses, behavioral changes, and emo-
tional responses such as grief and guilt. In describing the process of their
building a framework 29
recovery, he noted the importance of grieving, adapting to the loss, and de-
veloping new relationships. Lindemann’s work contributed greatly to our
understanding of crisis as the response to external, unpredicted challenges
to the individual. Gerald Caplan (1964) built on the work of Lindemann
and expanded crisis theory to include both developmental crises such as
birth and adolescence and accidental crises. Caplan’s work was based in
preventative psychiatry and gave prominence to the community’s role in
supporting health and recovery.
Roberts (2000) defines a crisis as “a period of psychological disequilib-
rium, experienced as a result of a hazardous event or situation that consti-
tutes a significant problem that cannot be remedied by using familiar cop-
ing strategies. A crisis occurs when a person faces an obstacle to important
life goals that generally seems insurmountable through the use of custom-
ary habits and coping patterns” (p. 7). In the workplace, a crisis may result
from an event that is sudden and unexpected such as an accident, or from
the accumulation of multiple events such as an employee going through a
company restructuring, and job redesign followed by a job loss. As a result
of exposure to crisis-producing events, people may feel a sense of disor-
ganization, confusion, anxiety, shock, disbelief or helplessness, which may
increase as usual ways of coping appear ineffective. Pearlin and Schooler
(1978) describe observable consequences of ineffective coping: (1) emo-
tional distress, (2) impaired sense of personal self-worth, (3) inability to en-
joy interpersonal contacts, and (4) impaired task performance.
Crisis = the event + the individual’s crisis meeting resources + the indi-
vidual’s perception of the event + other concurrent stressors.
gency responders, are resilient, work hard to cope and seek social sup-
port from others such as co-workers and family. Those who are un-
able to adapt may develop other more serious mental health or emo-
tional problems.
• Crises have the potential to produce dangerous, self-destructive or so-
cially unacceptable behavior. In times of disequilibrium, people may
be so distressed that they feel suicidal. Some may express their dis-
tress by lashing out at others and undermining social support net-
works.
• Crises lead to a feeling of psychological vulnerability which can be an
opportunity for growth. Crises are said to offer both danger and op-
portunity. Frequently people emerge from a crisis situation with a
greater confidence in their own strengths and abilities and new strate-
gies for life.
At times there is confusion over crisis as a concept, since it may appear
as an umbrella term encompassing hazardous events such as traumatic
events, workplace critical incidents, or traumatic crisis (Hendricks and By-
ers, 2002; Flannery and Everly, 2000). Nevertheless, crisis theory and cri-
sis intervention models have been useful in understanding and supporting
people in the process of learning new adaptive skills. However, the short-
term nature of response implied by this theory does not fully account for
the responses people have to life-threatening and horrifying events.
Trauma Theory
The experience of psychological trauma in response to exposure to horrific
events is a theme that can be found in the earliest of literature. Achilles in
Homer’s Iliad and Hotspur in Shakespeare’s Henry IV, Part 1 are frequently
cited as excellent portrayals of what we now understand to be traumatic
stress reactions secondary to involvement in combat. Psychiatrist Pierre
Janet wrote in 1919, “All famous moralists of olden days drew attention to
the ways in which certain happenings would leave indelible and distressing
memories — memories to which the sufferer was continually returning, and
by which he was tormented by day and by night” (quoted in van der Kolk
and van der Hart, 1989, p. 1530). In the late eighteenth and early nine-
teenth centuries, many physicians began describing reactions to traumatic
events including both physical responses such as “irritable heart” (Da-
Costa, 1871; Oppenheimer and Rothschild, 1918), post-traumatic spinal
cord injuries due to nervous shock and without apparent lesions (Page,
1885), and “neuraesthenia,” a physical disorder associated with fear (Mott,
1918), and psychological reactions such as “war neurosis” (MacKenzie,
1916) and “shell shock” (Southward, 1919).
building a framework 31
Two main theories emerged out of this literature. The first was proposed
by Freud who suggested the concept of “anxiety neurosis” or “hysteria” in
which a horrific psychological event leads to physical consequences (Turn-
bull, 1998). The second suggested that the impact of physical forces on the
central nervous system experienced during a traumatic event such as a rail
disaster or combat resulted in a temporary neurological dysfunction which
in turn lead to symptoms (Turnbull, 1998). However, this interest in the ef-
fects of psychological trauma on individuals subsided after the end of the
First World War and did not resurface again until the Second World War
and again in the mid-1970s. At that time both interest in the effects of war
on Vietnam veterans emerged resulting in the concept of “post-traumatic
stress” and interest in the effects of rape on victims emerged resulting in
the concept of “rape trauma syndrome” (Burgess and Holstrum, 1974). To-
gether, the pressures arising from the needs of these two highly divergent
groups of sufferers resulted in official recognition of post-traumatic stress
disorder in the third edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM-
III) of the American Psychiatric Association in 1980.
ages give rise to feelings of anxiety, guilt, and fear (Horowitz, 1976). From
this perspective an individual attempts to cope with the traumatic imagery
in one of three ways:
1. Failing to be sensitive to the discrepant information (“It did not really
happen,” or “It wasn’t so bad”)
2. Interpreting the meaning of the information in a way consistent with
current beliefs (“I brought this on myself” and “I will be more care-
ful next time”)
3. Altering existing beliefs to match the experience (“The world is really a
bad place” or “Bad things happen to good people”) (McCann, Sakheim,
and Abrahamson, 1988)
Those individuals who are able to maintain a sense of control and opti-
mism regarding the outcome of the event are thus expected to fare better.
However, this formulation ignores other factors that influence the individ-
ual and his or her response to trauma. For instance, there is an important
difference in the development of trauma symptoms when the event is at-
tributable to human rather than natural causes. Most people believe it is
profoundly different to be hit by a rock thrown by a volcano than one
thrown by another human being (Briere, 2000). Secondary losses or stres-
sors, in particular the loss of resources and the failure to replenish lost re-
sources, are another crucial factor in trauma response (Brewin, Andrews,
and Valentine, 2000; Hobfoll, 2001). For instance, people surviving a tor-
nado may have lost loved ones, their possessions, and their community,
losses that continue to influence their ability to recover. In addition, the de-
gree of support in the environment regarding the event is important. This
support includes the individual’s personal network, the workplace, if it is a
job-related traumatic event, and the community response to the event.
»ut quidam inquit poeta magnus, puto, Donatus. Nam alium non
memini me legere. Dein id erit quod judicaverimus, non quod vere
est. Res judicata facit de albo nigrum, de nigro album. O cœleste,
per Ditem et Plutum, numina mea, prudentiæ juris effatum! Nam
quid commodius et opportunius? O utile nobis, non ita sapientibus,
ex arcana sapientia oraculum!—
»Quid plura, sancti Manes? Regi Roberto (cui non dictus
Robertus Rex?) re intellecta, non potuit continere se placidissimus
Princeps, quin sacro conciperet [pg XXXIII] iram pectore dignam se
optimo, maximo, dignam Deo optimo maximo. Nec mora: verbis
castigat amaris excitos ad se. Dein sublimi e sede, quam
dehonestabant, agit fulminatrici manu præcipites: abdicat
magistratu, quem incestabant. Romulum Thrasonem, ne fabulæ quid
deesset ridiculi, et tamen duri, lixis exercitus, quem coegerat in
Insubres, præfecit moderatorem, et calonibus. Nosocomio
incurabilium abdit Elpinum; Valentem vero avarum et prædæ
inhiantem Judæo Manassi, Portorii apud Calabros redemptori,
sufficit.—O infelicitatem temporum meorum! ingemebat cœlo dignus
Princeps. Boni et honesti vocabantur ad Judices: in lupos incidebant
et leones. Discant hoc reliqui exemplo justitiam! Suos discant mores
in sacraria Justitiæ non inducere. Dignum quidem fortitudine, qua se
jactat amens Romulus, munus cepit. Lixis et calonibus ducem
præfeci. In impedimentis exercitus, impedimentum ipse, Martem
aget; insultabit Alexandro. Elpinum detrusi in Nosocomium
incurabilium: nam quis ægrum ira, avaritia, superbia curarit unquam
belluæ animum vel homo vel Deus? Nulla mansuescunt arte his in
verbis animarum morbi. Sed mortuo suffeci Judæo Valentem.
Conquerentur, scio, Calabri Judæum decessisse Judæo, forte et
Arabem e Mahometis secta missum conquerentur: videbimus.—Sic
acta est fabula, quibus ferocire, nocere, pessumdare ludus erat.»
—«Belle, belle!» exclamat Oppedius. «Nam is non fui de quo
quicquam litterati queri possint agitasse unquam animo consilii, quod
Musis injuriosum videretur.—Nomen igitur tuum et decus,» infit
Mercurius, «commendabunt litteratæ immortalitati. Sempiternum per
ævum volitabis vivus, ut gloriabatur de se moriens Ennius, per ora
virum. Sed me vocant jussa Jovis. [pg XXXIV] Valete, cari Manes.
Fruimini læti et securo in otio, Elysii campi deliciis, et vobis fruimini
alter altero. Vetant quæ habeo in mandatis esse vobiscum diutius.»
Tunc celeri raptus alarum remigio evolavit.
Superest vero mihi, VIR SUMME, ut paucis de me dicam, quo
sim notior tibi, quam esse possum, si non dixerim. Vivebam ante
annos centum in Hispania, Toleti nata. Ingenio, eruditione, forma
præstiti, et omnibus excellui virtutum dotibus, quæ ingenuas decent.
Non in abjecta animi demissione, non in sordida rei familiaris cura,
non in vili nugarum studio virtutem mihi positam habebam:
liberalibus navare operam disciplinis, scriptis pulchram mihi et
æternam parere famam, ad summam sapientiam niti, non ad
summas contendere opes, id demum optimum putabam, laudabile
prædicabam: quod tamen fœminæ pleræque omnes per ignaviam
negligunt; homines multi, per socordiam stultam et furentem,
contemnunt. Quamobrem veri amans libere malos insectabar; quæ
sentirem de flagitiosis et impuratis ultro intonabam. Velut quadam in
curuli sedens sella, morum Censuram exercebam, plaudente e cœlo
Pudicitia. Me suspiciebant omnes, et ob os ora obvertebant sua.
Nobilium imprimis fœminarum spurcis infensa libidinibus
infremebam: quo injecto saltem pudore ad meliorem revocarem
frugem, nihil non agebam: pati non poteram specie prælucentes,
nobilitate commendabiles, brevis gaudii aut spe aut gustu, velut
emotas mente, ipsas in ludibria se vertere. Dicebam, ut Virtuti
honestum et gloriosum est nudam sisti ob oculos mortalium, sic Vitiis
esse ignominiosum. Quæ meretricie viverent, ideo volui e fornicibus
suis, in quibus latebant, in scenam humanæ vitæ nudas educere,
quæ essent documento impune non peccari, mulieres quasdam
superbi nominis et oris, et alto cretas sanguine. Nam, quas Tulliam,
Octaviam, [pg XXXV] Semproniam, Eleonoram, Isabellam voco, eæ
fuerunt Ducum, Marchionum, Comitum aut uxores aut sorores. De
his enarro nihil quod vere non factum sit, et ut eram a mendacio et
ab omni dissimulationis et simulationis specie alienissima, liberiori
omnia sermone exsecuta sum, qui solus conveniebat.
Satyram Sotadicam inscripsi opus, quod Colloquiis sex complexa
sum, et infra mensem absolvi. De Sotade nihil est quod dicam.
Rerum amatoriarum scriptorem fuisse liberrimum, neminem fugit.
Sed puellam ad scribendum his de rebus animum appulisse, post
Elephantidem et Philænim, nihil mirum videri debet. Fuerunt et aliæ
hoc scriptionis genere celebres. Et sane aptiores sunt fœminæ his
rebus depingendis, si quæ sint cordatæ, si quæ non fatuæ
procacitatis. Libidinum ipsæ sunt campus in quo nascuntur omnes,
in quo efflorescunt, in quo vigent, oriuntur et occidunt. Hispanice
scripsi: vir doctus Joannes Meursius, Lugdunensis apud Batavos
Academiæ clarissimum lumen, Latinitate donavit adolescens; etiam
adjecit, quæ mihi sane non venerant in mentem. Sed liber periit
meus Hispanice scriptus, Meursii superest commentatio, non infelicis
ingenii, non proletariæ eruditionis partus, quæ nec fastidium legenti
creet, nec stomachum moveat Sapienti. Attico sale condita omnia.
Invideri tam salsa, tam lepida, tam etiam utilia bene vivendi
præcepta huic ætati tuæ bonis litteris amicæ turpe esset, et
studiosis arduæ sapientiæ ingeniis durum. Quis ægre molesteque
non ferret? Bonos utique mores laudet Tullius; Philosophus doceat
Plato: melius sane suadebunt Publius Syrus, Laberiusque Mimi. Ferit
mentem et movet qui miscet utile dulci; a qua plerumque aberrat
laude verbosus Orator, strigosus Philosophus. Medicamentis vires
addit, dum horrorem et odium adimit, qui in bellaria format solers
Medicus. [pg XXXVI] Hæc mea fuit cogitatio. Omne mihi visa sum
punctum tulisse, quæ ingeniose, quæ facete utile dulci miscuissem.
Dura tamen amori silex fui: pectus nullo fixi telo. Inaccessa libidini
malæ, sanctam constanter duxi vitam. Severiori virtuti assidua hæsi
comes. Mores laudarunt boni, reveriti sunt mali. Et his et illis eram
acceptissima. Ut Regibus, et principibus in Republica viris, sic et plebi
placui miranti. Me et litterati coluerunt, litterarum, ut dicebant, bono
natam. Cave de pura et proba, VIR BONE ET SANCTE, hac judices ex
libertate loquendi quæ sentirem. Fœdas depinxi rerum species, non
amavi. Depinxi, quia odio habebam. Inique feceris, si velis has,
adversus Aloisiam tuam, pictas tabulas testimonia esse, et Tulliam,
Octaviam, testes. Humanius age. Famam consule; gloriam consule
nominis mei, quæ nulla obsolevit annorum injuria. Uni judicium
accommoda. Vale.
[pg 1]
ALOISIÆ SIGEÆ
TOLETANÆ
SATYRA SOTADICA
VELITATIO
Tullia, Octavia.
[pg 11]
COLLOQUIUM SECUNDUM
TRIBADICON
——
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