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Deviance and Social Control
2nd Edition

2
Michelle dedicates this book to her students, past and present, inside and outside, who offer inspiration,
creative challenges, and, most importantly, real hope for a better future.

Kristin would like to dedicate this book to Jeff, William, and Christopher, who are a welcome reminder
that the world can be a really cool place.

Randy would like to dedicate this book to Beth and our new life and adventures to come with her move to
Norfolk. Clearly a life course transition and trajectory. I can’t wait!!!

3
Deviance and Social Control
A Sociological Perspective

2nd Edition

Michelle Inderbitzin
Oregon State University
Kristin A. Bates
California State University San Marcos
Randy R. Gainey
Old Dominion University, Norfolk

4
FOR INFORMATION:

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Printed in the United States of America

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Inderbitzin, Michelle Lee, author. | Bates, Kristin Ann, author. | Gainey, Randy R., author.

Title: Deviance and social control : a sociological perspective / Michelle Inderbitzin, Oregon State University,
Kristin A. Bates, Cal State University, San Marcos, Randy R. Gainey, Old Dominion University, Norfolk.

5
Description: 2nd edition. | Los Angeles : SAGE, [2016] | Includes bibliographical references and index.

Identifiers: LCCN 2016005364 | ISBN 978-1-5063-2791-4 (pbk. : alk. paper)

Subjects: LCSH: Deviant behavior. | Social control.

Classification: LCC HM811 .I53 2016 | DDC 302.5/42—dc23

LC record available at http://lccn.loc.gov/2016005364

This book is printed on acid-free paper.

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6
Brief Contents
1. Foreword
2. Preface
3. How to Read a Research Article
4. Chapter 1. Introduction to Deviance
5. Chapter 2. The Diversity of Deviance
6. Chapter 3. Researching Deviance
7. Chapter 4. Anomie/Strain Theory
8. Chapter 5. Social Disorganization Theory
9. Chapter 6. Differential Association and Social Learning Theories
10. Chapter 7. Social Control Theories of Deviance
11. Chapter 8. Labeling Theory
12. Chapter 9. Marxist and Conflict Theories of Deviance
13. Chapter 10. Critical Theories of Deviance
14. Chapter 11. Social Control of Deviance
15. Chapter 12. Deviant Careers and Career Deviance
16. Chapter 13. Global Perspectives on Deviance and Social Control
17. Glossary
18. References
19. Index
20. About the Authors

7
Detailed Contents
Foreword
Preface
How to Read a Research Article
Chapter 1. Introduction to Deviance
Introduction
Conceptions of Deviance
How Do YOU Define Deviance?
Deviance in Popular Culture
The Sociological Imagination
The Importance of Theory
Explaining Deviance in the Streets and Deviance in the Suites
Ideas in Action
Now YOU . . . Use Your Sociological Imagination
Conclusion: Organization of the Book
Exercises and Discussion Questions
Key Terms
READINGS
1. Sick/Beautiful/Freak: Nonmainstream Body Modification and the Social
Construction of Deviance
2. Status, Deviance, and Sanctions: A Critical Review
3. Anti-Social Debts
Chapter 2. The Diversity of Deviance
Introduction
Deviance and Its Varied Forms
Thinking Like a Sociologist—Strict Conformity as Deviance
Physical Deviance and Appearance: Ideals of Beauty and Everyone Else
Deviance in Popular Culture
Relationships and Deviance
Deviance in Cyberspace: Making Up the Norms as We Go
Subcultural Deviance
Elite Deviance, Corporate Deviance, and Workplace Misconduct
Positive Deviance
Explaining Deviance in the Streets and Deviance in the Suites: The Cases of Addiction,
Prostitution, and Graffiti
Addiction
Prostitution
Graffiti
Ideas in Action: Guerrilla Gardening in Low-Income Areas
Now YOU . . . Try an Experiment in Positive Deviance!
Question: So Who Are the Deviants? Answer: It Depends on Whom You Ask
Conclusion
Exercises and Discussion Questions
Key Terms
READINGS
4. The “Simmie” Side of Life: Old Order Amish Youths’ Affective Response to
Culturally Prescribed Deviance
5. Illness and the Internet: From Private to Public Experience
6. Corporate Transgressions Through Moral Disengagement
Chapter 3. Researching Deviance

8
 Three Research-Related Stories From the Authors
Introduction
Methodological Approaches to Studying Deviance
Experiments in the Study of Deviance
Deviance in Popular Culture
Large-Scale Survey Research
Field Research: Pure Observer to Full Participant
Content Analysis
Secondary Data Sources
The Uniform Crime Report and the National Incident-Based Reporting System
Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration
Monitoring the Future
Archived Data: Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research
Ethical Considerations in Studying Deviance
Explaining Deviance in the Streets and Deviance in the Suites: In-Depth Research of
Street Gangs and NASA
Ideas in Action: Evaluating Programs and Policy
Now YOU . . . Conduct the Research
Conclusion
Endnote
Exercises and Discussion Questions
Key Terms
READINGS
7. “They Must Be Crazy”: Some of the Difficulties in Researching “Cults”
8. The Problems of Researching Sensitive Topics: An Overview and
Introduction
9. Reefer Normal
Chapter 4. Anomie/Strain Theory
Introduction
Development of Anomie/Strain Theory
Émile Durkheim and Anomie
Robert Merton and Adaptations to Anomie/Strain
Merton’s Adaptations to Anomie
Deviance in Popular Culture
Richard Cloward and Lloyd Ohlin, Differential Opportunity
Albert Cohen, Delinquent Boys
Robert Agnew, General Strain Theory
Messner and Rosenfeld, Crime and the American Dream—Institutional Anomie
Theory
Application of Anomie and Strain Theories
Anomie and the Abuse at Abu Ghraib
The American Dream and Incarcerated Young Men
Institutional Anomie Theory and Student Cheating
Critiques of Anomie and Strain Theories
Explaining Deviance in the Streets and Deviance in the Suites: The Occupy Wall Street
Movement
Ideas in Action: Defy Ventures—Transforming Innovation Into Legitimate Success
Now YOU . . . Use the Theory
Conclusion
Exercises and Discussion Questions
Key Terms
READINGS

9
 10. Becoming a Stickup Kid
11. Durkheim’s Concept of Anomie and the Abuse at Abu Ghraib
12. A General Strain Theory of Terrorism
Chapter 5. Social Disorganization Theory
Introduction
Deviance in Popular Culture
Development of Social Disorganization Theory
Shaw and McKay’s Study of Juvenile Delinquency and Urban Areas
Critiques of Social Disorganization Theory
Rebirth of Social Disorganization Theory
Empirical Tests of Social Disorganization Theory
More Theoretical and Empirical Advances and Divergences: Social and Physical
Disorder
Collective Efficacy
Explaining Deviance in the Streets and Deviance in the Suites With Social
Disorganization Theory
Ideas in Action: Programs and Policy From Social Disorganization and Broken
Windows Perspectives
Now YOU . . . Use the Theory
Conclusion
Exercises and Discussion Questions
Key Terms
READINGS
13. Rethinking Crime and Immigration
14. Life and Death in the City: Neighborhoods in Context
15. The Importance of Both Opportunity and Social Disorganization Theory in
a Future Research Agenda to Advance Criminological Theory and Crime
Prevention at Places
Chapter 6. Differential Association and Social Learning Theories
Introduction
Development of Differential Association Theory
Deviance in Popular Culture
Development of Akers’s Social Learning Theory
Social Structure and Social Learning
Application of Differential Association and Social Learning
Critiques of Differential Association and Social Learning Theories
Cultural Deviance Theory and Subcultural Explanations of Deviance
Explaining Deviance in the Streets and Deviance in the Suites: Teen Alcohol and Drug
Use
Ideas in Action: Programs and Policy From a Social Learning Perspective
Now YOU . . . Use the Theory
Conclusion
Exercises and Discussion Questions
Key Terms
READINGS
16. Liquor Is Quicker: Gender and Social Learning Among College Students
17. Everybody’s Doing It: Initiation to Prescription Drug Misuse
18. Piracy on the High Speeds: A Test of Social Learning Theory on Digital
Piracy Among College Students
Chapter 7. Social Control Theories of Deviance
Introduction
Development of Social Control Theory

10
 Nye
Hirschi
Techniques of Neutralization
Deviance in Popular Culture
Contemporary Additions to Social Control Theory
Power-Control Theory
Theory of Self-Control
Life Course Theory
Application of Social Control Theories
Critiques of Social Control Theories
Explaining Deviance in the Streets and Deviance in the Suites: The Cases of Teenage
Homelessness and Medical Deviance by Doctors
Teenage Runaways and Throwaways
Medical Deviance by Doctors
Ideas in Action: Homeboy Industries
Now YOU . . . Use the Theory
Conclusion
Exercises and Discussion Questions
Key Terms
READINGS
19. Social Control, Delinquency, and Victimization Among Kibbutz
Adolescents
20. Online Consumer Misbehaviour: An Application of Neutralization Theory
21. Sex, Love, and Autonomy in the Teenage Sleepover
Chapter 8. Labeling Theory
Introduction
Development of Labeling Theory
How the Labeling Process Works
Deviance in Popular Culture
Labeling and Mental Illness
Labeling and Delinquency
Application of Labeling Theory
Braithwaite (1989), Crime, Shame and Reintegration
Matsueda (1992), “Reflected Appraisals, Parental Labeling, and Delinquency”
Rosenfield (1997), “Labeling Mental Illness”
Davies and Tanner (2003), “The Long Arm of the Law: Effects of Labeling on
Employment”
Defining Oneself as Deviant
Impact of Labeling Theory
Critiques of Labeling Theory
Explaining Deviance in the Streets and Deviance in the Suites: Considering Drinking
—and Not Drinking—on College Campuses
Ideas in Action: The “I Have a Dream” Foundation—Instilling Positive Labels
Now YOU . . . Use the Theory
Conclusion
Exercises and Discussion Questions
Key Terms
READINGS
22. The Saints and the Roughnecks
23. On Being Sane in Insane Places
Chapter 9. Marxist and Conflict Theories of Deviance
Introduction

11
 Development of Marxist Theory
Conflict
Dialectical Materialism
Marxism and the Creation of Law and Deviance
Deviance in Popular Culture
Development of Conflict Theory
Gusfield
Vold
Turk
Quinney
Chambliss
Applications of Marxist and Conflict Theories
Critiques of Marxist and Conflict Theories
Explaining Deviance in the Streets and Deviance in the Suites: The Cases of
Shoplifting and Employees Locked in the Workplace
Shoplifting
Employees Locked in the Workplace
Ideas in Action: Racial Impact Statements
Racial Impact Statements and Conflict Theory
Now YOU . . . Use the Theory
Conclusion
Exercises and Discussion Questions
Key Terms
READINGS
24. The Communist Manifesto
25. The Spawn of Slavery: The Convict-Lease System in the South
26. Two Nations, Revisited: The Lynching of Black and Brown Bodies, Police
Brutality, and Racial Control in “Post-Racial” Amerikkka
Chapter 10. Critical Theories of Deviance
Introduction
Development of Feminist Criminology
Feminism and Homelessness
Deviance in Popular Culture
Development of Critical Race Theory
Critical Race Theory and Homelessness
Development of Peacemaking
Peacemaking and Homelessness
Critiques of Critical Theories
Explaining Deviance in the Streets and Deviance in the Suites: The Cases of
Pornography and Illegal Government Surveillance
Pornography
Illegal Government Surveillance
Ideas in Action: Navajo Peacemaking and Domestic Violence
Now YOU . . . Use the Theory
Conclusion
Exercises and Discussion Questions
Key Terms
READINGS
27. Reflections on Women’s Crime and Mothers in Prison: A Peacemaking
Approach
28. “But Sometimes I Think . . . They Put Themselves in the Situation”:
Exploring Blame and Responsibility in Interpersonal Violence

12
 29. Racial Profiling and Immigration Law Enforcement: Rounding Up of Usual
Suspects in the Latino Community
Chapter 11. Social Control of Deviance
Introduction
Medicalization of Deviant Behavior
Policing, Supervision, and the Impact of Incarceration on Disadvantaged Populations
and Communities
Deviance in Popular Culture
Total Institutions
Correctional Facilities and the Purposes of Punishment
Gresham Sykes and the Pains of Imprisonment
Juvenile Correctional Facilities
Reentry: Challenges in Returning to the Community After Time in an Institution
Felon Disenfranchisement
Public Fear and Social Control: The Case of Sex Offenders
Collateral Consequences: Effects on Communities and Families
Explaining Deviance in the Streets and Deviance in the Suites: Considering How
Money Can Matter in Local Jails
Ideas in Action: College Programs in Prisons
Now YOU . . . Think About Social Control
Conclusion
Exercises and Discussion Questions
Key Terms
READINGS
30. Lessons From a Juvenile Training School: Survival and Growth
31. Incarceration, Inequality, and Imagining Alternatives
Chapter 12. Deviant Careers and Career Deviance
Introduction
Deviance in Popular Culture
Development of a Deviant Careers and Career Deviance Approach
Getting Into Deviance: Onset of a Deviant Career
Risk and Protective Factors for Onset
Getting Out of the Game: Desistance From Career Deviance
Explaining Deviance in the Streets and Deviance in the Suites: Street Prostitutes Versus
Elite Prostitutes
Ideas in Action: Programs and Policy From a Career Deviance and Deviant Career
Perspective
Now YOU . . . Think About Deviant Careers
Conclusion
Exercises and Discussion Questions
Key Terms
READINGS
32. Harry Potter and the Wise and Powerful Life Course Theorist
33. As American as Apple Pie: Poverty and Welfare
34. The Contributions of an Interactionist Approach to Research and Theory on
Criminal Careers
Chapter 13. Global Perspectives on Deviance and Social Control
Introduction
Researching Deviance Globally
Trials and Tribulations Involved in Researching Deviance Across the Globe
Deviance in Popular Culture
More Reasonable Strategies for Undergraduates to Study Deviance Outside the United

13
 States
Empirical Tests of Theories of Deviance Globally
Empirical Tests of Gottfredson and Hirschi’s General Theory of Deviance: Self-
Control and Deviance in Other Countries
Testing Differential Association and Social Learning Theories Outside of the
United States
A Global Perspective on Social Disorganization Theory
Tests of Social Disorganization in Cities Outside the United States
Cross-National Tests of Institutional Anomie Theory
Critical Collective Framing Theory and the Genocide in Darfur
Social Control in a Global Context
Social Control of Girls and Women
Social Control of Homosexuality
Social Control of Crime: Extremes in Prison Conditions Internationally
Social Control of Mental Illness
Social Control and Reintegration: Restorative Justice
Explaining Deviance in the Streets and Deviance in the Suites: Human Trafficking:
Crossing Boundaries and Borders
Ideas in Action: What Can Be Done About Human Trafficking?
Now YOU . . . Think About Global Deviance
Conclusion
Exercises and Discussion Questions
Key Terms
READINGS
35. A Moral Panic? The Problematization of Forced Marriage in British
Newspapers
36. Making Sense of the Senseless: Understanding Genocide
37. India’s Reproductive Assembly Line
Glossary
References
Index
About the Authors

14
15
Foreword

By the time sociology came to universities at the beginning of the 20th century, all the “good”
topics had been snatched up by earlier arrivals: Historians got to write about wars and kings and
queens, economists acquired the market as their special turf, and political science took control of
the state and government. Sociology was left with whatever topics were left over, especially (chief
among these less desirable subjects) the “bad behavior” nice people didn’t like in the increasingly
urbanized society they lived in: slums, gangs, prostitution, alcoholism, and crime. No one had to
worry, then, about defining this field or justifying all these disparate topics being treated under one
heading. It seemed obvious to all right-thinking people that these things were problems that
needed looking into. Sociologists took them over as their own, and the nature of these problems
(and the solutions to them everyone hoped the new science would provide) defined the nature of
the field.

Since university disciplines like to make sense of what they are doing, sociologists soon began to
look for a unifying thread, for what all these things had in common that justified calling studying
them a scientific field. Once you question the commonsense idea that they all simply exemplified
“bad behavior” or “social problems,” you commit yourself to finding a more logical and
scientifically defensible description of what you’re doing. Sociologists worked hard to come up
with that definition. What they came up with, in the end, was not a definition but definitions, lots
of them. Because to go beyond saying these were all simply differing versions of badness, to define
what made bad people’s behavior bad, created great difficulties because people don’t agree on that
kind of definition. The commonsense understanding of “badness” included a mixture of very
different things: drunkenness, stealing, craziness—the definition really consisted of nothing more
than a list of activities that the law banned. Because legislatures don’t make laws to define the
subject matter of a science but rather to satisfy constituents, the science part comes hard.

For many years, taking commonsense ideas of bad behavior at face value and accepting
conventional definitions of what “bad” was, sociologists tried to make science by accepting and
trying to prove and improve upon equally commonsense explanations of why people behaved
badly. They mostly relied on one of two ideas. On one hand, some theories said that people did
bad things because they were inherently bad—there were plenty of genetic theories in the early
history of criminology, identifying potential criminals by physical markers of bad heredity—similar
to the markers of feeblemindedness, another topic that sociology and criminology had on their
hands—or because they lived in bad circumstances, which turned otherwise normal children into
delinquents, sane people into the mentally ill, and healthy people into alcoholics and drug addicts.

These general ideas, scarcely worth being dignified as general theories, for many years dominated
the classes taught under such titles as “Social Disorganization” or “Social Problems.” Textbooks
and lectures proceeded along a well-marked path of problems, dominated by well-known kinds of
crimes—starting with juvenile delinquency and following criminal types through more adult
crimes like robbery, theft, burglary, and murder—and equally familiar kinds of personal
pathologies, revolving around pleasurable forms of behavior that right-thinking people thought
were wrong—sex, drugs, and alcohol, all three leading to mental illness. Teachers and books
rehearsed the numerous and varied things that had been found to be correlated with bad behaviors
and presumably to cause them: living in a slum neighborhood, coming from a broken home (that
is, a household not headed by a married heterosexual couple), low educational achievement, and a
long list of other phenomena usually correlated with some measure of social class so that, in some
fundamental sense, the cause of all this pathology seemed to be being poor.

Such an approach did not produce a lot of results. What one study found was often contradicted

16
by another study, and eventually, some sociologists and criminologists began to take a more
neutral approach to these subject matters, seeing them not as signs of bad character or heredity but
rather as signs of a mixed-up society, whose operations and organization made it likely that some
sizable number of people would find it attractive and/or profitable to engage in behavior that led
them into conflict with the law (as the gang members in West Side Story sang, “We’re not
depraved, we’re deprived!”).

Since finding the causes of bad behavior in society did not produce reliable results any more than
genetic and psychological theories had, some sociologists began to look further. They asked about
a larger spectrum of things and focused on what we might call “the crime industry,” the agencies
and organizations that made laws that defined what things were crimes, that devoted themselves
to finding people who had violated these laws, adjudicating their cases and administering the
punishments and forms of supervision the resolution of those cases dictated: the legislatures that
made the laws, the police who found the guilty parties, the courts where their cases were decided,
the jails and prisons where they served their sentences, and the parole offices and officers that
oversaw those who came out at the other end of this process.

All this research is best summarized, as the authors of this book have done, by considering the
variety of theories that sociologists and criminologists have created to make sense of this confusing
mass of ideas and of the research the variety of ideas has engendered. Reading their crisp,
informative summaries of so many conflicting ideas and then the wisely chosen illustrative
examples of what you get from each approach will give students the best possible introduction to a
lively and still developing field of research.

Howard S. Becker

17
Preface

While there are many textbooks and readers on deviant behavior currently on the market, this
book is unique for two reasons. First, it is framed within and written entirely from a sociological
perspective. We explain the development of major sociological theoretical perspectives and detail
how those theories have been used to think about and study the causes of deviant behavior and the
reactions to it. We find the theories fascinating, and we think you will, too. We have provided
many specific examples of deviant behavior and social control within the text so that students will
have numerous opportunities to apply the concepts and theories and make connections to their
everyday lives. The second unique aspect of this book is that as a text-reader, it is a true hybrid,
offering both original text and primary readings. It includes both substantial original chapters that
give an overview of the field and the theories as well as carefully selected articles on deviance and
social control that have previously appeared in leading academic journals and books. In the
following, we describe how Deviance and Social Control: A Sociological Perspective, 2nd Edition,
differs from existing texts on the market.

While the widely used textbooks on deviant behavior have strong points, our book provides a very
different experience for students by combining original text with existing studies. Professors will
be able to assign one book (rather than a textbook and accompanying reader) and will be assured
that their students are presented with both clear explanations of sociological perspectives on
deviance and some of the best examples of research from the field. While some classic research
articles are included, most of the primary readings were chosen because they are excellent, cutting-
edge, contemporary examples of the use of theory to explain deviance. They offer the opportunity
to explore a deviant topic more thoroughly yet still with an eye toward the importance of theory in
that exploration.

In contrast to most of the popular readers and textbooks on deviant behavior, this book is
primarily organized around theories and perspectives of deviance, rather than types of deviant
behavior or a singular approach to understanding deviance. We have aimed for a combination of
both depth and breadth in this book; in taking a broad sociological perspective, we focus on theory
but also include full chapters on researching deviance, the social control of deviance, deviant
careers, and deviance and social control in a global context.

We hope this book will serve as a guide to students delving into the fascinating world of deviance
and social control for the first time, offering clear overviews of issues and perspectives in the field
as well as introductions to classic and current research. Deviance and Social Control: A Sociological
Perspective, 2nd Edition, is intended to replace standard deviance textbooks or readers; it can be
used in both undergraduate and graduate deviance courses.

18
Overview of Features
Deviance and Social Control: A Sociological Perspective, 2nd Edition, includes topics generally found
in textbooks on deviant behavior, with significant focus on the major sociological theories of
deviance and discussion of rule-making and societal reaction to deviance. This book offers clear
explanations and discussion of concepts and theories and carefully selected examples to illustrate
relevant topics. This book features the following:

1. An introductory section explaining the sociological perspective on deviance and social

control. This section provides an overview on the organization and content of the book and
also introduces relevant themes, issues, and concepts to assist students in understanding the
different perspectives. Along with the introduction, we have full chapters on the diversity of
deviance and methods of researching deviance to introduce students to the broader issues in
the field.

2. Each chapter includes four different features or sections that prompt students to engage with
the material, apply the concepts, and learn more about current research. These features
include the following:
a. Deviance in Popular Culture—offers several examples of films and/or television shows
and encourages students to apply the concepts and theories to the behavior depicted in
these examples
b. Explaining Deviance in the Streets and Deviance in the Suites—explores the impact of
social class and status on different types of deviance and the reactions to such behavior
c. Ideas in Action—highlights examples of current policies or programs designed to address
deviant behaviors from the perspective(s) covered in each chapter
d. Now YOU . . . —asks students to apply the material they learned in the chapter to
specific questions or examples
3. Each chapter includes discussion questions and exercises or assignments that will give
students a chance to test and extend their knowledge of the material.
4. The book contains a glossary of key terms.

19
Structure of the Book
We chose very deliberately to organize our book around sociological theories rather than around
types of deviance. This is in direct opposition to most of the competing texts on the market, and it
is one of the reasons you might consider using our book. We believe the theoretically based
approach offers students fertile ground for learning and exploring the realm of deviant behavior
and social control. Once they learn the different theoretical perspectives, students will be able to
apply the different theories to virtually any type of deviant behavior and, furthermore, be able to
compare and contrast the theoretical models and decide for themselves which offers the most
compelling explanation for the behavior. This is the kind of understanding and flexibility we hope
our students achieve; while studying types of deviance is certainly interesting, being able to
consider both individual and macrolevel causes and explanations seems to us the larger and more
important goal.

The book is divided into 13 chapters that cover an overview of the field of deviance and social
control, methods and examples of researching deviance, the major theoretical traditions used in
studying deviance, a glimpse into the social control of deviance and deviant careers, and a
discussion of deviance and social control in a global context. The theory chapters each provide an
overview of a theoretical perspective and its development, critiques of the perspective, and
examples of current developments and research in that theoretical tradition. The chapters are as
follows:

Chapter 1. Introduction to Deviance: We first provide the basic building blocks for studying deviant
behavior from a sociological perspective. Different conceptions of deviance are described, and
students are encouraged to develop and use their sociological imagination in studying deviant
behavior. We explain the organization of the book and why we believe theory is so critical to
understanding and researching deviance.

Chapter 2. The Diversity of Deviance: In this chapter, we offer an overview of some of the many
types of deviance and show how our conceptions of deviance vary widely and change over time.
We encourage students to think broadly about deviance and to always consider the culture,
context, and historical period in which the “deviant” act takes place.

Chapter 3. Researching Deviance: This chapter addresses the many ways one might go about
researching deviant behavior and social control. We highlight different research methods and the
strengths and weaknesses of each approach. Examples are used throughout to make abstract
concepts concrete for students.

Chapter 4. Anomie/Strain Theory: This chapter looks at one of the first sociological theories of
deviance and traces the development of anomie and strain theories from Durkheim’s, Merton’s,
and Cloward and Ohlin’s macrolevel ideas on how the very structure of society contributes to
deviant behavior to Agnew’s general strain theory and Messner and Rosenfeld’s institutional strain
theory, which offer contemporary views on individual and institutional strain and the resulting
deviance.

Chapter 5. Social Disorganization Theory: We discuss another early sociological perspective on

deviance in this chapter: social disorganization theory, developed from early research on Chicago
to explain patterns of deviance and crime across social locations, such as neighborhoods. We offer
an overview of the perspective and show how it is being used today to explain high levels of
deviance and violence in particular neighborhoods.

20
Chapter 6. Differential Association and Social Learning Theories: How do individuals learn to
become deviant? This chapter covers ideas and research that try to answer that exact question. We
explain the key ideas of Sutherland’s differential association and Akers’s social learning theories
and offer an overview of the development of a sociological perspective that argues that deviance is
learned through communication with intimate others.

Chapter 7. Social Control Theories of Deviance: Social control theories begin by flipping the
question; rather than asking why individuals deviate, social control theories ask, If we are born
prone to deviance, what keeps us from committing deviant acts? In this chapter, we trace the
development of social control and life course theories and look at the importance of the
individual’s social bonds to conforming society.

Chapter 8. Labeling Theory: In this chapter, we look at the importance of being labeled deviant.
We begin with a brief overview of symbolic interactionism, which then leads to a discussion of the
labeling process and how it can affect individuals’ self-concepts and life chances.

Chapter 9. Marxist and Conflict Theories of Deviance: Within the conflict perspective, power and
inequality are key considerations in defining who and what is deviant in any given society. In this
chapter, we begin with the ideas of Karl Marx and go on to show how Marxist perspectives have
been used to study lawmaking and how the process of defining and creating deviant behavior is
used to maintain positions of power in society.

Chapter 10. Critical Theories of Deviance: In this chapter, we focus on theories that examine
deviance from a perspective that questions the normative status quo. We offer brief overviews of
peacemaking criminology, feminist criminology, and critical race theory as alternative perspectives
for studying deviance and social control.

Chapter 11. Social Control of Deviance: In this chapter, we offer a brief look into informal and
formal social control of deviance. We discuss the medicalization (and medication) of deviance,
mental hospitals, prisons and juvenile correctional facilities, felon disenfranchisement, and general
effects of stigma on those labeled deviant.

Chapter 12. Deviant Careers and Career Deviance: While much attention is focused on getting into
deviance, in this chapter, we consider the full deviant career, including desistance, or the process of
exiting deviance.

Chapter 13. Global Perspectives on Deviance and Social Control: For our final chapter, we move
beyond the United States to consider how deviance is defined and researched in other countries.
Further, we briefly consider and discuss the many different forms of social control across the globe.

Each chapter offers original material that introduces students to the issues, concepts, and theories
covered in that chapter and contextualizes the selected readings. Each chapter also includes two or
three primary source readings that will offer students the chance to learn about current research on
deviance and social control from some of the top theorists and researchers in the field.

21
Ancillaries
To enhance the use of this text and to assist those using this book, we have developed high-quality
ancillaries for instructors and students.

Instructor Resource Site. A password-protected site, available at

study.sagepub.com/inderbitzindeviance2e, features resources that have been designed to help
instructors plan and teach their course. These resources include the following:

An extensive test bank that includes multiple-choice, true/false, short-answer, and essay
questions for each chapter
Chapter-specific PowerPoint slide presentations that highlight essential concepts and figures
from the text
Access to recent, relevant full-text SAGE journal articles and accompanying article review
questions
Class activities that can be used in conjunction with the book throughout the semester
Multimedia resources for use in class to jump-start lectures and emphasize key topics of your
discussions

Student Study Site. An open-access study site is available at

study.sagepub.com/inderbitzindeviance2e. This site provides access to several study tools,
including the following:

Web quizzes for student self-review and for independent progress assessment
Access to relevant full-text SAGE journal articles that support and expand on chapter
concepts
Multimedia resources for a more in-depth understanding of the material covered in class and
in the text

22
Acknowledgments
First, we thank Jerry Westby for choosing to work with us yet again and for shepherding our
stubborn ideas for a different kind of book on deviance and social control through the publication
process. Jerry’s faith in this book and our vision and ideas for improving the second edition helped
to sustain the project through difficult patches and busy schedules.

We would also like to thank our graduate school mentors and friends; our time with these people
in the University of Washington sociology program contributed a great deal to our lasting
understanding of deviant behavior and social control: Bob Crutchfield, George Bridges, Joe Weis,
Charis Kubrin, Sara Steen, Rod Engen, Edie Simpson, Ed Day, and Tim Wadsworth—thanks to
you all! We hope you recognize your influence in this book, and we hope that we have made you
proud. We also thank Howie Becker for being a powerful figure in the field of deviance and social
control generally, a supportive mentor for Michelle specifically, and for writing the foreword to
this book.

Michelle would like to thank Kristin Bates and Randy Gainey for being wonderful coauthors and
friends. It’s a continuing joy to have colleagues who are like family and who even manage to make
working on endless revisions enjoyable. Sincerest appreciation to you both for sharing ideas and
laughs and for being there for every step of this journey. She also offers particular thanks to friends
and colleagues Charis Kubrin, Chris Uggen, Scott Akins, Kristin Barker, Becky Warner, and
Debbie Storrs for many, many thought-provoking conversations about teaching and writing. And
finally, she is endlessly thankful to her parents and sisters for giving her a strong and loving start to
life and for their continuing support.

Kristin would like to thank her colleagues in the Department of Sociology at California State
University, San Marcos, for sharing their critical perspectives, their intellectual energy, and their
friendship. A special thank you to Sharon Elise, Richelle Swan, and Marisol Clark-Ibañez. The
work isn’t work when I get to do it with all of you. To my students who remind me every day why
I love what I do. And all my love to my parents and sisters who taught, fostered, and lived
relativist/social constructionist/critical perspectives of deviance long before the livin’ was cool.

Randy would like to thank his colleagues at Old Dominion University, where going to work is like
going out and “playing with friends.” He would also like to thank all of the students who have kept
him engaged in social science research, always asking great questions and offering unique
solutions. Much love to my family and friends—you rock!!!

And Randy and Kristin would like to thank Michelle for her leadership and hard work and for
asking them to take this adventure with her. We always have fun with you!

We would also like to thank the reviewers of the first edition:

Keith J. Bell, West Liberty University, West Virginia

Cindy Brooks Dollar, North Carolina State University
Angela Butts, Rutgers University
Seth Crawford, Oregon State University
Joseph Gallo, Sam Houston State University
George Guay, Bridgewater State University
Abdy Javadzadeh, Florida International University
Eric Jorrey, Ohio University
Lutz Kaelber, University of Vermont

23
 Joachim Kibirige, Missouri Western State University
Ross Kleinstuber, University of Delaware, Newark
Carol Cirulli Lanham, University of Texas at Dallas
Timothy O’Boyle, Kutztown University of Philadelphia
Robert Peralta, University of Akron
Andrew Rochus, West Virginia University at Parkersburg
Julia So, University of New Mexico at Valencia
Lindsey Upton, Old Dominion University
Brenda Vollman, Loyola University New Orleans
Lisa Weinberg, Florida State University
Lester Howard Wielstein, California State University at Sacramento
Janelle Wilson, University of Minnesota Duluth

And finally, we thank the reviewers for the second edition:

Helen Brethauer-Gay, Florida A&M University

Heather Griffiths, Fayetteville State University
Kimberly Lancaster, Coastal Carolina Community College
Carol Cirulli Lanham, University of Texas at Dallas
Shanell K. Sanchez-Smith, Colorado Mesa University
Matthew P. Sheptoski, Grambling State University
Julia W. So, University of New Mexico at Valencia
Mathilda Spencer, University of Pittsburgh at Titusville
Richard Tardanico, Florida International University

24
How to Read a Research Article

As you travel through your studies of deviance and social control, you will soon learn that some of
the best known and/or emerging explanations of deviance come from research articles in academic
journals. This book has research articles included as part of the readings with most chapters, but
you may be asking yourself, “How do I read a research article?” It is our hope to answer this
question with a quick summary of the key elements of any research article, followed by the
questions you should be answering as you read through the assigned sections.

Research articles published in social science journals will generally include the following elements:
(1) introduction, (2) literature review, (3) methodology, (4) results, and (5) discussion/conclusion.

In the introduction, you will find an overview of the purpose of the research, and you will often
find the hypothesis or hypotheses. A hypothesis is most easily defined as an educated statement or
guess. In most hypotheses, you will find the following format: If X, Y will occur. For example, a
simple hypothesis may be: “If the price of gas increases, more people will ride bikes.” This is a
testable statement that the researcher wants to address in his or her study. Usually, authors will
state the hypothesis directly, but not always. Therefore, you must be aware of what the author is
actually testing in the research project. If you are unable to find the hypothesis, ask yourself what is
being tested, observed, and/or manipulated, and what are the expected results?

The next section of the research article is the literature review. At times the literature review will
be separated from the text in its own section, and at other times it will be found within the
introduction. In any case, the literature review is an examination of what other researchers have
already produced in terms of the research question or hypothesis. For example, returning to my
hypothesis on the relationship between gas prices and bike riding, we may find that five
researchers have previously conducted studies on the effects of increases in gas prices. In the
literature review, I will discuss their findings and then discuss what my study will add to the
existing research. The literature review may also be used as a platform of support for my
hypothesis. For example, one researcher may have already determined that an increase in gas prices
causes more people to Rollerblade to work. I can use this study as evidence to support my
hypothesis that increased gas prices will lead to more bike riding.

The methods used in the research design are found in the next section of the research article. In
the methodology section you will find the following: who/what was studied, how many subjects
were studied, and how the data were collected and processed. The methods section is usually very
concise, with every step of the research project recorded. This is important because a major goal of
the researcher is “reliability,” or, if the research is done over again the same way, discovering if the
results are the same.

The results section is an analysis of the researcher’s findings. If the researcher conducted a
quantitative study (using numbers or statistics to explain the research), you will find statistical
tables and analyses that explain whether or not the researcher’s hypothesis is supported. If the
researcher conducted a qualitative study (non-numerical research for the purpose of theory
construction), the results will usually be displayed as a theoretical analysis or interpretation of the
research question.

Finally, the research article will conclude with a discussion and summary of the study, examining
the implications of the research and what future research is still needed.

Now that you know the key elements of a research article, let us examine a sample article from

25
your text.

From Chapter 2: “The ‘Simmie’ Side of Life: Old Order Amish Youths’ Affective Response to
Culturally Prescribed Deviance,” by Denise M. Reiling

1. What is the thesis or main idea from this article?

The thesis or main idea is found in the introduction of this article. At the beginning of the
fifth paragraph, Reiling states, “Within this article, the special case of the Old Order Amish,
a predominately North American Christian subculture, has been offered through which to
examine selected propositions of TMT.” Terror Management Theory suggests that, as youth
realize that they are “mortal” (as the concept of death becomes more concrete for them), they
will rely on youth culture to make this dawning notion of their mortality more bearable.
Reiling goes on to explain that the unique context of Amish culture is a rare opportunity to
explore the Terror Management Theory, agency, and social competence.

2. What is the hypothesis?

Specifically, Reiling wants to know how the “simmie” period (the time during which Amish
youth must engage in deviance in order to determine whether they will make “good” Amish
adults) affects Amish youth.

3. Is there any prior literature related to the hypothesis?

Reiling offers two discussions of the literature. The first discussion of literature sets the stage
for her research study. It appears in the first three pages of the paper, offering a brief
discussion of Terror Management Theory and youth culture. However, because this is a
qualitative study on a very specific population that the general public probably does not have
much familiarity with, Reiling offers a second review of literature in the Setting section of the
paper that gives background on the Amish culture specifically.

4. What methods are used to support this hypothesis?

In the Methods and Setting section, Reiling goes into great detail as to how she has collected
her data. She engaged in 60 in-depth interviews (averaging 5 hours in length) of three Amish
groups—Amish youth, Amish adults who had accepted the Amish culture and been baptized
as adults, and adults who had been born Amish but had decided after their simmie period not
to return to the Amish life.

5. Is this a qualitative study or a quantitative study?

To determine whether a study is qualitative or quantitative, you can look at either the
methods section, which may often tell you whether quantitative or qualitative methods are
being used, or look at the results section. If the results are presented numerically, it is a
quantitative study; if they are presented non-numerically (an analysis of quotes from
interviews, for example), it is a qualitative study. Reiling states specifically that her study is
qualitative; her results are presented non-numerically, in the form of analysis of interview
quotes.

6. What are the results and how does the author present the results?

Reiling found that Amish youth forced into deviance or encouraged to engage in deviance
during their simmie period experienced a great deal of anxiety and depression because many
feared for their souls should they die before they got a chance to be baptized after this stage.

26
 Because of this unique cultural stage, most simmie youth actually reported a greater
preference for adult culture rather than the simmie youth culture (contrary to the predictions
of TMT).

7. Do you believe that the authors provided a persuasive argument? Why or why not?

The answer to this question is ultimately up to the reader, but a reader should think about
the questions (research question and hypotheses) being asked, the theoretical framework
being applied, and the methods used while answering this question.

8. What does the article add to your knowledge of the subject?

Again, this question is specific to each reader, and we suspect that you won’t all respond the
same to the same articles. In other words, an article that really excites one of you and gets you
thinking about deviance may not be the article that excites someone else. But in general,
when thinking about this question, you may want to ask yourself whether it effectively
answers the question, So what?

We think that this article does add value. It is a fascinating examination of a specific culture
that shows us that the context of the culture we grow up in has an effect on how we respond
to deviance and our growing awareness of our mortality. We think that is useful for our
understanding of deviance.

9. What are the implications for public policy (or social change) concerning deviance that can
be derived from this article?

Not all articles will be equally good at addressing public policy. Some articles may be more
about our cultural understanding of difference (as is the case with this article), and a formal
public policy response would be inappropriate given how deviance is being framed.

This study, however, does point out that Amish youth experience a great deal of anxiety and
depression while engaging in their simmie experience. While a formal public policy may be
inappropriate, we can argue that the Amish may want to be aware of this anxiety and
depression in order to make available some systematic help for youth after their experiences.

Now that we have gone through the elements of a research article, you should continue to answer
these questions as you read the other articles in this textbook. The questions may be easier to
answer for some of the articles than for others, but do not give up! You will benefit the most from
answering these questions with the hardest articles.

27
Chapter 1 Introduction to Deviance

Founded in 1972, the Fremont Fair is one of Seattle’s most beloved neighborhood street
festivals, featuring a weekend of eclectic activities that celebrate the quirky community of
Fremont, the self-proclaimed “center of the universe.” Held annually in mid-June to
coincide with the Summer Solstice, the event draws more than 100,000 people to shop,
eat, drink, mingle, groove, and enjoy all manners of creative expression. Artistic
highlights include craft and art booths, street performers, local bands, wacky decorated
art cars, the free-spirited Solstice Parade produced by the Fremont Arts Council, and
many other oddities that personify Fremont’s official motto “Delibertus Quirkus”—
Freedom to be Peculiar.

—Fremont Fair (2010)

The Fremont Arts Council (FAC) is a community-based celebration arts organization. We value
volunteerism; community participation; artistic expression; and the sharing of arts skills. The
Fremont Solstice Parade is the defining event of the FAC. We celebrate the longest day of the
year through profound street theater, public spectacle, and a kaleidoscope of joyous human
expressions. We welcome the participation of everyone regardless of who they are, or what they
think or believe. However, the FAC reserves the right to control the content presented in the
Fremont Solstice Parade.

The rules of the Fremont Solstice Parade, which make this event distinct from other types of
parades, are:

No written or printed words or logos

No animals (except guide dogs and service animals)
No motorized vehicles (except wheelchairs)
No real weapons or fire

—Fremont Arts Council (2010)

It is true that a parade with no logos, animals, or motorized vehicles is different from most parades
that we experience in the United States. But one more thing sets the Fremont Solstice Parade
apart from other parades: the public displays of nudity. Every year at the parade, a contingent of
nude, body-painted bicyclists (both men and women) ride through the streets of Fremont as part
of the parade. Rain or shine (and let’s face it, in June in Seattle, there can be a lot of rain), a large
group of naked adults cycle down the street as the crowds cheer and wave. The Fremont City
Council estimates that more than 100,000 people visit the weekend fair, and pictures show that
the streets are crowded with parade watchers, from the very young to elderly.

Contrast this event to the following story of a flasher in San Diego County. Between the summer
of 2009 and the summer of 2010, there were numerous reports of an adult man flashing hikers and
runners on Mission Trails near Lake Murphy in San Diego. An undercover operation was set in
motion to catch this flasher, and on July 19, 2010, an adult man was apprehended while flashing
an undercover officer who was posing as a jogger in the park. The man was held on $50,000 bail
while waiting for arraignment (KFMB-News 8, 2010).

While both these events center on public displays of nudity, one is celebrated while the other is
vilified. Why?

Photos 1.1 & 1.2 When is a public display of nudity considered deviant? When is it

28
celebrated?

©JMW Scout/iStockphoto

Photodisc/ThinkStock

29
Introduction
You might expect that a book about deviance would start with a definition of what deviance is.
But like all things worth studying, a simple definition does not exist. For example, in the stories
above, one public display of nudity was not only welcomed but celebrated by 6-year-olds and
grandmothers alike, but another display led to arrest and possible jail time. Why? This chapter and
this book explore how it can be that the Fremont Summer Solstice Parade can be celebrated in the
same summer that a flasher is arrested and held on $50,000 bail until charged.

30
Conceptions of Deviance
All deviance textbooks offer their “conceptions of deviance.” Rubington and Weinberg (2008)
argue that there are generally two conceptions of deviance as either “objectively given” or
“subjectively problematic.” Clinard and Meier (2010) also suggest two general conceptions of
deviance, the reactionist or relativist conception and the normative conception. Thio (2009)
argues that we can view deviance from a positivist perspective or a constructionist perspective.

While none of these authors are using the same language, they are defining similar conceptions of
deviance. The first conception—that of an “objectively given,” normative, or positivist conception
of deviance—assumes that there is a general set of norms of behavior, conduct, and conditions on
which we can agree. Norms are rules of behavior that guide people’s actions. Sumner (1906) broke
norms down into three categories: folkways, mores, and laws. Folkways are everyday norms that
do not generate much uproar if they are violated. Think of them as behaviors that might be
considered rude if engaged in, like standing too close to someone while speaking or picking one’s
nose. Mores are “moral” norms that may generate more outrage if broken. In a capitalist society,
homelessness and unemployment can elicit outrage if the person is considered unworthy of
sympathy. Similarly, drinking too much or alcoholism may be seen as a lapse in moral judgment.
Finally, the third type of norm is the law, which is considered the strongest norm because it is
backed by official sanctions (or a formal response). In this conception, then, deviance becomes a
violation of a rule understood by the majority of the group. This rule may be minor, in which case
the deviant is seen as “weird but harmless,” or the rule may be major, in which case the deviant is
seen as “criminal.” The obvious problem with this conceptualization goes back to the earlier
examples of reactions to public nudity, where we see that violation of a most “serious” norm (law)
can receive quite different reactions. This leads to the second conception.

The second conception of deviance—the “subjectively problematic,” reactionist or relativist, social

constructionist conception—assumes that the definition of deviance is constructed based on the
interactions of those in society. According to this conception, behaviors or conditions are not
inherently deviant; they become so when the definition of deviance is applied to them. The study
of deviance is not about why certain individuals violate norms but, instead, about how those norms
are constructed. Social constructionists believe that our understanding of the world is in constant
negotiation between actors. Those who have a relativist conception of deviance define deviance as
those behaviors that elicit a definition or label of deviance:

Social groups create deviance by making the rules whose infraction constitutes deviance,
and by applying those rules to particular people and labeling them as outsiders. For this
point of view, deviance is not a quality of the act the person commits but rather a
consequence of the application by others of rules and sanctions to an “offender.” The
deviant is one to whom that label has successfully been applied; deviant behavior is
behavior that people so label. (Becker, 1973, p. 9)

This is a fruitful conceptualization, but it is also problematic. What about very serious violations of
norms that are never known or reacted to? Some strict reactionists or relativists would argue that
these acts (beliefs or attitudes) are not deviant. Most of us would agree that killing someone and
making it look like he or she simply skipped the country is deviant. However, there may be no
reaction.

A third conception of deviance that has not been advanced in many textbooks (for an exception,

31
see DeKeseredy, Ellis, & Alvi, 2005) is a critical definition of deviance (Jensen, 2007). Those
working from a critical conception of deviance argue that the normative understanding of deviance
is established by those in power to maintain and enhance their power. It suggests that explorations
of deviance have focused on a white, male, middle- to upper-class understanding of society that
implies that people of color, women, and the working poor are by definition deviant. Instead of
focusing on individual types of deviance, this conception critiques the social system that exists and
creates such norms in the first place. This, too, is a useful and powerful approach, but there are
still some things that the vast majority of society agrees are so immoral, unethical, and deviant that
they should be illegal and that the system can serve to protect our interests against these things.

Given that each of these conceptualizations is useful but problematic, we do not adhere to a single
conception of deviance in this book because the theories of deviance do not adhere to a single
conception. You will see that several of our theories assume a normative conception, whereas
several assume a social constructionist or critical conception. As you explore each of these theories,
think about what the conception of deviance and theoretical perspective mean for the questions we
ask and answer about deviance (Table 1.1).

32
 Be Careful Who You Are Calling Deviant: Body Ritual Among the
Nacirema
In 1956, Horace Miner published an article on the Nacirema, a poorly understood culture that he
claimed engaged in body rituals and ceremonies that were unique, obsessive, and almost magical.
He highlighted several of these beliefs and actions:

The fundamental belief of the Nacirema people is that the human body is ugly and prone to
“debility and disease.”
The people engage in rituals and ceremonies in a “ritual center” considered to be a shrine.
Affluent members of society may have more than one shrine devoted to these rituals and
ceremonies.
Each shrine has, near its center point, a box or chest filled with magical potions. Many
believe they cannot live without these magical potions and so collect to the point of hoarding
them, afraid to let them go even when it is determined they may no longer hold their magic.
The people have an “almost pathological horror and fascination with the mouth, the
condition of which is believed to have a supernatural influence on all social relationships.
Were it not for the rituals of the mouth, they believe that their teeth would fall out, their
gums bleed, their jaws shrink, their friends desert them, and their lovers reject them” (p.
505).

Miner never lets on that this fascinating culture that believes magic will transform its members’
ugly, diseased bodies is actually American (Nacirema spelled backward) culture. But his point is
made: Our understanding and interpretation of events and behaviors is often relative. If we step
back from the everyday events in which we engage with little thought, our most accepted practices
can be made to seem deviant.

Take a moment to examine some everyday activity that you engage in from the perspective of an
outsider. What might watching television, going to a sporting event, babysitting, or surfing look
like to those who have never experienced it? Can you write a description of this everyday event
from an outsider’s point of view?

Source: Miner (1956).

Table 1.1 Conceptions of Deviance

Table 1.1 Conceptions of Deviance

Conceptions of Example Research

Assumptions Definition of Deviance
Deviance Question

There is a general set

“What leads an
of norms of A violation of a rule
Positivist or individual to
behavior, conduct, understood by the majority
Normative engage in deviant
and conditions on of the group
behavior?”
which we can agree.

“What
Nothing is
characteristics
inherently deviant;
Deviance is any behavior increase the
our understanding of
Relativist/Social likelihood that an
the world is in that elicits a definition or
Constructionist individual or a
constant negotiation
between actors. label of deviance. behavior will be
33
 between actors. defined as deviant?”

The normative
Instead of focusing on “What is the
understanding of
individual types of deviance, experience of the
deviance is
this conception critiques homeless, and who
Critical established by those
the social system that exists is served by their
in power to maintain
and creates such norms in treatment as
and enhance their
the first place. deviant?”
power.

34
How Do YOU Define Deviance?
As Justice Potter Stewart of the Supreme Court once famously wrote about trying to define
obscene materials, “I shall not today attempt further to define the kinds of material I understand to
be embraced within that shorthand description; and perhaps I could never succeed in intelligibly
doing so. But I know it when I see it” (Jacobellis v. Ohio, 1964). Those who do not study deviance
for a living probably find themselves in the same boat; it may be hard to write a definition, but
how hard could it be to “know it when we see it”?

Choose a busy place to sit and observe human behavior for one hour. Write down all the behaviors
that you observe during that hour. Do you consider any of these behaviors to be deviant? Which
conception of deviance are you using when you define each as deviant? Might there be some
instances (e.g., places or times) when that behavior you consider to be nondeviant right now might
become deviant? Finally, bring your list of behaviors to class. In pairs, share your list of behaviors
and your definitions of deviant behaviors with your partner. Do you agree on your categorization?
Why or why not?

35
Deviance in Popular Culture
Many types of deviance are portrayed and investigated in popular culture. Films and television
shows, for example, illustrate a wide range of deviant behavior and social control. There are often
several interpretations of what acts are deviant in each film. How do you know when an act or
person is deviant? One way to develop your sociological imagination is to watch films and
television shows from a critical perspective and to think about how different theories would
explain the deviant behavior and the reactions portrayed. To get you started, we’ve listed a number
of films and television shows that you might watch and explore for examples of cultural norms,
different types of deviant behavior, and coping with stigma.

36
Films
Trekkies—A documentary following the stories of individuals who are superfans of Star Trek.
Known as Trekkies, these individuals have incorporated Star Trek into their everyday lives.
Some wear the uniforms or speak and teach the various languages from the show, one has
considered surgery to alter the shape of his ears, and some have legally changed their names
and incorporated Star Trek into their businesses and workplaces. The movie documents their
fandom and experiences navigating these consuming obsessions while in mainstream society.
Crumb—A movie about the cartoonist Robert Crumb, who was a pioneer of the
underground comix. This movie offers a dark portrait of an artist besieged with personal and
family demons.
The Usual Suspects—A story of five men who are brought in for questioning for a crime they
did not commit. While being held on suspicion of that crime, they agree to work together on
another crime. They soon realize they are being set up by someone they had wronged in the
past.
Fourteen Days in May—A BBC documentary of the fourteen days before Edward Earl
Johnson’s execution date in a Mississippi gas chamber. The film follows Johnson’s
allegations that his confession had been made under duress and that he was innocent and the
reactions from other death row inmates, prison guards, and the warden.

37
Television
Television, reality shows and the TLC channel, in particular, features a number of programs
offering an inside view of people perceived as deviant or different in some way and showing how
they deal with stigma from various sources.

Sister Wives—A look inside the world of a polygamist marriage. This reality show introduces
viewers to a man, his four wives, and his 16 children. His motto: “Love should be multiplied,
not divided.”
My Strange Addiction—A reality show that highlights potentially deviant obsessions of
individuals with addictions such as eating glass, plastic bags, household cleaners, or makeup;
having dozens of surgeries in order to look like a living doll; and living as husband and wife
with a synthetic doll.
Seinfeld—A situation comedy that is simply masterful at focusing on small behaviors or
characteristics that break norms and are perceived as deviant. Episodes on the close talker,
the low talker, and the high talker, for example, all illustrate unwritten norms of
interpersonal communication.

38
The Internet/Podcasts/Social Media
The Internet may be one of the best places to go for our examples of deviance and social control. It
is all right at our fingertips all the time.

Dr. Pimple Popper, aka Dr. Sandra Lee. There are many YouTube videos dedicated to the
oddities of the body, but one of our favorites is Dr. Pimple Popper, a board certified
dermatologist who tapes some of her “extractions” for the popaholics who like to tune in to
watch blackheads and pimples get popped.

In each of the chapters that follow, we will offer suggestions of one or more features of pop culture
for you to watch from the theoretical perspective outlined in the chapter. We think you’ll soon
agree: Deviance is all around us.

39
The Sociological Imagination
Those of us who are sociologists can probably remember the first time we were introduced to the
concept of the sociological imagination. Mills argues that the only way to truly understand the
experiences of the individual is to first understand the societal, institutional, and historical
conditions that individual is living under. In other words, Mills believes that no man, woman, or
child is an island. Below is an excerpt from C. Wright Mills’s (1959/2000) profound book, The
Sociological Imagination.

Men do not usually define the troubles they endure in terms of historical change and
institutional contradiction. The well-being they enjoy, they do not usually impute to the
big ups and downs of the societies in which they live. Seldom aware of the intricate
connection between the patterns of their own lives and the course of world history,
ordinary men do not usually know what this connection means for the kinds of men they
are becoming and for the kinds of history-making in which they might take part. They
do not possess the quality of mind essential to grasp the interplay of man and society, of
biography and history, of self and world. They cannot cope with their personal troubles
in such ways as to control the structural transformations that usually lie behind them. . .
.

The sociological imagination enables its possessor to understand the larger historical
scene in terms of its meaning for the inner life and the external career of a variety of
individuals. It enables him to take into account how individuals, in the welter of their
daily experience, often become falsely conscious of their social positions. With that
welter, the framework of modern society is sought, and within that framework the
psychologies of a variety of men and women are formulated. By such means the personal
uneasiness of individuals is focused upon explicit troubles and the indifference of publics
is transformed into involvement with public issues.

The first fruit of this imagination—and the first lesson of the social science that
embodies it—is the idea that the individual can understand his own experience and
gauge his own fate only by locating himself within his period, that he can know his own
chances in life only by becoming aware of those of all individuals in his circumstances.
In many ways it is a terrible lesson; in many ways a magnificent one. . . .

In these terms, consider unemployment. When, in a city of 100,000, only one man is
unemployed, that is his personal trouble, and for its relief we properly look to the
character of the man, his skills, and his immediate opportunities. But when in a nation
of 50 million employees, 15 million men are unemployed, that is an issue, and we may
not hope to find its solution within the range of opportunities open to any one
individual. The very structure of opportunities has collapsed. Both the correct statement
of the problem and the range of possible solutions require us to consider the economic
and political institutions of the society, and not merely the personal situation and
character of a scatter of individuals. . . .

What we experience in various and specific milieux, I have noted, is often caused by
structural changes. Accordingly, to understand the changes of many personal milieux we
are required to look beyond them. And the number and variety of such structural
changes increase as the institutions within which we live become more embracing and
more intricately connected with one another. To be aware of the idea of social structure

40
 and to use it with sensibility is to be capable of tracing such linkages among a great
variety of milieux. To be able to do that is to possess the sociological imagination. (The
Sociological Imagination by C. Wright Mills [2000] pp. 3–11. By permission of Oxford
University Press, USA.)

One of our favorite examples of the sociological imagination in action is the “salad bar” example.
In the United States, one of the persistent philosophies is that of individualism and personal
responsibility. Under this philosophy, individuals are assumed to be solely responsible for their
successes and failures. This philosophy relies heavily on the notion that individuals are rational
actors who weigh the costs and benefits of their actions, can see the consequences of their
behavior, and have perfect information. The salad bar example helps those who rely heavily on this
conception of the individual to see the importance of social structure to individual behavior.

No one doubts that when you order a salad bar at a restaurant, you are responsible for building
your own salad. Every person makes his or her own salad, and no two salads look exactly alike.
Some make salads with lots of lettuce and vegetables, very little cheese, and fat-free dressing.
Others create a salad that is piled high with cheese, croutons, and lots and lots of dressing. Those
who are unhappy with their choices while making their salad have only themselves to blame, right?
Not necessarily.

A salad is only as good as the salad bar it is created from. In other words, individuals making a
salad can only make a salad from the ingredients supplied from the salad bar. If the restaurant is
out of croutons that day or decided to put watermelon out instead of cantaloupe, the individual
must build his or her salad within these constraints. Some individuals with a great sense of
personal power may request additional items from the back of the restaurant, but most individuals
will choose to build a salad based on the items available to them on the salad bar. In other words,
the individual choice is constrained by the larger social forces of delivery schedules, food inventory,
and worker decision making. The sociological imagination is especially important to understand
because it is the building block for our understanding of deviance and sociological theory.

Photo 1.3 The salad bar can represent the restriction on choices that individuals have.
We can only make our salad with the ingredients offered to us on the salad bar.

41
 Comstock/Thinkstock

The sociological imagination helps us understand the impact of social forces on both engaging in
and reacting to deviance. One of the easiest reactions to or assumptions about someone who
engages in deviance is that they are “sick” or “mentally ill.” This assumption is what we refer to as
pathologizing an individual. It puts all the responsibility for their actions onto them without
asking what impact the social forces and social structures around them might have. The
sociological imagination reminds us that individuals exist in a larger social system, and they impact
that larger social system just as it impacts them. One of the ways to systematically understand
these impacts is to understand sociological theory.

42
The Importance of Theory
The three of us (the authors of this book) spent many hours discussing the importance of theory as
we wrote this book. Why did we choose to write a textbook about deviance with theory as the
central theme? Many of you may also be asking this question and worrying that a book about
theory may suck the life right out of a discussion about deviance. Really, who wants to be thinking
about theory when we could be talking about “nuts, sluts, and preverts” (Liazos, 1972)? But this is
precisely why we must make theory central to any discussion of deviance—because theory helps us
systematically think about deviance. If it weren’t for theory, classes about deviance would be akin to
watching MTV’s Jersey Shore or Bravo’s The Real Housewives of New Jersey (Why is New Jersey so
popular for these shows?)—it may be entertaining, but we have no clearer understanding of the
“real” people of New Jersey when we are done watching.

Theory is what turns anecdotes about human behavior into a systematic understanding of societal
behavior. It does this by playing an intricate part in research and the scientific method.

The scientific method is a systematic procedure that helps safeguard against researcher bias and the
power of anecdotes by following several simple steps (Figure 1.1). First, a researcher starts with a
research question. If the researcher is engaging in deductive research, this question comes from a
theoretical perspective. This theory and research question help the researcher create hypotheses
(testable statements) about a phenomenon being studied. Once the researcher has created
hypotheses, he or she collects data to test these hypotheses. We discuss data and data collection
methods for deviance research in detail in Chapter 3. The researcher then analyzes these data,
interprets the findings, and concludes whether or not his or her hypotheses have been supported.
These findings then inform whether the theory the researcher used helps with our understanding
of the world or should be revised to take into consideration information that does not support its
current model. If a researcher is engaging in inductive research, he or she also starts with a
research question, but in the beginning, the researcher’s theory may be what we call “grounded
theory.” Using qualitative methods, such as participant observation or in-depth interviews, the
researcher would collect data and analyze these data, looking for common themes throughout.
These findings would be used to create a theory “from the ground up.” In other words, while a
deductive researcher would start with a theory that guides every step of the research, an inductive
researcher might start with a broad theoretical perspective and a research question and, through
the systematic collection of data and rigorous analyses, would hone that broad theoretical
perspective into a more specific theory. This theory would then be tested again as the researcher
continued on with his or her work, or others, finding this new theory to be useful and interesting,
might opt to use it to inform both their deductive and inductive work.

Figure 1.1 The Scientific Method Allows Us to Systematically Examine Social

Phenomena Such as Deviance

43
If we go back to our example of reality shows about people from New Jersey, we may see the
difference between an anecdote and a more theoretically grounded understanding of human
behavior. After watching both Jersey Shore and The Real Housewives of New Jersey, we may conclude
that people from New Jersey are loud, self-absorbed, and overly tan (all three of which might be
considered deviant behaviors or characteristics). However, we have not systematically studied the
people of New Jersey to arrive at our conclusion. Using inductive reasoning, based on our initial
observation, we may start with a research question that states that because the people of New
Jersey are loud, self-absorbed, and overly tan, we are interested in knowing about the emotional
connections they have with friends and family. (We may suspect that self-absorbed people are
more likely to have relationships with conflict.) However, as we continue along the scientific
method, we systematically gather data from more than just the reality stars of these two shows.
We interview teachers, police officers, retired lawyers, and college students. What we soon learn as
we analyze these interviews is that the general public in New Jersey is really not all that tan, loud,
or self-absorbed, and they speak openly and warmly about strong connections to family and
friends. This research leads us to reexamine our initial theory about the characteristics of people
from New Jersey and offer a new theory based on systematic analysis. This new theory then
informs subsequent research on the people of New Jersey. If we did not have theory and the
scientific method, our understanding of deviance would be based on wild observations and
anecdotes, which may be significantly misleading and unrepresentative of the social reality.

44
In addition to being systematic and testable (through the scientific method), theory offers solutions
to the problems we study. One of the hardest knocks against the study of deviance and crime has
been the historically carnival sideshow nature (Liazos, 1972) of much of the study of deviance. By
focusing on individuals and a certain caste of deviants (those without power) and using less-than-
systematic methods, deviance researchers were just pointing at “nuts, sluts, and preverts” and not
advancing their broader understanding of the interplay of power, social structure, and behavior.
Theory can focus our attention on this interplay and offer solutions beyond the individual and the
deficit model, which is a model that focuses on the individual (or group) in question and blames
the deviance on something broken, lacking, or deficient in him or her. Bendle (1999) also argued
that the study of deviance was in a state of crisis because researchers were no longer studying
relevant problems or offering useful solutions. One of Bendle’s solutions is to push for new
theories of deviant behavior.

Theoretical solutions to the issue of deviance are especially important because many of our current
responses to deviant behavior are erroneously based on an individualistic notion of human nature
that does not take into account humans as social beings or the importance of social structure, social
institutions, power, and broad societal changes for deviance and deviants.

45
The Poverty of the Sociology of Deviance: Nuts, Sluts, and Preverts
Liazos argues that the study of deviance used to be the study of “nuts, sluts, and preverts,” a
sensationalistic ritual in finger-pointing and moralizing. The focus was on individuals and their
“aberrant” behavior. This meant that the most harmful behaviors in society—the ones that affected
us most thoroughly—were ignored and, in ignoring them, normalized. Liazos referred to these
forms of deviance as covert institutional violence.

According to Liazos, the poverty of the study of deviance was threefold: First, even when trying to
point out how normal the “deviance” or “deviant” is, by pointing out the person or behavior, we are
acknowledging the difference. If that difference really were invisible, how and why would we be
studying it? This meant by even studying deviance, a moral choice had already been made—some
differences were studied; some were not. Second, by extension, deviance research rarely studied
elite deviance and structural deviance, instead focusing on “dramatic” forms of deviance, such as
prostitution, juvenile delinquency, and homosexuality. Liazos argues that it is important to,
instead, study covert institutional violence, which leads to such things as poverty and exploitation.
Instead of studying tax cheats, we should study unjust tax laws; instead of studying prostitution, we
should study racism and sexism as deviance. Finally, Liazos argues that even those who profess to
study the relationship between power and deviance do not really acknowledge the importance of
power. These researchers still give those in positions of power a pass to engage in harmful behavior
by not defining much elite deviance as deviance at all.

The implication of this is that those who study deviance have allowed the definition of deviance to
be settled for them. And this definition benefits not only individuals in power but also a system
that has routinely engaged in harmful acts. While Liazos wrote this important critique of the
sociology of deviance in 1972, much of his analysis holds up to this day. In this book, we examine
theories expressly capable of addressing this critique.

As you explore each of the theories offered to you in this book, remember Liazos’s critique. Which
theories are more likely to focus on “nuts, sluts, and preverts”? Which are more likely to focus on
elite deviance and new conceptions of deviance?

Compiled from Alexander Liazos, 1972, in Social Problems, 20(1), 103–120.

46
Explaining Deviance in the Streets and Deviance in the Suites
We have included a section in each chapter that discusses a “street” deviance and juxtaposes it
against an “elite” or “suite” deviance. We have chosen to do this because, in many instances, street
deviance is the focus of examinations. (Again, we gravitate to conversations of “nuts, sluts, and
preverts” if we aren’t systematic.) We wanted to make sure for each street deviance we explored
that we offered an exploration of an elite deviance, too. Depending on the chapter, we have chosen
to do this in one of two ways. Some chapters focus on a single deviance that, while engaged in by a
variety of individuals, is interpreted differently depending on the characteristics of who is engaging
in it. For example, in Chapter 6, we focus on social learning theory and drug use and examine how
class neighborhood characteristics impact drug use. In Chapter 8, we focus on labeling theory and
how the class characteristics of individuals impact the likelihood that they will be labeled a person
with a drinking problem. Both of these approaches show that a single behavior is impacted by class
—by affecting either the likelihood of engaging in the behavior or the likelihood that the behavior
will be perceived as deviant. Finally, in some of our chapters, we choose to examine two separate
forms of deviance, highlighting how a street deviance (one that often receives more attention, is
perceived as more detrimental, or is perceived as likely to be engaged in by the poor) compares
with an elite or suite deviance (often an action or behavior that many cannot agree is deviant or
that is engaged in by those who have substantial amounts of power). For example, in Chapter 10,
we use critical theories to discuss how changing technologies have affected pornography (our
example of street deviance) and illegal government surveillance (our example of suite deviance). In
chapters such as this, we want to highlight how a single theory may address behaviors that are
often on very different ends of the power and class spectrum. In all of the chapters, we first offer a
substantive discussion of the deviance before we analyze it from the perspective of the chapter.

47
Ideas in Action
For the purposes of this book, we are expanding the discussion of public policy to include public
and private programs, which is why we have titled this section in each chapter “Ideas in Action.”
While a single, concrete definition of public policy is elusive, there is general agreement that
public policy is the sometimes unwritten actions taken by the city, state, or federal government.
These actions may be as formal as a law or regulation or be more informal in nature, such as an
institutional custom. While public policy is often associated with government guidelines or
actions, we also find it important to highlight the work of public and private programs, nonprofits,
and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). For this reason, our “Ideas in Action” section may
highlight a private program or entity or a public (state or federal) guideline, rule, or law that affects
our understanding or control of deviance.

Some argue that tension exists between public policies and private programs created to address
deviance, crime, and public well-being. These tensions are twofold. The first argument involves
what some argue is a movement of public well-being out of the public realm (the government) to a
private and more likely profit-motivated industry (private programs). This shift is often referred to
as neoliberalism.

The term neoliberalism refers to a political, economic, and social ideology that argues
that low government intervention, a privatization of services that in the past have
predominately been the domain of government, an adherence to a free-market
philosophy, and an emphasis on deregulation (Frericks, Maier, & de Graaf, 2009) is
“the source and arbiter of human freedoms” (Mudge, 2008, p. 704). What may be one of
the most important aspects of neoliberalism from the standpoint of those focused on
social justice, then, is this link between the free markets and morality. While free
markets have proven time and again to place the utmost emphasis on the profit motive
(because this is what the free market is: an adherence to the notion of supply and
demand)—this connection between free markets and “freedom” seems to intrinsically
suggest that free markets, and, therefore, neoliberalism, have individual well-being as
their focus.

However, individual well-being in the form of a guarantee that individuals will have
access to the basic human needs of shelter, food, clothing, good health care, and safety
from harm is not always produced by two of the most central components of
neoliberalism—privatization and deregulation. In some ways, privatization and
deregulation are opposite sides of the same coin. Privatization means the “opening up of
the market” and the loosening of the rules (regulations) that are often the purview of the
government. But privatization, at its core, is also the introduction of the profit motive
into services that, at their core, are about protecting the human condition. A reliance on
a neoliberal philosophy and free market economy means that we begin to evaluate
everything through the lens of profit and cost-benefit analyses. We abdicate the
responsibility of the state to private companies and then feign surprise when those
companies defer to the profit motive. . . . In addition to the increased preference for free
markets and profits, privatization both reduces state responsibility for the care of its
citizens and masks the lack of preparation of the government to care for its citizens that
quickly develops (Mitchell, 2001). (Bates & Swan, 2010, p. 442)

As you read and evaluate the policies and programs we have chosen, keep this argument in mind.

48
Does it play out with the programs we discuss?

The second argument is that public programs may more likely focus on suppression (the social
control of deviance), whereas private programs may more likely focus on rehabilitation and
prevention. In general, suppression policies are those that focus on the punishment and social
control of behavior deemed deviant. Rehabilitation programs focus on groups or individuals who
are deemed likely deviant and involve attempts to change this assumed deviant behavior.
Prevention programs may be focused on groups or individuals who are assumed to be more “at
risk” for deviant behavior, or they may be focused on decreasing the likelihood of deviance in all
groups equally. Many argue that there has been a buildup of suppression policies in the state and
federal governments at the expense of rehabilitation and prevention programs. Meranze (2009)
argues,

From the recently repealed Rockefeller drug laws through the expansion of the prison
systems in Texas and Florida, onto the increasingly punitive response to poverty in the
Clinton years, and the continuing disparity in sentencing laws, states and the federal
government have chosen the Iron State over the Golden State. And whatever arguments
there may be about the relative effectiveness of imprisonment in affecting crime rates (a
topic of great controversy amongst scholars and analysts), one thing seems certain: a
policy that exacerbates the brutalization of society is not one that will make us safer.
Investing in prisons means investing in institutions that produce neither goods nor new
opportunities (aside from the limited jobs available for prison employees and the one-
time opportunities in construction); money spent on imprisonment is money taken from
rebuilding our worn out infrastructure, our schools, our communities, and our economic
future. Insofar as corrections remains at the heart of our social policy—rather than as a
supplemental or marginal support as it was throughout most of United States history—it
is the Iron State stealing from the future of the Golden State. (n.p.)

Finally, according to Barlow and Decker (2010), “Policy ought to be guided by science rather than
by ideology” (p. xi). As we have already briefly discussed, a central part of the scientific method is
theory. Therefore, a book whose primary focus is a theoretical examination of deviance and social
control should have as one of its central themes an examination of public policy from the
viewpoint of each of these theories.

The reaction to deviance has often been spurred by interests well beyond science. Barlow and
Decker (2010) point out,

The pen remains firmly in the hands of politicians and legislators, whose allegiance is
less to the products of science—for example, how to deal with the AIDS pandemic,
warnings about global warming, and the ineffectiveness of the Strategic Defense
Initiative, or SDI (otherwise known as “Star Wars”)—than to the whims of voters and
the personal agendas of their counselors and financial supporters. (pp. xi–xii)

This means the reactions to deviance have often focused on the stigmatization and criminalization
of a variety of behaviors and, in many instances, on the harsh punishment of those behaviors.

We offer a wide variety of public policies, or “ideas in action,” that were designed to address
deviant behaviors. It will be your job to evaluate these programs and policies for their intents and
subsequent success.

49
50
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
 A Christmas Peep.
passed a toy window,
And many pretty things
Old Santa Claus had labeled,
And tied with silken strings.

A kite was bought for Jimmie,

A little stove for Kate,
A doll for Capitola,
For Charlie a new slate.

A silver knife for father,

For mother, dear, a fan,
And the prettiest little fiddle
Was bought for baby Dan.

Hang up your little stockings,

And keep the fireside bright,
Old Santa Claus is coming,
His sleigh is out to-night.

Ten dollars worth of candy

Was emptied in his sleigh,
And peanuts by the barrel,
To be eaten Christmas day.

His lap was full of toys,

Little drums and little ships,
Little buggies, little ponies,
And little riding whips.

The baby dolls were sleeping

 In their cradles snug,
But the others all were peeping
From underneath his rug.

Old Santa was so happy,

That as he drove along
He jingled ever sleigh bell,
And sang a Christmas song.

So don’t forget him, children,

He’s on the way to night,
Hang up your little stockings,
And keep the fireside bright.
 Winnie’s Christmas Eve.
OOR little Winnie had plodded the street,
Up and down through the rain and sleet,
Singing her innocent songs all day,
In a sweet and merry childish way;
Asking sometimes for the night a bed,
A bowl of milk, or a crust of bread.

She had sung on the corners and city square,

But no one had time to remember her there;
Numbers had passed her who never before
Failed to toss in her basket a penny or more.
It is Christmas; their hearts are so happy and light—
But poor little Winnie’s forgotten to-night.

Chilly and rayless the sky seems to frown,

The clouds, too, are shaking the soft snow-flakes down;
Over her pretty face, waltzing they fall
Into her bonnet and folds of the shawl;
Think of it, fathers, with firesides warm,
Poor little Winnie is out in the storm.

Backward and forward the tired feet go,

From her lips little ripples of music still flow.
Homeless and hungry, still begging for bread,
Receiving a curse and reproaches instead;
Shiv’ring with fear in the pitiless light,
Poor little Winnie is starving to-night.

Alone in the street, yet the little lips move,

Trying to echo those accents of love.
Ah! think of that, mothers! those syllables sweet
Of your darlings, how fondly the same you repeat!
You are trying so faithful to lead them aright
When poor little Winnie is freezing to-night.

See her! How slowly she’s moving along—

Her lips are too icy to echo the song.
How changed are her features! How feeble! how weak!
A pallor creeps over her forehead and cheek—
Perhaps it is only the flickering light,
Ah! no; little Winnie is dying to-night.

The revel is over in parlor and park,

The bonfire vanished, the street is so dark;
The snow-flakes are falling in many a heap,
The city is quiet, at rest, and asleep;
But there in the shadows, scarce out of sight,
Little Winnie lies dead in a snow-drift to-night.
 My Heart’s Little Room.
TO LIZZIE, DORA, AND GRACE.

HERE’S a dear little chamber somewhere in my heart

That opens to only you three;
Though many have tried to unfasten the door,
They picked at the lock till their fingers were sore,
For to file it apart
Vainly proved every art,
And in vain have they sought for the key.

Many times I go into this quaint little room,

The pictures to change or adjust;
I see your sweet faces grouped there with my own,
And I wonder that I feel so strangely alone;
But about through the room
I move briskly the broom,
And sweep from the corners the dust.

The windows I throw open wide to the air

To let in the breeze and the light;
I watch the sunbeams in their mischievous way
Creep into the curtains, like children at play,
And while I am there
I have no thought of care,
For the room is so warm and so bright.

And oft I look up from the balcony’s brink

To a sky that shows many a hue;
A vine clambers thickly the window above,
Where my birds sing together their rhythm of love;
My thoughts with them link
 For I sit here and think
And all of my song is for you.

Ah! some day I know you will come back to me

To rest in this queer little room;
And that’s why so tidy and clean it is kept,
The air always fragrant, the floor always swept,
For I long here to see
My sweet roses three,
As from buds into blossoms they bloom.

Then come when you may, be the sky black or blue,

The lock will unclasp as of yore;
For (unless Death should come introspecting my heart,
And break down its barriers and wrench them apart),
A friend that is true
Will be watching for you,
Ever waiting to unbar the door.
 The Three Muses.
ETHOUGHT three muses in disguise
As angels tapped upon my door,
And a dim light from paradise
Fell on the instruments they bore.
One held a zithern in her hand
And lightly swept the throbbing strings;
And, O! it seemed a fairy land
Was stirred by unexpected wings.

I held my breath and prayed that night

Would be extended into day,
But with the thought came morning’s light,
And low the echo died away.
An artist’s canvas, pink with dawn,
The second angel turned to me,
Her brush strayed o’er a grassy lawn
And dotted here and there a tree.

All blooming in immortal dyes,

With streamlets winding clear and blue,
Where, looking from the far off skies,
The clouds were mirrored to my view.
But when the sun blazed from the sky,
And on the painted landscape shone,
I heard the artist angel sigh,
And when I looked she, too, had flown.

The scratching of a pen I heard

And saw a face demure and sweet
With inspiration. Every word
I begged the angel to repeat.
A thousand zephyrs fanned the air,
Tuned low with hum of birds and bees,
No need of zithern music where
Æolian harps were in the trees.

No need of artists to rehearse

Upon the canvas nature, when
I saw the world revolve in verse
Upon the axis of the pen.
“Be thou eternally my guide,
Teach me your mystic pen to use!
O! linger ever near,” I cried,
“Musician, artist, poet—muse!”
 A Recollection.
N my heart there is a fragrance not of bursting buds or bloom,
But a faint delicious essence floats as out of memory’s room.

Like a zephyr blown from heaven some sweet message to impart,

Comes a fragile recollection down the by-path to my heart.

Fragile did I say? So fragile that the lace-wrought butterfly

Would not tilt its wings to bear it back from earth into the sky.

Yet perplexed as to its mission down the pathway I retreat,

Hark! an echo in the distance, as of silver-slippered feet.

Why should I evade its coming, when ’tis such a little thing?
Just a tiny recollection that my thoughts have given wing.

Soon, too soon, ’twill overtake me, see! ’tis gaining on me fast—
In my soul the rose leaves quiver—withered rose leaves of the past.

It is useless to dissemble, further fleeing is in vain,

’Round my heart I feel the tight’ning of a slender silken chain.

All the past spreads out around me, as if by the Hand above,
So I turn, and find I’m standing face to face with my first love.
 Don’t Question Him Why.
ON’T question him why if at times you can trace
A sorrowful something that looks from his face;
Though it shadows his brow as a raincloud the sky,
Look on it and wonder—don’t question him why.

If he steal from your side when the twilight descends,

And wander away from old comrades and friends,
To rest unobserved in some shady retreat,
Where the past and the present seem always to meet,

Don’t follow him there; let the stars overhead

Their better and holier sympathy shed—
And should an old love-light illumine his eye,
Though you bask in its splendor—don’t question him why.

For, out of the past that is shrouded away,

Looks a face omnipresent, unseen by the day.
A face like no other—a face in the sky
To be looked at and worshipped, but not questioned why.

Should his lips meet your own with an indifferent grace

That hurries the bloom to your averted face,
Though Doubt is a sentinel stationed near by,
Beware of his bayonet—don’t question why.

You may ask if you choose as he moves through the dance,

If ’tis Beauty or Passion that cowers his glance,
But question him not, O! ask him not why
There awoke in his bosom that deep-seated sigh.

Should he turn from the ball-room sometime with disgust

And shake from his sandals its memory and dust,
To bare a sick heart with its fevers of sin,
Beg heaven to filter a dewdrop within,

But question him not, for a word like a spark

Would quicken the pulses reduced by the dark;
Leave, leave him alone with his sorrow and God,
And let Silence spread o’er his heart’s grave the sod.
 Why?
HY is it that I keep her glove—
Poor little phantom of lost love—
Why was it that I wore her ring,
And love the songs she used to sing,
And treasure under lock and key,
The letters she has written me?
Why?

Why is it that where’er I go,

As footsteps follow in the snow,
As low and light, she seems to glide
Along the highway at my side?
Yet, when my arms seek to embrace
Her form, then vanishes her face.
Why?

Why is it that no other tone

Falls on my ear as did her own?
No other hand so soft and white,
No other eye so warm and bright—
Though other lips I since have pressed,
I something missed—the truth you’ve guessed.
Why?
 A Sunset Longing.
TO F. S. H.

HAT meaneth this unrest within my heart,

And why do I sit here alone and sigh?
The sunset throws its garnished doors apart,
And palace halls are opened in the sky—
I gaze upon the gold strewn in the west,
A miser, of his jewels dispossessed.

I have played in the sunset’s crimson rain,

And felt its saffron torch wave o’er my brow,
That heated to excess my maddened brain,
And threw a halo ’round my heart—but now,
Like some poor bird far from its kindred sky,
I look into the sunset—look and sigh.

I have no friend to lean upon my heart,

Ah! how I miss the pressure of thy hand,
And thy dear voice seems of the past a part;
Thy figure like a shade from shadow-land.
I think I would be happy if you came
And touched my hand, or softly called my name.

If I could look into your face to-night,

And search the deep mines of your pensive eyes,
Sure, I would find there a responsive light,
To dissipate from out my heart the sighs;
And then I know my lips would lose their scorn,
And in my soul a new impulse be born.

If we could wander off far from the crowd

 Among the hills—our voices there unheard—
Where once our hearts in unison beat loud,
To the sweet song of some wild mountain bird,
I think the twilight vail would lose its gloom,
That shrouds to-night the windows of my room.

Perhaps ’tis wrong that I should sadden you

With these rain-droppings that my heart-clouds shed;
Gladly would I distill a drop of dew
Down deep into your flower-like heart instead.
Some other night, if separation’s sky
Should clearer grow, dear absent one, I’ll try.
 Journeys.
H! the many, many journeys
I have taken in a day!
Journeys short and journeys long,
Journeys right and journeys wrong;
Often pausing on the way,
Themes so grand my thoughts delay—
Themes suggesting instant song—
Lofty, good,
Scarce understood,
Dying ere I knew their worth,
As an infant dies at birth.

Oh! the melancholy journeys

That on earth my eyes have seen!
Over cemeteries vast,
Like a spirit I have passed,
Where the helmet and canteen
Cankered near a grave-stone lean,
Where the warrior’s sword was cast;
And the mould,
So shallow rolled,
That the eagle from on high
Dropped his penetrating eye.

Oh! the mad, exciting journey!

Floating down the sunset’s tide,
Where there is no sign of sail,
Neither any promised gale.
Flames about on every side,
Every hope from me denied.
Even the clouds I can not hail;
As they drift,
Their cinders sift
On the water where they float,
Like a freighted, burning boat.

Oh! the sweet, yet lonesome journey

That I always take alone!
Back into the vanished past,
Where the sunshine runneth fast.
There the rose is open blown,
There I hear a loving tone,
There no twilight shades are cast;
But complete
And very sweet
Is the dawn, when, like a child,
Love looked in my heart and smiled.

Oh! the happy, happy journey,

With my loved one near my side!
Open stands the prison room;
We forget its chilly tomb.
Over fields of grain we glide,
Over rivers broad we ride,
Drinking up the earth’s perfume;
Like a thought
The muses taught—
Onward o’er the world we fly,
Like twin clouds born of the sky.

Oh! the swift, inspiring journey,

Far away in unknown space!
Where my castles stand complete,
And the gardens full and sweet;
Where the moonlight weaves its lace,
And a friend’s is every face,
And this land, need I repeat,
Is of dreams?
Here crystal streams
Lose their way, as from the throne,
In this country all my own.

Oh! the elevating journey!

Toward the zenith now I bend,
Far above the mundane sphere,
Stars like mighty worlds appear.
Losing sight of home and friends,
Higher still the path ascends.
Heaven is dawning very near;
But I pause,
Alas! because
To a mortal such as I,
Heaven an entrance must deny.
 The Lost Poem.
ONG ago beside my window, with an open manuscript,
I sat looking on a forest that with gold and brown was tipped,
Heeding nothing save the sighing of my own heart and the trees,
When into the open lattice like a whisper came the breeze.

Lingered at my lips a moment, past my temple then it crept,

And from out of my listless fingers an unfinished poem swept:
“Stop!” I cried unto a footman that was passing on the street,
“I will give you thirty shillings if you’ll bring me back that sheet.”

But he gazed into the heavens as he would upon a kite,

And I watched it sally upward, fading faster from my sight;
Then I said unto a swallow that flew by on rapid wing,
“Open wide I’ll throw the granary if my poem back you’ll bring.”

But he only flew the faster, and was soon beyond my sight;
And the daylight vanished from me, and to mock me sent the night.
O! there’s naught can daunt a spirit when the inner heart’s afire,
And the darkness sent upon me only did my aim inspire.

So I sought an humble dwelling, to a fortune-teller went,

And I tarried with the gipsy till the night was almost spent,
But I left her door disheartened; for she only said to me:
“Take this, search, and when you’ve found it, send or fetch again the
key.”

“But,” said I, “’tis lost in nature, in the sky or hills among,”

And the key back in her shanty with an angry word I flung;
For prophetic seemed her language, and my purposes were mocked,
If henceforth the heart of nature, Fate against my own had locked.
“Take it, search,” again she muttered, as I started to depart;
“And be careful how you use it; for it fits the human heart.”
In her hand I dropped a coin, and before the eye of day
Peeped from out the morning’s cradle I was far upon my way.

Like the breath of early roses, like the whisper of a bird,

From a little maiden passing, a sweet laugh methought I heard.
“She has found it,” I repeated, “there’s no use for any key.”
Said the pretty little damsel, “My heart’s open, don’t you see?”

Yes, I saw, and there were treasures such as kings would love to
own,
Who would sacrifice to gain them e’en a jeweled crown and throne—
Buds and blossoms, song and laughter, humming-birds and
butterflies,
Singing brooks and sparkling fountains there, and peaceful were the
skies.

But the poem it was missing; so I journeyed slow along,

Till I heard a mother singing to her babe a cradle song;
And I tried to get permission in her heart to fit the key,
But the lullaby continued: “Do not interrupt,” said she.

Next I hailed a youth that passed me, and his face was wond’rous
fair,
And I searched long through his heart’s book, but the poem was not
there;
“It is lost!” I cried with sorrow, as Despair held out her cup,
And I quaffed the bitter liquid, and the idle search gave up.
* * * * * * *
Years have passed, and just this morning I was called beside a bed,
Where the sheet lay still and sober over an old lover spread;
Sad and pallid were his features, clever, too, Death’s new disguise,
But I read the old, old secret, even in his half-closed eyes.

Then a thought—“The key,” I whispered, lest I should be overheard,

And I sought the heart, unlocked it; found my poem—every word.
Oft revised it was, and polished, wore the features, too, of Fame;
And I read with strange emotion, just below inscribed my name.

O, it was a trying moment! If the poem I should claim,

I could mount upon the ladder to the topmost round of fame;
But my evil spirit yielded; for I could not rob the dead,
So I locked the sacred prison, and above it bowed my head.
Rather would I find engraven in a steadfast heart my name,
Than in shining words enroll it high upon the tower of fame.
 A Maple Leaf.
TO M. B. S.

LANCING o’er a childish volume where sweet thoughts like

blossoms lay,
There between two oft read pages, a pressed wreath I found
to-day.
Golden-rod and aster flowers lay with bloom all crushed and dead,
But a maple leaf among them still retained its gold and red.

In my hand I took the treasure, held it up before my face,

And the sunlight, then declining, solved its geometric grace.
Many a road and by-path meeting proved the interwoven veins;
And a forest rose before me, flaming like my window panes.

As a vision that is pictured by an angel in the night,

Soon a figure, sometime vanished, rose to my exultant sight.
Like a goddess of enchantment, there she stood beneath the trees,
And her face was like a lily, and her eyes like summer seas.

Then I thought, “For me she’s waiting”—so I glanced off to the right,

For I feared it all a fancy, but I found my home in sight;
Heard the town-clock slowly striking, and the same familiar bells,
Saw the court-house and the churches, and “The Summit,” where
she dwells.

So I then no longer doubted, down a meadow path I strolled,

Leading off into the woodland that had stole the sunset’s gold.
Overhead the birds were flying, but a black winged happy throng
Paused; for we had been old comrades and they sang a farewell
song.
But the thoughts that followed after, though the birds away had
flown,
Were so happy, for she met me, linked her arm within my own.
Up and down the path we wandered, gathering leaves and grasses
gray,
Until darkness drove the twilight o’er the hill where fled the day.

Darkness! and her face had vanished, all alone I seemed to stand,
But I heard her step departing, and I grasped again her hand.
Held it tight, and tighter pressing, in a happy strange belief,
Till I ’woke, and found that dreaming I had crushed my treasured
leaf.
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