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Team LRN
RF CMOS Power Amplifiers:
Theory, Design and Implementation

Team LRN
 THE KLUWER INTERNATIONAL SERIES IN ENGINEERING AND
COMPUTER SCIENCE

ANALOG CIRCUITS AND SIGNAL PROCESSING

Consulting Editor: Mohammed Ismail. Ohio State University
Related Titles:
POWER TRADE-OFFS AND LOW POWER IN ANALOG CMOS ICS
M. Sanduleanu, van Tuijl
ISBN: 0-7923-7643-9
RF CMOS POWER AMPLIFIERS: THEORY, DESIGN AND IMPLEMENTATION
M.Hella, M.Ismail
ISBN: 0-7923-7628-5
WIRELESS BUILDING BLOCKS
J.Janssens, M. Steyaert
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CODING APPROACHES TO FAULT TOLERANCE IN COMBINATION AND DYNAMIC
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DATA CONVERTERS FOR WIRELESS STANDARDS
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STREAM PROCESSOR ARCHITECTURE
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LOGIC SYNTHESIS AND VERIFICATION
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VERILOG-2001-A GUIDE TO THE NEW FEATURES OF THE VERILOG HARDWARE
DESCRIPTION LANGUAGE
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IMAGE COMPRESSION FUNDAMENTALS, STANDARDS AND PRACTICE
D. Taubman, M. Marcellin
ISBN: 0-7923-7519-X
ERROR CODING FOR ENGINEERS
A.Houghton
ISBN: 0-7923-7522-X
MODELING AND SIMULATION ENVIRONMENT FOR SATELLITE AND TERRESTRIAL
COMMUNICATION NETWORKS
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ISBN: 0-7923-7547-5
MULT-FRAME MOTION-COMPENSATED PREDICTION FOR VIDEO TRANSMISSION
T. Wiegand, B. Girod
ISBN: 0-7923-7497- 5
SUPER - RESOLUTION IMAGING
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ISBN: 0-7923-7471-1
AUTOMATIC CALIBRATION OF MODULATED FREQUENCY SYNTHESIZERS
D. McMahill
ISBN: 0-7923-7589-0
MODEL ENGINEERING IN MIXED-SIGNAL CIRCUIT DESIGN
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ISBN: 0-7923-7598-X
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RECEIVERS
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ISBN: 0-7923-7492-4 Team LRN
RF CMOS POWER AMPLIFIERS:
Theory,Design and Implementation

MONA MOSTAFA HELLA

RF MICRO DEVICES
Boston, MA

MOHAMMED ISMAIL
Analog VLSI Laboratory
The Ohio-State University

KLUWER ACADEMIC PUBLISHERS

NEW YORK, BOSTON, DORDRECHT, LONDON, MOSCOW
Team LRN
eBook ISBN: 0-306-47320-8
Print ISBN: 0-792-37628-5

©2002 Kluwer Academic Publishers

New York, Boston, Dordrecht, London, Moscow

All rights reserved

No part of this eBook may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic,
mechanical, recording, or otherwise, without written consent from the Publisher

Created in the United States of America

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and Kluwer's eBookstore at: http://www.ebooks.kluweronline.com

Team LRN
Contents

List of Figures ix
List of Tables xiii
Preface xv
1. INTRODUCTION 1
1 RF CMOS Transceivers 1
2 CMOS Short Range Wireless Transceivers 2
3 Wireless Transmission Protocols 4
4 CMOS PAs: Related Design Issues 6
5 CMOS PAs: Recent Progress 7
6 Motivation 10
7 Outline 11
2. POWER AMPLIFIER; CONCEPTS AND CHALLENGES 13
1 Introduction 13
2 Conjugate Match and Load line Match 14
3 Effect of the Transistor Knee Voltage 16
4 Classification of Power Amplifiers 17
4.1 Class A, B, AB, and C PAs 17
4.2 Class E 19
4.3 Class F 21
5 Power Amplifier Linearization 22
5.1 Feed Forward 23
5.2 Doherty Amplifier 24
5.3 Envelope Elimination and restoration 25
5.4 Linear Amplification Using Nonlinear Components 26
6 Spectral Regrowth Team LRN 28
vi RF CMOS POWER AMPLIFIERS:THEORY,DESIGNAND IMPLEMENTATION

7 Power Amplifier Stability Issues 28

8 Power Amplifier Controllability 29
9 Summary 30
3. A 900MHZ CLASS E CMOS PA 31
1 Introduction 31
2 Class E PA Circuit Design 32
2.1 Driver Stage Design 34
2.2 Simulated Performance 36
3 Effect of Finite Ground inductance 40
4 Layout Considerations 41
5 Testing Procedures and Results 42
6 Towards a Multi-Standard Class E Power Amplifiers 44
7 Summary 46
4. A CMOS PA FOR BLUETOOTH 55
1 Introduction 55
2 CMOS Power Amplifier Design 56
2.1 Design of the Output Stage 57
2.2 Driver Stage 58
2.3 Power Control Implementation 59
3 Implementation and Simulation Results 60
4 Experimental Results 65
5 Summary 68
5. A COMPLETE BLUETOOTH PA SOLUTION 71
1 A CMOS PA for Class 2/3 Bluetooth 72
2 A Class 1 Bluetooth PA in CMOS 75
3 Simulations Results 78
3.1 Large Signal Simulations 79
3.2 Power Control 82
3.3 Gain and Matching 83
3.4 Stability 83
4 Conclusion 83
5 Summary 84
6. CONCLUSION 87
Team LRN
Contents vii

Index 93

Team LRN
This page intentionally left blank

Team LRN
List of Figures

1.1 Example of a super-heterodyne transceiver implemented

using multiple technologies. 3
1.2 A fully integrated single chip for Bluetooth 4
2.1 Conjugate match and load-line match. 15
2.2 Compression characteristics for conjugate match (S22)
(solid curve) and power match (dotted curve). 1 dB
gain compression points (B, and maximum power
points (A, show similar improvements under power-
matched conditions. 15
2.3 Effect of the knee voltage on the determination of the
optimum load. 17
2.4 Traditional illustration of the schematic and current wave-
forms of classes A, B, AB, and C. 18
2.5 (a) RF power and efficiency as a function of the con-
duction angle, (b) Fourier analysis of the drain current. 19
2.6 A simplified class E power amplifier, and its steady
state operation. 20
2.7 Schematic, and output waveform of a typical class F stage. 21
2.8 Classical definition of power amplifier classes. 22
2.9 (a) Simple Feedforward topology, (b) Addition of delay
elements. 23
2.10 Basic Doherty amplifier configuration 25
2.11 Conceptual diagram of Envelope Elimination and Restora-
tion technique 26
2.12 Linear Amplification using Nonlinear Stages 27
2.13 Spectral regrowth dueTeam LRNnonlinearity
to amplifier 28
x RF CMOS POWER AMPLIFIERS:THEORY,DESIGN AND IMPLEMENTATION

3.1 Waveforms of a switching-mode power amplifier with

hard switching. 32
3.2 (a) Typical schematic of a class E power amplifier, (b)
Its voltage and current waveforms showing the soft switch-
ing characteristics. 33
3.3 Single-ended class E resonant power amplifier. 34
3.4 Schematic of the 900MHz Class E Power Amplifier. 35
3.5 (a) DC Power (PDC), input power (Pin), and output
power (Pout), (b) Efficiency and power added efficiency
(PAE) versus the number of fingers of the transistor in
the output stage. 37
3.6 Simulated waveforms of the class-E power amplifier,
(a) The drain voltage, and the drain current of the out-
put stage transistor, (b) the supply current. 38
3.7 The effect of having a finite de-feed inductance on the
output power and efficiency of a class E Amplifier. 38
3.8 and of the power amplifier. 39
3.9 Constant efficiency over supply voltage. 40
3.10 Simulated output power and efficiency versus the sup-
ply voltage. 40
3.11 Simulated current and voltage waveforms of class E PA
with 1nH source inductance. 41
3.12 Simulated output power and efficiency versus the sup-
ply voltage of a class E PA with 1 nH source inductance. 42
3.13 Layout of Class E PA. 47
3.14 Chip micro-graph of the class E PA (output pads don't
have ESD protection). 48
3.15 Chip micro-graph of the class E PA (output pads with
ESD protection). 48
3.16 Bonded chip micro-graph. 49
3.17 Implementation of inductances using board traces. 49
3.18 The measured output power, power added efficiency of
the power amplifier at 900MHz, indicating relatively
high ground inductance values that is affecting the op-
eration of the amplifier as a class E stage. 50
3.19 The measured output power and efficiency of the power
amplifier at 900MHz. 50
3.20 The variation of output power and efficiency within the
band of interest. Team LRN 51
Another Random Scribd Document
with Unrelated Content
day of St. Paul’s Conversion, three days after our arrival, the ‘Almiranta’ . . . . .
hove in sight. She was much in want of water and provisions; and she carried no
boat which, like ourselves, she had cast over in the great storms; and her main-
mast was cut away. They did not recognize the coast. It was our Lord’s good will
to bring us together in this port. God knows how glad we were to see each other.
In preserving us through such great tempests, our Lord had worked a
miracle . . . . . They told us what had happened during the great storms: and that
when they arrived, they had only one vessel (botija) of water remaining . . . . .
Sama, the alguacil-mayor of the city of Mexico, came with some people of the
town of Colima to see who we were, and he talked with the General.”
[327] This should be the 22nd of January, as Gallego observes subsequently that the
“Almiranta” arriving on the 25th came three days after them.
[328] During his passage from the Californian to the Mexican coast, Gallego seems from
some observations in his journal to have been puzzled by getting a latitude of 23° 26′
before he arrived at the extremity of the Californian Peninsula. He speaks of San Lucas
as being “at the end of California in the tropics;” but this observation apparently did not
clear up his doubt on the matter; and in fact on first touching the Mexican coast, the
number of small bays made him think that it was still the coast of California. The latitude
of Cape San Lucas, the extremity of the Californian Peninsula, is 22° 52′: it is, therefore,
well within the tropics.

The two ships left the port of Santiago on the 10th of March.[329] Nine days
afterwards, they sailed into the port of Atapulco (Acapulco) to obtain news from
Peru: but learning nothing, they left in an hour. Gallego adds that this port is the
nearest to the city of Mexico, and that it lies in 17°. Proceeding along the Mexican
coast, they anchored outside the port of Guatulco (lying according to Gallego in
151⁄2°); and they sent a boat on shore to learn news of Peru and to get wine and
biscuits. . . . . “All the people of the town,” . . . . . the Chief-Pilot writes . . . . .
“were scared and fled into the interior, because they had heard in Mexico that we
were a strange Scotch people” (gente estrangera escoceses).
[329] Gallego refers to an eclipse of the moon at nine in the night of the 10th of March.
“At the end of an hour the moon was clear.”

Through a jealousy exhibited by the pilots of the “Almiranta” towards Gallego, the
“Capitana” was left behind at this port for a day and a night, for which, says the
object of their jealousy, the General was very angry with them. However, the
“Capitana” arrived in the port of Caputla nine days before the other ship. The
people there were at first much disturbed; but on recognising Gallego, who had
been there on previous occasions, they were reassured; and they carried the
news ashore that the voyagers had come from “the discovery of the islands.” On
the 4th of April the “Capitana” arrived in the port of Realejo on the Nicaraguan
coast, and was followed five days after by the “Almiranta”. . . . . “In this port,”
. . . . . continues the Chief-Pilot . . . . . “we beached the ships and caulked the
seams, and set up lower-masts and top-masts, of which we had need, in order to
be able to lie up for Peru. With all our necessity in this port, neither the officials of
the government nor any other persons would give or lend money to us for the
repair of the ships. Perceiving that otherwise the ships would be lost, and that it
was indispensable for the service of His Majesty, I lent the General all the money
which I had of my own, and I received an acknowledgment for 1400 pesos
(dollars), with which the ships were refitted; and they were victualled for another
piece of gold of 400 pesos: all this I lent for the service of His Majesty.
“We left this port, which is in latitude 121⁄2°, on the 28th of May. Sailing to the
Cabo de Guion (Cape Guion), we lay up thence for the coast of Peru. On the 4th
of June we lost sight of the coast of Nicaragua; and on the 5th we passed to
leeward of Mal Pelo Island.[330] On the morning of the 11th we were off Facames,
[331] which lies four leagues below the Cabo del San Francisco (Cape San
Francisco) on the coast of Peru. On the 14th we anchored in Puerto-viejo; and on
the 19th we reached Point Santa Elena. On Sunday, the 26th of June,[332] Don
Fernando Henriquez left with the news for Lima or the City of the Kings.”
[330] The Malpelo Island of the present charts.

[331] This is evidently Atacames, which has the position described.

[332] The two last dates are referred to as July. This is apparently a mistake, and I have,
therefore, corrected it in the translation.

Laus Deo.
 CHAPTER XII
THE STORY OF A LOST ARCHIPELAGO.

he most interesting feature in the history of the discovery of

T the Solomon Group is the circumstance that during a period of

two hundred years after it was first discovered by the
Spaniards it was lost to the world and its very existence
doubted. In the belief that I shall be treading on ground new
to the general reader, I will at once pass on to relate how this large
archipelago was lost and found again.
Fancied discoveries of the precious metals in the island of
Guadalcanar inflamed the imaginations of the Spaniards: and the
reports, which they gave on their return to Peru, in 1568, of the
wealth and fertility of the newly-found lands, cast a glamour of
romance over the scene of their discoveries which the lapse of three
hundred years has not been able altogether to remove.
To colonize his new discovery and add one more to the vast
possessions of Spain, became the life-long ambition of Mendana. In
order to further his great aim, he gave to these islands the name of
the “Isles of Salomon,” to the end that the Spaniards, supposing
them to be the islands whence Solomon obtained his gold for the
temple at Jerusalem, might be induced to go and inhabit them.
Thus, the name of the new discovery was itself a “pious fraud,” if we
may believe the story of Lopez Vaz,[333] a Portuguese, who was
captured by the English, nearly twenty years afterwards, at the River
Plate. This seems to me to be the explanation of the name, which
we ought, in fairness, to receive; since, after reading the narrative of
Gallego, it is scarcely crediting the Spaniards with ordinary reasoning
faculties to imagine that Mendana and his officers really thought that
they had found the Ophir of Solomon.
[333] “Purchas, his Pilgrimes,” Part IV., Lib. VII.

However, many years rolled by; and Mendana had arrived at an

elderly age before any further undertaking was attempted. The
appearance of Drake in the South Sea, some years after the return
of the expedition to Peru, caused the scheme of colonization to be
abandoned. The Spaniards now found a rival in the navigation of
that ocean which, under the sanction of a Papal decree, they had
hitherto regarded as exclusively their own. The dread that they
would be unable to hold the “Isles of Salomon” against the attacks
of the powerful nation now intruding in their domain, caused them
to relinquish the coveted islands; and “commandement was given,
that they should not be inhabited, to the end that such Englishmen,
and of other Nations as passed the Straits of Magellan to go to the
Malucos (Moluccas), might have no succour there, but such as they
got of the Indian people.”[334] To prevent the English obtaining any
knowledge of these islands, the publication of the official narrative of
Mendana’s voyage was purposely delayed. So strong a pressure was
brought to bear upon Gallego, the Chief-Pilot of the expedition,[335]
that he was afraid to publish his journal, which has not only
remained in manuscript up to the present day, but was not brought
to light until the second quarter of the present century. Thus, it
happened that for nearly half-a-century after the return of Mendana,
there was no account of the expedition:[336] no chart preserved its
discoveries, it being considered better, as things were then, to let
these islands remain unknown.[337]
[334] “History of Lopez Vaz: Purchas, his Pilgrimes,” Part IV., Lib. VII.

[335] Vide prologue to “Gallego’s Journal,” page 194.

[336] Vide page 192.

[337] Letter from Quiros to Don Antonio de Morga, Governor of the

Philippines.
The popular ignorance of these islands naturally increased the
mystery that surrounded them; and their wealth and resources were
soon increased ten-fold under the influence of the imaginative
faculties of the Spaniards. Lopez Vaz, the Portuguese already
referred to, writing about the year 1586 of the recent American
discoveries, remarked that “the greatest and most notable discovery
that hath beene from those parts now of late, was that of the Isles
of Salomon.” But romance and fact are strangely mingled in his
story. We learn from him, for the first time, that the Spaniards,
although “not seeking nor being desirous of gold,” brought back with
them, from the island of Guadalcanar, 40,000 pezos[338] of the
precious metal. No reference is made to such a find of gold on the
part of the Spaniards in the accounts of Gallego and Figueroa: and it
is probable that the reports to this effect may have originally arisen
out of the circumstance that, when the ships were being refitted and
provisioned at the port of Realejo, on the Nicaraguan coast, for the
completion of their voyage to Peru, the necessary expenses, which
amounted to 1800 pezos, were defrayed by the Chief-Pilot, Gallego.
[339]

[338] Dollars.

[339] Vide page 245.

If the English captain, Withrington by name, who elicited this

information from his Portuguese prisoner, Lopez Vaz, had hoped to
have obtained any satisfactory account of the position of these
vaunted islands, he must have been grievously disappointed. He
learned from him that the Spaniards, having coasted along the island
of Guadalcanar until the parallel of 18° S. latitude without reaching
its extremity, were of the opinion that it formed “part of that
continent which stretches to the strait of Magalhanes” (Magellan).
From this misconception, the idea arose that the Spaniards had
discovered the southern continent and that Gallego was the
discoverer,[340] and so vague was the information of the extent of
the newly-discovered islands that, when in 1599, an English ship was
carried by tempest to 64° S. lat., the captain, on sighting some
mountainous land covered with snow, considered that it extended
towards the islands of Salomon.[341]
[340] Dalrymple’s “Historical Collection of Voyages,” &c., Vol. I., p. 96.

[341] “Purchas, his Pilgrimes,” Vol. IV., p. 1391.

But to return to the long-deferred project of Mendana. Years of

delay seemed only to increase the desire of the first discoverer of
this group to complete his work. A change occurred in the vice-
royalty of Peru; and under the auspices of the new Viceroy an
expedition of four ships was fitted out, on which were embarked
sailors, soldiers, and emigrants to the total number of four hundred.
In 1595, more than a quarter of a century after the return of his first
expedition, Mendana, now an elderly man, sailed from Peru
accompanied by his wife, Donna Isabella Baretto. Fernandez de
Quiros, who had braved with his leader the perils of the first voyage
and had shared with him in the disheartenings arising from a hope
so long deferred, now served under him as chief pilot. Their
destination was St. Christoval, the easternmost of the Solomon
Group. The imperfect knowledge of the navigator of those days was
curiously exhibited during this voyage. With the means at his
command, it was a comparatively easy matter to follow along one
parallel of latitude or “to run down his latitude” as the sailor terms it;
but to ascertain with any approach to accuracy his meridian of
longitude was scarcely within the power of the Spanish navigator.
When only about half-way across the Pacific and about the same
distance on their voyage to the Solomon Group, they discovered a
group of islands, which, from their latitude, they believed to be the
object of their quest. Further exploration, however, convinced
Mendana of his mistake; and he named his new discovery Las
Marquesas de Mendoza, a name which this group at present in part
retains. On continuing the voyage, the crews were assured that in
three or four days they would arrive at the “Isles of Salomon,” which
were in point of fact more than three thousand miles away. The
three or four days wearily spun themselves out into thirty-three.
General discontent became rife; and murmurs of dissatisfaction
arose which might have shortly ended in open revolt. At length, late
one night they were overtaken by one of the rain-storms so common
in those regions; and when the clouds lifted, they saw within a
league of them the shores of a large island. The discovery was
signalled from the flag-ship, the “Capitana,” to the other three ships:
but only two replied. The missing vessel, the “Almiranta,” had been
last seen between two and three hours before. No trace was ever
found of her. Whither she went, or what fate befell her, are
questions which have remained amongst the many unsolved
mysteries of the sea. There is something tragical in this
disappearance of a large ship having probably over a hundred souls
on board, men, women, and children, when apparently the goal of
the expedition had been attained.
The appearance of the natives of this large island at first induced
Mendana to believe that he had at last arrived at the lands he had
been so long seeking. But his belief was short-lived. The new island
was named Santa Cruz; and having abandoned the original object of
the expedition to establish a colony on the island of St. Christoval,
the Spaniards commenced to plant their colony on the shores of a
harbour which they named Graciosa Bay. Disaster upon disaster fell
on the little colony. Disease struck down numbers of the settlers,
and the poisoned weapons of the natives ended the lives of many
others. Mutiny broke out; and the extreme punishment of death was
inflicted on the conspirators. The foul murder of the chief who had
steadfastly befriended them was punished, it is true, by the
execution of the murderers; but the enmity of the natives could not
thus be pacified. Broken-hearted and overcome by disease, Mendana
sickened and died; and the heavens themselves must have seemed
to the superstitious Spaniards to have frowned on their design, for a
total eclipse of the moon preceded by a few hours the death of their
commander. The brother of Donna Isabel had been selected by
Mendana as his successor; but a fortnight afterwards he died from a
wound received in an affray with the natives. It was at length
resolved to abandon the enterprise; and rather over two months
after they had first sighted the island, the survivors of the expedition
re-embarked for Manilla. Hoping to learn something of the missing
ship before finally steering northward, they directed their course
westward until they should reach the parallel of 11° of south
latitude, when they expected to arrive at St. Christoval whither the
“Almiranta” might have gone. The course[342] which they steered
under the guidance of Quiros, the pilot, must have soon brought
them on this parallel; and they appear to have followed it with a
favourable wind until the second day,[343] when seeing no signs of
land, they were urged by the increasing sickness and by the scarcity
of water and provisions to give up the search, and to this change of
plans Quiros gave his consent. In a few hours, if they had continued
their course, the mountain-tops of St Christoval would have
appeared above the horizon and the “Isles of Salomon” would have
been found. But such was not to be; and when probably not more
than fifty miles from the original destination of the expedition, the
ships were headed N.N.W. for Manilla. Such a course must have
brought the Spanish vessels yet closer to the eastern extremity of
the group; but the night fell, and on the following morning the
Solomon Islands were well below the western horizon. Of the three
ships, two only reached the Philippines. The “Fragata” lost the
company of the other ships and “never more appeared.” It was
subsequently reported that she had been found driven ashore with
all her sails set and all her people dead and rotten.[344]
[342] The course is differently given, by Quiros as W. by S. and by
Figueroa as W.S.W. (Dalrymple’s Historical Collection: vol. I., 92.)
[343] Figueroa implies the second day; whilst Quiros speaks of “two days.”

[344] Dalrymple’s Historical Collection of Voyages: vol. I., 58.

Thus terminated the attempt of the Spaniards to found a colony in

the Solomon Islands; and the ill fate which it experienced was
scarcely calculated to encourage others to undertake a similar
enterprise. Barely half of the four hundred souls who had left Peru
under such bright auspices could have reached the Philippines.
Among them, however, was Quiros the pilot of Mendana, who,
nothing daunted by disaster and ill-success, returned to Peru and
endeavoured to re-awaken the spirit of discovery which was losing
much of its enthusiasm with the departing glory of the Spanish
nation. The Viceroy of Peru referred him to the Court of Spain; and,
after experiencing for several years the effects of those intrigues
which seem to have been the accustomed fate of the early
navigators, Quiros set sail from Callao at the close of 1605, to search
the Southern Ocean once again for the Isles of Salomon and the
other unknown lands in that region. He had been supplied with two
ships, and was accompanied by Luis Vaez de Torres as second in
command. It is unnecessary to enter here into the particulars of the
voyage across the Pacific. It will be sufficient for my purpose to state
that Quiros finally sought the parallel of 10° south, and sailed
westward in the direction of Santa Cruz, which he had discovered
with Mendana ten years before. Being rather to the northward of the
latitude of Santa Cruz, he struck a small group of islands, the
principal of which was called Taumaco by the natives. These islands
have been identified with the Duff Group, which lies about 65 miles
north-east of Santa Cruz. Nearly two centuries had passed away
before these islands were again seen by Europeans, when they were
sighted by Captain Wilson of the missionary ship “Duff,” in 1797.
During the ten days spent by the Spaniards at Taumaco, Quiros
obtained information of a number of islands and large tracts of land
in the neighbourhood, which seemed to confirm him in his belief in a
vast unknown extent of land in the Southern Ocean. The list of these
islands are included in a memorial[345] subsequently presented by
Quiros to Philip II. of Spain, which contains many particulars of the
discoveries of the expedition in this region. Some of them I have
been able to identify with names on existing charts, but referring my
reader to Note XIV. of the Geographical Appendix, I will only allude
here to the most interesting reference in this memorial, which is to a
large country named Pouro, that is without doubt the large island of
St. Christoval in the Solomon Group, which lay rather under 300
miles to the westward. The central portion of St. Christoval is at
present called Bauro, and by this name the whole island is often
known to the natives of the islands around. Thus, without suspecting
it, Quiros had described to him an island of the lost Solomon Group,
and the very island which had been more completely explored than
any other by the expedition of Mendana nearly forty years before.
Had he been in possession of Gallego’s journal, in which the native
name of Paubro is given to St. Christoval, he would have at once
recognised in this Pouro of the Taumaco natives the Paubro of
Mendana’s expedition. His informant spoke to him of silver arrows
which had been brought from Pouro, but this circumstance did not
set him on the right track; and thus for the second time this
enterprising navigator unwittingly let the chance pass by of finding
the Isles of Salomon.[346]
[345] Dalrymple’s Hist. Coll. of Voyages: vol. I, p. 145. This memorial is
given in the original in Purchas, (His Pilgrimes, Part VI, Lib. VII, Chap. 10.)
Vide also De Brosses “Histoire des Navigations aux Terres Australes:” tom.
I, p. 341: Paris 1756.
[346] The question of this name of Pouro is further treated in Note XV. of
the Geographical Appendix, since an attempt has been made by Mr. Hale,
the American philologist, to identify it with the Bouro of the Indian
Archipelago.

The opportunity had gone; and, for this reason, the remainder of
this voyage of Quiros has no interest in connection with the Solomon
Group. The information which he had obtained of the numerous
islands and tracts of land in the vicinity of Taumaco seems to have
banished from his mind all thoughts of the missing group. Steering
southward, and passing without seeing the island of Santa Cruz of
which he had been in search, he reached the island of Tucopia, of
which he had previously obtained information from the natives of
Taumaco. Continuing his course, he finally anchored in a large bay
which indented the coast of what he believed was the Great
Southern Continent. The name Australia del Espiritu Santo was given
by him to this new land, when flushed with the success of his
discovery. In the hour of his supposed triumph, fortune again
frowned on the efforts of the Spanish navigator. A mutiny broke out
on board his ship, and Quiros was compelled by his crew to abandon
the enterprise. Without being able to acquaint Torres of what had
happened, he left the anchorage unperceived in the middle hours of
the night, and after making an ineffectual attempt to find Santa
Cruz, he sailed for Mexico. Torres, after ascertaining that the
supposed southern continent was an island,[347] continued his
voyage westward, and, passing through the straits which bear his
name, ultimately arrived at Manilla.
[347] This island is one of the New Hebrides, and still retains its Spanish
name of Espiritu Santo.

The results of the expeditions in which Quiros had been engaged

could hardly have been looked upon with feelings of great
satisfaction at the Spanish Court, where the veteran navigator in the
true spirit of Columbus now repaired to advocate the colonization of
the Australia del Espiritu Santo he had just discovered. The Isles of
Salomon had been also discovered, it is true; but two succeeding
expeditions had failed to find them. Santa Cruz had similarly eluded
the efforts of Quiros; and his last discovery of the supposed
southern continent had been proved by his companion, Torres, to be
an island. Several years had passed away, and Quiros was an old
man before his wishes for a new expedition were granted. In
furtherance of the exploration of the Isles of Salomon and the
Australia del Espiritu Santo, he is said to have presented no less than
fifty memorials to the king; in one of which, after painting in the
brightest colours the beauty and fertility of his last discovery, he thus
addresses his Sovereign: “Acquire, sire, since you can, acquire
heaven, eternal fame, and that new world with all its promises.”
Such appeals coming from one who might fitly be called the
Columbus of his age could scarcely be rejected by the monarch. In
1614, Quiros, bearing a commission from the king, departed from
Spain on his way to Callao, where he intended to fit out another
expedition. Death, however, overtook him at Panama on his way to
Peru; and with Quiros died all the grand hopes, which he had
fostered, of adding the unknown southern continent to the dominion
of Spain. Had he lived to carry out his project, Australia might have
become a second Peru. The spirit of enterprise on the part of the
Spanish nation never again extended itself into this region of the
Western Pacific. During the next century and a half the large island-
groups, which the Spaniards had discovered in these seas, were not
visited by any European navigators;[348] and it is surprising how few
benefits have accrued to geography from these three Spanish
expeditions to these regions. Their discoveries have had to be
rediscovered; and it has been only by a laborious process on the
part of the geographer that the navigator has been able to make any
use of the imperfect information, which the Spanish navigators have
bequeathed to us of their discoveries in these seas.
[348] In 1616, the Dutch navigator, Le Maire, when he discovered and
named the Horne Islands in lat. 14° 56′ S. and Hope Island in 16° S.
thought that he had found the Solomon Islands; but these islands lie more
than a thousand miles to the eastward of this group. Dalrymple’s Hist.
Coll., vol. II., p. 59.

The death of Quiros deepened more than ever the mystery that was
thrown over the Isles of Salomon. Although Herrera[349] had
published in 1601 a short description of these islands, which he must
have derived from official sources, no account of the first voyage of
Mendana was published until nearly half a century after the return of
the expedition to Peru, when in 1613 a short narrative appeared in a
work written by Dr. Figueroa.[350] However, the exaggerated
description, such as Lopez Vaz had given, obtained by virtue of
prepossession a stronger hold on the memories of the sea-faring
world. The same spirit of jealousy against other nations, which had
compelled Gallego to suppress his journals, and had so long withheld
any account of Mendana’s discoveries, now doomed to destruction
the several memorials and documents of Quiros; but fortunately the
work of destruction was not completed. The consequence of such
proceedings was to greatly heighten the exaggerated
misconceptions relating to the Isles of Salomon. We learn from
Purchas[351] that Richard Hakluyt was informed in London in 1604,
by a Lisbon merchant, of an expedition which had left Lima in 1600
and had fallen in “with divers rich countries and islands not far from
the islands of Salomon. One chief place they called Monte de Plata,
for the great abundance of silver there is like to be there. For they
found two crowns’ worth of silver in two handfuls of dust, and the
people gave them for iron as much and more in quantity of
silver.”[352] Amongst the misconceptions which prevailed is one which
we find in a memorial addressed by Dr. Juan Luis Arias to Philip III.
of Spain,[353] where he refers to the discovery of “New Guadalcanal”
and “San Christoval” as quite distinct from Mendana’s subsequent
discovery, as he alleges, of the Isles of Salomon; and he alludes to
the opinion of some that New Guadalcanal was a part of New
Guinea. In Peru the actual existence of these islands came to be
doubted; and successive viceroys held it a political maxim to treat
the question of the existence of the Solomon Islands as a romance.
[354]

[349] Vide page 192.

[350] Vide page 192.

[351] “His Pilgrimes,” vol. IV., p. 1432.

[352] Geographical writers are not agreed as to whether this allusion

refers to one of the voyages of Quiros or not. From the date it would
appear probable that it refers to Mendana’s second voyage, when Quiros
was chief pilot.
[353] A translation is given by Mr. Major in his “Early Voyages to Terra
Australis.”
[354] Pinkerton’s Voyages, vol. XIV., p. 12.

The jealous attitude, assumed by Spain towards other nations with

reference to these discoveries, succeeded only too well in
bewildering the geographers who endeavoured to ascertain the true
position of the Solomon Islands; and so varied were the opinions on
the subject, that the latitude assigned to them varied from 7° to 19°
south, and the longitude from 2400 miles to 7500 miles west of
Peru. Acosta, in 1590, ignorant of the materials several years after
placed at the disposal of Figueroa, located these islands about 800
leagues[355] west of Peru, and Herrera gives them the same position,
[356] a longitude which Lopez Vaz had previously given them in the
account obtained from him in 1586 by Captain Withrington. The
discoverers themselves, if we may trust the estimates given in the
accounts of Gallego and Figueroa, and in the memorials of Quiros,
considered that the Solomon Islands were removed about double
this distance from the coast of Peru. Their estimates vary between
1500 and 1700 Spanish leagues, whereas the true distance is about
2100 leagues or from 1500 to 2000 miles west of the position
assigned by the discoverers. In his second voyage, Mendana was
misled by this small estimate when he at first mistook the Marquesas
for his previous discovery, the Isles of Salomon. I am inclined to
consider that the Spanish navigators purposely under-estimated the
distance of these islands from the coast of Peru, and that in so doing
they were actuated by two motives. In the first place, they would be
desirous to bring their discoveries within the line of demarcation
fixed by the Papal Bull after the discovery of America by Columbus,
by which the hemisphere west of a meridian 370 leagues west of the
Azores was assigned to Spain, and that to the east of this meridian
to Portugal. Thus it was that Spain had had to deliver the Brazils to
Portugal; and in possessing herself of the Moluccas she had
appropriated by a geographical fraud lands which should have
belonged to that nation.[357] Their other motive is probably to be
found in that jealousy of spirit which, in order to prevent Drake and
the English from finding their discoveries, caused the suppression of
Gallego’s journal and the burning of many of the memorials of
Quiros.
[355] Spanish leagues, 171⁄2 to a degree.

[356] Herrera at the same time places them 1500 leagues from Lima!

[357] I am indebted to Mr. Dalrymple (Hist. Collect. of Voyages, vol. I., p.

51) for this explanation of the small estimates of the Spanish navigators.

Similar confusion prevailed amongst the early cartographers as to

the position which they should assign to the Solomon Islands. As M.
Buache[358] points out, the first charts representing the Isles of
Salomon, which were published at the end of the 16th century,
made a near approximation to their true position by placing them to
the east and at no great distance from New Guinea. Subsequent
cartographers, however, were less happy in their guesses at the
truth. In the “Arcano del Mare,” published by Dudley, in 1646, the
Solomon Islands were transported to the position of the Marquesas,
with which they were thought identical. This position was generally
received until early in last century, when Delisle adopted a position
much nearer to that given in the early maps. M. Danville, however,
later on in the century, being unable to reconcile the Spanish
discoveries with the more recent discoveries in the South Seas,
suppressed altogether the Isles of Salomon in his map of the world;
and his example was followed by several other geographers, who
were equally anxious to expunge the lost archipelago from their
maps and to relegate it to the class of fabulous lands.
[358] “Memoir concerning the existence and situation of Solomon’s
Islands,” presented to the Royal Academy of Sciences in 1781. (Fleurieu’s
“Discoveries of the French in 1768 and 1769.”)

After the death of Quiros, the Spanish nation ceased to favour any
further enterprise in search of the missing archipelagos, which do
not appear to have engaged the special attention of any nation.
Generations thus passed away, and the Solomon Islands were
almost forgotten. But there lingered amongst the sea-faring
population in Peru, memories of the missing islands of Mendana and
Quiros, which were revived from time to time by some strange story
told by men, who had returned to Callao from their voyage across
the Pacific to Manilla. Even in the first quarter of last century, the
mention of the Isles of Salomon suggested visions of beautiful and
fertile lands, abounding in mineral wealth, and populated by a happy
race of people who enjoyed a climate of perfect salubrity. This we
learn from the narrative of Captain Betagh,[359] an Englishman, who,
having been captured by the Spaniards in 1720, was detained a
prisoner in Peru. He speaks of the arrival, not long before, of two
ships at Callao, which, though cruising independently in the Pacific,
had both been driven out of their course and had made the Solomon
Islands. A small ship was despatched to follow up their discovery:
but as she was only victualled for two months, I need scarcely add
that she did not find them. It is very probable that the islands made
by the two ships were the Marquesas.
 [359] Pinkerton’s “Voyages and Travels,” vol. XIV., p. 12.

Not very long after this attempt to find the missing group, Admiral
Roggewein,[360] the Dutch navigator, in his voyage round the world,
sighted, in 1722, two large islands or tracts of land in the Western
Pacific, which he named Tienhoven and Groningen (the Groningue of
some writers). Behrens, the narrator of the expedition, considered
them to be portions of the Terra Australis. Geographers, however,
have differed widely in their attempts to identify these islands.
Dalrymple and Burney held the opinion that these islands were none
other than the Solomon Islands; but the question is of little
importance to us, as no communication took place with the natives.
[360] Dalrymple’s “Hist. Coll. of Voyages,” vol. II.

In his “Histoire des Navigations aux Terres Australes,” which was

published in Paris, in 1756, De Brosses, after referring to the
circumstance that geographers differed a thousand leagues in
locating this group, inserts, as giving quite another idea of their
position, the story of Gemelli Careri, when on his voyage from
Manilla to Mexico, in command of the great galleon. It appears that
when they were in 34° north lat., a canary flew on board and
perched in the rigging. Careri at once inferred that the bird must
have flown from the Solomon Islands, which lay, as he learned from
the seamen of his vessel, two degrees further south. The source of
the Spanish commander’s information might have suggested some
rather odd reflections: however, De Brosses, as if to justify this belief
of the sailors of the galleon, refers to two islands, Kinsima (Isle of
Gold) and Ginsima (Isle of Silver), lying about 300 leagues east of
Japan, which, having been kept secret by the Japanese, had been
ineffectually sought for by the Dutch in 1639 and 1643.[361] De
Brosses, it should be remembered, was writing when the Isles of
Salomon were in the minds of many a myth. That this notion of the
seamen of the galleon should suggest to him two legendary islands
placed east of Japan, islands believed by the Dutch not to belie their
names in mineral wealth, sufficiently shows how wild speculation
had become with reference to the position of this mysterious group.
 [361] Tome I., p. 177.

In a few years, however, there was a revival of the spirit of

geographical enterprise in England, under the enlightened auspices
of George III.; and the time was approaching when, in anticipation
of the transit of Venus in 1769, the attention of the English and
French astronomers and geographers was more specially directed to
the South Pacific, with the purpose of selecting suitable positions for
the observation of this phenomenon. M. Pingré, in his memoir on the
selection of a position for observing the transit of Venus, which was
read before the French Academy of Sciences in December, 1766, and
January, 1767, gave a translation of the account given by Figueroa of
Mendana’s discovery of the Solomon Islands; but he did not throw
much new light on their supposed position.
Whilst the attention of geographers was thus once more directed
towards this part of the Pacific, the two English voyages of
circumnavigation under Commodore Byron and Captain Carteret[362]
supplied them with information, which pointed to the correctness of
the view of the old cartographers that the Solomon Islands lay to the
east, and not far removed from New Guinea. That Commodore
Byron, when sailing in the supposed latitude of these islands in
1765, expected to fall in with them more towards the centre of the
Pacific, is shown by the circumstance that he at first believed one of
the islands of the group, subsequently named the Union Group, to
be the Malaita of the Spaniards, an island which actually lay more
than 1500 miles to the westward. However, he continued his course
in the track of the missing group, until he reached the longitude of
176° 20′ E. in latitude 8° 13′ S., a position more than 800 miles to
the eastward of that assigned to the Solomon Islands in his chart.
Giving up the search, Commodore Byron steered northward to cross
the equator, and ultimately shaped his course for the Ladrones. His
remark in reference to his want of success augured ill for the future
discovery of the Solomon Group, since he doubted whether the
Spaniards had left behind any account by which it might be found by
future navigators.
 [362] Hawkesworth’s Voyages (vol. I.) contains the accounts of these
expeditions.

In August, 1766, another expedition consisting of two ships, the

“Dolphin,” and the “Swallow,” under the command of Captain Wallis,
and Captain Carteret, sailed from Plymouth with the object of
making further discoveries in the southern hemisphere. After a
stormy passage through the Straits of Magellan, the two ships were
separated just as they were entering the South Sea. This accidental
circumstance proved fortunate in its results for geographical science,
as each vessel steered an independent course. Whilst Captain Wallis
in the “Dolphin” was exploring the coasts of Tahiti, Captain Carteret
in the “Swallow” followed a track more to the southward, and
ultimately brought back to Europe tidings of the long lost lands of
Mendana and Quiros. In July, 1767, Captain Carteret being in 167°
W. long, and 10° S. lat., kept his course westward in the same
parallel “in hopes”—as he remarks—“to have fallen in with some of
the islands called Solomon’s Islands.” After reaching the meridian of
177° 30′ E. long. in 10° 18′ S. lat., a position five degrees to the
westward of that assigned to the Solomon Islands in his chart,
Captain Carteret came to the conclusion “that if there were any such
islands their situation was erroneously laid down.” He was afterwards
destined to discover, unknown to himself, nearly a thousand miles to
the westward, the very group whose existence he doubted.
Continuing his westerly course, he arrived at a group of islands, the
largest of which he recognised as the Santa Cruz of Mendana, which
had not been visited by Europeans since the disastrous attempt to
found a Spanish Colony there more than 170 years before. With a
crazy ship, and a sickly crew, Captain Carteret desisted from the
further prosecution of his discoveries in those regions; and shaping
his course W.N.W., he sighted in the evening of the second day a low
flat island, one of the outlying islands of the Solomon Group, which,
without suspecting the nature of his discovery, he called Gower
Island, a name still preserved in the present chart.[363] During the
night, the current carried him to the south, and brought him within
sight of what he thought were two other large islands lying east and
west with each other, which he named Simpson’s Island, and
Carteret’s Island. Captain Carteret communicated with the natives,
but did not anchor. These two islands have proved to be the forked
northern extremity of the large island of Malaita. Keeping to the
north-west, he subsequently discovered, off the north-west end of
the group, a large atoll with nine small islands, which are known as
the Nine Islands of Carteret. On the following morning he was fated,
without being aware of it, to get another glimpse of the Solomon
Islands. A high island, descried by him to the southward, which is
named Winchelsea Island in his text, and Anson Island in his chart of
the voyage, was in all probability the island of Bouka visited nearly a
year afterwards by Bougainville, the French navigator. Thus the
missing group was at length found, but without the knowledge of
the English navigator who discovered it. He had, in truth, expected
to find it 20° further to the east. It was reserved, however, for the
geographer in his study to identify the discoveries of Carteret with
the Isles of Salomon of Mendana.
[363] Captain Carteret communicated with the natives, but did not anchor.

At the end of June, 1768, Bougainville the French navigator,[364]

coming northward from his discovery of the Louisiade Archipelago
and of the Australia del Espiritu Santo of Quiros, made the west
coast of a large island, now known as Choiseul Island, one of the
Solomon Islands. When the ships were about twenty miles south of
the present Choiseul Bay, boats were sent to look for an anchorage,
but they found the coast almost inaccessible. A second attempt was
made to find an anchorage in Choiseul Bay, but, night coming on,
the number of the shoals and the irregularity of the currents
prevented the ships from coming up to the anchorage. In this bay
the boats were attacked by about 150 natives in ten canoes who
were dispersed and routed by the second discharge of fire-arms.
Two canoes were captured, in one of which was found the jaw of a
man half broiled. The island was named Choiseul by its discoverer,
and a river from which the natives had issued into the bay was
called “la riviere des Guerriers.” Passing through the strait which
bears his name, the French navigator coasted along the east side of
Bougainville Island, and passed off the island of Bouka. The natives
who came off to the ship in their canoes displayed the cocoa-nuts
they had brought with them, and constantly repeated the cry,
“bouca, bouca, onellé.” For this reason, Bougainville named the
island, Bouca, which is the name it still retains on the chart. It is,
however, evident from the narrative that the French navigator never
regarded this name as that by which the island was known to its
inhabitants. When Dentrecasteaux, during his voyage in search of La
Pérouse, lay off this island in his ships in 1792, the natives who
came off from the shore, as Labillardière informs us,[365] made use
of the same expression of “bouka.” This eminent naturalist
considered that the word in question was a term in the language of
these islanders; and he refers to it as a Malay expression of
negation, except when a pause is made on the first syllable when it
signifies “to open.” On leaving behind him the island of Bouka,
Bougainville quitted the Solomon Group; but from his account it is
apparent that he had no idea of having found the missing
archipelago. Referring to these islands in the introduction to his
narrative, he writes:—“supposing that the details related of the
wealth of these islands are not fabulous, we are in ignorance of their
situation, and subsequent attempts to find them have been in vain.
It merely appears that they do not lie between the eighth and
twelfth parallels of south latitude.” In Bougainville’s plans and charts,
these discoveries are referred to as forming part of the Louisiade
Archipelago which he had found to the southward. In the general
chart showing the track of his voyage, the Solomon Islands are
placed about 350 miles north-west of the Navigator Islands; and
they are there referred to as “Isles Salomon dont l’existence et la
position sont douteuse.”
[364] “Voyage autour du Monde en 1766-1769:” second edit, augmentée:
Paris 1772.
[365] Labillardière’s “Voyage a la recherche de la Pérouse:” Paris 1800:
tome I., p. 227.
In June of the following year, 1769, there sailed from Pondicherry an
expedition commanded by M. de Surville,[366] who was bound on
some enterprise with the object of which we are still to a great
extent unacquainted. It is, however, probable as we learn from Abbé
Rochon,[367] that some rumour of an island abounding in wealth and
inhabited by Jews, which was reported to have been lately seen by
the English seven hundred leagues west of Peru, had led to the
fitting out of this expedition. Not unlikely, stories of the wealth of the
missing islands of Mendana had been revived by the arrival in India
of some ship that had come upon them in her track across the
Pacific; and the reference to their being populated by Jews may be
readily understood when I allude to the fact that the form of the
nose in one out of every five Solomon Islanders, and in truth in
many Papuans, gives the face quite a Jewish cast. In October, 1769,
Surville discovered and named Port Praslin on the north-east coast of
Isabel, which was the same island of the Solomon Group that
Mendana had first discovered two hundred years before. Here he
stayed eight days, during which time his watering-parties came into
lamentable conflict with the natives. Sailing eastward from Port
Praslin, he sighted the Gower Island of Carteret, which he named
Inattendue Island. Subsequently he reached Ulaua, which he called,
on account of the unfavourable weather which he experienced in its
vicinity, Ile de Contrarieté. The attempt to send a boat ashore was
the occasion of another unfortunate affray with the natives, who
were ultimately dispersed with grape-shot. It will be remembered
that just two centuries before, the Spaniards in the brigantine came
into conflict with these same islanders, and that they named their
island La Treguada in consequence of their supposed treachery (vide
anteâ). In the neighbourhood of Contrarieté, Surville sighted three
small islands, which he named Les Trois Sœurs (Las Tres Marias of
the Spaniards), and near them another island, which he called Ile du
Golfe, the Ugi or Gulf Island of the present chart. Sailing eastward,
he apprehended from the trend of the neighbouring St. Christoval
coast that he would become embayed; but his apprehensions were
removed when he arrived at the extremity of this land, which he
named Cape Oriental, and the two off-lying small islands of Santa
Anna and Santa Catalina were called Iles de la Délivrance in token of
the danger from which he had apparently been delivered. In total
ignorance of the fact that he had been cruising amongst the islands
of the lost archipelago of Mendana, Surville now directed his course
for New Zealand; and on account of sanguinary conflicts with the
natives of Port Praslin and Contrarieté, he named his discoveries
Terre des Arsacides or Land of the Assassins.
[366] An account of this expedition is given in Fleurieu’s “Discoveries of
the French in 1768 and 1769 to the south-east of New Guinea:” London,
1791.
[367] “Voyages à Madagascar et aux Indes Orientales:” Paris, 1791.

In 1781, Maurelle, the Spanish navigator, in command of the frigate

“Princesa,” during his voyage from Manilla to San Blas on the west
coast of Mexico,[368] came upon the Candelaria Shoals of Mendana,
which lie off the north coast of Isabel Island. I have shown on page
200 that these Candelaria Shoals are no other than the Ontong Java
of Tasman, which was identified by M. Fleurieu[369] with the
discovery of Maurelle. To the south-east of these shoals the
“Princesa” approached another, which on account of the roaring of
the sea was named El Roncador: this has been erroneously identified
with the Candelaria Shoals by M. Fleurieu, and it is so named on the
present Admiralty charts. Thus it nearly fell to the lot of the Spanish
nation to be amongst the first to find the group they had originally
discovered; but Maurelle was not acquainted with his vicinity to the
missing Isles of Salomon, and turning the head of his ship eastward,
he proceeded on his voyage.
[368] An account of this voyage is given in “Voyage de la Pérouse autour
du Monde,” par Milet-Mureau: London, 1799: vol. I., p. 201.
[369] “Discoveries of the French in 1768 and 1769,” etc.: pp. 179, 18 .

In July, 1788, Lieutenant Shortland, when returning to England from

Port Jackson in convoy of a fleet of transports, made the Solomon
Group near Cape Sydney on the south coast of St. Christoval. He
skirted the south side of the group until he arrived at Bougainville
Straits, and received the impression that he was coasting along an
apparently continuous tract of land, to which he gave the name of
New Georgia. Passing through Bougainville Straits, which, in
ignorance of the discoveries of the French navigator, he named after
himself, Lieutenant Shortland continued on his voyage. The names
of the numerous headlands[370] on the south side of the Solomon
Group, bear witness in the present chart to the accurate
observations of the English navigator: and from him Mount Lammas,
the highest peak of Guadalcanar, received its name. Like Bougainville
and Surville, Shortland was not acquainted with the nature of his
discoveries.[371]
[370] Capes Philip, Henslow, Hunter, Satisfaction, etc.

[371] Shortland communicated with the natives of Simbo. An account of

this voyage is given in the “Voyage of Governor Phillip to Botany Bay:”
London, 1789.

It now remained for the geographers to avail themselves of the

materials placed at their disposal by the voyages of the French and
English navigators. M. Buache in a “Memoir on the Existence and
Situation of Solomon’s Islands,”[372] which was presented to the
French Academy of Sciences in 1781, deals with the discoveries of
Carteret, Bougainville, and Surville. The steps by which he arrived at
the conclusion that the groups of islands discovered by these
navigators were not only one and the same group, but that they
were the long-lost Isles of Salomon of Mendana, afford an
instructive instance of how a patient and laborious investigator,
endowed with that gift of discrimination which M. Buache employed
with such laudable impartiality, may ultimately attain the truth he
seeks, invested though it be in clouds of mystery and contradiction.
Groping along through a maze of conflicting statements, to which
both navigators and geographers had in equal share contributed, M.
Buache finally emerged into the light of day, when he asserted in his
memoir that between the extreme point of New Guinea as fixed by
Bougainville and the position of Santa Cruz as determined by
Carteret, there was a space of 121⁄2 degrees of longitude, in which
the Islands of Solomon ought to be found. In this space, as he
proceeded to show, lay the large group discovered by Bougainville
and Surville which, he with confidence asserted, would prove to be
none other than the long-lost islands of the Solomon Group.
[372] This memoir is given by Fleurieu in the appendix of his work.

But such a view of the character of the recent French discoveries in

these seas was received by English geographers with that spirit of
partiality from which the cause of geographical science has so
frequently suffered. Mr. Dalrymple in his “Historical Collection of
Voyages,” published in 1770, before he had become acquainted with
the discoveries of Carteret, Bougainville, and Surville, stated his
conviction that there was no room to doubt that what Mendana
called Salomon Islands in 1567, Dampier afterwards named New
Britain in 1700. In the introduction to the narrative of his second
voyage round the world, when he followed up Bougainville’s
exploration of the Australia del Espiritu Santo of Quiros,[373] Captain
Cook supported this view. The arguments, however, of M. Buache
had no weight with Mr. Dalrymple, who in 1790 re-stated his opinion
that the Solomon Islands of the Spaniards and the New Britain of
Dampier were one and the same, and he referred to the discoveries
of Bougainville and Surville as showing no similitude in form to the
Solomon Islands of the old maps.[374]
[373] This group, which had been previously named by Bougainville,
L’Archipel des grandes Cyclades, was designated The New Hebrides by
Cook, a name which it retains on the present charts.
[374] “Nautical Memoirs of Alexander Dalrymple.”

But in the minds of French geographers there was little doubt as to

the correctness of the views of M. Buache. Amongst the detailed
geographical instructions given by Louis XVI. in 1785 to La Pérouse,
when he was setting out on his ill-fated expedition, was one which
directed the attention of this illustrious navigator to the examination
of the numerous islands of the Solomon Group, and especially to
those which lay between Guadalcanar and Malaita.[375] It was
considered almost indubitable, as M. Fleurieu informs us, that the
intended exploration by La Pérouse of this archipelago would convert
probability into certainty. But when in the vicinity of the islands he
was never destined to behold, La Pérouse experienced that
mysterious fate which has excited sympathy throughout the civilised
world. On the reef-girt shores of Vanicoro his ships were wrecked,
and the French commander and his men were never seen again by
any Europeans. As Carlyle wrote, . . . “The brave navigator goes,
and returns not; the seekers search far seas for him in vain, . . . .
and only some mournful mysterious shadow of him hovers long in all
heads and hearts.”[376]
[375] “Voyage de la Pérouse,” rédigé par M. L. A. Milet-Mureau; London,
1799.
[376] Carlyle’s “French Revolution,” ch. V., p. 37.

The ominous silence that had fallen over the doings of the absent
expedition, on account of the non-arrival of the long expected
dispatches, must have been, in a double sense, a cause of
disappointment to M. Fleurieu, who had hoped to demonstrate the
correctness of the views of the French geographers by the results of
the explorations of La Pérouse. It was with the object of showing
that the New Georgia of Shortland was one and the same with the
Terre des Arsacides of Surville and the Choiseul of Bougainville, and
that the French and English navigators had independently of each
other discovered the lost Solomon Group, that M. Fleurieu published
in Paris in 1790 his “Découvertes des François en 1768 et 1769 dans
le sud-est de la Nouvelle Guinée.”[377] “The desire of restoring to the
French nation its own discoveries, which an emulous and jealous
neighbour has endeavoured to appropriate to herself, induced us,”
thus the author wrote in his preface to his work, “to connect in one
view, all those that we have made towards the south-east of New
Guinea; and particularly to prove, that the great land, which
Shortland imagined he discovered in 1788, and to which he gave the
name of New Georgia, is not a new land, but the southern coast of
the Archipelago of the Arsacides, the famous Islands of Solomon,
one part of which was discovered after two centuries by M. de
Bougainville in 1768, and another more considerable by M. de
Surville in 1769.” I need not refer to the detailed arguments of this
learned geographical writer. Under his arguments, Surville’s
appellation of Terre des Arsacides and Shortland’s of New Georgia,
[378] finally gave place to the original title given by the Spanish
navigator. “It was the work of M. de Fleurieu,” thus writes
Krusenstern,[379] the Russian voyager and hydrographer, “that
removed once and for all any doubt that might have been held about
the identity of the discoveries of Bougainville, Surville, and
Shortland, with the Solomon Islands.” Another illustrious navigator,
Dumont D’Urville,[380] thus alludes to the successful labours of his
countrymen, . . . “Le laborieux Buache et l’habile Fleurieu
travaillèrent tour à tour à établir cette identité qui, depuis, est
devenue un fait acquis à la science géographique; les îles relevées
par Surville et par Bougainville sont réellement l’archipel Salomon de
Mindana.” Thus the lost archipelago was found, not so much by the
fortuitous course of the navigator as by the patient investigations of
the geographer in his study. The result is intrinsically of little
importance to the world at large; but, as an example of the success
of a laborious yet discriminate research, it may afford
encouragement to all who endeavour to add something to the sum
of knowledge.
[377] English translation published in London in 1791.

[378] The designation of New Georgia has been retained in the modern
charts for that portion of the group which is known as Rubiana.
[379] “Recueil de Mémoires Hydrographiques,” St. Petersburgh, 1824. Part
I., p. 157.
[380] “Histoire Générale des Voyages,” Paris, 1859; p. 228.

I will now refer briefly to the voyagers who subsequently visited this
group, after its identity had become established. In May 1790,
Lieutenant Ball,[381] in the “Supply,” when on his voyage to England
from Port Jackson via Batavia, made the eastern extremity of the
Solomon Islands. He sailed along the north side of the group until
opposite the middle of Malaita, when he headed more to the
eastward and clear of the land. He correctly surmised that he was
sailing along the New Georgia of Shortland, but on the opposite side
of it: though he looked upon the islands of Santa Anna, Santa
Catalina, and Ulaua as his own discoveries, and he named them
respectively Sirius’s Island, Massey’s Island, and Smith’s Island. In
December 1791, Captain Bowen of the ship “Albemarle,” during his
voyage from Port Jackson to Bombay, sailed along the coast of New
Georgia, and reported that he had seen the floating wreck of one of
the vessels of La Pérouse; but this report was discredited by Captain
Dillon in the narrative of his search after the missing expedition.[382]
In 1792, Captain Manning,[383] of the Honourable East India
Company’s Service, during his voyage from Port Jackson to Batavia
in the ship “Pitt,” made the south coast of the Solomon Group off
Cape Sidney, which was the headland first sighted by Lieutenant
Shortland. Sailing westward, he imagined St. Christoval and
Guadalcanar were continuous, and he thus delineates their coasts in
his track-chart much as Shortland did. The Russell Islands he named
Macaulay’s Archipelago, a name which ought to be retained as a
compliment to their discoverer. He then passed between Rubiana
and Isabel, naming the high land of the latter island Keate’s
Mountains. Passing through the strait between Choiseul and Isabel,
which bears his name, Captain Manning proceeded northward on his
voyage.
[381] Vide “An Historical Journal,” &c., by Capt. John Hunter. London,
1793; pp. 417-419.
[382] “Voyage in search of La Pérouse’s Expedition.” London, 1829.

[383] “Chart of the track and discoveries of the ship ‘Pitt,’ Capt. Edward
Manning, on the western coast of the Solomon Islands in 1792.”

At this time, a French expedition, under Admiral Dentrecasteaux,

was cruising in the same part of the Pacific with the object of
ascertaining the fate of La Pérouse. Amongst the instructions
embodied in a “Mémoire du Roi,” which were given to the French
admiral, was the following one referring to the Solomon Islands: . .
“Qu’il s’occupe à détailler cet archipel, dont il est d’autant plus
intéressant d’acquérir une connoissance parfaite, qu’on peut avec
raison le regarder comme une découverte des François, puisqu’il
étoit resté ignoré et inconnu pendant les deux siècles qui s’étoient
écoulés depuis que les Espagnols en avoient fait la première
decouverte.”[384] In July 1792, when on his way from New Caledonia
to Carteret Harbour in New Ireland, in prosecution of his search for
the missing expedition, Dentrecasteaux made the Eddystone Rock
which had been thus named by Shortland, and passing by Treasury
Island, he skirted the west coast of Bougainville and Bouka. In May
of the following year, when on the passage from Santa Cruz to the
Louisiade Archipelago, the expedition sailed along the south coast of
the Solomon Islands as far as Rubiana. Passing between St.
Christoval and Guadalcanar, Dentrecasteaux sailed close to the island
of Contrarieté and communicated with the natives. Whilst one of his
ships lay off the north-west part of St. Christoval, the natives of Gulf
Island (Ugi) discharged a flight of arrows from their canoes and
wounded one of the crew. It is satisfactory to learn that her
commander contented himself with firing a musket and discharging
a rocket at them without effect, and that no other retaliatory
measures were taken to intercept them in their flight. Turning back
on his course, the French admiral was almost tempted to explore the
group of islands between Guadalcanar and Malaita, to which the
work of Fleurieu had directed his attention, and had he done so, he
would have cleared up the confusion with which the vague
description of Figueroa has surrounded these islands; but his
instructions and the object of his voyage led him along the south
coast of Guadalcanar on his way to the Louisiade Archipelago.
[384] “Voyage de Dentrecasteaux,” rédigé par M. de Rossel. Paris, 1808;
tom. i., p. xxxiii.

To the voyagers who visited this group during the first half of the
present century, I can only briefly allude. The Solomon Islands were
seldom visited during the early portion of it, except, perhaps, by
occasional trading-ships whose experiences have rarely been made
known, a loss which may not be a subject for our regret. However, in
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