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Misunderstandings in ATC Communication Language
Cognition and Experimental Methodology 1st Edition
Immanuel Barshi Digital Instant Download
Author(s): Immanuel Barshi, Candace Farris
ISBN(s): 9780754679738, 075467973X
Edition: 1st
File Details: PDF, 3.52 MB
Year: 2013
Language: english
Misunderstandings in ATC Communication
 Ashgate Studies in Human Factors
for Flight Operations

Series Editors

R. Key Dismukes, Ph.D.

formerly Chief Scientist for Human Factors at the NASA Ames Research Center,
California, USA

Capt. Daniel E. Maurino

formerly Coordinator of the Flight Safety and Human Factors Study Programme,
at the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO), Quebec, Canada

Sidney Dekker, Ph.D.

Professor of Human Factors and Flight Safety, and Director of Research
at the School of Aviation, Lund University, Sweden

Ashgate Studies in Human Factors for Flight Operations is a series dedicated to

publishing high-quality monographs and edited volumes which contribute to the
objective of improving the safe and efficient operation of aircraft.

The series will achieve this by disseminating new theoretical and empirical research
from specialists in all relevant fields of aviation human factors. Its foundation will
be in applied psychology, presenting new developments and applications in such
established fields as CRM, SA and decision-making. It will also encompass many
other crucial areas such as fatigue and stress, the social environment, SMS, design,
technology, communication and training.

Submitted work relevant to the objective of the series will be considered for
publication by the board of editors. The series is intended for an international
readership and so books with a broad geographical appeal are especially
encouraged.
 Misunderstandings in
ATC Communication
Language, Cognition, and Experimental Methodology

Immanuel Barshi
NASA Ames Research Center, USA

Candace Farris
McGill University, Canada
First published 2013 by Ashgate Publishing

Published 2016 by Routledge

2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

Copyright © immanuel Barshi and Candace Farris 2013

Immanuel Barshi and Candace Farris have asserted their right under the Copyright, Designs
and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as the authors of this work.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any
form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented,
including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system,
without permission in writing from the publishers.

Notice:
Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used
only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

Barshi, Immanuel.
Misunderstandings in ATC communication : language, cognition, and experimental
methodology.—(Ashgate studies in human factors for flight operations) 1. Air traffic
controllers—Language. 2. Miscommunication. 3. Air traffic controllers—Language—
Research— Methodology. 4. Miscommunication—Research—Methodology. 5. Aircraft
accidents—Human factors. I. Title II. Series III. Farris, Candace.
363.1'2418-dc23

The Library of Congress has cataloged the printed edition as follows:

Barshi, Immanuel.
Misunderstandings in ATC communication : language, cognition, and experimental
methodology / by Immanuel Barshi and Candace Farris.
p. cm.— (Ashgate studies in human factors for flight operations)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-7546-7973-8 (hardback : alk. paper)—ISBN 978-0-7546-9933-0 (ebook)—
ISBN 978-1-4094-7410-4 (epub) 1. Air traffic control—Communication systems—
Psychological aspects. 2. Air pilots—Language. 3. Air traffic controllers—Language.
4. Listening comprehension. 5. English language—Pronunciation. I. Farris, Candace.
II. Title. III. Series: Ashgate studies in human factors for flight operations.
TL725.3.T7B37 2013
387.7'40426014—dc23
2012039502
ISBN 9780754679738 (hbk)
ISBN 9781315595641 (ebk)
 Contents

List of Figures   ix
List of Tables   xi
About the Authors   xiii
Acknowledgments   xv
List of Abbreviations   xvii

Introduction   1
Misunderstandings in ATC Communication 2
Language4
Cognition5
Experimental Methodology 5
Outline and Organization of the Book 7
Our Approach to this Research 8

PART I The Effects of Linguistic Properties and

Message Length on Misunderstandings in
Aviation Communication

1 Introduction to Part I   15

Aim and Scope of this Chapter 15
Misunderstandings in Aviation Communication 15
Related Research 16
An Outline of Part I 23
Practical Applications 24

2 Air Traffic Control Radio Communication   27

Aim and Scope of this Chapter 27
ATC Communication Procedures 27
Radio Communication Data 29
Summary44
vi Misunderstandings in ATC Communication

3 The Omission and Deletion of Linguistic Elements

in ATC Clearances   45
Aim and Scope of this Chapter 45
Organization of this Chapter 46
Philps’ Linguistic Analysis of Aviation English 47
Deletion of Linguistic Elements and Misunderstandings 51
Speech Rate 69
Conclusion72

4 Experimental Study of ATC-like Instructions   75

Aim and Scope of this Chapter 75
General Method 75
Analyses82
Experiment 1 83
Experiment 2 88
Experiment 3 92
Experiment 4 97
Summary of all Four Experiments 102

5 Conclusion to Part I   105

Aim and Scope of this Chapter 105
Summary105
What Have We Learned about the Language of ATC
Communication?105
What Have We Learned about the Cognitive Processes
Underlying this Task? 107
What Recommendations Can We Make? 108

TRANSITION

Part II The Effects of Message Length, Second

Language Proficiency and Cognitive
Workload in Aviation Communication

6 Introduction to Part II   113

Chapter Overview 113
Background113
ICAO Language Proficiency Requirements 114
 Contents vii

7 Literature Review   117

Chapter Overview 117
The Controller–pilot Communicative Environment 117
Linguistic Factors in Controller–pilot Communications 120
Workload as a Factor in Controller–pilot Communications 125
Summary128
Hypotheses129

8 Methods   131
Chapter Overview 131
Participants131
Materials137
Procedure139
Research Design 142
Dependent Variables 143

9 Results   145
Chapter Overview 145
Overview of Analyses 145
Performance Variables 147
Speech Variables 154

10 Discussion   169
Chapter Overview 169
Performance Variables 169
General Discussion of Performance Variables 174
Speech Production Variables 175
Summary  180

11 Implications and Conclusions for Part II   181

12 Final Conclusion   185

Appendix A: Barshi Paradigm Studies   191

Appendix B: Excerpts from the Airman’s Information Manual

Concerning ATC Radio Communication Procedures   209

Appendix C: Transcript Conventions (Adapted from Appendix A of

Ward, Novick, and Sousa 1990)   211

Appendix D: ATC Clearances and Face-to-Face Communication   213

viii Misunderstandings in ATC Communication

Appendix E: Transcript of 22 Messages Included in the Analyses in Chapter 3  215

Appendix F: Language Background Questionnaire (adapted from

Trofimovich 2005)   221

Appendix G: Sample of Rater Worksheet for Oral Proficiency Measure   225

Appendix H: Participant’s Addition Task Worksheet   227

Appendix I: Example Sheet for Navigation Task    229

Appendix J: Practice Sheet for Navigation Task   231

Appendix K: Rater Worksheet for Speech Production Ratings   233

Appendix L: Original Acknowledgments from Immanuel’s Dissertation   235

Appendix M: Original Acknowledgments from Candace’s Master’s Thesis  237

References   239
Index   251
 List of Figures

Figure 4.1 Initial computer display during experiments 78

Figure 4.2 The mapping of the three-dimensional space on to the
computer display 79
Figure 4.3 Computer display, sample instructions, and movements
following instructions on the computer screen 80
Figure 4.4 Physical model of the space displayed on the computer screen 81
Figure 4.5 Experiment 1, main effect of length 85
Figure 4.6 Experiment 2, main effect of length 89
Figure 4.7 Experiment 3, main effect of length 94
Figure 4.8 Experiment 4, main effect of length 99
Figure 4.9 The effect of practice on navigation accuracy as a function
of block 103
Figure 9.1 Mean navigation accuracy scores in the Clear condition 149
Figure 9.2 Mean readback accuracy scores in the Clear condition 149
Figure 9.3 Mean navigation accuracy scores in the Workload condition 150
Figure 9.4 Mean readback accuracy scores in the Workload condition 150
Figure 9.5 Mean navigation accuracy scores for messages of Length 1 151
Figure 9.6 Mean readback accuracy scores for messages of Length 1 151
Figure 9.7 Mean navigation accuracy scores for messages of Length 2 153
Figure 9.8 Mean readback accuracy scores for messages of Length 2 153
Figure 9.9 Mean navigation accuracy scores for messages of Length 3 154
Figure 9.10 Mean readback accuracy scores for messages of Length 3 154
Figure 9.11 Mean accentedness ratings in the Clear condition 158
Figure 9.12 Mean comprehensibility ratings in the Clear condition 158
Figure 9.13 Mean fluency ratings in the Clear condition 159
Figure 9.14 Mean confidence ratings in the Clear condition 159
Figure 9.15 Mean accentedness ratings in the Workload condition 160
Figure 9.16 Mean comprehensibility ratings in the Workload condition 161
Figure 9.17 Mean fluency ratings in the Workload condition 161
Figure 9.18 Mean confidence ratings in the Workload condition 162
Figure 9.19 Mean accentedness ratings at Length 1 162
Figure 9.20 Mean comprehensibility ratings at Length 1 163
Figure 9.21 Mean fluency ratings at Length 1 163
Figure 9.22 Mean confidence ratings at Length 1 164
Figure 9.23 Mean accentedness ratings for Length 2 165
Figure 9.24 Mean comprehensibility ratings for Length 2 165
Figure 9.25 Mean fluency ratings for Length 2 166
x Misunderstandings in ATC Communication

Figure 9.26 Mean confidence ratings for Length 2 166

Figure 9.27 Mean accentedness ratings for Length 3 167
Figure 9.28 Mean comprehensibility ratings for Length 3 167
Figure 9.29 Mean fluency ratings for Length 3 168
Figure 9.30 Mean confidence ratings for Length 3 168
 List of Tables

Table 1.1 Summary of the Kanki and Foushee (1989) Speech Act
Coding Scheme 18
Table 1.2 Definition of Aviation Topic/Speech Act Taxonomy
(ATSAT) Speech Act Categories 19
Table 1.3 Aviation Topics within ATSAT’s Speech Act Categories 19
Table 2.1 Summary of 86 air traffic control instructions 30
Table 3.1 Summary of 86 ATC instructions 46
Table 3.2 Philps’ findings 48
Table 3.3 Number of determiners 52
Table 3.4 Number of link/aux verbs 54
Table 3.5 Number of prepositions 56
Table 3.6 Number of sequence markers 59
Table 3.7 Number of aviation topics between pauses 65
Table 3.8 Number of missing/added prosodic markers 66
Table 3.9 Cumulative number of missing linguistic elements 68
Table 3.10 Message length, duration and speech rate 70
Table 4.1 Proportion of errors in Experiment 1 under strict scoring
method as a function of block, rate, and length 84
Table 4.2 Proportion of errors on the first command only in
Experiment 1 under lenient scoring method as a function
of block, rate, and length 86
Table 4.3 Proportion of errors on the first and second commands only
in Experiment 1 under intermediate scoring method as a
function of block, rate, and length 87
Table 4.4 Proportion of errors in Experiment 2 under strict scoring
method as a function of block, rate, and length 89
Table 4.5 Proportion of errors on the first command only in
Experiment 2 under lenient scoring method as a
function of block, rate, and length 90
Table 4.6 Proportion of errors on the first and second commands only
in Experiment 2 under intermediate scoring method as a
function of block, rate, and length 91
Table 4.7 Proportion of errors in Experiment 3 under strict scoring
method as a function of block, rate, and length 93
Table 4.8 Proportion of errors on the first command only in
Experiment 3 under lenient scoring method as a
function of block, rate, and length 95
xii Misunderstandings in ATC Communication

Table 4.9 Proportion of errors on the first and second commands only
in Experiment 3 under intermediate scoring method as a
function of block, rate, and length 96
Table 4.10 Proportion of errors in Experiment 4 under strict scoring
method as a function of block, intonation, and length 98
Table 4.11 Proportion of errors on the first command only in
Experiment 4 under lenient scoring method as a
function of block, intonation, and length 100
Table 4.12 Proportion of errors on the first and second commands only
in Experiment 4 under intermediate scoring method as a
function of block, intonation, and length 101
Table 8.1 L1 proficiency and usage self-ratings of all participants by
proficiency group  133
Table 8.2 L2 background, proficiency, and usage self-ratings of L2
speakers by proficiency group 134
Table 8.3 Global proficiency scores /40 for all participant groups 136
Table 8.4 Proficiency measures contributing to global proficiency score 137
Table 9.1 Mean navigation accuracy scores (out of 12) and their
standard deviations for the three proficiency groups in the
Clear and Workload conditions 147
Table 9.2 Mean readback accuracy scores (out of 12) and their
standard deviations for the three proficiency groups in the
Clear and Workload conditions 148
Table 9.3 Mean accentedness ratings (out of 9) and their standard
deviations for the three proficiency groups in the Clear
and Workload conditions 155
Table 9.4 Mean comprehensibility ratings (out of 9) and their
standard deviations for the three proficiency groups in the
Clear and Workload conditions 156
Table 9.5 Mean fluency ratings (out of 9) and their standard
deviations for the three proficiency groups in the Clear
and Workload conditions 156
Table 9.6 Mean confidence ratings (out of 9) and their standard
deviations for the three proficiency groups in the Clear
and Workload conditions 156
Table 10.1 Navigation accuracy scores expressed as a proportion of
correct responses for all proficiency groups in the Clear
and Workload conditions 170
Table 10.2 Readback accuracy scores expressed as a proportion of
correct responses for all proficiency groups in the Clear
and Workload conditions 170
Table C.1 Notation 211
 About the Authors

Immanuel Barshi is a Senior Principal Investigator in the Human Systems

Integration Division at NASA Ames Research Center. His current research
addresses cognitive issues involved in the skilled performance of astronauts and
pilots, as well as mission controllers and air traffic controllers, their ability to
manage challenging situations, and their vulnerability to error. Among the topics
investigated by his research group are spatial reasoning, decision-making, risk
assessment, communication, and skill acquisition and retention. The results of
his work have been implemented in checklist design, operational procedures, and
training programs in space, aviation, medicine, and nuclear facilities.
Dr Barshi holds PhDs in Linguistics and in Cognitive Psychology. He has
published books and papers in basic and applied psychology, linguistics, and
aviation. He holds the Airline Transport Pilot certificate with A320, A330, B737,
and CE500 Type Ratings; he is also a certified flight instructor for airplanes and
helicopters, with over 35 years of flight experience.

Candace Farris is a doctoral candidate at McGill University in Montreal, Canada.

Her current research addresses interaction between controllers and pilots in radio
communication, with the objective of identifying skills required for successful
communication in the global aviation context. Her findings are applicable to the
field of aviation communications training and assessment for native and non-
native speakers alike. Candace has over ten years’ experience in aviation, having
worked in the airline industry and as a consultant for the International Civil
Aviation Organization.
This book is a little “thank-you” note…
To my parents, Bat-Sheva and Gabi,
To my academic “parents,” Zygmunt and Alice,
And to my everything partner, Ursi,
For so much more than can ever be said in words.
Immanuel

And to my three guys—Chuck, Max and Ben

For your patience and support
And for being the wonderful family you are.
Candace
 Acknowledgments

Although there are two author names on the cover of this book, there are many
many more individuals, too numerous to list here, without whom this book would
have never materialized. Because the book includes two thesis works, we first
want to thank our original advisors, Zygmunt Frajzyngier and Pavel Trofimovich,
and our committee members (see the Acknowledgment sections from our original
works, which appear as Appendices L and M at the end of the book). Fellow
students and other teachers helped shape our thinking, provided encouragement,
and supported us along the way. We wouldn’t be here without them.
Special thanks go to Loukia Loukopoulos and Vicki Schneider for their
careful read of the whole manuscript and their many helpful comments. Loukia
also helped tremendously with the formatting and indexing of the entire book.
Special thanks also go to Robert Mauro for his helpful comments and statistics
advice. Finally, many thanks go to Guy Loft and the other folks at Ashgate for
encouraging us to put the book together, for being patient with our delays, and for
providing guidance and support along the way.
Finally, to our partners and our families who had to put up with the countless
hours we spent at our computers, late into the night and through many weekends,
instead of going on walks, participating in family events, or just playing on the
carpet. Chuck, Ben, Max, Ursi, and Naomi—this book is your accomplishment
every bit as much as it is ours, if not more.
Thank you.
This page has been left blank intentionally
 List of Abbreviations

ADREP [ICAO] Accident/Incident Data Reporting System

AIM Aeronautical Information Manual

ANCOVA Analysis of covariance

ANOVA Analysis Of Variance

ASRS [NASA] Aviation Safety Reporting System

ATC Air Traffic Control

ATIS Automated Terminal Information Service

ATSAT Aviation Topic/Speech Act Taxonomy

CFR Code of Federal Register

CPDLC Controller–Pilot Data Link Communication

FAA Federal Aviation Administration

FAR Federal Aviation Regulations

FSS Flight Service Station

ICAO International Civil Aviation Organization

IFR Instrument Flight Rules

LPR [ICAO] Language Proficiency Requirements

L1 First language (mother tongue)

L2 Second language
xviii Misunderstandings in ATC Communication

MORS [UK] Mandatory Occurrence Reporting Scheme

NOTAM Notice to Airmen

NS Native [English] Speakers

NTSB [US] National Transportation Safety Board

SME Subject Matter Expert

STM Short-Term Memory

ST-WM Short-Term Working Memory

TRACON Terminal Radar Approach Control

VFR Visual Flight Rules

VR Virtual Reality
 Introduction

Air traffic control (ATC) is responsible for the safe and efficient flow of air traffic
in and out of airports that are served by control towers, and enroute between
airports. To meet that responsibility, air traffic controllers communicate with pilots
using voice-over radio (and in some recent cases, using written text messages
over computer communication). Controllers issue instructions, or clearances, to
pilots, providing such information as altitudes, speeds, and navigation directions,
as well as information about the weather and the flow of air traffic. It is the pilots’
responsibility to follow controllers’ instructions, unless such instructions put
the aircraft and its occupants at risk. The careful coordination of air traffic is, of
course, critical, particularly in and around busy airports. Thus, clear and complete
exchange of information between the controller and the pilot is key to that
coordination. When a pilot misunderstands, or simply does not hear a controller’s
instruction, or when a controller makes a mistake, as in issuing a clearance to the
wrong aircraft or failing to issue a clearance, incidents and accidents can occur.
Therefore, understanding the sources of such miscommunications and finding
ways to avoid them are crucial to aviation safety.
As the title suggests, this book is about misunderstandings in communication
between pilots and air traffic controllers. We examine two key aspects of such
communication—language and cognition. In addition, we describe an experimental
methodology that can be used as a model for empirical studies of real-world
problems. The first set of experiments presented in Part I constituted the doctoral
dissertation in Linguistics of the first author, Immanuel Barshi. This seminal work
(see Barshi 1997) has become the starting point for other research studies and
projects in the fields of Aviation Human Factors, Cognitive Psychology, Linguistics
and Applied Linguistics. We felt it was time to create an easily accessible version
of this research, along with an extension, in Part II of the book, to demonstrate
how the experimental paradigm used in the original work can be adapted for other
research purposes, both theoretical and applied. Writing this book now, years after
the original work was done, gives us the gift of perspective. We are able to look
back and see not only where the work came from but also where it has since gone
and how it continues to evolve.
The original dissertation was completed in 1997 at the University of Colorado,
in Boulder, Colorado, USA. It is presented here largely as it was originally
submitted, with its original literature review and references. We have, however,
added some detail and reflections in places, and provide reviews of more recent
research literature elsewhere in this book. Its extension, which constituted
the Master’s thesis of the second author, Candace Farris, was written ten years
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is then broken in pieces—it may not be used for the living, having
once been used for the dead. The pillow of cotton-wool is about the
size of a pigeon’s egg, and, as far as can be gathered from the
Dyaks, it in some way insures the comfort of the dead man in the
other world.
Then the body, wrapped in mats and covered over with a light
framework of wood, is carried on the shoulders of four men. As they
descend the ladder ashes from the fire burnt near the corpse are
thrown after them by the people who are left in the house. This is
done in order that the dead man may not know his way back to the
house, and may thus be unable to trouble his friends afterwards.
The women are not permitted to accompany the body to its burial,
so they raise a dismal wail as the body is carried away from the
house.
The body is either taken by boat or carried on foot to the jungle,
where a tree is to be cut down for the coffin. When the spot is
reached a halt is made. A fowl is killed, and the blood is collected in
a cup and mixed with a little water. Each person present is touched
with the blood, to propitiate the gods of the infernal world and to
secure immunity from any evil consequences to the persons
engaged in the funeral rites. They now set to work to make the
coffin. A tree is felled, and the required length cut off. This is split in
two, and each half is hollowed out. The corpse is then placed in this
rude coffin, the two parts of which are now firmly lashed together
with cane.
The crowd then proceed either on foot or by boat to the place of
burial. The burial-ground, or pendam, is generally on the side of a
hill. The trees are not cut down, and there is nothing to distinguish
the pendam from ordinary jungle. The Dyaks regard a cemetery with
superstitious terror as the abode of spirits, and never go to it except
to bury their dead, and when they do this they do not stay longer
than they can help, but hurry away lest they should meet some spirit
from the other world. The consequence is that the place is wild and
uncared for. The graves, being shallow and not fenced round, are
often dug up by wild pigs or bears, and bones and skulls strew the
ground.

A Dyak Cemetery by the River-side

This shows the carved wooden erections put over
some of the graves. The trees are generally left
standing in a Dyak cemetery, and a little distance
from the river bank it is covered with jungle growth.

A Dyak Dancing the War Dance

He is imitating the action of a man creeping
through the jungle, sword in hand, to attack the
 enemy. The man on the right is playing a Dyak
musical instrument called the Engkrurai.
When they reach the spot where the grave is to be, some rice is
scattered on the ground. This rice is the price paid to Pulang Gana,
the spirit who owns the land, for the grave. Then a fowl is killed, and
the blood sprinkled on the ground. These offerings are made to
prevent the spirits from hurting any of those who take part in
digging the grave.
The graves are rarely more than three feet deep. The Dyaks dare
not step into the grave to deepen it, because, according to their
superstitious ideas, anyone who does such a thing will die a violent
death. They use no spade or hoe to turn up the earth, but cut the
soil with their choppers, and throw up the mould with their hands.
They dig into it as far as their arms will reach and no farther.
The corpse is lowered into the grave hurriedly, and all present
shout. They cry to the dead man, but why they do so or what
advantage is gained by doing so is not clear. The reason why the
body is hurriedly buried is the fear lest the cry of some sacred bird
may be heard, and the burial of the man become unpropitious; the
less time they take in putting the corpse into the grave the less
chance there is of this.
With the corpse are put for use in the next world various articles
of clothing, personal ornaments, weapons of warfare, implements
for farm work, and even instruments of music, according to the sex
and natural proclivities of the dead. Some of these things belonged
to the departed; others are given by friends as tokens of affection.
Rice, tobacco, and betel-nut are also cast into the grave, as these
things may be needed in the other world. It used to be the custom
to place money, gold and silver ornaments, and brass utensils in the
grave, but these articles were so often stolen that, nowadays, it is
the practice to break in pieces all the utensils placed in the grave.
Jars and brass gongs are not buried with the corpse, but placed on
the grave. When all this has been done, the grave is fenced round,
and food and drink are placed in the enclosure, and at either end
something is put to indicate the sex and favourite occupation of the
deceased. If the grave be that of a warrior, it is roofed and
decorated with streamers, and such of his weapons as are not
buried with him are hung about, and the ground around is palisaded
and spiked. The grave of the hunter is distinguished by his blow-pipe
and quiver, together with the trophies of the chase—stags’ antlers
and boars’ tusks. Some article of feminine attire or work—spindles or
petticoats, or waist-rings or water-gourds—indicate the graves of
women. The graves of the rich have valuable jars or gongs, which
are secured in their places by having a stake driven through them
and thus rendered worthless.
A lighted torch is always carried to a funeral, and when the body
is buried it is extinguished at the grave.
The articles which are buried with the dead person or put upon
the grave are called baiya. They are for the use of the spirit in the
other world. The Dyaks argue that though the articles placed on the
grave remain there, still the spirit of these articles are of use to the
soul in Hades, and so their gifts are not wasted.
Those of the mourners who leave the grave last plant sharpened
stakes in the ground, so that the spirit of the dead man may not
follow them back to the Dyak house, the stakes planted in the
ground being supposed to prevent his return.
At sunset on the day of death, a fire is lit at the landing-place on
the bank of the river near the house of the dead man. This fire is
kept burning all night. For three or four evenings after death they
light a fire either at the landing-place or somewhere outside the
house. This is for the use of the departed, for in Hades fire is not to
be procured without paying for it, and if the dead find any difficulty
about obtaining fire, they can come and fetch it from the fire lit by
their earthly friends. This idea does not seem consistent with the
many things done to prevent the soul of the dead man finding his
way back to his earthly home.
 When there is a death among the Dyaks, none of the inmates of
the house do any farm work on the day of the funeral. In the case of
the death of a Chief, they refrain from work for three days or even
more.
When anyone dies, the ulit, or mourning, has to be observed by
the immediate relatives of the deceased, and continues until the
feast in honour of the dead (Gawai Antu) is held. All the finery and
bright articles of apparel belonging to the relatives are tied up in a
bundle and put away. At the Gawai Antu the string which binds this
bundle together is cut by the headman of the house, and they may
use their bright garments again. The mourning (ulit) includes many
other restrictions beside the prohibition of ornaments and bright-
coloured clothing. There must be no striking of gongs or drums or
dancing or merrymaking in the house. In the old days the mourning
could not end until one of the relatives managed to secure a human
head.
On the third day an observance called Pana is made. A plate
containing rice and other eatables, as well as a Dyak chopper, an
axe, and a cup, are taken by several of the neighbours to the room
of the dead person. They go to tell the mourners to weep no more,
and to give the dead man food. They enter the room, and one of
them—generally an old man of some standing—pushes open the
window with the chopper, and the offering of food is thrown out for
the benefit of the dead man and his spirit companions. Up to this
time the near relatives of the dead man live in strict seclusion in
their room, but after it they may come out to the public part of the
house and return to their usual occupations. But the ulit, or
mourning, is still observed, and does not come to an end till the
feast in honour of the dead (Gawai Antu) is held.
Among tribes where professional wailers exist it is not enough to
throw the offering of food out of the window at the back of the
house. The wailer must help to send that food to Hades. She sings
her incantation and calls upon the adjutant bird to convey the
articles of food and the tears and sobs of the relatives to the other
world. The bird, so sings the wailer, speeds on its way, and arrives at
the Country of the Dead. There the spirits are supposed to see the
visitant, and inquire where it comes from and what is the object of
its journey. “Do you come to look at the widows? We have thirty-
and-one; but only one is handsome. Do you come to seek after
maidens? We have thirty-and-three; but only one is beautiful.” “No,”
says the bird, “we have many widows and maidens in the land of the
living; and they are all beautiful and admired of men.” They ask as
they see what it carries: “What is that you have brought with you so
securely covered up?” “Bring a vessel, and I will pour the contents of
my burden into it.” A large vessel is brought, the crowd stand
expectant around, and the bird pours out the offering of food, and
lo! the eatables, as well as the tears and sobs of the living which
accompany them, have become gold and silver and precious stones
wondrously beautiful. But the inhabitants of Hades cannot
understand what it all means, and quarrel among themselves. Then
an old learned woman, who has lived in Hades very many years,
speaks. She bids them be silent and listen to her, and she explains
that the bird has come from the land of the living with presents for
them from their earthly friends.
Until this Pana is made, the Dyaks say the soul of the dead man is
unsettled. It has not quite left this world, and Hades will not receive
it or give it food and drink. But after this observance it is received
and welcomed as a regular denizen of the spirit world.
There is another observance called Sumping, which is sometimes
carried out at a varying period after death. The Dyaks bring the
symbols and trophies of a head-hunting raid and place them in the
middle of the public hall of the house. The wailer sings her
incantation, and procures the services of the Spirit of the Winds to
convey them to the dead, whose abode, until now full of discomfort
and darkness, becomes at sight of these trophies filled with light.
The spirits rejoice at the thought that their relatives have revenged
upon others their own death.
 This observance, according to ancient custom, could not be held
until the head of an enemy had been obtained. It brings out the
darker and fiercer side of the Dyak nature. They would fight with
Death if they could, and rescue their dead friends from his clutches.
But as they cannot do this, they rejoice in taking vengeance upon
the living and killing someone, so that their relatives in Hades may
have the satisfaction of saying: “My death has been avenged. A life
has been paid for my life.” In these days, when the Dyaks live under
a strong and just Government, it is very seldom that this observance
can be carried out according to ancient custom; now they have
either to dispense with the newly-procured human head or omit the
observance altogether.
The dead man is not forgotten. Periodical mournings (sabak) at
intervals of two or three months are held in his memory, and the
professional wailer calls on the dead man and weeps over him. The
relatives work themselves up into a frenzy of sorrow on these
occasions, and many of them are often seen weeping sadly. The
Dyaks believe that the dead hear their cries, and that a bond of
sympathy unites them with those on earth.
A year or two after the death the Gawai Antu is held. This feast is
held in honour of all those that have died since the last Gawai Antu
was held. Small, curiously-shaped baskets, supposed to represent
the different implements a man or woman uses in work when alive,
are made and placed on the different graves. Thus they furnish the
dead with the means of livelihood in Hades. This feast ends all
mourning for the dead, and after it has been held there are no more
periodical mournings.
But even after all mourning has ceased the Dyak still believes that
his dead friends and relatives live and visit the earth. Before going
forth on an expedition against the enemy, the dead are invoked, and
are begged to help their friends on earth, so that they may be
successful against their foes. In times of peril and of need the dead
are called upon; and on the hilltops or in the solitudes of the jungle
a man often goes by himself and spends the night in the hope that
the spirit of some dead relative may visit him, and in a dream tell
him of some charm by means of which he may overcome difficulties
and become rich and great.
Burial is the usual, but not the only, mode of disposing of the
dead. Manangs, or witch-doctors, are never buried, but their coffins
are hung up in the cemetery. Among some tribes a young child dying
before he has any teeth is put in a jar instead of a coffin, and this is
tied to the branch of some tree in the burial-ground.
The Dyak believes in a future life, but it is simply a prolongation of
the present state of things in a new sphere. Even the journey from
this world to the land of spirits is much like the journey from one
part of the country to another. The traveller must be provided with
food and money for his journey, which may take a longer or a
shorter time, dependent to a great extent on the liberality of his
friends here on earth and to the kindness of those whose houses he
passes in his journey to the spirit world.
If the dead man has been able while in this terrestrial sphere to
provide for himself assistance in the world of spirits, then his life in
the other world will be an easy one. The spirits of the enemies
whose heads he has taken become his slaves in the other world, and
the man who has succeeded in killing many enemies lives in Hades a
life of ease.
I have given the general belief among the Sea Dyaks about the
future existence. But occasionally other conceptions are met with.
The idea of metempsychosis is not unknown, and I have met a Dyak
who treated a snake with the greatest kindness, because he said it
had been revealed to him in a dream that the spirit of his
grandfather dwelt in that snake.
Some Dyaks speak of a series of spirit worlds through which their
souls must pass before they become finally extinct. Some Dyaks say
they have to die three times; others say seven times; but all seem to
agree in the idea that after these successive dyings they practically
cease to exist, and are absorbed into air and fog. They do not
believe in an endless life, because perhaps they lack the mental
capacity to conceive of such a thing.
 CHAPTER XI
TRAVELLING IN SARAWAK
Travelling by boat—Paddles v. oars—Dangers—Tidal bores—Sandbanks—Langan—
Up-river travelling—Poling—Camping out at night—Travelling on foot—Jungle
paths—Scenery—Wild animals—The Orang-utan—Vegetation.

Most of the Sea Dyaks live on the banks of the rivers, so that
travelling is usually done by boat. The lower reaches of the river
have very swift tides, against which it is impossible to row or paddle;
so, when travelling up-river, the flood-tide is taken advantage of, and
the boat either anchors or is tied to the bank during the ebb, and
vice versâ. Some of the boats used by the Dyaks are roomy and well
built. The Balaus are very good boat-builders, and their boats are
very well made and swift.
The question is sometimes raised as to whether oars or paddles
propel a boat best. If the number of boatmen be taken into
consideration, then oars certainly drive a boat along much faster
than paddles. Four oars would be sufficient for a boat thirty or forty
feet long, but for a boat of that length at least twenty paddles would
be needed to make it travel at any pace.
The Dyaks sit in their boats on a rough matting made of split
bamboo tied together with cane. For shelter against the sun and rain
they have an awning made of palm-leaves (kadjang). This is tied on
to a rough framework of wood fixed on the boat, and is an excellent
protection against the weather.
There are many dangers to be guarded against when travelling by
boat in Borneo. Many rivers have a large tidal bore during the
spring-tides, and if the boat be in some narrow part of the river
when it meets the tidal bore it is likely to be swamped. The safest
course is to wait for the tidal bore in some broad part of the river,
where it is not at all dangerous.
There are also many sand-banks, and though Dyak boats draw
little water, still these have to be guarded against when the tide is
very swift. I have known cases where a boat has struck against a
sand-bank and been rolled over and over by the swift tide, and lives
lost.
 Boat-travelling
A boat being dragged through the rapids. The boatmen are wading in the
water and dragging it along.

In certain parts of the lower reaches of the large Bornean rivers,

where large sand-banks are to be found, the swift incoming spring-
tide makes, soon after it has covered the sand-bank, a peculiar
dangerous motion of the water, called by the natives langan. We all
know the bubbling appearance of boiling water in an open pot, and
if we picture to ourselves that kind of thing on a very large scale, it
will give a good idea of what the langan is like. It does not last long
in any particular part of the river, because, as soon as the water has
risen and is deeper, the langan disappears. It is most dangerous.
The peculiar motion of the water is so irregular and uncertain that
small boats are easily swamped, and many lives have been lost
owing to this langan. The part of the Batang Lupar near the village
of Rawan is particularly dangerous from this cause. I have known of
many cases of a Dyak boat being swamped by the langan there, and
not a single person being saved. Though the Dyaks are good
swimmers, the boat is rolled over by the swift current, and they have
no chance of saving themselves. When I have had to travel past
Rawan during the spring-tides when there is most danger, if the tide
has only just made, I have thought it wisest not to run any risks,
and have told my boatmen to fasten the boat to the bank, and wait
for ten minutes, and not to proceed till there was no danger of being
swamped by the terrible langan.
In the rapids up the rivers travelling is done in a “dug-out,”
because that draws little water. The boat has a long cane or creeper
tied to the bows, and when it has to be pulled over the rapids some
of the men drag at this, while the others remain in the boat and
work with their poles or small paddles. The skill with which the
Dyaks pole the boat along, as they stand up in it, is beautiful to see.
With a skilful turn of the pole they will guide the boat past some
huge boulder which it seems impossible to avoid. The sensation to
one sitting in a boat going over the rapids, either up or down
stream, is not particularly pleasant. The boat is bumped and jerked
about, and the water often splashes in. At times the boat will be
propelled by poles; then, when the water is too shallow, the men
jump out and walk by the side, pulling the boat along. When they
get to deeper water, they jump in again.
The Dyaks are most excellent companions when travelling has to
be done. They are hard-working and good-tempered, and most
resourceful. When one is travelling in small “dug-outs” in the upper
reaches of the river, it often happens that he has to spend some
nights on the journey. If any Dyak house be near, the travellers
make for it, knowing well that the hospitable inmates will gladly give
them shelter. But sometimes they have to camp out on the river-
bank. It is quite remarkable how well the Dyaks manage under such
circumstances. I have always admired the way in which in a very
short time wood and creepers are got from the jungle, and a little
hut put up for me on a cleared spot on the river-bank. The creepers
are used for tying the wood together; the kadjang from the boat is
fastened up for the roof of the little hut; a flooring, two or three feet
off the ground, is made of laths of wood tied together with creepers;
my small cork boat mattress and curtain are fixed up; and in about
an hour’s time I am safely lodged for the night. The Dyaks
themselves are very hardy. They will wrap themselves up in their
puah, or sheet, and sleep in the open air, sometimes on mats; but if
there are no mats, they will make for themselves a bed of leaves on
the ground, and think it no great hardship to sleep on this.
When travelling has to be done on foot, one has to walk on a
Dyak jungle path, which consists of the trunks of the giants of the
forest placed in a line. No attempt is made to hew the round trunks
into an even upper surface, so one must walk carefully lest he slip
off; for in some parts the bark on these tree-trunks is rotten, and in
others there is a growth of wet slippery moss. Over the jungle
streams there are Dyak bridges made, like the path, of the trunk of a
tree, sometimes with a light hand-rail tied to it, sometimes not.
I have often travelled on foot through the jungle, accompanied by
Dyaks carrying my baggage. We have walked in single file on these
trunks of trees, and have listened to the weird jungle sounds—the
creaking of giant trees, the strange cries of insects, or birds, or
monkeys. And sometimes in the gathering darkness, when the
storm-clouds have hurried overhead and the winds shrieked through
the tree-tops in fierce discord, ruthlessly twanging the harp-strings
of Nature, I have understood why it is that the Dyaks believe that
the lone forests are inhabited by the spirits of the wind and the
rivers, of the mountains and the trees.
No one can adequately realize the Equatorial Bornean jungle until
he sees it in all its wonder—the heated steamy stillness broken by
weird sounds, the colossal trees, the birds with brilliant plumage,
and the infinite variety of monkeys among the branches, sitting,
hanging by hands or tails, leaping, grimacing, jabbering, as they see
the strange sight of human beings invading their domains.
What are the wild animals that the traveller is likely to meet as he
walks through the jungle? The animal life of Borneo is akin to that of
Sumatra or Java, but with certain differences. Borneo is free from
tigers, and this is fortunate, for travelling through the forests would
be dangerous indeed if tigers were likely to be encountered. The
only wild animals to be met with are the small and comparatively
harmless tree-tiger, and the small brown honey-bear, but neither of
them is much feared. There are, of course, ferocious crocodiles in
the rivers, and many varieties of snakes, varying in size from the
python downwards. But the cobra, so much dreaded in India, is not
met with in Borneo, and death from a snake-bite is very rare. The
elephant and the rhinoceros seem to be confined to the north end of
the island. There is the great man-like ape—the orang-utan, or
maias, as it is called by the Dyaks. It is only found in a limited area,
in the territory between the Batang Lupar and the Rejang Rivers. As
a rule, this animal does not exceed the height of four feet two
inches, though there are stories told of its attaining a far greater
size. The height, however, gives a poor idea of the animal’s bulk and
strength. The body is as large as that of an average man, but the
legs are extremely short. Its arms are of great length, and measure
over seven feet in spread. The whole body is covered with long red
hair. It rarely attacks man, but when provoked is very ferocious, and
as its strength is very great, it is a foe not to be despised. There are
numerous wild boars in the jungle, but they never attack the
traveller, and are not a source of danger.
The vegetation of Borneo is rich and varied. By the seashore and
at the mouths of the rivers there grows the nipa palm, “the tree of a
thousand uses.” The young leaves are used for making kadjangs, the
awnings with which Dyak boats are covered. The old leaves are
made into attap for the roofs and walls of their houses. From the
blossom a sweet drink is obtained, and this is converted into sugar.
From the ashes of the burnt stump of this palm salt is obtained. As
one travels up a Bornean river the nipa palms become less and less
plentiful, and one finds the banks covered with mangroves. These
trees thrive on the muddy banks. A network of roots grows out of
the stem several feet above the soil, and keeps them firm. At night
these mangroves are lit up by myriads of fireflies. The missionary
stationed at Banting many years ago had all the mangrove-trees,
except one on each side of his landing-place, cut down, and on the
darkest night there was no difficulty in knowing where his boat was
to stop. These two trees, covered with fireflies, were not to be
mistaken in the surrounding darkness.
In Borneo there are many varieties of palms. There is the nibong
palm, the trunk of which is often used for the posts of native
houses. When split up, it is used for the flooring. There is the sago
palm, from the pith of the trunk of which sago is obtained. There are
the cocoanut and betel-nut palms, and lastly a useful climbing palm
—the cane, or rotan—which is exported in great quantities and used
for the seats of chairs.
There are many kinds of useful woods to be found in the Bornean
jungles. There is the bilian, or iron-wood, which is so valuable for
building purposes, as it is practically indestructible. It will not rot in
earth or water, and it is the only wood that the white ants cannot
destroy. There are also many other hard woods used for the building
of houses and the making of keels for boats.
The ebony-tree is to be found in Borneo. The ebony is the heart of
the tree, the rest of the wood being of a light colour.
The camphor-tree is also found, as well as various trees which
produce gutta and rubber of different sorts.
There are many fruit-trees, but the fruit most loved by the Dyaks
is the durian. This grows on a large tree, and is about the size of a
man’s head. When ripe, it is easily split open, and in it are pods in
which are rows of seeds covered with a sweet pulp.
 CHAPTER XII
OMENS AND DREAMS
Seven omen birds—Other omen animals—Omens sought before beginning rice-
farming—House-building omens—Substitutions for omens—Good and bad
omens in farming—A dead animal—Means of avoiding bad effects—Omens
obeyed at all times—Bird flying through a house—A drop of blood—Killing an
omen bird or insect—Origin of the system of omens—Augury—Dreams.

The Dyak is conscious of his ignorance of the natural laws which

govern the world in which he lives. He longs for some guidance in
his precarious farming, in his work in the lonely depths of the jungle,
in his boating over the dangerous rapids or treacherous tides of the
swift rivers. He is aware that injury or death may suddenly confront
him from many an unexpected source. He knows that Nature has
voices, many and varied, and he is convinced that if he could only
understand those voices aright, he would know when to advance
and when to recede. He feels the need of guidance, and he has
devised for himself a system of omens.
Like the ancient Romans, who took auguries from the flight or
notes of certain birds—the raven, the owl, the magpie, the eagle,
and the vulture—the Dyak has his sacred birds, whose flight or calls
are supposed to intimate to him the will of unseen powers. They are
seven in number, and their native names are: Katupong, Beragai,
Kutok, Embuas, Nendak, Papau, and Bejampong. They are beautiful
in plumage, but, like most tropical birds, they have little song, and
their calls are shrill and piercing. They are supposed to be
manifestations of the seven spirit sons of the great god Singalang
Burong (see the “Story of Siu,” p. 278).
The system, as carried out by the Dyaks, is most elaborate and
complicated, and the younger men have constantly to ask the older
ones how to act in unexpected combinations of apparently
contradictory omens. The law and observance of omens occupy a
greater share of the thoughts of the Dyak than any other part of his
religion.
It is not only to the cry of birds that the Dyaks pay heed. There
are certain animals—the deer, the armadillo, the lizard, the bat, the
python, the cobra, even the rat, as well as certain insects—which all
may give omens under special circumstances. But these other
creatures are subordinate to the birds, from which alone augury is
sought at the beginning of any important undertaking.
Some idea of the method in which the Dyaks carry out their
system of omens may be gathered from what is done at the
commencement of the yearly rice-farming. Some man who has the
reputation of being fortunate, and has had large paddy crops, will be
the augur, and undertake to obtain omens for a large area of land on
which he and others intend to plant. The Dyaks begin clearing the
ground of jungle and high grass when the Pleiades appear at a
certain height above the horizon at sunset. Some little time before
this the augur sets about his work. He will have to hear the cry of
the nendak, the katupong, and the beragai, all on his left. If these
cries come from birds on his right, they are not propitious. The cries
of the other sacred birds must sound on his right. He goes forth in
the early morning, and wanders about the jungle till the cry of the
nendak is heard on his left. He will then break off a twig of anything
growing near, and take it home and put it in a safe place. But it may
happen that some other omen bird or animal is first to be seen or
heard. In that case he must give the matter up, return, and try his
chance another day. Thus, sometimes several days pass before he
has obtained his first omen. When he has heard the nendak, he will
then listen for the katupong and the other birds in the necessary
order. There is always the liability of delays caused by the wrong
birds being heard, and it may possibly be a month or more before he
obtains all those augural predictions, which will give him confidence
that his farming for the year will be successful. When the augur has
collected a twig for each bird he has heard, he takes these to the
land selected for farming, buries them in the ground, and with a
short form of address to the birds and to Pulang Gana—the god of
the Earth—clears a small portion of the ground of grass or jungle,
and then returns home. The magic virtues of the birds have been
conveyed to the land, and the work of clearing it for planting may be
begun at any time.
 The sacred birds can be bad omens as well as good. If heard on
the wrong side, or in the wrong order, the matter in hand must be
postponed or altogether abandoned, unless a subsequent
conjunction of good omens occurs, which in the judgment of old
experts more than counterbalances the bad omens.
I have mentioned the omens necessary before planting the seed.
In a similar manner, before beginning to build a house, or starting on
a war expedition, or undertaking any new line of action, certain
omens are required if good fortune is to attend them and the Fates
be propitious.
For house-building, the cries of the same birds are required, and
in the same order as before planting the seed. But for a war
expedition, birds heard on the right hand are best, except in the
case of the nendak, which may be heard either on the right or on
the left hand side.
There are, I believe, certain substitutions for this tedious process
of seeking the omens of birds. It is said that for farming, if a piece of
gold be hidden in the ground, the hearing of the proper omen birds
may be dispensed with. If a fowl be sacrificed, and the blood made
to drop in a hole in the earth in which the fowl is afterwards buried,
it is said the gods will be satisfied, and a good harvest ensue. And
on the occasion of a war expedition, if an offering is made with
beating of gongs and drums on starting from the house, it is said
that no cries of birds need be obeyed afterwards. But none of these
methods are ever used, the Dyaks preferring to submit to the
tedious procedure of listening to the cries of the birds.
It is in regard to farming that the practice is most conspicuous.
And if any of these omen birds are heard or seen by the Dyak on his
way to his work on his paddy land, it foretells either good or evil to
himself or to his farm—if good, then all is well, and he goes on his
way rejoicing; if evil, he will at once turn back and wait for the
following day before going to his work again. The nendak foretells
good, whether heard on the right hand or the left; so does the
katupong; but the papau is of evil omen, and, if heard, the man
must at once beat a retreat. A beragai heard occasionally does not
matter, but if heard frequently, no work must be done for one day.
The embuas heard on the right hand is very bad, and in order to
insure a good harvest, the unlucky man must not work on his farm
for five days. The cry of the beragai acts as an antidote, and
destroys the bad effects of the cries of birds of bad omen. For
instance, the kutok and katupong are both birds of bad omen, but if
after hearing them the cry of a beragai is heard, no evil effects need
be dreaded. If the cry of a deer, a gazelle, or a mouse-deer be
heard, or if a rat crosses the path of a man on his way to his farm, a
day’s rest is necessary, or he will either cut himself, or become ill, or
suffer by failure of his crop.
When a remarkably good omen is heard—one which foretells a
plentiful harvest—the man must go to his farm at once, and do some
trifling work there, and then return, and in this way clench the
foreshadowed luck and at the same time reverence the spirit who
promises it. Should a deer, a gazelle, or a mouse-deer come out of
the jungle to the farm when a man is at work there, it is an
exceptionally good omen. It means that customers will come to buy
the paddy, and that therefore the crop will be very good in order
that there may be paddy to sell. They honour this omen by resting
from work for three days.
But the worst of all omens is to find anywhere on the farm the
dead body of any animal, especially if it be that of any animal
included in the omen list. It infuses a deadly poison into the whole
crop, and one or other of the owner’s family will certainly die within
the year. When such a terrible thing happens, the omen is tested by
killing a pig, and divining from the appearance of its liver directly
after death. If the liver be pronounced to be of good omen, then all
is well, but if not, then all the rice grown on that ground must be
sold or given away. Other people may eat it, for the omen affects
only those who own the crops.
A way of escaping from the bad effects of omens is sometimes
resorted to. Certain men, who by some peculiar magic influence are
credited with possessing in themselves some occult power which can
overcome bad omens, are able by eating some little thing of the
produce of the farm to turn away the evil prognostication and render
it ineffectual. Something grown on the farm—a little Indian corn or a
few cucumber-shoots—is taken to the man. For a small consideration
he eats it raw. By this means he appropriates to himself the evil
omen, which can do him no harm, and thus delivers the owner of
the farm from any possible evil in the future.
The Dyak pays heed to these ominous creatures not only in his
farming, but in all his journeyings and in any kind of work he may be
engaged in. If he be going to visit a friend, the cry of a bird of ill
omen will send him back. If he be engaged in carrying beams from
the jungle for his house, and hear a kutok, or bejampong, or an
embuas, he will at once throw down the piece of timber, and it will
be left there for a day or two, or perhaps abandoned altogether. If at
night the inhabitants of a long Dyak house hear an owl make a
peculiar noise called sabut, they will all hastily leave the house in the
early morning, and remain away, living in temporary sheds, for some
weeks, and return to the house only when they hear a nendak or
beragai cry on their left. There are many omens which make a place
unfit for habitation—for example, a beragai flying over the house or
an armadillo crawling up into it.
So great is the Dyak belief in omens that a man will sometimes
abandon a nearly finished boat simply because a bird of ill omen flies
across its bows. The labour of weeks will thus be wasted. I have
myself seen wooden beams and posts left half finished in the jungle,
and have learned on inquiry that some bird of ill omen was heard
while the man was at work on them, and so they had to be
abandoned.
If a katupong flies in at one end of the house and flies out at the
other, it is a bad omen, and the house is often abandoned. On one
of my visits to Sebetan there was great excitement at the Dyak
house near mine because on the previous night a katupong had
flown through the house. Opinions were divided. Some thought the
house ought to be abandoned; others said that if sacrifices were
offered, there was no need to desert the house. My opinion was
asked. At that time of the year the Dyak house was very empty, as
most of the families, if not all, would be living on their farms, and I
said: “You have fruit-trees growing thickly all round your houses, and
as you leave your houses empty, I am not surprised at any bird
flying through the house.” My matter-of-fact ideas were not much
approved. As usual in doubtful cases, they sacrificed a pig and
examined its liver. Luckily, the omen was good, so they continued to
live in the house; otherwise, they would have had to leave that
house and build another.
To see a drop of blood on a mat or on the floor of a Dyak house is
considered a bad omen, which sometimes necessitates the
abandoning of the house altogether. I remember hearing a woman
of this same house in Sebetan relate that, after she and the children
had had their evening meal, she was putting away the plates on the
rack in the wall, when she saw a drop of fresh blood on the mat.
The Dyaks considered it a most terrible thing to happen. I was asked
what I thought about it. I said that probably one of the children had
a cut finger, and the blood was from that. The mother was positive
the blood was not that of any of her children. I said that perhaps
there was a wounded rat in the roof, and the blood was from it. I
could see that the Dyaks considered me very ignorant. They told me
that they were sure the blood must be that of some spirit who chose
that method of showing his displeasure. It was useless for me to
argue that if the spirit was invisible, his blood must be invisible, too.
To kill one of these omen creatures, be it bird or insect, is a crime
which will certainly be punished by sickness or death. But this
sacredness of life, it may be noticed, does not apply to the deer, the
gazelle, the mouse-deer, the armadillo, and the iguana, all of which
they freely kill for food. Rats also are killed, as they are great pests.
It would seem that physical requirements are stronger than religious
theory.
 This is the merest outline of the practice of interpreting omens
among the Dyaks, but it will give some idea of the tediousness of
the process. And the intricacies of the subject are great. The
different combinations of these voices of Nature are endless, and it
is difficult to know in each special case whether the spirits intend to
foretell good or bad fortune. It is not an unusual thing to see old
men, industrious and sensible in ordinary matters of life, sitting
down for hours discussing the probable effect on their destiny of
some special combination of omens.
The full Dyak explanation of the origin of this system of listening
to the cries of certain birds is contained in the “Story of Siu” (see p.
278).
Another story tells how some Dyaks in the Batang Lupar made a
great feast, and invited many guests. When everything was ready,
and the arrival of the guests expected, the sound of a great
company of people was heard near the village. The hosts, thinking
they were the invited friends, went to meet them, but to their
surprise found they were all utter strangers. However, they received
them with due honour, and entertained them in a manner suitable to
the occasion. When the time of departure came, they asked the
strange visitors who they were, and from whence they came. Their
Chief replied: “I am Singalang Burong, and these are my sons-in-law
and their friends. When you hear the voices of the following birds
[giving their names] you must pay heed to them. They are our
deputies in this lower world.” And then the Dyaks understood that
they had been entertaining guests from the Spirit World, who
rewarded their hospitality by giving them the guidance of the omen
system.
A favourite way of auguring good or evil among the Dyaks is the
old classical method of examining the entrails of some animal
offered in sacrifice. A pig is killed, and the heart and liver taken out
and placed upon leaves. These organs are handed round to the old
men present, who closely examine them, and pronounce them to
augur either good or evil. This method of augury is often resorted to
when the interpretation of the cries of birds is doubtful.
 A Dyak Youth Holding a Spear
He is wearing the usual waistcloth and has also a sleeveless
war-jacket made of skin covered with hair.

A study of the subject of omens and augury shows the need the
Dyak feels, in common with all mankind, of some guidance from
higher and unseen powers. What is the principle which underlies this
system of omens? There is no doubt a morbid anxiety to know the
secrets of the future. But that is not all. Surely in addition to this
there is the hidden conviction that the gods have some way of
revealing their wishes to mankind, and that obedience to the will of
the higher powers is the only way to insure success and happiness.
The Dyaks place implicit confidence in dreams. Their theory is that
during sleep the soul can hear, see, and understand, and so what is
dreamt is really what the soul sees. When anyone dreams of a
distant land, they believe that his soul has paid a flying visit to that
land. They interpret their dreams literally. The appearance of
deceased relatives in dreams is to the Dyaks a proof that the souls
live in Sabayan, and as in the dreams they seem to wear the same
dress and to be engaged in the same occupations as when they lived
in this world, it is difficult to persuade the Dyaks that the life in the
other world can be different from that in this.
In dreams, also, the gods and spirits are supposed to bring
charms to human beings. The story is often told of how a man falls
asleep, and dreams that a spirit came to him and gave certain
charms, and lo! when he awakes, he finds them in his hands. Or else
he is told in his dream to go to a certain spot at a certain time, and
take some stone which will have some mysterious influence for good
over his fortunes. Very often these magic charms, or pengaroh, as
they are called by the Dyaks, are nothing more than ordinary black
pebbles, but the possession of them is supposed to endow the
owner with exceptional powers.
No doubt Dyaks often concoct dreams out of their waking
thoughts to suit their own interests, and many a man falsely
declares he has received the gift of a charm from some spirit in
order to appear of importance before others.
To conclude, dreams are looked upon by the Dyaks as the means
the gods and spirits use to convey their commands or to warn men
of coming danger. Houses are often deserted, and farming land on
which much labour has been spent abandoned, on account of
dreams. Newly-married couples often separate from the same cause.
It is no unusual thing for a man or a woman to dream that the
spirits are hungry and need food. In that case the inmates of the
Dyak house organize a feast, and offerings are made to the hungry
spirits.
Sometimes dreams are made an excuse for evil deeds. A woman
who had been guilty of adultery said she was only carrying out the
command of the gods conveyed to her in a dream, and that if she
disobeyed she would probably become mad!
 CHAPTER XIII
THE “MANANG,” OR WITCH-DOCTOR
Manangs supposed to possess mysterious powers over evil spirits—Dyak theory of
disease—Treatment of disease—Lupong, or box of charms—Batu Ilau—
Manang performances—Pagar Api—Catching the soul—Sixteen different
manang ceremonies—Killing the demon Buyu—Saut—Salampandai—Deceit of
manangs—Story of a schoolboy—Smallpox and cholera—Three ceremonies of
initiation—Different ranks of manangs.

Among the lower races of mankind there is always to be found the

witch-doctor, who claims to have mysterious powers, and to be able
to hold communication with the spirit-world. Where there is
ignorance as to the cause of disease, and the effects that different
medicines have on the human body, magical ceremonies and
pretensions to supernatural powers are allowed full sway. Fear and
anxiety in cases of illness make men eager to believe in any
suggested remedy, however absurd it may be. The Dyaks are no
exception to the rule. They have their manangs, or witch-doctors.
The peculiar attribute of the manang is the possession of
mysterious powers over the spirits, rather than any special
knowledge of medicines. There is often some small idea of the use
of certain simple herbal remedies, but it is not on this knowledge
that his importance depends. The great function of the manang is to
defeat and drive away the malignant spirits which cause sickness
and death. All maladies are supposed to be inflicted by the passing
or the touch of demons, who are enemies to mankind. The Dyak
description of most diseases is pansa utai, literally “something
passed him.” A spirit passed him and struck him. In accordance with
this idea of disease, the only person who can cure the sick man is
the one who can cope with the unseen evil spirit. The manang
claims to be able to do this. He can charm or persuade or kill the evil
spirit and rescue the departing soul from his cruel clutches. When
called in to attend a patient, he, in company with other medicine-
men, goes through a performance called Pelian. There are different
varieties of this ceremony, according to the disease and the amount
of the fees paid.
 Manangs are generally called to their profession by a revelation
made to them in dreams by some spirit. Each manang, therefore,
claims to have a familiar spirit, whom he can call to his aid when
necessary. When a person receives a call from the spirit, he bids
adieu for a while to his relatives, abandons his former occupations,
and attaches himself to some other experienced manang, who, for a
consideration, will take him in hand and instruct him in the
incantations, a knowledge of which is necessary for his calling.
The manang looks upon a sick person as in the power of an evil
spirit. As long as that spirit remains in possession, the patient cannot
recover. He bids it depart. If it be obstinate and will not go, he
summons his own familiar spirit to his aid. If the evil spirit still refuse
to go, then the manang admits his inability to deal with the case
alone, and several other manangs are called to his aid.
Whether the patient live or die, the manang is rewarded for his
trouble. He makes sure of this before he undertakes a case, as he is
put to considerable inconvenience by being fetched away from his
own home and his own work. He takes up his abode with the
patient, and has his meals with the family, and in other ways makes
himself at home. If a cure be effected, he receives a present in
addition to his regular fee. Herbal remedies are often administered
internally or applied outwardly by him, but, in addition to these,
spells are muttered and incantations made to exorcize the evil spirit
that is tormenting the man.
Every manang consults his familiar spirit as to what is best to be
done for the case. When a person complains of pain in his body, the
familiar is said to suggest that some mischievous spirit has put
something into him to cause the pain. The manang will then
manipulate the part, and pretend to draw something out—a small
piece of wood or a stone, or whatever it may chance to be—and
exhibit it as the cause of the pain in the body. This he has by his
magical power been able to remove from the body without even
leaving a mark on the skin!
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