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Discovering Diverse Content Through
Random Scribd Documents
chiefs to break up the Prophet's settlement at Tippecanoe, the latter would
not deign, as Mr. Dawson expresses it, to give them an interview; but
despatched his brother to them, "whose threats or persuasions were
sufficient to drive back the chiefs, with strong indications of terror."

When General Proctor began to prepare for retreating from Malden,

Tecumseh, having learned his intention, demanded an interview, and, in the
name of all the Indians, delivered an animated speech. If the spirit, which it
manifests, could have had its intended effect in inducing the General to
fight before he retreated, the result must at least have been more glorious, if
not more favorable to his cause.

"Father!—Listen to your children! You have them now all before you.

"The war before this, our British father gave the hatchet to his red
children, when our old chiefs were alive. They are now dead. In that war
our father was thrown flat on his back by the Americans, and our father
took them by the hand without our knowledge. We are afraid that our father
will do so again at this time.

"Summer before last, when I came forward with my red brethren, and
was ready to take up the hatchet in favor of our British father, we were told
not to be in a hurry—that he had not yet determined to fight the Americans.

"Listen!—When war was declared, our father stood up and gave us the
tomahawk, and told us that he was then ready to strike the Americans—that
he wanted our assistance—and that he would certainly get us our lands
back, which the Americans had taken from us.

"Listen!—You told us, at that time, to bring forward our families to

this place, and we did so. You also promised to take care of them—they
should want for nothing, while the men would go and fight the enemy—that
we need not trouble ourselves about the enemy's garrison—that we knew
nothing about them—and that our father would attend to that part of the
business. You also told your red children that you would take good care of
your garrison here, which made our hearts glad.
 "Listen!—When we were last at the Rapids it is true we gave you little
assistance. It is hard to fight people who live like ground-hogs.

"Father, listen!—Our fleet has gone out; we know they have fought;
we have heard the great guns; [FN-1] but we know nothing of what has
happened to our father with one arm. [FN-2] Our ships have gone one way,
and we are much astonished to see our father tying up every thing and
preparing to run away the other, without letting his red children know what
his intentions are. You always told us to remain here, and take care of our
lands; it made our hearts glad to hear that was your wish. Our great father,
the king, is the head, and you represent him. You always told us you would
never draw your foot off British ground. But now, father, we see you are
drawing back, and we are sorry to see our father doing so without seeing the
enemy. We must compare our father's conduct to a fat dog, that carries its
tail upon its back, but when affrighted, it drops it between its legs and runs
off."

[FN-1] Alluding to Perry's Victory.

[FN-2] Commodore Barclay.

"Father, listen!—The Americans have not yet defeated us by land—

neither are we sure that they have done so by water—we therefore wish to
remain here, and fight our enemy, should they make their appearance. If
they defeat us, we will then retreat with our father.

"At the battle of the Rapids, last war, the Americans certainly defeated
us; and when we returned to our father's fort, at that place the gates were
shut against us. We were afraid that it would now be the case; but instead of
that, we now see our British father preparing to march out of his garrison.

"Father!—You have got the arms and ammunition which our great
father sent for his red children. If you have an idea of going away, give
them to us, and you may go and welcome for us. Our lives are in the hands
of the Great Spirit. We are determined to defend our lands, and if it be his
will, we wish to leave our bones upon them."
 This celebrated speech is probably as good a specimen as any on
record, of the eloquence of Tecumseh. It was a natural eloquence,
characteristic, as all natural eloquence must be, of the qualities of the man.
As Charlevoix says of the Canadian savages, it was "such as the Greeks
admired in the barbarians,"—strong, stern, sententious, pointed, perfectly
undisguised. It abounded with figures and with graphic touches, imprinted
by a single effort of memory or imagination, but answering all the purposes
of detailed description, without its tediousness or its weakness. The
President was "drinking his wine in his town," while Tecumseh and
Harrison were fighting it out over the mountains. The Indians were hallooed
upon the Americans, like a pack of starved hounds. The British nation was
our great Father, and our great Father was laid flat on his back. So the
policy of the United States, in extending their settlements, was a mighty
water, and the scheme of common property in the tribes, was a dam to resist
it. [FN]

[FN] McAfee's History, p. 17.

Tecumseh belonged to a nation "noted," as Mr. Heckewelder describes

them, "for much talk," as well as for hard fighting; and he was himself
never at a loss for words, though he used them with a chariness which
might be imitated without disadvantage by some of our modern orators. It
was only when he spoke for the explanation or vindication of that great
cause to which his whole heart and mind were devoted, that he indulged
himself in any thing beyond the laconic language of necessity. His
appearance was always noble—his form symmetrical—his carriage erect
and lofty—his motions commanding—but under the excitement of his
favorite theme, he became a new being. The artifice of the politician, the
diffidence of the stranger, the demure dignity of the warrior, were cast aside
like a cloak. His fine countenance lighted up with a fiery and haughty pride.
His frame swelled with emotion. Every posture and every gesture had its
eloquent meaning. And then language, indeed,—the irrepressible
outbreaking of nature,—flowed glowing from the passion-fountains of the
soul.
 We have drawn the portrait of this eminent chieftain hitherto, only so
far as to sketch some of those strongly-marked lineaments by which he was
best known to his contemporaries, and by which he will be longest
remembered. But there was something more in his character than strong
savage talent and savage feeling. Injured and irritated as he often was, and
constantly as he kept himself excited by an interest in the fate of his
countrymen, and by the agitation of his own schemes, there is no evidence
either of coarseness in his manners, or of cruelty in his conduct. For reasons
easily to be imagined, he regarded Governor Harrison with less partiality,
than most other individual Americans; and hence, the British General is said
to have stipulated early in the war, that the Governor, if taken prisoner,
should be his captive. But he is understood to have always treated that
gentleman with such courtesy, that we apprehend, had this casus-fædris
unfortunately occurred, he would have gloried only in conveying him off
the battle-field in the manner of the Black-Prince, and in setting before him,
with the royal munificence of Massasoit, all the dry pease in his wigwam.

When the Governor proposed to him, on his first visit to Vincennes in

1810, that, in the event of a war, he would as far as possible put a stop to
the cruelties which the Indians were accustomed to inflict upon women and
children, and others no longer in a situation to resist,—he readily gave his
assent to the proposition, and voluntarily pledged himself to adhere to it.
There is reason to believe, that he remembered this promise; and that amidst
temptations and provocations,—and, many would be inclined to add,
examples, from an authority he might have been supposed to respect,—of a
most extraordinary nature.

In one of the sorties from Fort Meigs, a hundred or more of the

American garrison were taken prisoners, and put into Fort Miami. Here,
McAfee and others relate that the British Indians garnished the surrounding
rampart, and amused themselves by loading and firing at the crowd within,
or at particular individuals. This proceeding is said to have continued nearly
two hours, during which time twenty of the unfortunate prisoners were
massacred. The chiefs were at the same time holding a council, to determine
the fate of the residue. A blood-thirsty mob of cut-throat Pottawatamies
were warmly in favor of despatching them all on the spot, while the
Wyandots and Miamies opposed that course. The former prevailed; and had
already systematically commenced the work of destruction, when
Tecumseh, descrying them from the batteries, came down among them,
reprimanded the ring-leaders for their dastardly barbarity in murdering
defenceless captives in cold blood, and thus saved the lives of a
considerable number. That all this was done by express permission of the
English commander, and in presence of the English army, as is farther
stated, it does not belong to us, in the pursuit of our present subject, either
to assert or prove. If there be any truth in the charge, or in a tithe of those of
the same character which have been brought against the same party, the
sooner the veil of oblivion is dropped over them, the better.

In fine, the character of Tecumseh, in whatever light it be viewed, must

be regarded as remarkable in the highest degree. That he proved himself
worthy of his rank as a general officer in the army of his Britannic Majesty,
or even of his reputation as a great warrior among all the Indians of the
North and West, is, indeed, a small title to distinction, Bravery is a savage
virtue; and the Shawanees are a brave people,—as too many of the
American nation have ascertained by experience. His oratory speaks more
for his genius. It was the utterance of a great mind, roused by the strongest
motives of which human nature is susceptible, and developing a power and
a labor of reason, which commanded the admiration of the civilized, as
justly as the confidence and pride of the savage. But other orators, too, have
appeared among his countrymen, as eloquent and as eminent as Tecumseh,
wherever the same moving causes and occasions could give birth and scope
to the same emulous effort. And the mere oratory, in all these cases, was not
so much an absolute vindication, as a naked and meagre index of the
mighty intellect and noble spirit within. Happily for the fame of Tecumseh,
other evidences exist in his favor,—such as were felt as well as heard in his
own day,—such as will live on the pages of civilized history, long after
barbarous tradition has forgotten them. He will be named with Philip and
Pontiac, "the agitators" of the two centuries which preceded his own. The
schemes of these men were,—fortunately for the interest which they lived
and labored to resist,—alike unsuccessful in their issue; but none the less
credit should for that reason be allowed to their motives or their efforts.
They were still statesmen, though the communities over which their
influence was exerted, were composed of red men instead of white. They
were still patriots, though they fought only for wild lands and for wild
liberty. Indeed, it is these very circumstances that make these very efforts,
—and especially the extraordinary degree of success which attended them,
—the more honorable and the more signal; while they clearly show the
necessity of their ultimate failure, which existed in the nature of things.
They are the best prooff, at once, of genius and of principle.
 CHAPTER XV.

Michikinaqwa, or the Little Turtle—Early History—Engages in a combination of the

Indians against the United States—Blue-Jacket—The Turtle defeats two
detachments of American troops—Some account of the North-Western war from 1791
to 1795—The Turtle defeated by General Wayne—He becomes unpopular after the
peace—Some or the charges against him examined—Anecdotes of his intercourse
with distinguished Americans—His letter to Gen. Harrison—His death in 1812—His
character.

In the Life of Buckongahelas, we have alluded to the powerful

influence of "one individual," as having enabled Governor Harrison, despite
the exertions or that chieftain, to effect the important negotiations
concluded at Fort Wayne in 1803. That individual was the Little Turtle, a
personage of both talent and celebrity, second in modern times only to those
of Tecumseh. Indeed, he may be considered in some respects one of the
most remarkable Indians of any age; and although he has been deceased
about twenty years, his grave, in the neighborhood of the station just
named, is not only still shown, but still visited by Indians from various
quarters, who cherish the memory of the old warrior with the deepest
veneration.

The vernacular name of the Turtle was Michikinaqwa or

Mechecunaqua. He was the son of a Miami chief, but his mother was a
Mohegan woman; and as the Indian maxim in relation to descents is
generally the same with that of the civil law in relation to slaves—that the
condition of the offspring follows the condition of the mother [FN]—the
Turtle had no advantage whatever from his father's rank. He however
became a chief at an early age, for his extraordinary talents attracted the
notice of his countrymen even in boyhood.
 [FN] "Partus sequitur ventrem."

His first eminent services were those of a warrior in the ranks of his
tribe. It is well known that long after the conclusion of the peace of 1783,
the British retained possession of several posts within our ceded limits on
the north, which were rallying-points for the Indians hostile to the American
cause, and where they were supplied and subsisted to a considerable extent,
while they continued to wage that war with us which their civilized ally no
longer maintained. Our Government made strenuous exertions to pacify all
these tribes. With some they succeeded, and among others with the
powerful Creeks, headed at this time by the famous half-breed
McGillivray. But the savages of the Wabash and the Miami would consent
to no terms. They were not only encouraged by foreign assistance—whether
national, or simply individual, we need not in this connection discuss—but
they were strong in domestic combination. The Wyandots, the
Pottawatamies, the Delawares, the Shawanees, the Chippewas, the Ottawas,
not to mention parts of some other tribes, all acted together; and last, but by
no means least, the Miamies, resident where Fort Wayne has been since
erected, inspired the whole confederacy with the ardor which they
themselves had but to imitate in their own fearless chieftains.

These were generally the same parties who had thirty years before
been united against the whites under Pontiac; and the causes of their
irritation were now mainly the same as they had been then, while both the
cordiality and facility of cooperation were increased by confidence and
experience derived even from former failures. These causes have been
already sufficiently experienced. They arose chiefly from the frontier
advances of the white population on the Indian lands—always and almost
necessarily attended with provocations never discovered, and of
consequence never atoned for, by the proper authorities. National claims
were also brought forward, which, so far as founded on the representations
of persons interested, were likely enough to be abuses. In fact, here was an
exact precedent for the combination of Tippecanoe. The Turtle was
politically the first follower of Pontiac, and the latest model of Tecumseh.

The Turtle, we say, but the zealous assistance he received from other
chieftains of various tribes, ought not to be overlooked. Buckongahelas
commanded the Delawares. Blue-Jacket was at this time the leading man
of the Shawanees—a warrior of high reputation, though unfortunately but
few particulars of his history have been recorded. The Mississagas, a
Canadian tribe on the river Credit, some remnant of which still exists,
contributed not a little to the power of the confederacy in the talents of a
brave chief, whose very name is not preserved, though his movements
among the more northern Indians were felt on the banks of the St.
Lawrence, as far down as Montreal itself. [FN]

[FN] A respectable Montreal publication, of 1791, notices one of this person's visits to
the tribes in the vicinity of that town;—describing him as "forty-five years old, six
feet in height, of a sour and morose aspect, and apparently very crafty and subtle."

On the 13th of September, 1791,—all attempts to conciliate the hostile

tribes who were now ravaging the frontiers, having been abandoned,—
General Harmer, under the direction of the Federal government, marched
against them from Fort Washington (the present site of Cincinnati) with
three hundred and twenty regulars, who were soon after joined by a body of
militia, making the whole force about fifteen hundred men. Colonel Hardin,
at the head of six hundred Kentucky troops, was detached in advance to
reconnoiter. As he approached the enemy's villages, they fled. The villages
were destroyed, and a light force again detached in the pursuit. These men
were met by a small Indian party, led on by the Turtle, who attacked them
furiously, and fought them with such effect that of thirty regulars twenty-
three were killed, while all the militia of the detachment sought safety in
flight.

Notwithstanding this check, the enemy's only remaining town in the

section of the country near the battle-ground was laid waste, and their
provisions destroyed. General Harmer then returned to Fort Washington,
unpursued, but disgraced and deeply chagrined. Under these circumstances
he resolved to hazard another action. He halted eight miles from Chilicothe,
and late at night detached Colonel Hardin with orders to find the Indians,
and fight them. Hardin succeeded in his search about daylight The savages
fought with desperation, for they were maddened by the sight of their
flaming villages and their uncovered dead, and the war-cry of the Turtle
again urged them to the onset. Some of the Americans fled, but a greater
number, including fifty regulars and one hundred militia, with several
officers of note, fell upon the field of battle, bravely discharging a fruitless
and fatal duty. General Harmer claimed the victory,—-with how much
propriety may appear from these facts. The Turtle however suffered so
severely in the engagement, that he permitted him to march home
unmolested.

Harmer's disasters were followed by the most deplorable

consequences, for the savages renewed their devastations to such a degree
that the situation of the frontiers became truly alarming. Congress directed
the organization of a strong military force, and meanwhile two volunteer
expeditions from Kentucky, under Generals Wilkinson and Scott were fitted
out against the enemy. Considerable damage was done to them on the
Miami and Wabash, though without much loss of life on either side.

The campaign of the Federal troops,—mustering about two thousand,

besides garrisons in two or three newly erected forts,—commenced late in
the summer of 1791. Desertion reduced the number to fourteen hundred,
before the commander, General St. Clair, had advanced far into the hostile
territory. Continuing his march, however, on the third of November he
encamped on a piece of commanding ground, within fifteen miles of the
Miami villages. An interval of only seventy paces was left between the two
wings of his army. The right was in some degree protected by a creek, and a
steep bank; the left, by cavalry and picquets. The militia, about three
hundred fresh Kentuckian recruits, were permitted to cross the creek, and
draw up in two lines on the first rising ground beyond it, at the distance of a
quarter of a mile from the main body, from which they were separated also
by a rich sugar-tree "bottom."

The enemy had apparently anticipated a movement of this kind. The

chieftains had collected a force of from one thousand to fifteen hundred
men, upon the Miami territories; and for several days previous to the halt,
numbers of them had been hovering round and evidently watching the
movements of the troops. During the night of the 3d, shots were
occasionally exchanged between them and the American sentries, and small
parties were sent out in different directions to prevent their too near
approach.
 Meanwhile the Indians were holding a grand council of war. The plan
of attack was agreed upon, and the order and rank of the various tribes
settled with a precision as punctilious as that of the ancient Greeks. The
Wyandots stretched to the west; the Delawares were stationed next to them;
the Senecas third, and so on. The Turtle, acting as commander-in-chief,
superintended and stimulated the whole, but headed no particular
detachment; the arm of the warrior was to do much, but the eye and voice
of the chieftain, much more. Nothing happened during the night to alarm
the Americans, and indeed the noise and stir of the outskirts in the early part
of the evening gradually subsided. All at length was silent, and it might well
be supposed, as it probably was, that the enemy had taken advantage of the
darkness of the night to make good a precipitate retreat, or that their whole
force as yet consisted only of a few scouting and scalping parties. But the
mistake was of short duration. The militia were violently attacked between
dawn and sunrise of the fourth, by a powerful body of the Indians, who,
with a terrific yell, poured in a volume of musketry along the entire length
of the two lines. Never was surprise more complete. The ranks of the militia
were thrown into confusion at once; and although the battle was hotly
contested for three hours at least, no efforts of the officers, or of the regular
troops of the main body, proved sufficient to recover the lost ground. The
former, indeed, were picked off by the enemy's sharp-shooters so rapidly,
that very little could be expected from the aggregate of their exertions.

Besides, the savages generally fought under shelter of the woods. "The
Indians were very numerous," we are informed by one who was present,
"but we found it out more from their incessant heavy fire, than from what
we could otherwise discover of them. They fought under cover, though they
would frequently advance very close under the smoke of the cannon; and as
soon as it began to clear away, the fire became very fatal." [FN]
Emboldened, however, by success, they sometimes charged the Americans
tomahawk in hand, drove them back on their lines, kept possession of their
tents for some minutes, and though repulsed, continually returned to the
contest with redoubled fury.

[FN] New-York and other news-papers of December, 1791.

 The Americans were at length compelled to retreat; and this retreat,—
as St. Clair himself confessed, in his despatches, "was a precipitate one, in
fact a flight." The camp and artillery were abandoned. Most of the militia
threw away their arms and accoutrements. All were closely pursued by the
savages from half-past nine, when the route commenced, until after sunset,
when they gained Fort Jefferson, at a distance of twenty-nine miles. Thirty-
eight officers, and five hundred and ninety-three men, were slain or
missing; and twenty-one officers and two hundred and forty-two men
wounded, many of whom died afterwards; so that no fewer than eight
hundred and ninety-four were lost or disabled, out of an army of fourteen
hundred. General Butler, second in command, was among the slain.

General St. Clair says he was overpowered by numbers; but as no

English historian makes the enemy more numerous than the Americans,
some credit should be given to them upon other grounds than the pretext of
numerical superiority. Indeed, their attack was conducted with astonishing
intrepidity. After a single volley of fire-arms they fought every inch of the
field, hand to hand. There is no other instance in the history of the
continent, of a slaughter to be compared to this, with the exception of the
memorable defeat of Braddock. "Nearly in the space of three hundred and
fifty yards,"—said General Scott, who visited the battle-field soon after,
—"lay five hundred skull-bones, three hundred of which were buried by my
men. From thence five miles on, the woods were strewed with skeletons,
muskets," &c. [FN-1] The loss of the Turtle's army was never ascertained
upon indisputable authority, but no account makes it at all proportionable to
that of St. Clair. The Mississaga chief, mentioned above, who visited
Montreal a few months after the action, rated the American loss at several
hundreds more than the official bulletin just cited, and that of the Indians at
only nine; [FN-2] but some allowance ought probably to be made for
extenuation in the latter case, as for exaggeration in the former. An
American officer, who encountered a party of thirty Indians near the battle-
ground, a day or two after the defeat, (and was detained by them till they
were made to believe him a friend to their cause, from Canada,) was
informed that the number of killed was fifty-six. These savages were
returning home with their share of the plunder. One of them had a hundred
and twenty-seven American scalps, strung on a pole, and the rest were laden
with various other articles, of different values. They had also three pack-
horses, carrying as many kegs of wine and spirits as could be piled on their
backs. According to their statement, there were twelve hundred Indians in
the battle, the larger proportion of whom were Miamies. [FN-3]

[FN-1] Metcalf's Indian Wars.

[FN-2] Montreal papers.

[FN-3] New-York papers. Most of the statements in the text are corroborated by all
the standard histories of the war.

We have alluded to the expedition of General Scott, who made a most

successful incursion against the savages a few weeks subsequent to the
action of the 4th. A considerable body of them were found by his scouts on
the field, still reveling among the spoils of the camp, and diverting
themselves in high glee. Scott attacked them abruptly with three
detachments, in as many directions, at the same moment. They were
completely surprised and routed. At least two hundred were killed on the
spot; the remainder fled, and Scott's force returned triumphantly to head-
quarters, carrying home seven pieces of St. Clair's cannon.

The effect of this defeat upon the Turtle's mind and upon those of his
countrymen generally, was abundantly sufficient to exasperate, without
having the slightest tendency either to intimidate or discourage.

"A few days ago,"—says, in the summer of 1792, a letter-writer from

Fort Knox, cited in the principal journals of the day,—"several chiefs
came in from Opee, a place high upon the Illinois river, and in their speech
to Major Hamtranck told him they were frequently invited and threatened
by the Miamies, to induce them to go to war with us, that we must keep
good heart, for we shall have a great many more to fight this year than last;
and that they wished us success, and hoped we should give them a hearty
drubbing." Something is suggested about British instigation, and the writer
concludes thus. "Indeed every intelligence we have received from the
Miami villages, corroborates this, so far as to convince us that there will be
twice as many Indians in the field this year as there were last,—so that I
think a few of us will be apt to lose our hair."
 It will be observed that the Miamies are here regarded as the leading
tribe in the hostile combination. So undoubtedly they were, and that alone
sufficiently indicates the influence exercised by the Turtle. Hence it was, in
no small degree, that the predictions of the Indians at Fort Knox, were but
too accurately and speedily fulfilled. During 1792, the depredations of the
savages became more furious and ferocious than ever before; and some of
the most tragical scenes recorded in history took place on the long line of
the frontiers. We shall detail a single well-authenticated instance, to
illustrate the exposure of the citizens in what was then perhaps the most
populous section of the West.

A dwelling-house in Kentucky was attacked by a party of Indians. The

proprietor, Mr. Merrill, was alarmed by the barking of his dog. On going to
the door he received the fire of the assailants, which broke his right leg and
arm. They attempted to enter the house, but were anticipated in their
movement by Mrs. Merrill and her daughter, who closed the door in so
effectual a manner as to keep them at bay. They next began to hew a
passage through the door, and one of the warriors attempted to enter
through the aperture; but the resolute mother seizing an axe, gave him a
fatal blow upon the head, and then with the assistance of her daughter, drew
his body in. His companions without, not apprized of his fate, but supposing
him successful, followed through the same aperture, and four of the number
were thus killed before their mistake was discovered. They now retired a
few moments, but soon returned, and renewed their exertions to force the
house. Despairing of entering by the door, they climbed upon the roof, and
made an effort to descend by the chimney. Mr. Merrill directed his little son
to empty the contents of a large feather-bed upon the fire, which soon
caused so dense and pungent a smoke, as nearly to suffocate those who had
made this desperate attempt, and two of them fell into the fire-place. The
moment was critical; the mother and daughter could not quit their stations
at the door; and the husband, though groaning with his broken leg and arm,
rousing every exertion, seized a billet of wood, and with repeated blows
despatched the two half-smothered Indians. In the meantime the mother had
repelled a fresh assault upon the door, and severely wounded one of the
Indians, who attempted simultaneously to enter there, while the others
descended the chimney. [FN]
 [FN] Metcalf's Indian Wars.

We find no particular evidence that the Turtle was concerned in any of

these petty forays, which indeed were certainly attended with no honor,
while they inflicted more damage and alarm than any other events of this
memorable war. He however commanded a body of Indians who, in
November, 1792, made a violent attack on a detachment of Kentucky
volunteers, headed by Major Adair, (since Governor) under the walls of Fort
St. Clair. The contest was severe and sanguinary. The savages were at
length repulsed—with considerable loss, according to some accounts—but
Marshall, who is sufficiently careful of the honor of his countrymen, allows
that the Major, after a gallant resistance, was compelled to retreat to the
fort, (about half a mile) with the loss of six men killed, and the camp-
equipage and one hundred and forty pack-horses taken. The Indians lost but
two men. The Turtle was also in the action of Fort Recovery, which took
place in June, 1794, and in which a large detachment of American troops,
under Major McMahon, was defeated.

Repeated efforts were made by the American Government, during

these three years, for the conclusion of a treaty of peace. Several of the
Senecas, and other New-York Indians were employed as mediators to this
end. To some extent they succeeded, or at least were thought to have done
so,—it being announced, late in the fall of 1792, that the Miamies had
consented to a truce till the next spring; but at the end of that term, if not
before, hostilities were renewed with as much vigor as ever. Only a few
months previous, three Americans, sent to the enemy with flags and
proposals of peace, were murdered in cold blood,—an act for which some
palliating provocations were alleged by those who committed it, but which
never was deliberately justified by their leaders. [FN]

[FN] "When the news was carried to the town (a Shawanese village) that a white man
with a peace-talk had been killed at the camp, it excited a great ferment, and the
murderers were much censured," &c.—Marshall's Kentucky. The brave Colonel
Hardin, of Kentucky, was one of the messengers.

But the successes of the enemy were drawing to a close. General

Wayne had been appointed to the command of the American army, than
whom perhaps no man in the country was better qualified to meet the
emergencies of an Indian warfare in the woods. The Indians were
themselves, indeed, sensible of this fact, and the mere intelligence of his
approach probably had its effect on their spirits. They universally called
him the Black Snake, from the superior cunning which they ascribed to
him; and even allowed him the credit of being a fair match for
Buckongahelas, Blue-Jacket, or the Turtle himself.

Wayne prosecuted the decisive campaign of 1794 with a spirit which

justified the estimate of his enemy, although, owing to the difficulties of
transporting stores and provisions through a wilderness which at that time
could not be traversed by wagons, he was unable to commence operations
until near midsummer. He had already, in the fall of the previous season,
erected Fort Recovery on the site of St. Clair's defeat; and early in August,
he raised a fortification at the confluence of the Au-Glaize and Miami,
which he named Fort Defiance. His whole force was now nearly two
thousand regulars, exclusive of eleven hundred mounted Kentucky militia
under General Scott, [FN] Here he had expected to surprise the neighboring
villages of the enemy; and the more effectually to ensure the success of his
coup-de-main, he had not only advanced thus far by an obscure and very
difficult route, but taken pains to clear out two roads from Greenville in that
direction, in order to attract and divert the attention of the Indians, while he
marched by neither. But his generalship proved of no avail. The Turtle and
his comrades kept too vigilant an eye on the foe they were now awaiting, to
be easily surprised, even had not their movements been quickened, as they
were, by the information of an American deserter.

[FN] There were some friendly Indians, mostly from southern tribes, who fought
under Wayne and Scott during the season of 1794; and among the rest about sixty
Choctaws, commanded by a brave chief commonly called General Hummingbird,
who more recently distinguished himself in the last war against the Creeks, (as the
allies of the British.) He died December 23d, 1828, aged seventy-five, at his residence
near the Choctaw agency, where he was buried with the honors of war.

On the 12th of the month, the General learned from some of the
Indians taken prisoners, that their main body occupied a camp near the
British garrison, at the rapids of the Miami. But he now resolved, before
approaching them much nearer, to try the effect of one more proposal of
peace. He had in his army a man named Miller, who had long been a
captive with some of the tribes, and he selected him for the hazardous
enterprize.

Miller did not like the scheme. It was his opinion, from what he had
observed, that the Indians were unalterably determined on war, and that
they would not respect a flag, but probably kill him: in short, he declined
being the ambassador. General Wayne, however, could think of no other as
well qualified; and being anxious to make the experiment, he assured Miller
that he would hold the eight prisoners then in his custody, as pledges for his
safety, and that he might take with him any escort he desired. Thus
encouraged, the soldier consented to go with the message; and to attend
him, he selected from the prisoners, one of the men, and a squaw. With
these he left camp at 4 o'clock, P. M. on the 13th; and next morning at
daybreak, reached the tents of the hostile chiefs, which were near together,
and known by his attendants, without being discovered. He immediately
displayed his flag, and proclaimed himself "a messenger." Instantly he was
assailed on all sides, with a hideous yell, and a call, to "Kill the runner! Kill
the spy!" But he, accosting them in their own language, and forthwith
explaining to them his real character, they suspended the blow, and took
him into custody. He shewed and explained the General's letter; not
omitting the positive assurance, that if they did not send the bearer back to
him by the 16th of the month, he would, at sunset of that day, cause every
soldier in his camp to be put to death. Miller was closely confined, and a
council called by the chiefs. On the 15th, he was liberated, and furnished
with an answer to General Wayne, stating, "that if he waited where he was
ten days, and then sent Miller for them, they would treat with him; but that
if he advanced, they would give him battle." The General's impatience had
prevented his waiting the return of his minister. On the 16th, Miller came up
with the army on its march, and delivered the answer; to which he added,
that "from the manner in which the Indians were dressed and painted, and
the constant arrival of parties, it was his opinion, they had determined on
war, and only wanted time to muster their whole force." [FN]

[FN] Marshall.
 This intelligence of course did not serve to check the eagerness of the
General, and he rapidly continued his march down the Miami. On the 18th
he reached the rapids. On the 19th he halted to reconnoiter, within a few
miles of the enemy's camp, and threw up a temporary work which he called
Fort Deposite. Early, in the morning of the 20th he resumed his march in
that direction, and about 10 o'clock his spies, a mile in advance, were fired
on. The army was halted, and put in order of battle, and then moved
forward in three columns. Wayne's legion, occupying the right, had its flank
upon the river; one brigade of mounted volunteers, under General Todd,
occupied the left; and the other, under General Barbee, the rear. Major
Price, with a select battalion, moved in front, to "feel" the enemy, and to
give the troops timely notice to form. After penetrating about five miles, he
received a tremendous fire from an ambuscade, and fell back upon the main
force.

The Indians were advantageously posted in the forest of Presque Isle;

having their left secured by the rocky bank of the river, and their front by a
kind of breast-work of fallen trees, which rendered it impracticable for
cavalry to advance. They were formed in three lines, within supporting
distance, and extending nearly two miles into the woods.

Wayne's legion immediately advanced in two columns, with trailed

arms, expecting to rouse the enemy from the covert with the bayonet; and
when up, to deliver a close fire upon their backs, and press them so hard as
not to give them time to reload. He soon saw, from the weight of their fire,
and the extent of their lines, that the Indians were in full force, in
possession of their favorite ground, and endeavoring to turn his left flank.
He instantly ordered General Scott, with his whole force, to make a
considerable circuit, with a view to outflank them; but the legionary
infantry executed their orders with such promptitude, that only a part of the
second column, and of the mounted volunteers, could be brought up to
participate in the action. The Indians flying from their concealment, only
confused each other by their numbers; and they were driven more than two
miles through thick woods, in the course of an hour, until the pursuit
terminated under the guns of Fort Maumee. [FN] Great slaughter was made
by the legionary cavalry in the pursuit, so many of the savages being cut
down with the sabre, that the title of Long-Knives, long before given to the
Americans, is said to have come again into general use at this period.
General Wayne stated his loss at one hundred and thirty-three killed and
wounded. That of the Indians was never ascertained, but was supposed to be
much greater.

[FN] Marshall. And see Appendix II.

As many as seven tribes were engaged in this action—the Miamies,

the Pottawatamies, Delawares, Shawanees, Chippewas, Ottawas, and some
Senecas. During the night preceding the battle, the chiefs of the different
nations had assembled in council, and it was proposed by some, to go up
and attack General Wayne in his encampment. The proposition was
opposed, and the council did not determine to attack him that night; but all
acceded to another suggestion, to wait until the next day, and fight the
General at Presque Isle. The Turtle alone disapproved of this plan, while
Blue-Jacket was warmly in favor of it. The former disliked the idea of
fighting Wayne under present circumstances, and was even inclined to make
peace. "We have beaten the enemy," said he at the council, "twice, under
separate commanders. We cannot expect the same good fortune always to
attend us. The Americans are now led by a chief who never sleeps. The
night and the day are alike to him; and during all the time that he has been
marching upon our villages, notwithstanding the watchfulness of our young
men, we have never been able to surprise him. Think well of it. There is
something whispers me, it would be prudent to listen to his offers of peace."
On this, he was reproached by one of the chiefs with cowardice, and that
ended the conference. Stung to the quick by a reproach which he was
conscious he never merited, he would have laid the reviler dead at his feet;
but his was not the bravery of an assassin. He took his post in the action,
determined to do his duty; and the event proved that he had formed no very
erroneous estimate of the character of General Wayne. [FN]

[FN] Schoolcraft.

The treaty of Greenville, consequent upon the successful termination

of this campaign, or what is frequently denominated Wayne's War, was
concluded on the third of August, A. D. 1795. This treaty, the basis of most
of our subsequent treaties with the northwestern Indians, was attended by
twelve tribes; some of whom, it is believed, had never before entered into
treaty with the United States. They ceded an extensive tract of country,
south of the lakes, and west of the Ohio; together with certain specific
tracts, including the sites of all the northwestern posts, as an
indemnification for the expenses of the war. The stipulations of the treaty of
Greenville continued unbroken till the battle of Tippecanoe, a period of
sixteen years.

Dawson, in his memoirs of General Harrison, (who was educated in

General Wayne's family,) has given some interesting reminiscences
respecting the conclusion of this peace. He states, that the Turtle took a
decided part against the giving up of the large tract of country which
General Wayne required on the part of the United States. This circumstance,
however, was not unfavorable to the attainment of the object, as it was
evident there was a violent jealousy of the Turtle, among most of the
Ottawas, Chippewas, and Pottawatamies, so that they invariably opposed
every thing which he advocated. And as they and their friends constituted
the majority of the council, the Turtle was always in the minority. The
superiority of his mind was conspicuous not only in their company, but in
his measures and deportment in the society of white people. The other
chiefs were all invited, in their turns, to the General's table, and on these
occasions showed themselves still savages, though many of them appeared
much at their ease, and disposed of the good things of the General's table
with evident satisfaction. The drinking, however, was the most popular part
of the entertainment, and indeed, the White Pigeon, a Pottawatamie chief;
could not refrain from expressing his gratitude to the Great Spirit for this, as
he conceived, the best gift to man. Upon being asked for a toast by General
Wayne, he rose and said, "I will give you the Great Spirit, and I am much
obliged to him for putting so much sense into that man's head who first
made rum."

After the peace was concluded, the Turtle settled upon Eel-River,
about twenty miles from Fort Wayne, where the Americans erected for him
a comfortable house. He frequently visited the seat of Government both at
Philadelphia and Washington. His taste for civilized life being observed, the
Indian agents were desired by the Government to furnish him with every
reasonable accommodation for his decent subsistence,—supposing that the
example might prove beneficial in their exertions to civilize the other
Indians.

These indulgences, however, entirely destroyed—for a time, at least—

the Turtle's influence among the savages; for some envied his good fortune,
and others suspected his honesty. Being perfectly sensible of this, and not a
little chagrined by it, we may fairly presume that he made various attempts
to recover his popularity. This was probably the secret of his opposition to
the interest of the United States on more occasions than one where it was
not altogether indispensable. But we certainly need not deny him on that
account the credit of real patriotism which he manifested at all times. The
truth is, that in some indifferent cases, when he might have yielded to the
demands of the American authorities without disgrace, he opposed them
chiefly for the sake of retaining or regaining his influence with his
countrymen.

Under these circumstances, however, he was of course liable to

accusations which he did not deserve,—by the Indians, of being bribed by
the Government, and by the Americans, of thwarting their purposes from a
puerile regard to the whims rather than the interest of the Indians. As an
instance of the latter, we may refer to the Indian Councils of 1802 and 1803,
at Vincennes and at Fort Wayne, the result of which was the conveyance of
an immense territory to the United States from the Pottawatamies,
Piankishaws, Weas, Eel-River Miamies, and some other tribes or parts of
tribes.

Mr. Dawson states that the former of these councils had been
recommended by the Turtle, but that when the time came, he refused to
attend,—-alleging as his reason, that "the jealousy with which the chiefs
viewed the footing he stood upon with the United States, would make his
presence rather more injurious than serviceable." Now, this would seem to
be a sufficient explanation; and yet the historian does not hesitate to say,
that the Turtle had just before been visited, bribed and gained over by the
British-Indian agent, McKee. This is asserted without qualification,
although the same paragraph shows that the testimony in the case was
nothing more than the "opinion" of a "Mr. Wells." It is added that, "however
that might be"—implying a doubt after all—the Turtle certainly used his
influence to prevent the other chiefs from attending the Council. This might
be true, but it proves at best, only that he made some farther exertion to
clear himself of that suspicion among the Indians which he gave as his
reason for not attending the council, and at the same time to obviate the
necessity itself of attending.

The result proves the correctness of his judgment. Those who did
attend were at first extremely opposed to Governor Harrison's propositions;
but after considerable discussion they determined to refer the whole matter
—and it was one of no small moment to the Indian interest—to four chiefs
of the various tribes represented, or a majority of them, "to finally settle and
adjust a treaty" with the Agents of the Government. At the head of the
commission was the Turtle himself; and his nephew, Richardville, a
member of the same tribe, was another.

Had any other course been taken than this, for which the Turtle is
accused of corruption, it is probable that the treaty would never have been
authorized, notwithstanding the tribes were deliberately convinced of its
policy,—for the presence of the Turtle would have been an argument to
counterbalance all others. The historian does the Chieftain better justice in
the sequel. A meeting of the Commissioners with the Governor having been
appointed for the spring of 1803, to be held at Fort Wayne, the latter, on
arriving there, was astonished to find that all who had agreed to attend,
were still absent, while the Turtle, who had only been authorized to act in
the premises, was on the spot, together with the Pottawatomie Chiefs. It
seems they had by this time grown jealous again; audit comes out in
evidence, that the Owl, or Long-Beard, had been busily employed in
dissuading the Indians from meeting him, and that his representations had
been effectual in many cases. The Owl, despite big name, was as subtle as
he was wicked, and he found means to detach the Miami nation almost
entirely from the interests of the Turtle and Richardville, who were the real
chiefs of the tribe. This he effected by asserting that the former had sold to
the United States the whole country, and that it would be claimed as it
might be wanted. He earnestly advised them not to accept any annuities in
future, assuring them that the United States would at a future day claim a
large tract of land for every annuity which they might pay to the Indians.
 We have before mentioned that when Buckongahelas and other chiefs
finally attended at Fort Wayne, and opposed the treaty, it was effected,
according to the historian's statement, principally by the influence of the
Turtle. It appears to have been on the whole a measure mutually beneficial
to the two contracting parties; but the Turtle no doubt thought that an
agreement once made should be ratified at all events, whatever the effect
might be on his own popularity.

There is probably more justice in the charge brought against him in

regard to the treaty concluded with the Piankashaws and Delawares, in
1804,—though perhaps not in the sense intended by the accuser. The
Miamies were not consulted in this instance, it appears, nor were the
Pottawatamies. They believed themselves entitled to a voice in the matter,
and were therefore dissatisfied, and openly expressed their displeasure at
the result. It is alleged, however, that "no claim would have been set up by
them, had the Turtle been consulted when the treaty was made."

This may be true,—for, setting aside courtesy, he and his countrymen

might at least have been prepossessed in favor of the honesty of the
transaction, by an appearance of entire frankness on the part of the whites.
Not that the treaty was in fact unprincipled; but the manner of concluding it
might well appear to the Indians somewhat exclusive. They claimed an
interest in the lands conveyed, and a consequent right to be consulted as
parties; and they wished that, even if the case admitted of no argument, they
might be allowed to hear what was said, and to see what was done. Their
anxiety was certainly the more pardonable, inasmuch as the tract thus
conveyed included "all that fine country between the Ohio and the Wabash
rivers (as high up as the road leading from Vincennes to Louisville,) with a
front of three hundred miles on the one and nearly half as much on the
other." It further appears, that at a general council of the tribes at Vincennes,
in 1805, a treaty was negotiated, which "settled the dispute respecting the
purchase made of the Delawares the year before,"—the Miamies and the
other claimants being present. There was really a dispute, then—and it was
settled—and that formally, by all the parties concerned. It should have been
prevented, we conceive, instead of being settled; and in that case, the Turtle
might have been spared the charge of "manœuvring" and "intriguing" with
the British Agents.
 He opposed the designs of Tecumseh and the Prophet, from the time of
their first appearance on the political stage, and it was owing to his
influence that very little was effected by them among the Miamies, as well
as other tribes, for a longtime. Had he lived through the war with England,
he would undoubtedly have exerted himself more energetically for the
American interest than ever before. The following communication indicates
the part he was prepared to take, subsequent to the battle of Tippecanoe.
The "witness" probably acted as amanuensis:—

Fort Wayne, 25th January, 1812.

"Governor Harrison:

"My friend—I have been requested by my nation to speak to you, and I

obey their request with pleasure, because I believe their situation requires
all the aid I can afford them.

"When your speech by Mr. Dubois was received by the Miamies, they
answered it, and I made known to you their opinion at that time.

"Your letter to William Wells of the 23d November last, has been
explained to the Miamies and Eel-River tribes of Indians.

"My friend—Although neither of these tribes have had any thing to do

with the late unfortunate affair which happened on the Wabash, still they all
rejoice to hear you say, that if those foolish Indians which were engaged in
that action, would return to their several homeland remain quiet, that they
would be pardoned, and again received by the President as his children. We
believe there is none of them that will be so foolish, as not to accept of this
friendly offer; whilst, at the same time, I assure you, that nothing shall be
wanting on my part, to prevail on them to accept it.

"All the prophet's followers have left him, (with the exception of two
camps of his own tribe.) Tecumseh has just joined him with eight men only.
No danger can be apprehended from them at present. Our eyes will be
constantly kept on them, and should they attempt to gather strength again,
we will do all in our power to prevent it, and at the same time give you
immediate information of their intentions.
 "We are sorry that the peace and friendship which has so long existed
between the red and white people, could not be preserved, without the loss
of so many good men as fell on both sides in the late action on the Wabash;
but we are satisfied that it will be the means of making that peace which
ought to exist between us, more respected, both by the red and the white
people.

"We have been lately told, by different Indians from that quarter, that
you wished the Indians from this country to visit you: this they will do with
pleasure when you give them information of it in writing.

"My friend!—The clouds appear to be rising in a different quarter,

which threatens to turn our light into darkness. To prevent this, it may
require the united efforts of us all. We hope that none of us will be found to
shrink from the storm that threatens to burst upon our nations.

"Your friend,
X Mischecanocquah
or LITTLE TURTLE.

"For the Miami and Eel-River tribes of Indians.

"Witness,
Wm. Turner, Surgeons Mate, U. S. Army.
I certify that the above is a true translation.

"W. WELLS."

But the Turtle was destined to take no part in the Conflict. He died at
Fort Wayne—probably on a visit to the Commandant—July 14, 1812, of a
disorder which the army surgeon announced to be the gout. He endured the
pains of his disease, it is stated, with great firmness, and came to his death,
on the turf of his open camp, with the characteristic composure of his race.
His friend, the Commandant, buried him with the honors of war.

He was said to be sixty-five years of age, by those who had the

opportunity of learning the fact from himself. That account would make
him forty-five,—the same age with the Mississaga chieftain,—at the date of
his great victory over St. Clair; and about thirty at the breaking out of the
American Revolution, during which he no doubt laid the foundation of his
fame. The Miamies are understood to have given as much trouble during
that period as any other tribe on the continent ever did in as few years.

Mr. Schoolcraft, who speaks of the Turtle in very handsome terms,

gives him the credit of doing at least as much as any other individual on the
continent "to abolish the rites of human sacrifice." The existence, certainly
the prevalence, of the custom apparently referred to here, is not, we
apprehend, perfectly well authenticated; but that circumstance itself may
perhaps be attributed to the successful efforts made in modern times to put
an end to the practice. If the language we have quoted is intended to include
generally all wanton destruction of life—such as torture of prisoners, for
example—there can be little doubt of the justice of the praise, for the Turtle
uniformly enjoyed the reputation of being as humane as he was brave.

Nor was this the only case in which he acted the part of a reformer, so
much needed among his countrymen. He was the first man to originate an
efficient system of measures for the suppression of intemperance among
them. And never was a similar system so loudly called for the condition of
any people. Their appetite for ardent spirits is stronger than that of the
whites—owing in a great measure to their manner of living, and especially
to their diet. They have also fewer and feebler inducements to counteract
the propensity; and by public opinion and fashion—as expressed in
common practice, and in the declarations of the leading men—they are
confirmed in the evil quite as much as our citizens are restrained by similar
causes. But worse than all, their ignorance, their indolence, and their
poverty have made them the prey of legions of civilized scoundrels,—
particularly traders in peltry,—who have supposed themselves interested in
making them as sordid and stupid as possible, to induce them to hunt in the
first instance, and to rob them of their furs in the second.

The Turtle was no less mortified than incensed by these abuses. He

saw his countrymen destroyed and destroying each other every day in peace
—and no tribe was more besotted than the Eel-River Miamies—and he saw
hundreds, of them in war, at one time, surprised and massacred in their cups
without resistance, on the very ground still red and wet with his victories.
Possibly chagrin was as strong a motive with him as philanthropy. But
however that might be, he devoted himself with his usual energy to the
correction of the evil. In 1802 or 1803, he went before the legislature of
Kentucky, attended by his friend and interpreter, Captain Wells, and made
his appeal to them in person. A committee was raised to consider the
subject, and we believe a law passed to prevent the sale of whiskey to the
Indians, as he desired. He also visited the Legislature of Ohio, and made a
highly animated address, but in that case obtained nothing but the honor for
his pains. His description of the traders was drawn to the life. "They
stripped the poor Indians," he said, "of skins, gun, blanket, every thing,—
while his squaw and the children dependent on him lay starving and
shivering in his wigwam." [FN]

[FN] Mss. Documents.

From the following passage in the European (London) Magazine of

April, 1802, compiled from American papers, we ascertain that the Turtle
was also the first to introduce the practice of inoculation for the small pox
among the Indians,—a scourge second only to the one just mentioned. "Last
winter," we are told, "there was a grand embassy of Indians to the President
and Congress at Washington. Little Turtle was the head-warrior. The
President had supplied them with ploughs, spinning-wheels, &c. and to
crown all he explained to them how the Great Spirit had made a donation to
the white men—first to one in England, (Dr. Jenner) and then to one in
America, (Dr. Waterhouse, of Boston, [FN])—of a means of preventing the
small pox. Such a confidence had the copper-colored king in the words of
his 'Father,' that he submitted to be inoculated, together with the rest of the
warriors." It further appears that he took a quantity of vaccine matter home
with him, which he probably administered in person; and that not long
afterwards, fifteen more of his tribe visited the seat of government in
pursuit of the same remedy.

[FN] Now of Cambridge.

We shall conclude our notice of this eminent chieftain, with a few

anecdotes preserved by Mr. Dawson.
 What distinguished him most, says that writer, was his ardent desire to
be informed of all that relates to our institutions; and he seemed to possess a
mind capable of understanding and valuing the advantages of civilized life,
in a degree far superior to any other Indian of his time. "During the frequent
visits which he made to the seat of government, he examined every thing he
saw with an inquisitive eye, and never failed to embrace every opportunity
to acquire information by inquiring of those with whom he could take that
liberty."

Upon his return from Philadelphia, in 1797, he visited Governor

Harrison, at that time a captain in the army, and commander at Fort
Washington. He told the Captain he had seen many things, which he wished
to have explained, but said he was afraid of giving offence by asking too
many questions. "My friend here," said he, meaning Captain Wells, the
interpreter, "being about as ignorant as myself, could give me but little
satisfaction." He then desired the Captain to inform him how our
government was formed, and what particular powers and duties were
exercised by the two houses of Congress, by the President, the Secretaries,
&c. Being satisfied on this subject, he told the Captain he had become
acquainted with a great warrior while in Philadelphia, in whose fate he was
much interested, and whose history he wished to learn. This was no other
than the immortal Kosciusko; he had arrived at Philadelphia a short time
before, and hearing that a celebrated Indian chief was in the city, he sent for
him. They were mutually pleased with each other, and the Turtle's visits
were often repeated. When he went to take his final leave of the wounded
patriot, the latter presented the Turtle with an elegant pair of pistols, and a
splendid robe made of the sea-otter's skin, worth several hundred dollars.

The Turtle now told his host that he wished very much to know in
what wars his friend had received those grievous wounds which had
rendered him so crippled and infirm. The Captain shewed him upon a map
of Europe the situation of Poland, and explained to him the usurpations of
its territory by the neighboring powers—the exertions of Kosciusko to free
his country from this foreign yoke—his first victories—and his final defeat
and captivity. While he was describing the last unsuccessful battle of
Kosciusko, the Turtle seemed scarcely able to contain himself. At the
conclusion he traversed the room with great agitation, violently flourished
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