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Theory

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John C. Meyer August
2000
Panes
3 10-33 1
Humor as a Double-Edged Sword: Four
Functions of Humor in Communication

The compelling power of humor makes it a recurrent topic for research

in many fields, including communication. Three theories of humor cre-
ation emerge in humor research: the relief theory, which focuses on physi-
ological release of tension; the incongruity theory, singling out viola-
tions of a rationally learned pattern; and the superiority theory, involv-
ing a sense of victory or triumph. Each theory helps to explain the cre-
ation of different aspects of humor, but each runs into problems ex-
plaining rhetorical applications of humor. Because each theory of hu-
mor origin tries to explain all instances of humor, the diverging commu-
nication effects of humor remain unexplained. Humor’s enactment leads
to 4 basic functions of humor in communication. Two tend to unite
communicators: the identification and the clarification functions. The
other 2 tend to divide 1 set of communicators from others: the enforce-
ment and differentiation functions. Exploration o f these effects-based
functions of humor will clarify understanding of its use in messages.
Humor use unites communicators through mutual identification and
clarification of positions and values, while dividing them through en-
forcement of norms and differentiation of acceptable versus unaccept-
able behaviors or people. This paradox in the functions of humor in
communication as, alternately, a unifier and divider, allows humor use
to delineate social boundaries.

Humor in communication is a subject that seems difficult to analyze.

After all, if one has to explain a joke, it is probably no longer funny. Yet,
the compelling, mysterious power of humor leads scholars of all stripes
to return to it again and again as a focus for study, because humor is so
pervasive-while being most enjoyable and pleasant. Not only is humor
pleasant; its recurring presence in rhetoric suggests that communicators
believe it is also persuasive. What is it about humor that makes it so

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rewarding and so influential? Humor is generally viewed as a social phe-
nomenon. For instance, people laugh less when watching a funny televi-

Copyright 0 2000 International Communication Association

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Humor as Dou ble-Edged

sion show alone than during the same show with a group all laughing
hilariously. Persons who are perceived to appreciate humor readily are
generally more popular with others (Wanzer, Booth-Butterfield, & Booth-
Butterfield, 1996). Such social properties make humor a natural focus
for communication study. Central to all communication is the audience-
those to whom a message may be directed. The audience gives attempts
at humor their success or failure. This receiver-centered nature of hu-
mor, focusing on the intended effect of a message on the hearers, sug-
gests that a rhetorical perspective on humor will lead to insights into
how humor influences audiences.
Much research has sought to determine the causes of humor, why it
exists, and why humor is funny. This essay focuses on how rhetors use
humor when constructing messages. Such uses of humor are found to
break down into two basic functions: unification and division. These
functions result in four “theories of use,” or key functions of humor in
messages, rather than theories of humor origin. Politicians especially
find humor a useful tool for uniting their audience behind them and
dividing them from the opposition; thus, communicators use humor for
various rhetorical purposes. However, the audience or receiver of the
message determines how it is interpreted and what actual function the
humor use serves. This essay refers to such communication effects as
functions of humor, while maintaining that communicators try to in-
clude humor for intended purposes, seeking to effect a desired humor
function. Before discussing functions, however, it is useful to review briefly
the major theories of humor origin to understand how humor’s four key
communication functions (identification, clarification, enforcement, and
differentiation) emerge from them.
Several major theories claim to comprehensively explain how humor
originates in the minds of those experiencing it. Humor is viewed as a
cognitive experience involving an internal redefining of sociocultural
reality and resulting in a “mirthful” state of mind, of which laughter is a
possible external display (Apte, 1985). Laughter is a primary indicator
of the experience of humor, but it is not the only one. Smiles, grins, or
even sudden exhalations can indicate such experience. The perception-
or audience-centered nature of humor is highlighted by the fact that,
other than through such nonlinguistic indicators, the only evidence of
humor experience comes from statements by the person experiencing it.
Communication is a key factor in nearly all theories of humor because
of its resulting from a message or interaction perceived by someone. At
times, simple observations or thoughts can provoke humor, but theo-
rists acknowledge the cognitive and symbolic nature of humor (McGhee,
1979). Some symbols must be processed in one’s mind to perceive hu-
mor in a given situation, whether one is communicating or merely ob-

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serving. Humor has been claimed to emerge in three basic ways in hu-
man thought: through perceptions of relief, incongruity, and superiority
(Berger, 1993; Raskin, 1985).

Theories of Humor Origin

Relief
From the perspective of the relief theory, people experience humor and
laugh because they sense stress has been reduced in a certain way (Berlyne,
1972; Morreall, 1983; Shurcliff, 1968). The physiological manifesta-
tions or “symptoms” of humor are most important to this view, which
holds that humor stems from the relief experienced when tensions are
engendered and removed from an individual. Humor then results from a
release of nervous energy. This tension reduction may engender humor
by reducing the state of arousal (the “jag” theory) or increasing the arousal
(the “boost” theory), depending on the perspective (Berlyne, 1972).Some
elaborations of the relief theory hold that humor may result from re-
leases of energy that subconsciously overcome sociocultural inhibitions
(Freud, 1960; Schaeffer, 1981). This release or arousal does not de-

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pend so much on symbols, allowing for the existence of humor indi-
cated by happy laughter for no discernible reason, or children’s laugh-
ter (Eckardt, 1992). Yet tellers of jokes or humorous stories may
purposefully build tension, even using an incongruity, for the ex-
press purpose of releasing tension by resolving the incongruity
(Maase, Fink, & Kaplowitz, 1984).

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Communicators take advantage of this source of humor by telling a
joke, often at the beginning of their remarks, to defuse a potentially
tense situation. Often tension results from dissonance people experience
after making a decision or sensing the approach of incompatible and
undesirable thoughts or actions. Because people desire and find it pleas-
ing to reduce dissonance (Festinger, 1957), speakers who do so can cre-
ate humor. People feeling threatened by budget cuts in their organiza-
tion, for instance, laugh with relief at a joke told at the start of a lun-
cheon meeting on the budget to the effect that, “Well, it turns out we
still can afford to have lunch-but I don’t think the cook is accepting
complaints.” Remarks like this make the situation seem more elastic, or
more manageable, by showing that difficulties are not so overwhelming
as to be out of control after all (Burke, 1984). Using jokes to reduce
tension in situations points to a common application of the relief
theory of humor by communicators. Simple and even awkward laugh-
ter during conversations has been found t o relieve tension and facili-
tate further interaction between the parties (O’Donnell-Trujillo &
Adams, 1983).

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Humor as Double-Edged

From the perspective of the incongruity theory, people laugh at what

surprises them, is unexpected, or is odd in a nonthreatening way (Berger,
1976; Deckers & Divine, 1981; McGhee, 1979). An accepted pattern is
violated, or a difference is noted-close enough to the norm to be non-
threatening, but different enough from the norm to be remarkable. It is
this difference, neither too shocking nor too mundane, that provokes
humor in the mind of the receiver, according to the incongruity theory.
Rather than focusing on the physiological or emotional effects of hu-
mor, the incongruity theory emphasizes cognition. Individuals must have
rationally come to understand normal patterns of reality before they can
notice differences. The mental capacity to note, understand, and catego-
rize incongruous changes is necessary for the perceiver to experience
humor, as it is viewed from the incongruity perspective. Only with this
ability can humor arise from any sort of perceived incongruous relation,
including an unexpected event or object, a physical or moral defect, an
odd or disproportionate object, or any observable deviation from an
implied standard (Grimes, 1955b). Comprehending these situations and
their implications is required before humor, or a cognitive state of mirth,
can be experienced.
Surprise, of course, is a key ingredient in humor from the incongruity
perspective (Shurcliff, 1968). People laughed, for instance, at a come-
dian responding to criticism with a loud “Excuuuuse me!” because that
is not normally how one is expected to respond to criticism; such a re-
sponse is surprising, whereas an attempt to defend oneself or deny re-
sponsibility might not be. This use of surprise in humor is evident when
one becomes irritated when telling a joke to someone who already knows
the punch line. The joke is less funny because it is familiar; the element
of surprise is lost, as the joke’s pattern is now known and recognized by
the receiver. Yet, people will often experience humor when hearing a
joke told again, watching a funny routine again, or seeing a comedy
multiple times. Incongruity theorists hold in such cases that people ob-
tain humor from the “surprise” of a new perspective being enjoyed
multiple times even when they know the basics of an impending humor-
ous message. Veatch (1992) makes incongruity through “affective ab-
surdity” the centerpiece of his humor theory, which holds that a humor-
ous situation must involve a perceiver simultaneously having in mind
one view of a situation that seems normal, and one view where there is
a violation of the moral or natural order. When it seems that the situa-
tion is normal, yet something is wrong, humor occurs (Veatch, 1992). If
one or the other of these perceptions is absent, the perceiver will not find
humor. This perspective stresses the need for a rational development of
a set of expectations that must be violated before humor can be per-

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ceived, explaining why mental sophistication is required for humor’s
appreciation and humor’s consequent rarity in the animal kingdom (Apte,
1985). Such a crucial role for incongruity also suggests why humor is a
social phenomenon, because much humor stems from violations of what
is socially or culturally agreed to be normal.
Examples of incongruity humor are numerous (Chapman & Foot,
1977; Meyer, 1990; Schutz, 1977). Politicians use humor from incon-
gruity to portray opponents’ actions as irrational. In 1992, President
George Bush tried to portray opposing vice presidential candidate A1
Gore as “Mr. Ozone,” alluding to his advocacy of strict environmental
regulations. Ten years earlier, President Ronald Reagan pointed to in-
congruities in governmental attempts to control crime: “We have the
technological genius to send astronauts to the moon and bring them
safely home. But we’re having trouble making it safe for a citizen to take
a walk in the evening through a park” (Reagan, 1982). Another Reagan

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commonplace that used incongruity for humor recurred frequently dur-
ing his campaigns: “A federal progam, once started, is the nearest thing

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to eternal life you’ll ever see on this earth” (Reagan, 1976). He placed
“eternal life,” something usually associated with religion, in the context
of government programs, an unusual association and hence an incon-
gruity. Popular television shows like America’s Funniest Home Videos
or Seinfeld long have taken advantage of the humor found when people
enact highly unusual or inappropriate behaviors.
Superiority
The superiority theory notes that people laugh outwardly or inwardly at
others because they feel some sort of triumph over them or feel superior
in some way to them (Feinberg, 1978; Grotjahn, 1957; Gruner, 1997,
1978; Morreall, 1983; Rapp, 1951; Ziv, 1984). Laughing at “ignorant”
actions on the part of others, as adults often laugh at the sayings or
doings of children, illustrates this perspective. Such events engender a
state of mirth within individuals, which may result in outward laughter.
Hostile laughter also is thought to be explainable by the superiority theory
(Bergson, 1911; Singer, 1968). Mirth is first felt due to superiority, and
then it may be expressed through laughter-sending an explicit message
of superiority. The disagreeable feelings of threat to our identity from
being laughed at stem from such humorous messages of superiority. Often
superiority is not a pleasant type of humor for those subjected to it.
This theory also allows for open displays of humor to be used as
social correctives (Bergson, 1911). Duncan (1962, p. 187) noted that
such “disciplining by laughter” was one of the functions of the royal
fool throughout the ages. Foolish antics were laughed at to show that
such behaviors or beliefs were unacceptable in serious society (Apte,
1985). From a superiority theory perspective, humor results, not just

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from something irrational or unexpected, but from seeing oneself as su-

perior, right, or triumphant in contrast to one who is inferior, wrong, or
defeated. Fine (1976) has described how sexual humor sets and enforces
the relevant social norms in a culture by ridiculing “lower” forms of
behavior or language from the perspective of society’s mainstream.
Laughing at faulty behavior can also reinforce unity among group

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members, as a feeling of superiority over those being ridiculed can coex-
ist with a feeling of belonging (Duncan, 1982). Two important effects of
superiority humor follow: Human society is kept in order as those who
disobey are censured by laughter, and people are made to feel part of a
group by laughing at some ridiculed others. As examples of mild forms
of superiority humor, television shows like Candid Camera, as well as
many situation comedies, allow audiences to laugh at people caught in
unenviable or idiotic situations.

The Functions of Humor in Messages

Applying the three major theories of humor origin to actual messages
suggests that each can illuminate only partially the functions of humor.
Just as one humorous line may serve more than one rhetorical function,
so it may fall under more than one humor theory. However, proponents

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of each theory hold that it can explain all instances of humor (Gruner,
1997; Morreall, 1983). The impact of such theoretical disputes is that
any example of humor can be readily explained by the perspective of
one’s choice, based on the “theoretical sunglasses” through which one
chooses to peer. For instance, one printed announcement in a church
bulletin noted that “Weight Watchers will meet at 7:OO p.m. Please use
the large double door at the side entrance.” If one experiences humor
from this written remark, relief theory proponents could argue that the
humor stems from the tension released when receivers realize that the
juxtaposition of the meeting announcement and reference to the large
door was not directed at the receiver personally. Incongruity proponents
could claim that the humor results from the surprise at seeing such a
recommendation for entry following a serious announcement for a group
of people concerned about their weight. The reference to the large doors
violates social norms of politeness and respect, among others; thus the
incongruity can result in humor. Superiority theory proponents, in turn,
could argue that the humor originates simply from the implied put-down
of overweight people by reference to their particular problems (i.e., need-
ing larger doors). Thus, any of the three theories of humor origin can
ideally explain any instance of humor, and the debate continues, Ac-
knowledgment of a variety of characteristics inhering in a single instance
of humor suggests that the inclusion of humor in messages has the PO-

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tential to fulfill a variety of rhetorical goals. These rhetorical functions

can be clarified by developing an effects-based taxonomy of humor,
moving beyond the theories of humor origin. It is important to recog-
nize that, however humor originates, its effects in a message can vary,
based upon other variables that mediate the humor.

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Most important, much humor is situationally dependent. Given a set
of audiences or contexts, what would be perceived as quite humorous in
one instance may seem irrelevant or only mildly interesting in another
(Carrel], 1992; Duncan, 1982; Winick, 1976).Humor may also be viewed
in separate situations as more or less acceptable in communication (Hack-
man & Barthel-Hackman, 1993). As Raskin (1992)noted, communica-
tion participants may vary in familiarity with social scripts, modes of
communication, and experiences, as well as in their humor appreciation
volition. If audience members are familiar with expected scripts or pat-
terns of interaction, they will be able to understand a humorous devia-
tion from them. In addition, though, they must choose to appreciate the
humor, and not to be angered, irritated, or afraid, or to feel another
strong emotion. Raskin (1992) holds that both understanding and voli-
tion are required to experience humor. Given all these potential vari-
ables, it is no surprise that the presence or effect of humor differs from
audience to audience and from situation to situation.
Secondly, because surprise, or an unexpected symbolic event, is im-
portant for humor to be perceived, the concepts that create the humor
must be only mildly familiar to an audience. If the concepts that create
the humor are so familiar as to be already known, or not familiar at all,
the audience cannot “get” a joke because the sudden perception of a
new perspective is lost, and humor does not occur. Although some sur-
prise may lead to humor, often it is also essential that a receiver fill an
enthymematic gap (Rybacki, 1992) in order to understand what is nor-
mal and what is being violated in a given situation. Clearly, the attempts
at humor that meet with success depend directly on the specific audience
and the situation in question.
In spite of such situational variability, however, some general under-
standings of humor function can be gained. Each theory of humor ori-
gin does seem especially fitted to specific situations: relief humor for
relaxing tensions during communication in disconcerting situations or
relating to a controversial issue, incongruity humor for presenting new
perspectives and viewpoints, and superiority humor for criticizing op-
position or unifying a group. Their dilemma when explaining rhetorical
uses of humor arises when each seeks to explain all instances of humor.
Although theories of humor origin are necessary and fascinating, theo-
ries of humor’s effects or rhetorical functions are also needed. It long has
been noted that humor can simultaneously unite and divide those expe-

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Humor as Double-Edged

Humor theory Humor function Table 1.

Origin
Relief Identification Theories of
Humor With

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Incongruity Clarification Corresponb
Differentiation hl
Rhetorical
Superiority Identification Functions
Enforcement
Differentiation

riencing it; laughter “produces simultaneously a strong fellow-feeling

among participants and joint aggressiveness against outsiders” (Lorenz,
1963, p. 253). This helps make humor use a potent but risky rhetorical
tool, as the results may backfire due to humor’s paradox-“laughter
forms a bond and simultaneously draws a line” (Lorenz, 1963, p. 253).
Though humor has been found to give people unity and hope in the face
of obstacles, it also may conceal malice or allow the expression of ag-
gression without the consequences possible from direct confrontation.
Humor is both a “lubricant” and an “abrasive” in social situations
(Martineau, 1972, p. 103). It can smooth the way and integrate a rhetor
into a greater level of credibility within a group, but it can also ruffle
feathers and cause social friction and conflict. Martineau (1972) sys-
tematically outlined some social functions of humor. He created a socio-
logical model showing how humor within and between groups can so-
lidify a group, cause conflicts within and social disintegration of a group,
or cause conflict or redefine a relationship between groups. In doing so,
he foreshadowed the basic rhetorical functions of humor. Humor can
have both uniting and divisive effects within and between communicat-
ing parties. Martineau’s model, however, does not explore how humor
can have such effects through messages. It merely outlines the possible
social results of humor use. The taxonomy of humor’s rhetorical func-
tions developed here will illuminate more clearly these humor effects in
messages.
Given varying degrees of audience position on and familiarity with a
topic inherent in the humor situation, four potential effects of humor in
rhetoric can be extrapolated. Table 1 suggests which theory of humor
origin tended to suggest most strongly opportunities for each more re-
fined humor function to arise. In the first case, an audience highly sym-
pathetic to and quite familiar with a topic of humor may experience
identification with the user of humor. Humor in this case serves to
strengthen the commonality and shared meaning perceived between com-
municators. In the second case, an audience with lower degrees of agree-
ment and familiarity with a humor topic may receive clarification of an
issue through humor use. Thirdly, an audience with some disagreement

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Table 2.
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Humor function Target person’s position on issue
Communication
Theory

Target’s familiarity with issue

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Degrees of
Agreement
on Position
and Identification ++ ++
+ +
- +
Key Humor’
Function Differentiation ++

or unfamiliarity with an issue communicated through humor may expe-

rience enforcement of a social norm. Finally, an audience in strong dis-
agreement with a subject of humor, even with great familiarity with the
issue, will experience differentiation through humor use. Because some
familiarity with an issue is required to appreciate humor (Raskin, 1985),
it ranges from high to low and back to high again through the four
humor functions. The level of agreement with the issue presumed or
engendered by humor use gives the most power to humor’s functions.
Table 2 summarizes the situational combination in terms of issue agree-
ment and familiarity for each function of humor. The functions can be
viewed as falling along a continuum, starting with identification, then
clarification, enforcement, and, at the other extreme, differentiation. This
continuum illustrates the division of humor’s basic communication func-
tions into strategies that unify and those that divide. I will now explore
these four basic rhetorical functions of humor in communication, draw-
ing examples of each from a variety of rhetorical settings.
Identification. One valuable function humor serves is to build sup-
port by identifying communicators with their audiences, enhancing
speaker credibility (Chang & Gruner, 1987; Gruner, 1967,1985; Malone,
1980) and building group cohesiveness (Graham, Papa, & Brooks, 1992).
Feelings may safely be communicated using humor that normally might
be blocked by lack of a socially acceptable outlet (Winick, 1976). The
appreciation of a sense of humor is an important part of growing and
deepening relationships with people, as mutual uncertainty is reduced
(Graham, 1995). These goals are sought when communicators try to
release tension through humor and make their audiences feel superior in
the sense that they are brought up to a more equal relationship with the
speaker. This often involves speakers using self-deprecating humor to
ally themselves with their audiences (Chapel, 1978). One example oc-
curred when, during the first presidential debate in October 1992, Ross
Perot responded to the other candidates’ plans by saying that “if there
are some good plans out there, I’m all ears.” Of course, his ears were a
prominent part of his anatomy, as many political cartoons had made
clear. This let the audience know that he was human, too, and had the

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ability to laugh at himself. (It communicated such a message, it should

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be noted, even though he later claimed he did not realize that the remark
was funny.) Such humor invokes an issue very familiar to the audience,
as well as placing the target of the humor in a position of sharing mean-
ing or perspective on that issue. Humor that reduces tensions or makes
a speaker seem a part of the group serves to identify the audience with
the communicator, as they may laugh together at some relief of tension.
Clarification. Communicators also employ humor to encapsulate their
views into memorable phrases or short anecdotes, resulting in the clari-
fication of issues or positions. This strategy not only promotes greater
recall of the event by audiences (Goldstein, 1976; Gruner, 1967,1985),
but, in today’s era of short television sound bites, also provides a focus
for media coverage. A short, humorous line, as modern politicians have
learned, gets more play on radio and television newscasts than does a
thorough presentation of policy positions. Humorous lines often serve
to express one’s views creatively and memorably because they are pre-
sented incongruously or unexpectedly. For the same reason, such lines
are more likely to be picked up by the media. The line most remembered
from Reagan’s debates with Walter Mondale in 1984, for example, was
Reagan’s expression that he had no desire to make age an issue in the
campaign because of the “youth and inexperience” of his opponent.
This unexpected deflection of the age issue from himself to his opponent
caused the audience present and even Mondale himself to laugh and
caught widespread media attention in the days following. Clearly, in-
congruities can be extremely useful for politicians to humorously sum-
marize their opinions and criticisms. The same can be true of any com-
municator attempting to persuade.
Much humor that results from plays on words serves to clarify social
norms without a sense of correction or censure of anyone involved. There
is some familiarity with the issue on the part of the audience, and some
agreement on the issue involved, but the humor serves to teach or clarify
the socially expected behaviors relating to the issue. Social norms are
illuminated while the stress is on the expected norm rather than the
seriousness of the violation. The humor stems from a relatively benign
difference or a unique presentation of a message. Good examples of this
have been collected from church bulletins and announcements, and from
time to time one runs across a compilation of such church bulletin bloop-
ers. The intent of such messages was clearly (and seriously) to convey
useful information, but an error created humor because of its divergence
from the norm. Such messages are then recirculated as humorous, serv-
ing to reinforce social norms of how messages should treat such sub-
jects. One such announcement said, “The Low Self-Esteem Support
Group will meet Thursday at 7:OO. Please use the back door,’’ thus sug-

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gesting that those presumably already having low self-esteem should use
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a more discreet entrance than “normal.” Many similar examples exist,

including an announcement that “the Rev. Merriwether spoke briefly,
much to the delight of the audience,” and another account that revealed
that “during the absence of our Pastor, we enjoyed the rare privilege of
hearing a good sermon when J. F. Stubbs preached last Sunday.” The
social norm in such messages is to praise the minister or show apprecia-
tion for a message, and such announcements engender humor as they
show that they (presumably) inadvertently violated the social norm they
supposedly were following. Finally, a bulletin requested eight new choir
robes “due to the addition of several new members and to the deteriora-
tion of some older ones.” The applicable norm in this case would be to
point out the deterioration of choir robes, not of the members, and this

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norm is emphasized by its violation through humor. These examples
show humor in messages that serves to clarify social norms or percep-
tions, yet may also reduce tension and promote good feelings among
communicators. No specific party is corrected or differentiated in such
humor, as it seeks to unify receivers of such messages in mutual enjoy-
ment of a mild violation of normal messages or norms.
Enforcement. Humor allows a communicator to enforce norms deli-
cately by leveling criticism while maintaining some degree of identifica-
tion with an audience (Graham et al., 1992). Reagan used humor to
speak against what he believed was an oppressive federal government
without casting himself as a “negative” politician. Incongruity was use-
ful for Reagan to accomplish this; he could get his audiences to laugh at
incongruities rather than harshly criticizing them, thus avoiding the role
of the bitter, angry critic (Meyer, 1990). Humor can also teach and en-
force social norms. These norms are developed cognitively as expecta-
tions for behavior. Any deviations from such expectations may be seen
as humorous and can be held up for ridicule, invoking laughter to disci-
pline those who are not seen as properly following the rules of a social
group (Bergson, 1911; Duncan, 1962).
Humor involving children often serves an enforcement function, as
the violations of norms that produce a mirthful experience illuminate
something that a child has yet to learn. Thus, the audience is familiar
with the issue involved, but there is disagreement about perspective, which
gives rise to the humor. The perspectives of children often create humor
from their divergent, unusual perspective on social norms and activities.
Yet, such messages with humor generally point to a need for correction
or enforcement of social knowledge and norms. One teacher had chil-
dren write letters to God with questions they would like to ask. One girl
wrote, “Are you really invisible or is that just a trick?” A boy wanted to
know, “why is Sunday school on Sunday? I thought it was supposed to

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be our day of rest.” Humor in such instances is elicited by the lack of

knowledge-or of the “correct” sociocultural perspective-on the part
of the children. Sometimes this type of humor may actually involve the
children “correcting” some adult perspectives on the world, such as when
one boy wrote: “I went to this wedding and they kissed right in church.
Is that okay?” One girl pointedly asked, “Instead of letting people die
and having to make new ones, why don’t You just keep the ones You
have now?” These questions are humorous because they point to some
inconsistency in the child’s knowledge or in adult perspectives that need
correction through teaching or through gaining an understanding of the

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socially desired perspective.
In a similar vein, other teachers have asked young children to finish
old proverbs on their own to see what the children would come up with.
Although their responses were not inaccurate, they clearly needed edu-
cation on the original proverbs. One first grader noted that it is “better
to be safe than . . . punch a 5th grader.” Another pointed out that “It’s
always darkest before . . . daylight savings time.” Of course, there was
the child’s suggestion that “children should be seen and not. . . spanked
or grounded.” These statements are humorous because they are clear
violations of common expectations or knowledge in that they do not
match the well-known sayings, and they also evoke the expectation that
these will be corrected as the children grow up and learn the common
sayings as part of the cultural knowledge of their society. Though the
examples above were humorous in a benignly corrective way, the fol-
lowing were less so, as they were found on answers to tests given to
schoolchildren in their music classes. One child wrote that: “Refrain
means don’t do it. A refrain in music is the part you better not try to
sing,” and another solemnly noted that “Beethoven died in the latter
part of his life.” It was clear to one student that “an opera is a song of
bigly size,” and another wrote that “most authorities agree that music
of antiquity was written long ago.” The “wrongheadedness” of these

zyxwv
answers is more striking and the need for correction clear. The responses
show more clearly the need for correction and learning on the part of
the sender, even as the receivers of these messages often find them hu-
morous. The enforcement function of humor allows for stress on the
violation of norms, which, although engendering mirth, requires correc-
tion indicated by laughing at the person responsible for the humorous

zy
violation.
Differentiation. As a final function, communicators use differentia-
tion quite often, contrasting themselves with their opponents, their views
with an opponent’s views, their own social group with others, and so
on. Humor is invoked to make both alliances and distinctions. Politi-
cians may use humor to differentiate themselves from other candidates;

32 1
leaders may use humor to distinguish their own group from others.
Theory zyx
Communication

Goldstein (1976) noted that such use of humor can help speakers tran-
scend the immediate situation and objectify it, promoting the use of
reason and thereby making these differences clearer and less colored by
previous experience and emotion. One can criticize with humor by ridi-
culing the opposition through laughter rather than through indignation,
anger, or violence (Volpe, 1977). Comic ridicule can also maintain iden-
tification and political unity among members of one group while stress-
ing contradictions and differences they have with others (Schutz, 1977).
Though the presidential campaign of 1996 was not known for its hu-
mor, Republican candidate Robert Dole invoked differentiation humor

zyxw
in a reference to his opponent:

zyxwvuts
For the government cannot direct the people, the people must direct the government. This
is not the outlook of my opponent, and he is my opponent, not my enemy. Though he has
tried to be a good Republican, there are certain distinctions between the two great parties
that will be debated, and must be debated in the next 82 days. (Dole, 1996, p. 679)

By pointing out in a humorous way that his opponent was trying to act
like a Republican, but was not really one, Dole (1996)differentiated his
opponent (and supporters) from his own supporters. Of course, such
differentiation can also serve as identification for one in agreement with
Dole on the issue, causing the rhetorical identification through differen-
tiation noted by Kenneth Burke (1984).
This is the harshest function of humor in rhetoric, as often no quarter
is given to the opposing group. The audience is very familiar with the
subject, but is in complete disagreement with the humor’s target. In-
deed, harsh comments about disliked groups are often perceived in them-
selves as humorous. One type of differentiation humor that is pervasive
in our society attacks attorneys. Several collections of lawyer jokes make
the rounds, including comments such as this: Q: Why don’t snakes bite
attorneys? A: Professional courtesy. Even more cruel is the one that asks:
How can you tell that an attorney is about to lie? A: His lips begin to
move. Both of the above are as insulting and venomous as they are hu-
morous-a superiority theorist’s touchstone. Another dart at the legal
system noted that “a jury is a collection of people banded together to
decide who hired the better lawyer.” Here was a shot at those who were
swayed by “good lawyers” instead of by the socially desired norms of
truth and justice. Finally, one asked: What do lawyers use for birth con-
trol? A: Their personalities. All of these attack and differentiate an op-
posing or disliked group, and it is the creative attacks on that group that
spark the humor. This function of humor is clearly effective at dividing
one group (those who communicate and appreciate the humor) from

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Humor as Double-Edged

another (those who would be expected to disagree with the perspective

creating the humor). However, there are many cases of group members
telling jokes about their own group. Such humor seems to unite the
group’s members against the issue or behavior by which they are being
mocked, serving as a form of identification through mutually acknowl-
edged differentiation humor. Group members clearly disagree on a ra-
tional level with the violations that spark the humor and would be ex-
pected to object if an “outsider” told the same deprecatory jokes about
their group. The differentiation function of humor serves rhetors by
making clear divisions and oppositions among opinions, people, and
groups.

The Paradox of Dual Humor Functions

When applied to rhetoric, argumentation, or even to personal commu-
nication, the functions discussed above suggest a continuum of humor
use, running from identification and unification to differentiation and
social exile. Because identification and clarification through humor en-
gender agreement with the norm or issue involved, they tend to unify
communicators. On the other hand, the enforcement and differentiation
functions rely on someone’s disagreement with the norm or issue in-
volved, and thus tend to be divisive. Even more complicated is the fact
that such divisive humor may serve to unite one group against another.
Study of humor in conversation has revealed factors related to both posi-
tive and negative affect, with a third more neutral factor of expressive-
ness (Graham et al., 1992).These factors may be viewed as falling along
the very continuum of humor function proposed here. When applying
humor to communication events involving persuasive appeals, two overall
effects do emerge: division and unification. However, their dualism is
evident in that divisive humor simultaneously can unify a group partici-
pating in it.
All uses of humor to attack others, whether on the basis of perceived
irrationality or behavior perceived as wrong, would be categorized un-
der the enforcement or differentiation functions of humor and would
stress the violation of the norm more strongly than the continuing effec-
tive norm. However, they can still serve to unify hearers against the vio-
lators, as is usually done by implying that “the others” are somehow
irrational or inferior. One example came when, during the 1980 presi-
dential campaign, Ronald Reagan tried to divide himself and his sup-
porters from President Jimmy Carter’s:

I publicly declared that this is a depression and the President before the day was out
went to the press to say, “That shows how little he knows. This is a recession.” If the

323
 Theory zyx
Communication

President wants a definition, I’ll give him one. Recession is when your neighbor loses his
job, depression is when you lose yours, and [here he paused as the laughs began] recov-
ery will be when Jimmy Carter loses his. (Boller, 1981, p. 354)

This kind of humor is used primarily to attack or blame and thus to

divide one group from another, yet supporters within one group can be
united behind an effective humorous attack.
Many forms of ingratiation, including relieving tension through an
entertaining story or remark, promoting good feelings in an audience,
and seeking to equalize the communicator-audience relationship, would
fall under the identification or clarification functions of humor in
communication. This is the primary purpose, for instance, of a politi-
cian using a funny story to clarify a position, entertain an audience, or
defuse tension in a situation. One example comes from Jimmy Carter’s
presidency:

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Just before President Carter’s helicopter landed in Justin, Texas, about forty miles north-
east of the drought-stricken Dallas-Fort Worth area in July 1980, there was a sudden
rainfall lasting for about ten minutes. Carter stepped onto slippery clay soil that only an
hour earlier had been hard and rough. “Well,” he smiled at the farmers who had gath-
ered to greet him, “you asked for either money or rain. I couldn’t get the money so I
brought the rain.” (Boller, 1981, p. 346)

Humor can be used in such ways to bring a speaker symbolically closer

to an audience, which is the most crucial need for the unifying effect of
humor, especially through identification.
These four rhetorical humor functions, placed along a uniting/divid-
ing continuum, logically separate the different types of humor found in
messages. The dual potential of humor to unite or divide (and some-
times do both at once) is clearly delineated, thereby making the applica-
tion of humor function to analysis of rhetoric clearer. Although humor
always can serve several purposes, the merit of humor function defini-
tions rests on their clarity in explaining phenomena as well as their sim-
plicity. The identification, clarification, enforcement, and differentiation
functions of humor in rhetoric meet these criteria readily. Though there
still may be found some overlap between them, they are clearer for study-
ing rhetorical humor than the standard triad of incongruity, superiority,
and relief theories. Though the four rhetorical functions are the most
parsimonious to date in delineating humor functions, the dual nature of
humor function in rhetoric long has been noted. Charles Gruner (1965)
split the function of humor into two basic kinds: persuasive, rational
humor, on the one hand, and clowning, emotional humor, on the other.
The former he called “wit,” which was practical and concerned with

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Humor as Double-Edged

reality or truth; the latter, “humor,” which was artistic, creative, and
often concerned with fantasy. Years earlier, Dahlberg (1945) had char-
acterized a wit as one who laughed at you, whereas a humorist laughed
with you. Gruner’s distinction seems to be a case of using more broad
terms for the humor duality explored above: Wit referred to the differ-
entiation or enforcement functions, whereas humor for him referred to
the relaxing identification or clarification functions of humor in com-
munication. Humor’s creative, poetic impulse is useful for relaxing and
identifying with audiences, whereas ironic, educational humor is used to
make arguments vivid by differentiating or enforcing norms through
“perspective by incongruity” (Burke, 1984).
The question remains, then, what makes divisive humor distinct from
unifying humor? What is key to distinguishing one from the other? The
theory put forward by Veatch (1992) can assist in determining that. He
notes that for a situation to be perceived as humorous by a perceiver,
one must simultaneously have in mind two views of the situation: one in
which there is a violation of some moral or natural order, and one in
which all appears normal. For divisive humor, the different situation, or
the violation, is the focus of the communication. With unifying humor,
the normal situation is emphasized or dominant in the message. So, al-
though all communication functions of humor require the simultaneous
entertainment of two perceptions, each function relies on a communica-
tive emphasis upon one perception or the other. Differentiation and en-
forcement humor show the violation, though laughable, t o be an unac-
ceptable violation that needs to be focused on, corrected, or avoided in
the future. Identification and clarification humor, on the other hand,
show the violation as a humorous exception to the normal, reassuring,
relaxing state that is expected and that, it is implied, will soon return
undisturbed. Thus, the rhetorical goal influences which key function of
humor is applied. Such goals and humor use in service of them can be
adapted to the structure of the argument and necessarily must be adapted
to the perspective of the audience.
The identification and clarification functions stress the overall nor-
mality of the situation, providing reassurance while noting some humor-
ous divergence from that normality. Showing that one can laugh at such
situations makes a speaker seem relaxed and more in control, poten-
tially boosting audience confidence in the speaker. However, there is an
element of divisiveness in such humor appeals as well-a sense the com-
municator gives that group members share in seeing humor in a particu-
lar comment or joke, while other outsiders do not. This leads to feelings
of unity as “in-group-ness,” through the sharing of a particular joke or
story (Bormann, 1972,1982). Political candidate Robert Dole used uni-
fying humor through clarification in 1996 when, after falling off a plat-

325
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Theory
zyx
form into the audience, he let it be known that he had simply decided to
try break dancing. This reassured his audience that, although it was
unusual for a candidate to fall off the platform, things were really all
right and he was still in control. The norm (doing crazy things in the
course of campaigning) was stressed in the humor over and above the
violation (being so clumsy or unsteady that he fell off a platform).
Humor also can divide through the enforcement and differentiation
functions with derision and put-downs of others pointing to incongru-
ities in what they do or say. Communicators imply that others’ actions
not only are unexpected, but unacceptable, and hence worthy of oppo-
sition in the form of discipline by laughter (Duncan, 1962). Here, it is
the violation that is stressed over the normality (though both percep-
tions must be present for appreciation of humor). Acceptance of put-
downs implies that audience members, as well as the speaker, are supe-
rior to those being laughed at. Yet, it is the incongruity of others’ actions
compared to what is expected or desired of them that provokes laughter
and serves as a corrector or divider. Regardless of the theory of humor
origin selected, however, differentiation and enforcement humor focus
on the violation, rather than the norm. After all, if certain behaviors are
laughable, should others seriously support them in fellow group mem-

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bers or in a political candidate? Persuaders and politicians using humor

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to attack hope most audience members think not. During the 1996 presi-
dential debates, Bob Dole’s most memorable (of very few) humorous
lines were said when he noted, in response to a question on whether
people were better off than they were four years earlier, that “Well he’s
[President Clinton’s] better off than he was four years ago . . . Saddam
Hussein is probably better off than he was four years ago.” Time re-
ferred to this response as Dole’s best line in the entire debate (Levasseur
& Dean, 1996). Opponents of former Vice President Dan Quayle have
taken to simply passing around quotes from his various speeches. Their
clear intent is to show, in a humorous way, his lack of intelligence. In a
speech to the United Negro College Fund, Quayle noted that, “What a
terrible thing to have lost one’s mind. Or not to have a mind at all. How
true that is.” He noted in a speech to the Phoenix Republican Forum in
1990 that “I believe we are on an irreversible trend toward more free-
dom and democracy, but that could change.” When discussing the envi-
ronment, he noted that “it isn’t pollution that’s harming the environ-

zy
ment. It’s the impurities in the air and water that are doing it.’’ Later he
announced that “I stand by all the misstatements that I’ve made.’’ Quayle
may be unique in supplying so much divisive humor about himself, but
his opponents clearly relish using such quotes to point to his apparent
stupidity in contrast to themselves. They stress Quayle’s violations of
debate or intelligence norms as the most relevant factor in the humor,

326
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Humor as Double-Edged

though the element of a “normal” politician is in mind, as well, to spark

humor appreciation.
Divisive humor is applied to rhetorically push away the “other” and
to show that they or their opinions are beyond the pale of common
values being invoked. President Bill Clinton has certainly been the sub-
ject of varied uses of differentiation humor. In one story, three high-

zyxw
school-aged boys are walking down a street in Washington when sud-

zyx
denly they see Clinton go jogging by. He is about to be hit by a car, so
they pull him out of the way and save his life. Clinton tells them, “Thank
you for saving my life. 1’11 grant each of you one wish.” The first boy
says, “I want to go to Georgetown.” Clinton pulls some strings and gets
the boy admitted. The second boy says, “I want to get into West Point,
but it normally requires a congressional appointment. ” So, Clinton calls
up his Democratic friends in Congress and gets the boy his appoint-
ment. The third boy says, “I want to be buried in Arlington National
Cemetery.” Clinton says, “That’s an odd request for a 17-year-old!”
The boy says, “Yeah, but when my father finds out I saved your life he’s
gonna kill me!” No clearer political differentiation can be made through
humor than that, as the violation of norms by the father’s exaggerated
anger at Clinton dominates such humor. Others have put forward hu-
morous “dictionaries” of what Bill Clinton is really saying: “My fellow
citizens” really means “suckers,” “ broad-based contributions” are
“taxes,” “investing in our infrastructure” is “pork-barrel spending,”
“opportunity” and “compassion” are really “federal handouts,” and
“health care reform” is really “increasing broad- based contributions”!
These so-called definitions stress violations through contrasts, presented
as humor, and illustrate the differences between opponents and support-
ers of Bill Clinton in a sharp, memorable way.
Humor can also be used to attack misbehavior and enforce confor-
mity to social norms. In a year of political scandal, humorous jabs at the
president and his sexual activity were everywhere. Many reported learn-
ing the latest news from the jokes that Jay Len0 and David Letterman
told about President Clinton on their nightly television talk shows. Just
two fictitious questions to Clinton can serve as examples of this:

Question: Mr. President, have you ever considered contributing to a sperm bank?
Clinton’s answer: No, I already gave at the office.

Question: Mr. President, when you fall in love, should it be forever?

Clinton’s answer: Thirty good seconds should do the trick. (Bishop & Brand, 1998)

These jokes, which make verbal jabs at their target, separate audiences
who laugh at the violations of social norms illustrated in them from the

327
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person or group described in them. Politicians who invoke such humor

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Communication

in their rhetoric want that divisiveness to extend to audience support for

zyxw
themselves and disfavor for their opponents.
In noting that humor is used to unify as well as to divide, other strik-
ing instances of it potentially doing both at once are found in teases. A
tease is viewed as humorous and aggressive at the same time, as it “makes
a potentially negative statement about the recipient, but is framed as
humor or play” (Alberts, Kellar-Guenther, & Corman, 1996, p. 337).
Thus, the receiver is left to decide, based primarily on the prior relation-
ship to the teaser (Alberts et al., 1996),whether the message is primarily
a tension-relieving mood lightener or a lightly disguised critique. The
context of the relationship allows the receiver to place the stress of teas-
ing humor on the norm (friendly making light of faults) or the violation
(a “muffled” criticism or put-down). The duality of humor also can be a
strength for communicators as they use it to relax tensions by showing
that a speaker is aware of contradictions in messages or values causing
tension and is dealing with them, encouraging others involved to get
beyond their own tension by doing the same (Meyer, 1997).
Humor’s potential power as an influential communication tool is il-
lustrated by the acknowledgment that the two most popular and ad-
mired U.S. presidents of the past 40 years, John F. Kennedy and Ronald
Reagan, have been men with the most agreeable senses of humor
(Gardner, 1986; Troxler, 1983). Use of humor clearly enhances one’s
leadership and persuasive influence because of the nearly universal ad-
miration of this skill (in moderation-overuse of humor can lower cred-
ibility [Gruner, 19851). Many consider a sense of humor a crucial indi-
cator of good character. Yet, this sense of humor can cut both ways. It
can be a kind, humane, friendly, pleasant means of communication
through promoting identification and clarification of issues, or it can be
wry, cynical, cutting, and even mean. Some people may feel less safe
communicating with a person enacting a divisive sense of humor through
enforcement or differentiation, but they also may be entertained, en-
lightened, or even motivated (at times, perhaps, even angered) by such
communicators. The necessity of holding multiple perspectives in mind
allows both users and receivers of humor to choose on which perspec-
tive to focus: the norm briefly and benignly violated humorously or the
violation, which draws condemnation by humor. Thus does the duality
paradox of humor function allow rhetorical unification or division-or
both at the same time.
The flexible contradictions inherent in humor allow rhetors to enlist
it for a variety of purposes, making it a most powerful communication
tool. Understanding its rhetorical functions of differentiation, enforce-
ment, clarification, and identification allows more refined and detailed

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Humor as Double-Edged

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zyxw
assessment of humor’s communication effects than the theories of hu-
mor origin do. Humor’s flexibility as a rhetorical tool allows communi-
cators to transcend recurring arguments or patterns because messages
with humor can get people to laugh at contradictions as a way to accept
their existence (Boland & Hoffman, 1983) instead of frantically, futilely,
or tragically seeking to correct or eliminate them. How many work and
world conflicts could be defused if both parties could see humor in their
differences? Through the identification and clarification functions, or
the relaxing elements of humor, parties can lower defenses and be more
open to seeing the new perspectives required to appreciate humor. View-
ing new perspectives and laughing together at them can enhance com-
municators’ identification with each other and move communication to
a “comic frame” away from a rigid “tragic frame” (Burke, 1984). Con-
tradictions or differences may also be separated from the allegiance of
communicators through humor in the form of burlesque (Moore, 1992).
By imitating and mocking differences, they can be recognized and cen-
sured in a flexible and perceptive way. Humor’s fourfold functional
manipulation of concepts can increase potential future directions for
communication research, enhancing rhetorical study and illuminating
communicators’ ability to deal with contradictions rather than feeling
oppressed or trapped by contradictions and prone to other alternatives,
such as violence. In sum, the paradox of duality in humor functions
between unification and division serves to make humor a “double-edged
sword” by which communicators can unite or divide their audiences.
Humor use is thus a fruitful area of research for communication schol-
ars, as future research can increase understanding of the symbols through
which the duality of humor and the four rhetorical functions of humor
manifest themselves in a variety of messages.

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zy
John C. Meyer (PhD, University of Kansas, 1991) is associate professor of speech communication
at the University of Southern Mississippi, Hattiesburg. The author would like to thank students in
his Humor in Communication seminars, as well as the editor of Communication Theory and two
reviewers for their contributions to this essay. An earlier version of this essay was presented at the
National Communication Association annual convention, New York, NY, November 1998.
Author

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