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Hndbk_CRiME_PPRv6.qxd 8/2/10 20:54 Page 1

Crime
Handbook on
Handbook on Crime
Edited by

Fiona Brookman, Mike Maguire,

Harriet Pierpoint and Trevor Bennett
The Handbook on Crime provides analysis and explanation of the nature, extent, patterns and
causes of over 40 different forms of crime, in each case drawing attention to key contem-
porary debates and social and criminal justice responses. It also challenges many popular and
Handbook on
Crime
official conceptions of crime. The Handbook on Crime is by far the most comprehensive and
wide-ranging book of its kind, with contributions from leading authorities in their field.

This book is one of the few criminological texts that takes as its starting point a range of
specific types of criminal activity. It addresses not only ‘conventional’ offences such as
shoplifting, burglary, robbery, and vehicle crime, but many other forms of criminal behaviour –
often an amalgamation of different legal offences – which attract contemporary media, public
and policy concern.

These include crimes committed not only by individuals, but by organised criminal groups,
corporations and governments. There are chapters on, for example, gang violence, hate crime,
elder abuse, animal abuse, cyber crime, identity theft, money-laundering, eco crimes, drug
trafficking, human trafficking, genocide, and global terrorism. Many of these topics receive
surprisingly little attention in the criminological literature.

The Handbook on Crime is divided into eight sections, covering:

Edited by

Trevor Bennett
Harriet Pierpoint
Mike Maguire
Fiona Brookman
Edited by
• ’Conventional’ property crime • Drug-related crime
• Fraud and fakes • Organised and business crime
•
•
Violent crime
Sex-related crime
•
•
State, political and war crimes
Harms, health and safety Fiona Brookman
The Handbook on Crime provides a unique text of lasting value to students, researchers,
academics, practitioners, policy makers, journalists and all others involved in understanding
and preventing criminal behaviour.
Mike Maguire
The editors
Fiona Brookman is Reader in Criminology and Deputy Director of the Centre for Criminology,
Harriet Pierpoint
University of Glamorgan; Mike Maguire is Professor of Criminology and Criminology and
Criminal Justice at Cardiff and Glamorgan Universities; Harriet Pierpoint is Reader in
Criminology and Criminal Justice at the Centre for Criminology, University of Glamorgan;
Trevor Bennett is Professor of Criminology and Director of the Centre for Criminology,
Trevor Bennett
University of Glamorgan

Academic and Professional

Publisher of the Year 2008
International Achievement
of the Year 2009

www.willanpublishing.co.uk
Handbook on Crime
Handbook on Crime

Edited by

Fiona Brookman, Mike Maguire,

Harriet Pierpoint, Trevor Bennett
Published by

Willan Publishing
Culmcott House
Mill Street, Uffculme
Cullompton, Devon
EX15 3AT, UK
Tel: +44(0)1884 840337
Fax: +44(0)1884 840251
e-mail: [email protected]
website: www.willanpublishing.co.uk

Published simultaneously in the USA and Canada by

Willan Publishing
c/o ISBS, 920 NE 58th Ave, Suite 300
Portland, Oregon 97213-3644, USA
Tel: +001(0)503 287 3093
Fax: +001(0)503 280 8832
e-mail: [email protected]
website: www.isbs.com

© The editors and contributors 2010

All rights reserved; no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system,
or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording
or otherwise without the prior written permission of the Publishers or a licence permitting
copying in the UK issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency Ltd, Saffron House 6–10 Kirby
Street, London EC1N 8TS, UK

First published 2010

ISBN 978-1-84392-371-8 paperback

978-1-84392-372-5 hardback

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

Project management by Deer Park Productions, Tavistock, Devon

Typeset by GCS, Leighton Buzzard, Beds
Printed and bound by T.J. International, Padstow, Cornwall
 Contents

List of abbreviations ix
List of figures and tables xvii
Table of statutes xix
Notes on contributors xxiii

Introduction xxxv
Fiona Brookman, Mike Maguire, Harriet Pierpoint and Trevor Bennett

Part I: ‘Conventional’ property crime

Introduction 1

1 Domestic burglary 3
Mike Maguire, Richard Wright and Trevor Bennett

2 Vehicle crime 26
Rick Brown

3 Shoplifting 48
Nick Tilley

4 Understanding and tackling stolen goods markets 68

Mike Sutton

Part II: Fraud and Fakes

Introduction 85

5 Income tax evasion and benefit fraud 87

John Minkes and Leonard Minkes

6 Theft and fraud by employees 100

Martin Gill and Janice Goldstraw-White


Handbook on Crime

7 Fakes 120
Simon Mackenzie

8 Scams 137
Simon Mackenzie

9 Credit fraud 153

Michael Levi

10 Identity theft and fraud 172

Natasha Semmens

11 Cybercrime 191
Matthew Williams

Part III: Violent Crime

Introduction 215

12 Homicide 217
Fiona Brookman

13 Domestic violence 245

Amanda Robinson

14 Street robbery 270

Trevor Bennett and Fiona Brookman

15 Stealing commercial cash: from safe-cracking to armed robbery 290

Dick Hobbs

16 Youth gang crime 308

Jennifer Maher

17 Violence in the night-time economy 331

Simon Winlow

18 Hate crime 351

Paul Iganski

19 Stalking and harassment 366

Victoria Heckels and Karl Roberts

20 Arson 380
Emma J. Palmer, Clive R. Hollin, Ruth M. Hatcher and
Tammy C. Ayres

21 Blackmail, kidnapping and threats to kill 393

Keith Soothill and Brian Francis

vi
 Contents

22 Elder abuse 415

John Williams

23 School bullying: risk factors, theories and interventions 427

Maria M. Ttofi and David P. Farrington

24 Institutional abuse and children’s homes 458

Jonathan Evans

25 Animal abuse 480

Harriet Pierpoint and Jennifer Maher

Part IV: Sex-Related Crime

Introduction 503

26 Sexual offences against adults 505

Clive R. Hollin, Ruth M. Hatcher and Emma J. Palmer

27 Sexual offences against children 525

Clive R. Hollin, Emma J. Palmer and Ruth M. Hatcher

28 Sex work 542

Belinda Brooks-Gordon

Part V: Drug-Related Crime

Introduction 577

29 Drug- and alcohol-related crime 579

Trevor Bennett and Katy Holloway

30 Drug supply and possession 598

Tim McSweeney, Paul J. Turnbull and Tiggey May

31 Drug trafficking 626

Letizia Paoli, Toine Spapens and Cyrille Fijnaut

Part VI: Organised and Business Crime

Introduction 651

32 Corporate financial crimes 653

John Minkes

33 Middle-range business crime: rogue and respectable businesses,

family firms and entrepreneurs 678
Hazel Croall

34 Human trafficking 698

Jo Goodey

vii
Handbook on Crime

35 Money laundering 712

David C. Hicks

36 Extortion 726
Dick Hobbs

Part VII: State, Political and War Crimes

Introduction 739

37 State crime 741

Katherine S. Williams

38 Genocide and ‘ethnic cleansing’ 762

Andy Aitchison

39 Torture 785
Rod Morgan

40 Crimes of the global state 801

Maureen Cain

41 Political protest and crime 825

P.A.J. Waddington

42 Terrorism 846
Nicola Weston and Martin Innes

Part VIII: Harms, Health and Safety

Introduction 865

43 Eco-crime and air pollution 867

Reece Walters

44 Corporate violence and harm 884

Steve Tombs

45 Driving offences 904

Claire Corbett

Index 930

viii
 List of abbreviations

AAIPT Alliance Against Intellectual Property Theft

ACF Arson Control Forum
ACFE Association of Certified Fraud Examiners
ACMD Advisory Council on the Misuse of Drugs
ACPO Association of Chief Police Officers
ADHD Attention-Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder
ADL Anti-Defamation League
AIDS acquired immune deficiency syndrome
AML anti-money laundering
ANPR Automatic Number Plate Recognition
APA American Psychological Association
APACS Association for Payment Clearing Services
APPG All Party Parliamentary Group
AQMA Air Quality Management Area
ARA Assets Recovery Agency
ASBO Anti-Social Behaviour Order
ASRO Addressing Substance Related Offending
ATM automated teller machine
AUC area under the curve

BAC blood alcohol concentration

BARK Brent Action for Responsible K9s
BAT best available techniques
BATNEEC best available techniques not entailing excessive cost
BCCI Bank of Credit and Commerce International
BCS British Crime Survey
BCU basic command unit
BDSM bondage, domination, sadism and masochism
BERR Department for Business, Enterprise and Regulatory Reform
BiH Bosnia and Herzegovina
BJS Bureau of Justice Statistics (US)

ix
Handbook on Crime

BKA Bundeskriminalamt (German Federal Police)

BMA British Medical Association
BME black and minority ethnic
BMK benzyl methyl ketone
BPEO best practicable environmental option
BPI British Phonographic Industry
BPM best practicable means
BPS British Psychological Society
BRC British Retail Consortium
BSA Bank Secrecy Act 1970 (US)
BSA British Software Agency
BVQ Bully/Victim Questionnaire [Revised]

C/P counterfeit/pirated [goods]

CAADA Coordinated Action Against Domestic Abuse
CAP Common Agricultural Policy
CARAT Counselling, Assessment, Referral, Advice and Throughcare
CARS Comprehensive Auto-Theft Research System (Australia)
CATW Coalition against Trafficking in Women
CBT cognitive-behavioural therapy
CCAL Campaign for Clear Air in London
CCTV closed-circuit television
CD conduct disorder
CDPA Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988
CEDAW Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination
Against Women
CEOP Child Exploitation and Online Protection Centre
CID Criminal Investigation Department
CIFAS Credit Industry Fraud Avoidance System
CIT cash in transit
CITES Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of
Wild Fauna and Flora
CMCHA Corporate Manslaughter and Corporate Homicide Act 2007
CNP card-not-present [transaction]
COE Council of Europe
COMEAP Committee on the Medical Effects of Air Pollutants
CONADEP National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons
(Argentina)
CONSORT Consolidated Standards of Reporting Trials
COTES Control of Trade in Endangered Species (Enforcement)
Regulations 1997
CPS Crown Prosecution Service
CPT Committee for the Prevention of Torture
CRAVED concealable, removable, available, valuable, enjoyable and
disposable
CSI Computer Security Institute
CSJ Centre for Social Justice
CtC Communities that Care


 List of abbreviations

CTR currency transaction report

CVS Commercial Victimisation Survey
CWASU Child and Woman Abuse Studies Unit

DCPCU Dedicated Cheque and Plastic Crime Unit

DDoS distributed denial of service
Defra Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs
DfT Department for Transport
DIP Drug Interventions Programme
DMCA Digital Millenium Copyright Act 1998
DoS denial of service
DPC Drug Policy Commission (UK)
DRR Drug Rehabilitation Requirement
DSS Department of Social Security
DTI Department of Trade and Industry
DTLR Depart for Transport, Local Government and the Regions
DTOA Drug Trafficking Offences Act 1986
DTTO Drug Treatment and Testing Order
DVLC Driver and Vehicle Licensing Centre
DWP Department of Work and Pensions

EA Environment Agency
ECJ European Court of Justice
ECPAT End Child Prostitution, Child Pornography and the
Trafficking of Children
EEA European Environmental Agency
ELSPA Entertainment and Leisure Software Producers Association
EMCDDA European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction
EPA Environmental Protection Agency (US)
EU European Union

FACE Fire Awareness Child Education Programme

FACT Federation Against Copyright Theft
FARC Revolutionary Armed Forces of Columbia
FAST Family Systems Test
FAST Federation Against Software Theft
FATF Financial Action Task Force
FBI US Federal Bureau of Investigation
FEMA Federal Emergency Management Agency
FIU financial intelligence unit
FPN fixed penalty notice
FRA EU Agency for Fundamental Rights
FSA Financial Services Authority
FSE fire safety education
FTC Federal Trade Commission (US)

GAATW Global Alliance Against Trafficking in Women

GATT General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade

xi
Handbook on Crime

GDP gross domestic product

GMO genetically modified organism
GREAT Gang Resistance Education and Training
GSS General Security Services (Israel)

HDI Human development Index

HGV heavy goods vehicle
HIPC Highly Indebted Poor Countries Initiative
HIV human immunodeficiency virus
HMCS Her Majesty’s Court Service
HMIC Her Majesty’s Inspectorate of Constabulary
HMRC Her Majesty’s Revenue and Customs
HMSO Her Majesty’s Stationery Office
HO Home Office
HSE Health and Safety Executive
HSUS Humane Society of the United States
HVF home visit from a firefighter

ICCPR International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights

ICJS Institute of Criminal Justice Studies
ICRC International Committee of the Red Cross
ICTs information communication technologies
ICTR International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda
ICTY International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia
IDTS Integrated Drug Treatment System
IDVA Independent Domestic Violence Advisor
IGO intergovernmental organisation
ILO International Labour Organisation
IMF International Monetary Fund
IMT International Military Tribunal
INCB International Narcotics Control Board
IOM International Organisation for Migration
IP intellectual property
IPC intellectual property crime/integrated pollution control
IPCC Independent Police Complaints Commission
IPPC Integrated Pollution Prevention and Control
ISA Intelligent Speed Adaptation
ISBS Information Security Breaches Survey
ISP Internet service provider
IUSW International Union of Sex Workers
IWF Internet Watch Foundation

KFOR (NATO-led) Kosovo Force

KSI killed or seriously injured
KYC know your customer

LAAPC Local Authority Air Pollution Control

LCV light commercial vehicle

xii
 List of abbreviations

LFS Labour Force Survey

LGBT lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender
LRP lifetime recourse to prostitution

MARAC multi-agency risk assessment conference

MMAGS Manchester Multi-Agency Gang Strategy
MoJ Ministry of Justice
MRA market reduction approach
MTIC missing trader intra-community [fraud]

NAD Not Another Drop

NAO National Audit Office
NAPO National Association of Probation Officers
NAQS National Air Quality Strategy
NASUWT National Association of Schoolmasters and Union of Women
Teachers
NatCen National Centre for Social Research
NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organisation
NCC National Consumer Council
NCCT Non-Cooperative Countries and Territories
NCIS National Criminal Intelligence Service
NCS National Crime Squad
NCVCCO National Council of Voluntary Child Care Organisations
NCVS National Crime Victimization Survey (US)
NeET National e-Crime Enforcement Team
NFER National Foundation for Education Research
NFIB National Fraud Intelligence Bureau
NFRC National Fraud Reporting Centre
NGO non-governmental organisation
NHTCU National High-Tech Crime Unit
NIBRS National Incident-Based Reporting System (US)
NIEA Northern Ireland Environment Agency
NOMS National Offender Management Service
NOP National Opinion Poll
NPIA National Police Improvement Agency
NSCA National Society for Clean Air
NSPCC National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children
NSW New South Wales

OBPP Olweus Bullying Prevention Programme

OCJR Office for Criminal Justice Reform
OCJS Offending, Crime and Justice Survey
ODD Oppositional Defiant Disorder
ODIHR Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights
OECD Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development
OFT Office of Fair Trading
OJJDP Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention (US)
ONDCP Office of National Drug Control Policy

xiii
Handbook on Crime

ONS Office for National Statistics

OPM Office for Public Management
OSAP Offender Substance Abuse Programme
OSCE Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe
OTC over-the-counter (medicine etc.)

PACE Police and Criminal Evidence Act 1984

PAW Partnership for Action Against Wildlife Crime
PCeU Police Central e-Crime Unit
PICS Platform for Internet Content Selection
PIN personal identification number
PMK piperonyl methyl ketone
POCA Proceeds of Crime Act 2002
PPC pollution prevention and control
PPG penile plethysmograph
PRA Prostitution Reform Act 2003 [New Zealand]
PRAQ Peer Relations Assessment Questionnaire
PRQ Peer Relations Questionnaire
PTSD post-traumatic stress disorder

R&D research and development

RCEP Royal Commission on Environmental Pollution
RCN Royal College of Nursing
RCT randomised control trial
RFID radio frequency identification
RICO Racketeer-Influenced Corrupt Organizations Act 1970 (US)
RIDDOR Reporting of Injuries, Diseases and Dangerous Occurrences
Regulations 1995
RoB Restrictions on Bail
ROC return on capital
RSPCA Royal Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals
RST Reintegrative Shaming Theory
RTA Road Traffic Act

SAP structural adjustment programme

SAPRIN Structural Adjustment Participatory Review International
Network
SCI Street Crime Initiative
SCPO Serious Crime Prevention Order
SDVC Specialised Domestic Violence Court
SEPA Scottish Environment Protection Agency
SGC Sentencing Guidelines Council
SIP Social Information Processing Theory
SME small and medium enterprise
SMR Standard Minimum Rules (for the Treatment of Prisoners)
SOA Sexual Offences Act 2003
SOCA Serious Organised Crime Agency
SOTEP Sex Offender Treatment and Evaluation Programme

xiv
 List of abbreviations

SOTP Sex Offender Treatment Programme

SPOC single point of contact
SSPCA Scottish Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals
SSPCC Scottish Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children

TDPF Transform Drug Policy Foundation

TGAP Tackling Gangs Action Plan
THC tetrahydrocannabinol
TKAP Tackling Knives Action Programme
TLC Teaching Love and Compassion
TMA Trade Marks Act 1994
ToM Theory of Mind
TOMPs toxic organic micro-pollutants
TRL Transport Research Laboratory

UDHR Universal Declaration of Human Rights

UKDPC UK Drug Policy Commission
UK-IPO UK Intellectual Property Office
UKTA UK Threat Assessment
UN United Nations
UN.GIFT UN Global Initiative to Fight Human Trafficking
UNCTAD UN Conference on Trade and Development
UNESCO UN Educational, Social and Cultural Organisation
UNGA UN General Assembly
UNHCR UN High Commission for Refugees
UNICRI UN Interregional Crime and Justice Research Institute
UNIFEM UN Development Fund for Women
UNMIK UN Mission in Kosovo
UNODC UN Office on Drugs and Crime
USEPA US Environmental Protection Agency

vCJD variant Creutzfeld-Jakob Disease

VCRAT Vehicle Crime Reduction Action Team
VIN Vehicle Identification Number
VOC volatile organic compound

WAG Welsh Assembly Government

WHO World Health Organisation
WIDER World Institute for Development Economics Research
WIPO World Intellectual Property Organisation

YJB Youth Justice Board

YJCEA Youth Justice and Criminal Evidence Act 1999

xv
 List of figures and tables

Figures

1.1 Trends in police recorded domestic burglary, 1981 to 2008/9 5

2.1 Trend in police recorded vehicle crime, 1977 to 2007/8 29
3.1 Trends in recorded shop theft in England and Wales, 1934–2008 49
3.2 Indexed trends in shop theft and other theft 1945–2008 49
11.1 The government Cabinet Office website hacked in August 2000 196
11.2 Prevalence of business cybercrime (1998–2008) 201
11.3 Cybercrime prevalence by type 2004 203
12.1 Annual totals of recorded homicide in England and Wales,
1967–2007/8 221
12.2 Victim–offender relationship, 1998–2007/8 226
14.1 Trends in violent crime by type of violence, 1995 to 2007/8 BCS 273
21.1 Recorded offences and convictions by year 403
21.2 Mean age at conviction by year 405
21.3 Proportion of sentences which are custodial by year 410
25.1 Total convictions recorded by the RSPCA 487
25.2 Phone calls and complaints made to the RSPCA and rescues
and collections made by the RSPCA 488
25.3 Court statistics on gender of offenders 489
25.4 Court statistics on age of offenders 489
30.1 Number of UK seizures by class (1980–2000) 605
30.2 Market share and seizure rates (2003/4) 607
30.3 Persons found guilty, cautioned, fined or dealt with 613
by compounding for drug dealing or supply offences
(1980–2000)

Tables

3.1 Most stolen items by type of store 51

3.2 Types of shop and items shoplifted in Exeter 52
3.3 Attributes and shop theft results of major British self-report
studies 54

xvii
Handbook on Crime

3.4 Motives for shop theft as found among Milton Keynes novices 58
3.5 Motive for shoplifting among CPS cases 59
9.1 Summary of fraud statistics 166
12.1 The number and rates of homicides in the UK in 2007/8 221
12.2 Homicide rates per 100,000 population, selected countries of the
world by region, 2004–6 223
12.3 Gender ‘mix’ of suspect and victims of homicide in
England and Wales: 1998–2008 225
19.1 Stalker–victim relationships 376
21.1 Prevalence of the three offences per 100,000 population in
England and Wales and Australia in 2006 401
21.2 Offenders convicted of blackmail, kidnapping and threats
to kill in 1999–2001 – previous convictions (standard list) 406
21.3 Offenders convicted of blackmail, kidnapping and threats
to kill in 1979–81 – subsequent convictions (standard list) 408
25.1 Legislation listed in the RSPCA’s Inspector’s Legal Handbook 483
25.2 The number of persons cautioned, proceeded against at
magistrates’ courts and found guilty at all courts, by result,
under selected offences of cruelty to wildlife, 2002 to 2007 490
26.1 Sexual offences in 2003 Act 506
26.2 Implicit theories of rapists 511
27.1 Sexual offences in 2003 Act (after Sentencing Guidelines) 526
27.2 Recorded crime 2007/8: sexual offences against children
(adapted from Home Office n.d.) 529
28.1 Offences associated with sex work 543
28.2 Trafficking for ‘sexual exploitation’ 546
28.3 Prostitution offences in England and Wales 1997–2007/8 548
28.4 Policy responses to prostitution and their effects 557
30.1 Use of illicit drugs among EU citizens aged between 15 and
64 years 599
30.2 Classification of drugs 602
30.3 Maximum sentences for possession, supply and production 602
38.1 Definitions of genocide 770
38.2 Proposed genocides 1933–99 777
40.1 Earnings of those employed in Trinidad and Tobago 1987–91 805
40.2 Serious offences reported to the police (excluding traffic
offences) in Trinidad and Tobago 1980–92 807
45.1 Numbers of speed limit offences dealt with by official action
(in thousands) and the proportions detected by speed
cameras: 1996–2006 912
45.2 Bad driving offences dealt with by official police action:
England and Wales (thousands of offences) 916
45.3 Gender and age profile of bad driving offenders: England
and Wales 917
45.4 Estimates of all GB road accident casualties where illegal
alcohol levels were found among drivers and riders,
adjusted for under-reporting 922
45.5 Findings of guilt for drink- or drug-driving offences by age
and sex 922

xviii
 Table of statutes

Abandonment of Animals Act 1960

Adult Support and Protection (Scotland) Act 2007
Aggravated Vehicle-Taking Act 1992
Agriculture Act 1947
Agriculture (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act 1972
Alkali Works Regulation Act 1906
Animal (Cruel Poisons) Act 1962
Animal Welfare Act 2006
Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986
Anti-Social Behaviour Act 2003
Asylum and Immigration Act 2004
Care Standards Act 2000
Child Abduction Act 1984
Children Act 1908
Children Act 1948
Children Act 1984
Children Act 1989
Children Act 2004
Children and Young Persons Act 1933
Children and Young Persons Act 1969
Clean Air Act 1956
Clean Air Act 1968
Computer Misuse Act 1990
Conservation of Seals Act 1970
Contagious Diseases Acts 1964–9
Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988
Corporate Manslaughter and Corporate Homicide Act 2007
Crime (Sentences) Act 1997
Crime and Disorder Act 1998
Criminal Attempts Act 1981
Criminal Code 2004 (Ethiopia)

xix
Handbook on Crime

Criminal Damage Act 1971

Criminal Justice Act 1998
Criminal Justice Act 2003
Criminal Justice and Police Act 2001
Criminal Justice and Public Order Act 1994
Criminal Law Act 1967
Criminal Law Act 1977
Criminal Law Amendment Act 1885
Data Protection Act 1998
Deer Act 1991
Destructive Imported Animals Act 1932
Disorderly Houses Act 1751
Docking and Nicking of Horses Act 1949
Domestic Violence Crime and Victims Act 2004
Drug Trafficking Offences Act 1986
Endangered Species (Import and Export) Act 1976
Enterprise Act 2002
Environment Act 1995
Environmental Protection Act 1990
Farriers (Registration) Act 1975
Forgery and Counterfeiting Act 1981
Fraud Act 2006
Freedom of Information Act 2000
Game Act 1831
Genocide Act 1969
Ground Game Act 1880
Hares Preservation Act 1892
Homicide Act 1957
Hunting Act 2004
Identity Cards Act 2006
Industrial Schools Act 1857
Industrial Schools Act 1866
Infanticide Act 1938
Insolvency Act 1986
International Criminal Court Act 2001
International Criminal Court (Scotland) Act 2001
International Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of
Genocide 1948
International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial
Discrimination 1965
Law on the Establishment of Extraordinary Chambers 2004 (Cambodia)
Law Reform (Year and a Day Rule) Act 1996
Leaving Care Act 2000
London and Local Authorities Act 1991
Lotteries and Amusements Act 1976
Medicines Act 1968
Mental Capacity Act 2005
Mental Health Act 1983

xx
 Table of statutes

Metropolitan Police Act 1839

Misuse of Drugs Act 1971
Motor Car Act 1903
Murder (Abolition of the Death Penalty) Act 1965
National Health Service and Community Care Act 1990
Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002
Night Poaching Act 1828
Obscene Publications Act 1959
Offences Against the Person Act 1861
Parliament Act 1911
Penal Code 1957 (Ethiopia)
Pests Act 1954
Police and Criminal Evidence Act 1984
Police and Criminal Justice Act 2001
Pollution Prevention and Control Act 1999
Proceeds of Crime Act 2002
Protection from Harassment Act 1997
Protection of Animals (Amendment) Act 1954
Protection of Animals Act 1911
Protection of Badgers Act 1992
Public Order Act 1986
Road Safety Act 1967
Road Safety Act 2006
Road Traffic Act 1930
Road Traffic Act 1988
Road Traffic Act 1991
Road Traffic Offenders Act 1988
Serious Crime Act 2007
Serious Organised Crime and Police Act 2005
Sexual Offences (Amendment) Act 2000
Sexual Offences Act 1956
Sexual Offences Act 1959
Sexual Offences Act 1967
Sexual Offences Act 1985
Sexual Offences Act 2003
Strafgesetzbuch 1998 (Germany)
Street Offences Act 1959
Taking of Hostages Act 1982
Theft Act 1968
Theft Act 1978
Trade Descriptions Act 1968
Trade Marks Act 1994
Vagrancy Acts (various)
Vagrants Act 1898
Veterinary Surgeons Act 1966
Video Recordings Act 1984
Violent Crime Reduction Act 2006
Wild Mammals (Protection) Act 1996

xxi
Handbook on Crime

Wildlife and Countryside Act 1981

Youth Justice and Criminal Evidence Act 1999

UK Regulations

Consumer Protection (Cancellation of Contracts Concluded away from

Business Premises) Regulations 1987
Control of Misleading Advertisements Regulations 1988
Control of Trade in Endangered Species (Enforcement) Regulations 1997
Money Laundering Regulations 2003/2007
Motor Vehicle (Type Approval) (Amendment) Regulations 1975
Pollution Prevention and Control (England and Wales) Regulations 2000
Town and Country Planning (Control of Advertisements) Regulations 1992
Welfare of Animals (Slaughter and Killing) (Amendment) Regulations 1999

EU

Council Directive 74/61/EEC

Directive 2001/29/EC [Copyright Directive]
IPPC Directive
Regulation 1383/2003 Customs Actions Against Goods Suspected of
Infringing Intellectual Property Rights
L’Regulation 1891/2004
Statute of the International Criminal Court (1998) (Rome)
Statute of the ICTR 2007
Statute of the ICTY 2008

US

Bank Secrecy Act 1970

Digital Millennium Copyright Act 1998
Federal Kidnapping Act
Hate Crime Statistics Act 1990
Identity Theft and Assumption Deterrence Act 1998
Local Law Enforcement Hate Crimes Prevention Act 2007
Money Laundering Control Act 1986
Motor Vehicle Theft Law Enforcement Act 1984
Organized Crime Control Act 1970
Racketeer-Influenced Corrupt organizations Act 1970
Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act 1994

xxii
 Notes on contributors

Andy Aitchison is Lecturer in Social Policy at the School of Social and Political
Science, University of Edinburgh, where he co-directs the MSc programme in
Global Crime, Justice and Security. His most significant publications to date
focus on post-war criminal justice reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Tammy C. Ayres is University Tutor in the Department of Criminology at

the University of Leicester and a PhD student in the Department of Health
Sciences. Her research interests include the link between drugs and crime,
substance-using offenders, and the use of drugs in prison and its subsequent
treatment.

Trevor Bennett is Professor of Criminology and Director of the Centre for

Criminology, which he established in 2001, at the University of Glamorgan.
He has worked mainly in the areas of offender decision-making, policing,
crime prevention and drug misuse and his recent work has focused on the
connection between drug use and crime. Recent books include Understanding
Drugs, Alcohol, and Crime (Open University/McGraw-Hill) and Drug-Crime
Connections (Cambridge University Press). His current research includes
analysis of an ESRC project database on violent street crime and data collection
for a study on prescription drug misuse.

Fiona Brookman is Reader in Criminology and Deputy Director of the Centre

for Criminology, University of Glamorgan, which she helped to establish in
2001. She has published principally in the areas of homicide and violence and
is author of Understanding Homicide (Sage, 2005). She is currently researching
and publishing on street violence and undertaking research into difficult to
detect and unsolved homicides. Her research on homicide forms part of the
Murder Investigation Manual.

Belinda Brooks-Gordon is a Reader in Psychology and Social Policy at

Birkbeck, University of London. A chartered psychologist, the particular

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Handbook on Crime

focus of Belinda’s research is sex work with an emphasis on the civil liberties,
human rights, safety, health and welfare of those in sex work. Belinda’s book
The Price of Sex: Prostitution, Policy and Society (Willan, 2006) was shortlisted
for the British Society of Criminology Book Prize 2007. Belinda is currently
working on the effects of state violence on migration; see, for example, ‘State
Violence Towards Sex Workers’, BMJ (2008).

Rick Brown is Managing Director of Evidence Led Solutions Limited, a

consultancy that specialises in criminal justice and community safety issues.
He has written widely on vehicle crime and previously worked on vehicle
crime and roads policing research for the Home Office. His current research
interests are in policing and organised crime.

Maureen Cain’s early interest in policing has broadened over the years into
a more general concern with the sociology of law and crime. In Trinidad,
where she served as Professor of Sociology from 1987 to 1995, she developed
a course in ‘Caribbean Criminology’. This subsequently shaped her current
concerns with the impact on crime and victimisation of globalisation in
general and of global economic policies in particular. Already in her seventies,
she is now retired, albeit still writing and supervising graduate students at
the University of Birmingham. She was President of the British Society of
Criminology from 2002 to 2005.

Claire Corbett is Director of the Criminal Justice Research Group at Brunel

University and a Reader in the Brunel Law School, Brunel University.
Her research interests largely lie in the field of road crime and traffic law
enforcement, and in particular on speeding, speed cameras and public
perceptions of these. The enforcement of a wide range of traffic offences is
one aspect researched in her book Car Crime (Willan, 2003). She has recently
been an invited member of various government scientific advisory groups
related to road safety improvement.

Hazel Croall is Professor of Criminology at Glasgow Caledonian University

where she set up the BA programme in Criminology. She has published
widely in the area of white-collar and corporate crime, including the 2001 text
Understanding White Collar Crime. She is currently researching issues involved
in the regulation of corporate crime and preparing the second edition of her
text, Crime and Society.

Jonathan Evans is a qualified social worker with experience of both practice

and management in the probation service. He is currently a senior lecturer in
the Centre for Criminology at the University of Glamorgan. His main research
interests and publications are in the area of children, young people and youth
policy. He is particularly interested in the relationship between welfare and
criminal justice systems. Since 2006 he has been a member of the European
Network of Experts on Youth Research (Council of Europe and European
Commission Partnership). He is the co-editor of a forthcoming book entitled
Youth Employment and the Future of Work (Strasbourg: CoE Publications).

xxiv
 Notes on contributors

David P. Farrington, OBE, is Professor of Psychological Criminology at the

Institute of Criminology, Cambridge University, and Adjunct Professor of
Psychiatry at Western Psychiatric Institute and Clinic, University of Pittsburgh.
He is a Chartered Forensic Psychologist and has been President of the American
Society of Criminology, President of the European Association of Psychology
and Law, President of the British Society of Criminology, President of the
Academy of Experimental Criminology and Chair of the Division of Forensic
Psychology of the British Psychological Society. His major research interest is
in developmental criminology and he is Director of the Cambridge Study in
Delinquent Development. He has received the Sellin-Glueck and Sutherland
awards of the American Society of Criminology and the prize for distinguished
scholarship of the American Sociological Association Criminology Section. In
addition to 490 published journal articles and book chapters on criminological
and psychological topics, he has published 70 books, monographs and
government publications.

Cyrille Fijnaut is Professor of International and Comparative Criminal Law

at the Law School of Tilburg University. He is a member of the Global Law
School Faculty of the New York University School of Law. His main research
interests are related to organised crime and terrorism, international police
and judicial cooperation, comparative criminal procedure and police law, the
history of European criminology and of policing in Europe, and police and
judicial cooperation in the Benelux countries. In these fields he has written
and edited some 75 books and published hundreds of articles in learned and
professional journals and edited books. In addition he has worked in the
last 15 years as an expert for a number of governmental and parliamentary
committees of inquiry in Belgium and the Netherlands with regard to
organised and professional crime problems and in relation to security issues.
Since 2005 he has held a special chair, sponsored by the Dutch State Lottery,
on the regulatory aspects of gambling.

Brian Francis is Professor of Social Statistics at Lancaster University and

Director of an ESRC National Centre for Research Methods node. He has over
30 years of experience of statistical consultancy and applied statistical research
and has focused recently on the analysis of criminal careers and risk factors for
serious crime. His publications span statistics, health, sociology and criminology,
developing analytic approaches. His research interests include quantitative
methods in criminology, latent class methods and analysis of ranked data.

Martin Gill is Director of Perpetuity Research and Consultancy International,

a spin-out company from the University of Leicester and a Professor of
Criminology. Martin has been actively involved in a range of studies relating
to different aspects of business crime and its prevention including why
fraudsters steal, staff dismissed for dishonesty, the effectiveness of CCTV, how
companies protect their brand image and the generators of illicit markets and
stolen goods, to name but a few. He has written and edited 13 books including
The Handbook of Security (2006). He is a Fellow of the Security Institute, Chair
of the ASIS Research Council and co-editor of the Security Journal.

xxv
Handbook on Crime

Janice Goldstraw-White is an independent criminologist running her own

management and research consultancy, Goldstraw-White Associates, working
with academic, private and public sector bodies. Janice is also an accountant
and as such is interested in the area of white-collar criminology. Her PhD
thesis was on the accounts of white-collar criminals including a number of
interviews with white-collar crime offenders. She is currently writing a book
entitled White-Collar Crime: Opportunity, Motivation and Morality, and is also
interested in the area of gender and white-collar crime. She is a member of
the British Society of Criminology.

Jo Goodey is Head of Department ‘Freedoms and Justice’ at the European

Union Agency for Fundamental Rights in Vienna. She previously worked as
a research fellow in the field of trafficking, migration and crime at the United
Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, and before this was a university lecturer
in criminology and criminal justice at the universities of Sheffield and Leeds.
She is the author of Victims and Victimology: Research, Policy and Practice and
co-editor of Integrating a Victim Perspective in Criminal Justice, and has written
many journal articles and book chapters on subjects ranging from hate crime
to trafficking.

Ruth M. Hatcher is Lecturer in Forensic Psychology at the University of

Leicester. Her research interests include interventions with offenders to reduce
crime, victimisation within prisons, offender perspectives of the offender
management system in England and Wales, and the effect on staff of working
with forensic populations. She has published a range of reports and academic
publications on these topics.

Victoria Heckels is a Forensic Psychologist and is a Senior Lecturer

in Psychology at the University of Teesside. Victoria is accredited as a
Behavioural Investigative Advisor (BIA) by the Association of Chief Police
Officers (ACPO). In this role she has provided psychological advice on
a significant number of major police investigations since 1993. Victoria is
currently carrying out research examining stalking behaviour, which focuses
on the tactics utilised by stalkers and the effects that various tactics have
upon victims. The research also aims to identify various risk factors for
violence.

David C. Hicks is Lecturer in Criminology at the Cardiff University School

of Social Sciences. He received his PhD from Cardiff for his study ‘Thinking
About the Prevention of Organised Crime’. His current research focuses on
financial crimes and the elaboration of anti-money laundering (AML) regimes.
He has published work on financial crimes, serious and organised crimes,
crime prevention, and drugs policy. He worked with academic, intelligence,
nongovernment and government institutions in Canada prior to joining the
staff at Cardiff.

Dick Hobbs is Professor of Sociology at the London School of Economics.

His interests focus on ethnographic work, working-class entrepreneurship,

xxvi
 Notes on contributors

the sociology of deviance, professional and organised crime, violence, drug

markets, the night-time economy and the sociology of East London. He is
currently working on a book looking at the sociology of organised crime in
the UK, Populating the Underworld (Polity, 2011) He is also working on a four-
volume edited collection on ethnography (Sage, 2011) and a collaborative
book on the policing and security implications of the 2012 Olympics, Securing
the Olympic Neighbourhood (Ashgate).

Clive R. Hollin is Professor of Criminological Psychology in the Department

of Health Sciences at the University of Leicester. His primary research interest
lies in the design and evaluation of initiatives to reduce crime. He wrote the
best-selling textbook Psychology and Crime: An Introduction to Criminological
Psychology (Routledge, 1989). His most recent book, edited with Graham
Davies and Ray Bull, is Forensic Psychology (John Wiley & Sons, 2008). In all,
he has published 21 books alongside 300 other academic publications; he is
also co-editor of the journal Psychology, Crime and Law.

Katy Holloway is Reader in Criminology at the Centre for Criminology,

University of Glamorgan. She has worked mainly in the area of drugs and
crime and has recently published two books on the subject: Understanding
Drugs, Alcohol and Crime (Open University/McGraw-Hill) and Drug–Crime
Connections (Cambridge University Press). Her current research includes
an evaluation of the Take Home Naloxone project for the Welsh Assembly
Government and a survey on prescription drug misuse among university
staff and students.

Paul Iganski is a Senior Lecturer in Social Justice at Lancaster University, UK.

He specialises in research and writing on ‘hate crime’ and is the co-ordinator
of The Hate Crime Research Group – an alliance of academics, activists,
policymakers at various levels of governance, practitioners, researchers and
students. His books include Hate Crime and the City (2008), the edited volumes
Hate Crime: The Consequences of Hate Crime (2009) and The Hate Debate (2002),
and Hate Crimes Against London’s Jews (2005) (with Vicky Kielinger and Susan
Paterson).

Martin Innes is Professor and Director of the Universities’ Police Science

Institute at Cardiff University. He is the author of the books Investigating
Murder (Oxford University Press, 2003) and Understanding Social Control
(Open University Press, 2003) as well as a large number of scholarly articles
and reports. Innes is also the serving editor of the journal Policing and
Society published by Routledge. His current research includes empirical and
theoretical studies of social reactions to crime and disorder and the police role
in counterterrorism.

Michael Levi is Professor of Criminology at Cardiff University School of

Social Sciences. His most recent books are the second edition (2008) of The
Phantom Capitalists: The Organisation and Control of Long-Firm Fraud (Andover:
Ashgate), and (with Petrus van Duyne) Drugs and Money (2005). He has

xxvii
Handbook on Crime

published widely on fraud, organised crime, and money laundering in the

British Journal of Criminology, Crime and Justice, Criminology and Criminal Justice
and the Journal of Financial Crime. He currently holds a three-year ESRC
Professorial Fellowship (RES-051-27-0208), researching fraud networks, public-
private partnerships against financial crimes, and the global governance of
financial crimes.

Simon Mackenzie is Reader in Criminology at the Scottish Centre for Crime

and Justice Research, University of Glasgow. His research interests are in
white-collar crime, organised crime, international criminal markets and
policing. He is currently working on the prevention of trafficking in cultural
heritage (United Nations), threat assessment in organised crime (SCDEA), the
drivers of perceptions of anti-social behaviour (Home Office) and community
policing (AHRC). He is author of Going, Going, Gone: Regulating the Market in
Illicit Antiquities (2005) and editor of Criminology and Archaeology: Studies in
Looted Antiquities (2009).

Mike Maguire is a Professor of Criminology and Criminal Justice, now based

part-time at Cardiff University and the University of Glamorgan. He has
conducted research on numerous crime and justice related topics, especially
burglary, victims, policing, prisons and probation. His main current interests
are in the resettlement of prisoners, reducing reoffending and the devolution of
crime control. He has over 100 publications to his name, including co-editing
(with Rod Morgan and Robert Reiner) The Oxford Handbook of Criminology (4th
edn, 2007). He also edits a book series for the Open University Press. He
is a member of the Correctional Services Accreditation Panel and academic
advisor to the Home Office crime reduction team based in the Welsh Assembly
Government.

Jennifer Maher is a Lecturer in Criminology at the University of Glamorgan.

She was awarded her PhD in 2007 for her study ‘Angels with Dirty Faces:
Youth Gangs and Troublesome Youth Groups in South Wales’. She has since
researched and published on youth gangs, youth violence, weapon use among
young people and the link between animal abuse and interpersonal violence.
Her current research on ‘the use and abuse of animals among youth gangs
and groups’ links together many of these research interests.

Tiggey May is a Senior Research Fellow at the Institute for Criminal Policy
Research, King’s College London. To date her research and published work
has focused on mapping local drug markets, the policing of cannabis, drug
dealing and distribution systems, sex work, the police complaints system and
more recently young black and minority people’s experience of interventions
in the youth justice system. Tiggey is currently examining the differential
treatment of ethnic minority young people in the youth justice system.

Tim McSweeney is a Senior Research Fellow at the Institute for Criminal

Policy Research based at King’s College London. He has ten years’ experience
of conducting and managing social science research with local, national

xxviii
 Notes on contributors

and international dimensions using both quantitative and qualitative

methodologies. His research activities to date have focused on substance
misuse, its treatment and the role played by criminal justice interventions in
tackling these and related issues. He has served as an advisor on ‘coerced’
drug treatment options to both the Council of Europe and UN Office on
Drugs and Crime. He is a PhD candidate under scholarship with both the
Drug Policy Modelling Programme and the University of New South Wales
in Sydney, Australia.

John Minkes is a Lecturer in Criminology and Criminal Justice at the Centre

for Criminal Justice and Criminology, Swansea University. He was previously
a probation officer, a researcher at Cardiff and Bristol universities and a social
worker. He has published articles on corporate crime, youth justice and the
history of criminal justice and probation and, with Professor Leonard Minkes,
edited Corporate and White-Collar Crime (Sage, 2008). Current research includes
a case study of the E. coli outbreak in South Wales and the early history of
the Court of Criminal Appeal.

Leonard Minkes is Emeritus Professor of Business Organisation in the

University of Birmingham. He has lectured in universities, management
centres in industry and other organisations, and has acted as a consultant
on business topics and management training in Britain and overseas. He
also spent part of his career in the Economic Commission for Europe of the
United Nations. From 1974 to 1980, he was a non-executive member of the
Midlands Postal Board and from 1975 to 1983 he served on the Council of the
Birmingham Chamber of Industry and Commerce. He has published widely
in the areas of corporate behaviour and strategic management.

Rod Morgan is Professor Emeritus, University of Bristol, and Visiting

Professor at the London School of Economics and the Universities’ Police
Science Institute, University of Cardiff. He has been HM Chief Inspector of
Probation and Chairman of the Youth Justice Board for England and Wales.
He has for many years been an expert advisor to Amnesty International
and the Council of Europe on custodial conditions and the prevention
of torture and is co-author (with Evans) of Preventing Torture (OUP, 1998),
Protecting Prisoners (OUP, 1999) and the Council of Europe’s official guide
to the European Convention for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or
Degrading Treatment or Punishment, Combating Torture in Europe (Council of
Europe, 2001). He often acts as an expert witness in extradition proceedings
involving a possible breach of Article 3 of the ECHR.

Emma J. Palmer is Reader in Forensic Psychology at the University of Leicester.

Her research interests include the design and evaluation of interventions
with offenders, risk/need assessment, and the role of parenting and social
cognition in the development of offending. She has published widely on these
topics and recently co-edited with Clive Hollin the book Offending Behaviour
Programmes: Development, Applications, and Controversies (John Wiley & Sons,
2006).

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Handbook on Crime

Letizia Paoli is Full Professor of Criminology at the K.U. Leuven Faculty of

Law, Belgium. Italian by birth, she served during the 1990s as consultant to
the Italian Ministries of the Interior and Justice and several UN bodies and
worked for eight years up to 2006 at the Max Planck Institute for Foreign and
International Criminal Law in Freiburg, Germany. Since the early 1990s she has
published extensively on organised crime, drugs and related control policies,
including Mafia Brotherhoods: Organised Crime, Italian Style (Oxford University
Press, 2003), Organised Crime in Europe: Concepts, Patterns and Policies in the
European Union and Beyond (edited with Cyrille Fijnaut, Springer, 2004) and,
together with Victoria Greenfield and Peter Reuter, The World Heroin Market:
Can the Supply Be Cut? (Oxford University Press, 2009).

Harriet Pierpoint is a Reader in Criminology and Criminal Justice at the

Centre for Criminology at University of Glamorgan in Wales. Her research
interests relate to criminal justice processing and vulnerable people in the
criminal justice system and alternatives to prosecution and imprisonment,
and, more recently, animal abuse. She has undertaken several funded
research projects (including research for the Home Office, Ministry of Justice
and National Offender Management Service Cymru) and published widely
in nationally and internationally recognised journals including Policing and
Society and Criminology and Criminal Justice. She is the Chair of the British
Society of Criminology Wales Branch.

Karl Roberts is a Forensic Psychologist and Associate Professor of Policing

at the Australian Graduate School of Policing at Charles Sturt University in
Sydney. He has published widely on the topics of stalking and harassment,
counterterrorism policing and police interviewing. He is a consultant to various
police forces and international governmental bodies on police interviewing,
terrorism and stalking and harassment and is actively involved in police
training in these areas.

Amanda L. Robinson received her PhD in Interdisciplinary Social Science

from Michigan State University. She is currently a Senior Lecturer in
Criminology and Criminal Justice at Cardiff University. She has conducted
empirical research into the American and British criminal justice systems.
She has recently published in Violence Against Women, the Howard Journal and
Contemporary Justice Review, and co-edited a special issue of the International
Journal of Applied and Comparative Criminal Justice entitled ‘Responding to
Violence Against Women Across the Globe’. She has recently completed
research into advocacy services for victims of domestic and sexual violence
in the UK and Sexual Assault Referral Centres.

Natasha Semmens is a lecturer and researcher in the Centre for Criminological

Research at the University of Sheffield. Her research interests include the fear
of crime, crime survey methodology, white-collar crime and identity and
personal data. Her publications include a series of articles on plastic card
fraud and identity theft. Her recent research has focused on neighbourhood
policing and confidence/satisfaction in the police.

xxx
 Notes on contributors

Keith Soothill is Emeritus Professor of Social Research and is currently

attached to the Centre for Applied Statistics, Lancaster University. His recent
co-edited books Questioning Crime and Criminology and Handbook of Forensic
Mental Health and the co-authored book Understanding Criminal Careers (all
Willan) span the areas of crime and health. His current research interests are
in the areas of criminal careers, sex offending, serious offending and white-
collar offenders.

Toine Spapens is a senior research fellow at the Department of Criminal

Law at Tilburg University. He previously worked at an institute for policy
research in the Netherlands. He specialises in empirical research on organised
crime and transnational law enforcement cooperation and is also involved
in the research programme ‘Regulation of Gambling in Europe’ at Tilburg
University, focusing on the relationship between gambling and (organised)
crime. His current research relates to trafficking in illicit firearms, the role of
organised crime groups in cannabis cultivation in the Netherlands, and police
and judicial cooperation, particularly in European border regions. Spapens
wrote his PhD thesis on the interaction between organised crime and law
enforcement, based on the case of ecstasy-production and trafficking in the
Netherlands.

Mike Sutton is Reader in Criminology and Founding Director of Nottingham

Centre for the Study and Reduction of Hate Crimes, Bias and Prejudice at
Nottingham Trent University. He is General Editor of the Internet Journal of
Criminology. Mike is the originator of the Market Reduction Approach, which
seeks to reduce theft by tackling stolen goods markets. Among his most
recent work on this subject is a Problem Oriented Policing (USA National
Institute of Justice) guide for police, Tackling Stolen Goods Markets (http://www.
cops.usdoj.gov/RIC/ResourceList.aspx?lt=Series&SID=1&srt=Title&pn=1)
which has passed peer review and is in press and expected to be published
online in November 2009. He has recently completed several journal articles
on the Far Right and on hate crimes against those in interracial relationships.
Mike has recently completed a Report for the UK Department of Government
and Local Communities, Getting the Message Across: Using Media to Reduce
‘Racial’ Prejudice (http://www.communities.gov.uk/documents/communities/
pdf/611667.pdf).

Nick Tilley is visiting professor in the Department of Security and Crime

Science at University College London. He is interested in theoretically informed
applied social science, especially as this relates to the prevention of crime
and disorder. He has published a dozen books and more than 150 reports,
chapters and journal articles, mostly relating to policing, crime reduction and
programme evaluation methodology. His most recent books include Crime
Prevention (Willan, 2009) and Evaluating Crime Reduction Initiatives (edited with
Johannes Knutsson, Willan, 2009).

Steve Tombs is Professor of Sociology at Liverpool John Moores University.

Recent publications include A Crisis of Enforcement: The Decriminalisation of

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Handbook on Crime

Death and Injury at Work (Centre for Crime and Justice Studies, 2008) and
Safety Crimes (Willan, 2007), both co-authored with Dave Whyte. He is editor,
with Roy Coleman, Joe Sim and Dave Whyte, of State, Power, Crime (Sage,
2009). He has a long-standing interest in the incidence, nature and regulation
of corporate crime, and in particular the regulation and management and
health and safety at work.

Maria M. Ttofi is the Leverhulme Early Career Fellow at the Institute of

Criminology, Cambridge University. She completed her MPhil in Criminological
Research and her PhD at the Institute of Criminology, under the supervision of
Professor D. P. Farrington. She also holds two Bachelors degrees in Educational
Sciences and Sociology. Her PhD research focused on the effectiveness of anti-
bullying programmes (based on a systematic and meta-analytic review that
was completed for the Swedish National Council for Crime Prevention) and on
the empirical testing of theories of teacher victimisation, school bullying and
aggressive behaviour in general. She has had papers published in Aggressive
Behavior, Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research, Victims and Offenders
and Crime and Justice. Maria’s main interests are in systematic/meta-analytic
reviews, experimental research, bullying and delinquency.

Paul J. Turnbull is Co-Director of the Institute for Criminal Policy Research

at King’s College London. He has 20 years’ experience of researching issues
relating to drugs and criminal policy for a range of government departments
and non-governmental organisations. He led the teams evaluating the pilot
Drug Treatment and Testing Orders and London Arrest Referral Schemes. He
heads a team conducting a number of research projects on criminal policy in
the UK and Europe. He is currently undertaking a national study assessing
the relative effectiveness of the different types of institutions that form the
secure estate for juvenile offenders. He is also conducting work on the
impact of the changes in the classification of cannabis on policing and of
drug treatment on drug supply in prisons. He has written many articles and
reports on interventions based within the criminal justice system for drug-
using offenders

P.A.J. Waddington is Professor of Social Policy at the University of

Wolverhampton. He has published widely on policing issues, especially
public order policing and the police use of force and firearms. He was a
founder member of a 13-country consortium on public use of force, and co-
editor (with Chris Birkbeck) of a special issue of Crime, Law and Social Change
and lead author of an article therein reporting research on how officers in
six countries normatively assess the police use of force. He is currently a
member of the Independent Expert Panel advising Her Majesty’s Chief
Inspector of Constabulary in his report on the policing of the G20 protests. His
current research is on public perceptions of police behaviour in routine
encounters.

Reece Walters is Professor of Criminology at the Open University. He has

published widely on the politics and governance of criminological knowledge,

xxxii
 Notes on contributors

including Deviant Knowledge – Criminology, Politics and Policy (2003) and

Critical Thinking About the Uses of Research (with Tim Hope, 2008). His research
focuses on crimes of the powerful, notably the ways in which corporate and
government officials abuse their authority for personal or political gain. His
more recent work, including Crime is in the Air – Air Pollution Regulations
in the UK (2009) and Eco Crime and GM Food (2010), seeks to push existing
criminological horizons to include notions of environmental harm and justice.
In doing so, his research examines the political economy of water, air and
food and how these essential ingredients for human and non-human life are
constantly threatened and exploited by the harmful acts of governments and
corporations.

Nicola Weston is a Researcher at the Universities’ Police Science Institute

at Cardiff University where her current research interests include theoretical
understanding of human behaviour and cognition and the application to police
practice. She has authored and co-authored a number of scholarly articles
in international psychology related journals covering areas such as decision-
making, human memory and perception. Her recent work investigates how
understandings of human behaviour contribute to the role of the police in
counterterrorism, crime and disorder and investigation.

John Williams is Professor of Law and head of the Department of Law and
Criminology at Aberystywth University. He has published widely on the law
relating to older people and vulnerable adults with particular reference to the
criminal justice system. He has presented papers at international conferences
in America, Kenya, Canada, Australia, China and Malaysia. Currently he
is researching the impact of imprisonment on older people in the United
Kingdom and America and the extent to which prison systems fail to address
their needs and their human rights.

Katherine S. Williams is a Senior Lecturer in Criminology in the Department

of Law and Criminology, Aberystwyth University. She is well known for
her Textbook on Criminology, published by Oxford University Press (now in
its sixth edition). She is also the author of reports and numerous papers in
high-quality legal and social science academic journals. Much of her work
has focused on the protection of rights against breach, especially by the state.
She acted as expert adviser to the Council of Europe in the preparation of the
Cybercrime Convention. Her recent research and publications have concerned
the control of child pornography and her current research is exploring the
effectiveness of antisocial behaviour and looking at the effects of domestic
violence on young people.

Matthew Williams is a senior lecturer at the Cardiff School of Social Sciences

and was the independent academic advisor on E-crime to the Welsh Assembly
Government. He has published and conducted research in the areas of
cybercrime, online and digital research methodologies and sexuality, policing
and criminal justice. He is co-editor of Criminology and Criminal Justice and is
on the editorial board for Sociological Research Online and the Internet Journal

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Handbook on Crime

of Criminology. He was also on the board of directors for the Association of

Internet Researchers (AoIR). Publications include Virtually Criminal: Crime,
Deviance and Regulation Online (Routledge, 2006), ‘Policing and Cybersociety:
The Maturation of Regulation in an Online Community’, Policing and Society
(2006) and ‘Policing Diversity in the Digital Age: Maintaining Order in Virtual
Communities’, Criminology and Criminal Justice. Recent research includes
‘E-crime Rapid Evidence Assessment’ (Welsh Assembly Government),
‘Ethnography for the Digital Age’ (ESRC) and ‘Methodological Issues for
Qualitative Data Sharing and Archiving’ (ESRC).

Simon Winlow is Senior Lecturer in the Department of Sociology at the

University of York. He is the author of Badfellas: Crime, Tradition and New
Masculinities (Berg, 2001) and co-author of Bouncers: Violence and Governance
in the Night-time Economy (Oxford University Press, 2003), Violent Night:
Urban Leisure and Contemporary Culture (Berg, 2006) and Criminal Identities and
Consumer Culture: Crime, Exclusion and the New Culture of Narcissism (Willan,
2008).

Richard Wright is Curators’ Professor of Criminology and Criminal Justice at

the University of Missouri-St Louis and Editor-in-Chief of the British Journal
of Sociology. He has been studying active urban street criminals, including
residential burglars, armed robbers, carjackers and drug dealers, for over two
decades. His research has been funded by the US National Institute of Justice,
the Harry Frank Guggenheim Foundation, the Icelandic Research Council,
the US National Consortium on Violence Research, the US National Science
Foundation and the Irish Research Council for the Humanities and Social
Sciences. His most recent book, co-authored with Bruce Jacobs, is Street Justice:
Retaliation in the Criminal Underworld (Cambridge University Press, 2006).

xxxiv
 Introduction

Fiona Brookman, Mike Maguire,

Harriet Pierpoint and Trevor Bennett

Criminologists publish surprisingly little about specific forms of criminal

activity: when, how, by whom and in what contexts they are carried out,
whether and why they are increasing or declining, what particular issues they
raise for the police or criminal justice agencies, and so on. Despite a major
expansion in criminology in universities since the mid-1990s, the empirical
research base remains quite thin in relation even to some of the most common
crimes, including those which attract regular media and political attention.
Moreover – albeit for very good reasons – general texts in the subject tend to
be organised around broad social, cultural or psychological explanations of
‘crime’ or ‘criminality’, and/or around social and criminal justice responses
to offences and offenders. This often means that what may be markedly
different types of behaviour in markedly different contexts are conflated and
discussed only under catch-all categories such as ‘violence’ or ‘sex offending’.
In addition, little may be said about what might be called ‘emerging’ crime
problems: for example, new illegal ways of taking advantage of developments
in technology, or types of criminal behaviour which appear to be growing in
frequency or seriousness. Examples include various forms of Internet fraud,
identity theft and, of course, global terrorism.
It was discussions along these lines that initially sparked the idea for this
book. In essence, we and our contributors have adopted the highly unusual
strategy of, in each chapter, using a specific type of crime as the starting point
for discussion and analysis. Of course, there are significant risks and challenges
attached to such an approach. Most obviously, there is a danger of failing
to go beyond the purely descriptive and hence producing no more than a
catalogue of ‘facts’ about each offence type. Conversely, if this problem is
avoided by engaging in every chapter in etiological debates, there is a risk
of excessive repetition: many offenders commit a range of different offences,
doubtless often for similar underlying reasons. In addition, there are difficult
judgments to be made about how to define, divide up and select the ‘types of
crime’ to be covered: for example, to what extent they should be categorised
according to legal or social categories (e.g. ‘robbery’ or ‘mugging’), victim

xxxv
Handbook on Crime

characteristics or environmental context (e.g. ‘elder abuse’ or ‘crime in closed

institutions’) or the status of offenders (e.g. ‘state’ or ‘corporate’ crime, as
opposed to crime by individuals). This raises further questions about how
far to include actions at the blurred borderlines between ‘crime’, ‘breaches
of regulations’ and ‘accidents’, in some of which those responsible may be
protected from criminalisation by powerful political or financial interests
(train crashes, deaths at work, environmental pollution, and so on).
While such issues have caused difficulties, these were much less severe than
we first feared. Most authors have been comfortable with a broad template
which allows them to present a balance of (a) historical and definitional issues
relating to the type of crime concerned; (b) statistical and other descriptive
information about its nature, extent and trends; (c) theoretical debates around
its etiology; (d) social and criminal justice responses and (e) any recent
academic, political or policy debates which have been particularly relevant to
this type of crime. In order to minimise repetition in sections on etiology, we
have generally encouraged authors to focus more on ‘proximal’ factors which
may help to explain specific patterns of offending behaviour than on ‘distal’
factors which may be more appropriate to explanations of why individuals
become involved in crime at all. This is, however, more appropriate for some
types of offending than others and there are several exceptions.
As far as the categorisation of crime types is concerned, we have not
adopted a rigid framework, and chapter headings range from legal to
popular classifications of crime. Generally speaking, we have favoured more
‘socially contextualised’ terms which highlight the location or environment
in which offences occur (e.g. shoplifting, cybercrime, violence in the night-
time economy) and/or the type of victim or the nature of the offender–victim
relationship involved (e.g. sexual offences against children, hate crime, animal
abuse, theft and fraud by employees).
Inevitably, even in a book with 45 chapters, there are some glaring gaps. For
example, there is no chapter on one of the most common recorded offences
of all, ‘criminal damage’. However, comprehensiveness – especially where
standard police recorded offences are concerned – was never our priority.
Rather, we set out to illustrate as wide as possible a range of broad categories
of criminal (and potentially criminal) behaviour, including those which receive
relatively little attention from criminologists or indeed the criminal justice
system. This is reflected in the structure of the book, which is divided into
eight parts. It begins in Part I with what we refer to as ‘conventional’ crimes
against property – including the major ‘volume’ crimes of theft of and from
vehicles, domestic burglary and shoplifting. Parts II–IV cover other groups of
offences with headings that are similar to those used in the official criminal
statistics in England and Wales: fraud and fakes, violent crime and sex-related
crime. However, they cover a much wider variety of individual forms of
criminal behaviour types than are reflected in the legally based categories
used in the official figures. For example, the fraud and fakes part includes
chapters on ‘cybercrime’, ‘scams’, and ‘tax and benefit fraud’, none of which
are prominent among recorded offences (the first two often go unreported
and the latter is usually dealt with by agencies other than the police). The

xxxvi
 Introduction

violent crime part includes behaviour as diverse as gang violence, stalking,

animal abuse, school bullying and abuse in children’s homes.
Part V covers drug-related (including some forms of alcohol-related)
crime, with chapters on trafficking and dealing in drugs, as well as one on
crimes committed either under the influence of substance abuse or in order
to support a drugs habit. It should also be noted that the issue of alcohol-
fuelled violence in the ‘night time economy’ is discussed in depth by Simon
Winlow in Part III.
In the final three parts the focus shifts from crimes committed by individuals
to those committed by organised groups or institutions. There is also a much
stronger international dimension than in most of the earlier chapters. Part
VI covers various forms of organised and business crime, including human
trafficking, money laundering and extortion. Part VII focuses on major crimes
committed either by or against the state, including global terrorism, torture,
genocide and ethnic cleansing. Finally, Part VIII examines examples of both
corporate and individual behaviour regarded by many as criminal but often
dealt with via various forms of regulatory law (such as health and safety
legislation), namely ‘eco-crime’, corporate violence and some kinds of driving
offences.

xxxvii
 Part I

‘Conventional’ Property
Crime

This opening part of the book covers what we describe as ‘conventional’

forms of property crime: in essence, ‘volume’ offences which are prominent
in official crime statistics and the investigation of which forms part of ‘bread-
and-butter’ police work. Less frequently reported or researched forms of crime
involving property, including ‘scams’, corporate and business crime, and state
corruption, are covered in later sections. The use of the term ‘conventional’
also reflects the fact that the crime categories included in this part are closer
to official and legal classifications than is the case with many of the other
types of criminal behaviour discussed later.
The first three chapters deal with crimes against specific types of property:
Maguire, Wright and Bennett focus on domestic burglary, Brown on vehicle
crime, and Tilley on shoplifting. The fourth chapter by Sutton reviews what
is known about a wide range of activities that are officially classified under
the heading of ‘handling stolen goods’.
In combination, these four chapters provide many insights into modern
forms of property crime. Maguire, Wright and Bennett reconsider, three
decades after their original work on this topic, the current state of knowledge
and thinking about domestic burglary. Since their research in the early 1980s,
domestic burglary rates in England and Wales have more than doubled and
then more than halved, and are now back roughly to where they started.
Over that time, the nature of burglary has changed considerably, with new
forms of the offence emerging, such as the growth in distraction burglaries
(entry by trickery), car key burglaries (with the objective of car theft) and new
forms of items being stolen (such as mobile phones). Moreover, the extent to
which drug addiction acts as a motivating factor for burglary appears to have
increased significantly. Extensive changes over time are also identified by
Brown in his study of vehicle crime. Like burglary, car-related crime has seen
a significant increase followed by a similar decrease. At the same time, there
now exist more sophisticated methods of exporting vehicles and vehicle parts
into Europe and beyond, while methods of enacting the theft have changed
in response to changes in security technology.


Handbook on Crime

By contrast, Tilley provides a trend curve for shoplifting which shows a

gradual and sustained increase over time. However, he warns that official
data are not good measures of shoplifting. The research evidence is also
limited in that there is a strong correlation between the types of customers
and types of shoplifters, both of which might change over time in response to
changes in shops and shopping habits. Sutton has an equally difficult task in
uncovering the characteristics of hidden markets in stolen goods. The kinds
of goods traded reflect closely the types of goods that are fashionable and in
demand.
The most striking theme that emerges from this collection of papers is
that property crime is in itself innovative and changes in nature and form in
response to broader social and cultural changes. It would appear that some of
the most ‘conventional’ crimes that we might expect to know well from the
past have in fact changed dramatically over the last two or three decades and
may well continue to do so in the future.


 Chapter 1

Domestic burglary
Mike Maguire, Richard Wright and
Trevor Bennett

Background and definitions

‘Burglary’ in its modern guise in England and Wales is an offence defined

under section 9 of the Theft Act 1968, which brought together under one
umbrella the ancient offence of burglary (which referred only to forced entry
into a dwelling by night with intent to commit a felony) with a variety of
other offences which had accumulated over time, including house-breaking
(which included entry in daylight), breaking into other kinds of building
(shop-breaking, factory-breaking and so on) and non-forced entry into all
kinds of building with intent to commit any of a number of named crimes. A
person is now guilty of burglary under the above-mentioned Act if:

(1) (a) he enters any building or part of a building as a trespasser and

with intent to commit any such offence as is mentioned in subsection
(2) below; or (b) having entered any building or part of a building as
a tres­passer he steals or attempts to steal anything in the building or
that part of it or inflicts or attempts to inflict on any person therein any
grievous bodily harm

(2) The offences referred to in subsection 1(a) above are offences of

stealing anything in the building or part of a building in question, of
inflicting on any person therein any grievous bodily harm or raping
any woman therein, and of doing unlawful damage to the building or
anything therein.

In addition, a person is guilty of ‘aggravated burglary’ if he or she ‘commits

any burglary and at the time has with him any firearm or imitation firearm,
any weapon of offence, or any explosive’.
‘Burglary in a dwelling’ (also referred to as domestic burglary or residential
burglary) is hence not a separate offence in law, although it is a Home Office
classification used in the official recording and counting of criminal offences.


Handbook on Crime

Burglary – and particularly residential burglary – has always been treated

very seriously by legislators and the courts. Night-time forced entry into
houses carried the death penalty until the early nineteenth century, and
the current maximum penalty for burglary is 14 years, rising to life for
aggravated burglary. There is also a minimum sentence of three years for a
third burglary (unless there are exceptional circumstances) under the ‘three
strikes and you’re out’ rule of the Crime (Sentences) Act 1997. As Chappell
(1965: 3–9) argues, the origins of the severe penalties attached to burglary lie
in the fact that it was attacks upon the security of a building or settlement
– and hence of its occupants – rather than theft of the contents that the law
was principally designed to punish. One of the earliest known definitions,
recorded by Britton in about 1300, referred not only to housebreaking but
also to the breaking of the walls or gates of cities. The emotional impact on
victims of modern-day residential burglary can reflect similar anxieties about
security, victims reporting fear, a sense of violation and no longer feeling
safe in their own home; it is this, rather than the scale of financial loss, that
motivates judges to continue to pass relatively heavy sentences on burglars.
This chapter presents a broad descriptive and (to a limited extent)
explanatory overview of the offence and its perpetrators and victims,
drawing on published statistics and a range of academic and government
literature. It begins with a summary of trends in burglary rates over the
past thirty or so years, together with an outline of common characteristics
of the offence and the kinds of household most at risk. This is followed by
a discussion of research findings on burglars’ perceptions of what they do
and why, addressing questions about their general motives as well as their
decision-making behaviour in specific circumstances. The chapter ends with a
consideration of responses to burglary by various key actors: victims, police
and other agencies concerned with crime prevention, and sentencers. The
main focus is on domestic burglary in England and Wales, but evidence from
the United States and elsewhere is also included.

Patterns and trends

In 2008/9 there were over 280,000 recorded offences of burglary in a dwelling

in England and Wales (Walker et al. 2009). This represents 48 per cent of
all burglaries (including commercial burglaries), 8 per cent of all property
crimes, and 6 per cent of all recorded crimes. Domestic burglary ranked fifth
in numbers of crimes recorded behind ‘other theft offences’ (approximately
1.1 million), criminal damage (940,000), vehicle crime (600,000) and burglary
in a building other than a dwelling (300,000).
The long-term annual trends in police recorded ‘burglary dwelling’ show a
gradual increase over the 1980s and a particularly steep rise in the early 1990s,
but then a lengthy and sustained decrease from the peak in 1993 until 2007/8
(see Figure 1.1). This trend is largely mirrored in British Crime Survey (BCS)
findings on reported domestic burglaries, which also show a peak in the mid-
1990s, followed by a marked decline until the mid-2000s. Indeed, according to
the BCS, the numbers of such offences have more than halved since 1995. Large


 Domestic burglary

800

700

600
Number of offences (000s)

500

400

300

200

100

81 3 4 5 6 7 9 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
82 983 984 985 986 987 988 989 990 991 992 99 99 99 99 99 /9 9/ 0/ 1/ 2/ 3/ 4/ 5/ 6/ 7/ 8/
19 19 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 98 99 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00
19 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2
Old counting rules New counting rules Post NCRS

Figure 1.1 Trends in police recorded domestic burglary, 1981 to 2008/9

Source: Walker et al. (2009).

falls have also been observed in several other western countries (Bernasco,
2009). However, there is some current concern in England and Wales that
this trend may have come to an end. The Home Office Statistical Bulletin
for 2008/9 showed that there had been an increase of 1 per cent in police
recorded residential burglaries from the previous year, which represented
the first annual increase in the offence since the introduction of the National
Crime Recording Standard in 2002.1 BCS figures also rose marginally over
the same period, as they had done in 2007/8. The media has seized upon
such figures as evidence for the idea that property crimes, such as residential
burglary, are likely to increase during a recession (Field 1990, 1999). However,
the increase in both cases is modest, and whether it really marks a break in
the long-term declining trend and the beginning of a recession-fuelled rise
will not be known until further evidence becomes available.
Some significant variations in domestic burglary are apparent across
different areas. As with many other types of volume crime, higher rates tend
to be found in major cities than elsewhere. BCS figures for 2007/8 show that
the rate of burglaries per household in London was 411 offences per 10,000
households, while in Wales it was only 226. At the same time, they indicate
that, over the past few years, domestic burglaries have declined more rapidly
in deprived areas than in more wealthy areas. For example, over the period
2001/2 to 2007/8, there was a reduction of 38 per cent in the 20 per cent most
deprived areas, compared with one of only 9 per cent in the 20 per cent least
deprived areas (Kershaw et al. 2008).

Characteristics of the offence

The regular Home Office statistical publications give few details about offences


Handbook on Crime

of domestic burglary. However, in 2007 a special Home Office analysis of

BCS results was published which went some way towards addressing this
omission (Kent 2007). In this section, we briefly summarise what is known
from this document and elsewhere about the times at which burglaries are
most likely to take place, how entry is most frequently made and the types of
household most likely to be victimised. We also consider the extent to which
burglaries are reported to the police.
According to the 2005/6 BCS (Kent 2007), burglaries were relatively
uncommon in the mornings (8 per cent) but fairly evenly distributed during
the rest of the day (24 per cent in the afternoon, 25 per cent in the evening
and 25 per cent overnight). The front of the property was a more common
entry point (48 per cent) than the back (40 per cent) or the side (9 per cent).
Doors (70 per cent) were also more common entry points than windows (28
per cent). Although the majority of entries were forced, over a quarter of all
reported cases involved entry through an unlocked door.
The 2007/8 BCS further shows that the median value of goods stolen in
domestic burglaries was £360. The most common group of items stolen was
‘purse/wallet/money etc.’ (51 per cent of all reported burglaries in which
entry was achieved), followed by ‘jewellery’ (29 per cent) and ‘electrical
goods/cameras’ (24 per cent). Mobile phones have also become a target in a
significant proportion of burglaries, rising from about one per cent in 1993 to
almost 20 per cent in 2003/4, although since then falling back to around 15
per cent. By contrast, there has been a major reduction in a type of burglary
that was common twenty or thirty years ago: cases involving theft of the
cash contents of gas or electricity pre-payment meters. This phenomenon,
which was often regarded cynically by police officers as ‘do-it-yourself’ crime
by members of the household (Maguire and Bennett 1982), has virtually
disappeared with the introduction of token systems and other non-cash
payment methods.
Finally, apparent increases in two specific types of burglary have caused
concern in recent years. One is ‘distraction burglary’, particularly when
committed against older people. This is defined as gaining entry by ‘a
falsehood, trick or distraction’ (Home Office 2003), and often involves offenders
posing as officials to ‘talk their way’ into the house or to distract the victim’s
attention in order to steal (Thornton et al. 2003). Estimates based on samples
of police reports suggest that in 2003/4 distraction burglary accounted for
4 per cent of all recorded burglaries in England and Wales (Ruparel 2004).
This is similar to a finding from the 2005/6 BCS that 5 per cent of burglaries
involved entry by ‘false pretences’. The other phenomenon causing concern
is ‘car key’ burglary, where the offender enters the house in order to steal
the victim’s keys and drive off in their car. Recent police figures indicate that
the numbers of such cases are rising, and in 2008/9 occurred in 7 per cent of
domestic burglaries (Walker et al. 2009).

Victims and repeat victimisation

According to the BCS, the annual risk of an average household in England
and Wales being a victim of burglary has been fairly stable over the last few
years at around 2.5 per cent (Walker et al. 2009). However, this risk varies


 Domestic burglary

considerably with the type of area, characteristics of the occupants and levels
of household security.
As with most crime, those living in urban areas are more likely to be
victimised (2.8 per cent) than rural dwellers (1.1 per cent), while those living
in areas which they perceive as having high levels of ‘social disorder’ are
more often burgled (5.4 per cent) than those where disorder is perceived to
be low (2.2 per cent). In terms of demographics, the most significant variables
are age and level of income. For example, in 2008/9, households in which
the person responsible for the accommodation was aged between 16 and 24
had an annual burglary rate of 7.2 per cent, compared with just over one
per cent for those aged 65 or over. Social renters (4.2 per cent) were more
likely to be burgled than owner-occupiers (1.7 per cent), while particularly
high rates were found among households comprising a single adult with
one or more children (6.8 per cent), and those where the person responsible
for the accommodation was a student (6.4 per cent) or unemployed (5.7 per
cent). Ironically, too, Flatley et al. (2009) found that occupants who had no
household insurance were significantly more likely to be burgled than those
who had. In broad terms, then, the young and the less well-off are more
vulnerable than the older and the wealthier.
The 2008/9 BCS further found that 15 per cent of all victims of domestic
burglary were ‘repeat’ victims, in the sense that they reported two or more
burglaries in the same 12-month survey period (Walker et al. 2009). This
proportion has remained fairly stable over time, with no more than a 4
percentage point variation over the last quarter of a century. Understanding
of this issue expanded considerably during the 1980s and 1990s, particularly
as a result of work conducted by Ken Pease and others for the Home Office.
During this time, several important findings emerged about the nature of
repeat victimisation in general and domestic burglary in particular. In a re-
analysis of the results of the 1992 British Crime Survey, it was found that 4
per cent of all respondents accounted for 44 per cent of all crime incidents
reported (Farrell and Pease 1993). The same authors also used data from
Canada and elsewhere to show that, in the period immediately after a burglary,
the chance of being victimised increased substantially. They calculated that
the probability of being burgled in the month following a burglary was
over twelve times the normal rate, and that half of the offences occurring in
the first month did so within seven days of the initial crime. Furthermore,
the probability of being burgled remained higher than average for at least
six months after a burglary, during which time it gradually reduced back
to slightly under twice the normal rate. This and other findings helped to
change the course of crime prevention theory and practice for several years to
come, reinforcing an increasing interest in ‘hot spot’ analysis and in targeted
policing and prevention initiatives, including the prioritisation of responses to
calls from recent victims (see, for example, Anderson et al. 1995; Pease 1998:
Laycock 2001).

Reporting to the police

Burglary is a crime that is usually reported to the police. The findings of


Handbook on Crime

the 2005/6 BCS showed that about 65 per cent of all residential burglaries
known to victims were reported to the police. This figure was even higher
for burglaries with loss (81 per cent were reported) compared with burglaries
with no loss (53 per cent). The high reporting rate – considerably above that
for theft – may be linked to the need to make a police report in order to claim
insurance, but is also likely to reflect a general public view of burglary as a
serious offence.

Characteristics of offenders and explanations of the crime

What kinds of people break into others’ houses and why? Clearly, there
is no simple answer: as with any other type of crime, offenders vary in
age, background, motivation, persistence, skills and levels of organisation.
However, a number of strong patterns are evident.
First of all, the available evidence suggests that residential burglars in the
UK and the US – and indeed, as far as can be ascertained, in every country
in the world – are disproportionately young, male and poor. Kent’s (2007)
analysis of the 2005/6 BCS shows that victims were able to describe the
offender’s characteristics in 43 per cent of domestic burglaries;2 in 83 per cent
of such cases, the suspect or suspects were male and in nearly two-thirds
they were thought to be under 25 years old. Among sentenced burglars, too,
young males are prominent: in 2007, over 95 per cent of all those sentenced
for burglary (of any kind) in England and Wales were male and 43 per cent
were under the age of 21 (Ministry of Justice 2008).3 Where social class is
concerned, few relevant official statistics are produced, but academic studies
of burglars based on prison interviews or ethnographic fieldwork in the
community (some of which have used ‘snowball’ techniques to find subjects
rather than relying on samples of those known to the authorities) strongly
suggest that the great majority are from lower-class backgrounds (see, for
example, Maguire and Bennett 1982; Shover 1991; Wright and Decker 1994;
Cromwell and Olson 2004).
Secondly, people convicted of domestic burglary tend to have high
reoffending rates, including a high likelihood of committing more burglaries.
Hence, while it is acknowledged that a significant minority of burglaries
are committed by ‘one-off’ or ‘occasional’ offenders, including children
experimenting with crime by breaking into houses within their immediate
neighbourhood, the ‘burglary problem’ is associated first and foremost with
people (many of them still quite young) who have developed a pattern of
frequent, and in some cases prolific, offending. It is on this group – some of
whom are considerably more skilled, selective or ‘professional’ than others
– that the primary focus will be placed in this section.
Thirdly, for many, burglary is not the only type of crime they commit, nor
is it necessarily one that they continue to commit throughout their whole
offending career. Many recidivist adult offenders describe house burglary
as a ‘phase’ they went through in their younger days, before discovering
what they claim to be more lucrative and less risky ways of illegally making
money. Even those who continue to burgle houses over many years tend to


 Domestic burglary

do so as part of a broader ‘repertoire’ of offending behaviour. For example,

among a sample of 40 prisoners interviewed by Maguire and Bennett (1982)
who had been convicted of residential burglary and were known to staff
or other prisoners (or self-described) as ‘burglars’, all but five had recently
committed other kinds of offence: the authors concluded that a more accurate
label would be ‘thieves whose main line is burglary’ (for other evidence on
criminal versatility and specialisation, see for example Blumstein et al. 1986;
Wolfgang et al. 1987).
As to why people commit burglary (and especially those who do so
persistently), there is no reason to believe that the distal causes differ
significantly from those put forward by generations of criminologists to explain
the roots of offending behaviour in general: social deprivation, individual
pathology, poor parenting, the influence of subcultures and so on. However,
while such factors are clearly important in shaping the interactional contexts
in which burglary is contemplated or enacted, broad explanations of this kind
offer little insight either into how offenders perceive and reflect upon their
own behaviour, nor into the proximal causes of specific acts of offending – i.e.
the processes that motivate and sustain individuals’ decisions to commit a
residential burglary in the run-up to and during the offending moment. In
order to gain a better understanding of these issues, several researchers have
conducted in-depth interviews with incarcerated or currently active offenders
(see, among others, Walsh 1980; Maguire and Bennett 1982; Bennett and
Wright 1984; Wright and Logie 1988; Nee and Taylor 1988; Shover 1972, 1991;
Cromwell et al. 1991; Wright and Decker 1994; Hearnden and Magill 2004).

‘Occupation’, ‘survival’ or ‘partying’?

In most of the above studies, the factor most often identified by offenders as
underpinning their involvement in burglary is a need or desire for money:
claims that they burgle ‘for the thrill’ are much less common and restricted
mainly to young offenders. In other words, although victims of burglary
often experience the intrusion into their home as much more threatening and
disturbing than a plain act of theft (see later), to most offenders breaking into
a house is simply one among a number of illegal options for financial gain.
However, there are considerable variations in the circumstances in which they
use this ‘option’ and in the nature, scale and urgency of the financial needs
they seek to meet, ranging from those who treat burglary to some degree
as an ‘occupation’ providing a fairly regular source of income to those who
offend mainly when they experience an urgent need for cash – for example,
to feed a drug habit or simply to eat. This, of course, also has implications for
how they choose targets, and hence for crime prevention strategies.
During the 1970s and early 1980s, much of the focus of criminologists who
researched burglars (or offenders who committed burglary among a range of
property offences) was on interviewees’ own accounts of how they perceived
and organised their criminal activities. A common finding was that many
saw them as a form of ‘work’ and regarded themselves to some extent as
‘professionals’ – though in many cases this involved a highly inflated image
of their actual behaviour and skills. This focus is clearly reflected in the titles


Handbook on Crime

of Letkemann’s (1973) book, Crime as Work and Shover’s (1971) PhD thesis,
‘Burglary as an Occupation’. Other comparable studies were conducted in the
United States (e.g. Irwin 1970; Reppetto 1974), Canada (Waller and Okihiro
1978) and the UK (Walsh 1980; Maguire and Bennett 1982; Bennett and Wright
1984).
As an example, Maguire and Bennett’s (1982) study of burglary in medium-
sized English towns found that a substantial proportion of residential burglaries
were committed by what they called ‘medium range’ (as opposed to ‘low’
or ‘high’ level4) offenders local to the town. These were persistent offenders,
many of whom knew each other and in some cases offended together, who
tended to identify themselves – and to be known by the police – as ‘thieves’
or ‘burglars’ attempting to make much of their living through crime. Many
had in their minds an image of a successful criminal ‘career’, involving careful
selections of targets, lucrative hauls of stolen goods, and avoidance of arrest.
However, the reality was that they often committed burglaries without much
planning, gleaned relatively little reward per offence, and ended up in prison
on a frequent basis. (Maguire and Webster, in an earlier unpublished paper,
used a phrase from a Snoopy cartoon to encapsulate this gap between image
and reality: ‘Why can’t you guys get organised like that?’) The problem from
their point of view was not that they were likely to be ‘caught in the act’
– many, in fact, were technically quite skilled – but that they often lacked
the social skills and organisation to keep their activities from the notice of
the police. They rarely made substantial amounts of money from individual
burglaries (‘fences’ buying stolen goods at very low prices), leading them
to commit high numbers of offences and thereby to increase their chances
of being identified and convicted. They were also vulnerable to informers
(often fellow burglars, as well as receivers), and as they tended to spend a
considerable amount of time drinking in public with other known offenders,
the police had a good picture of their networks of associates.
Later studies began to move away from the model of burglary as an
‘occupation’. For example, Wright and Decker (1994) found that the majority
of offenders they interviewed (a ‘snowball’ sample outside prison containing a
mixture of adjudicated and unadjudicated burglars) described their offending
more as a response to immediate needs. Most claimed not to have been
seeking money for its own sake or to achieve some sort of long-term goal,
but rather as a solution to a pressing problem. As they saw it, burglary was
a means of ‘survival’. In some cases, this was meant literally, the offenders
claiming to use the proceeds of crime to meet daily subsistence needs. An
active residential burglar interviewed by Wright and Decker (1994: 37) put it
this way: ‘I’m poor and I’m raggedy and I need some food and I need some
shoes … So I got to have some money some kind of way. If it’s got to be the
wrong way, then so be it.’
However, the authors note that whereas offenders may phrase their reasons
for burgling in terms of ‘survival’, when questioned closely about how they
actually use the money from their crimes, many if not most persistent burglars
admit that much of it is spent on various sorts of so-called ‘party pursuits’
such as heavy drinking and drug-taking. The decision to commit a break-in
often emerges during an intense round of partying with the explicit aim of

10
 Domestic burglary

sustaining it. A prisoner interviewed by Bennett and Wright (1984: 32), for
example, reported that the burglary that led to his arrest came about because
‘We were slowly running out of drugs and this guy mentioned getting some
money to get some more.’ Lemert (1953: 304) refers to self-perpetuating
activities such as this as ‘dialectical self-enclosed systems of behavior’ with an
internal logic or ‘false structure’ that calls for more of the same. Once caught
up in such a cycle, Lemert maintains, participants experience considerable
psychic pressure to keep it going, even if doing so necessitates risking
imprisonment.
In the United States in particular, this hedonistic lifestyle is emblematic of
the values of urban street culture, a culture that lionises the open-ended pursuit
of illicit action, to which many burglars have become strongly committed (see
Katz 1988). Seen from that perspective, the offenders’ often heard claim that
they commit their burglaries to survive does not seem quite so far-fetched.
Most of them see their fate as inextricably bound up with the imperatives
of street culture and therefore are prepared to ‘keep the party going’ by any
means necessary, including burglary (Wright and Decker 1994: 38–42).
Of course, the use of the term ‘partying’ in this context should not be
taken to mean that those involved lead a continually happy and carefree
existence. First, despite the generally low clear-up rates for burglary, anyone
who commits large numbers of offences has a high risk of making a mistake
at some point, so persistent burglars tend to get caught frequently and to
serve a fair number of prison sentences. Secondly, frequent substance abuse
is likely to lead to addiction, and offenders may find themselves increasingly
driven to steal – sometimes in a state of desperation that leads them to take
excessive risks – in order to feed a habit that they cannot control. Indeed,
based on fieldwork in the United States in the late 1980s, Cromwell et al.
(1991) argued that drug addiction had become the most important factor
behind burglary, and this theme has been prominent in subsequent literature.
For example, Hearnden and Magill (2004) found that ‘money for drugs’ was
the main reason given by offenders for committing burglaries (see also Bennett
1999; Bennett and Sibbitt 2000; Rengert and Wasilchick 2000; Bernasco 2009).
This is in strong contrast to most of the studies undertaken in the 1970s,
which placed relatively little emphasis on drug abuse, and in some cases
argued that burglars formed a distinctly different group or type of offender
from those whose crimes were drug-related. Even so, as Mawby (2001: 65–8)
argues, while there is evidence that a growing proportion of those arrested
for burglary have a drug problem, the relationship between substance misuse
and burglary is complex and not necessarily causal.

Target selection
Turning now to the selection of specific properties to burgle, a broad distinction
is sometimes made between ‘planners’, ‘searchers’ and ‘opportunists’ (see,
especially, Bennett and Wright 1984) – i.e. those who set out to burgle specific
houses they have previously identified as targets, those who travel around
with the intention of finding a convenient house to burgle and those who
(with no previous intent) respond spontaneously to the tempting sight of, for

11
Another Random Scribd Document
with Unrelated Content
 Fig. 146.

Fig. 147.

Before beginning work read carefully Marking, Rule, Knife, Saw,

and Rounding Sticks. The snake can be of any size—say from 2' to 6'
long and from 1" to 2" in diam. Select a piece of straight-grained
wood,—white pine or any wood easy to work. First see that the stick
is square, then make it hexagonal (six-sided), then taper it to the
general shape of the snake, and finally round and smooth it (Fig.
147). Remember not to use sandpaper in the smoothing, as the grit
will dull the tools yet to be used. The head you must whittle or carve
according to your ingenuity and skill. The mouth can be cut with a
fine saw.
The snake having been shaped, mark pencil lines lengthways
along the middle of the top and bottom (except at the head), and
cut with a knife a little slit or groove merely wide enough to hold a
fine cord (like fish-line). This can be done with a fine saw (as a back-
saw), using the teeth only at one end of the saw blade, but much
care is required and the stick must be firmly clamped or held in the
vise. You will probably do it more easily with the knife. Mark equal
spaces (Fig. 148) of ½" to 2", according to the diameter of the
snake, from the neck to within a short distance of the end of the tail.
If you make these marks as near together as ¾", the snake will look
more natural, as the notches will not have to be so wide, but you
will have to cut more of them. Number these sections so that you
can finally put them together again in the right order. With the knife
or chisel notch in to the centre from each side at each of the marks,
or use the saw and knife or chisel, until the body of the snake is cut
into sections (Fig. 148). Put the sections together again by sinking a
fine strong cord in the longitudinal grooves in the top and bottom.
Set the cord in place with glue (see Gluing), and fasten with little
staples (which you can make of bent pins), or something of the sort,
at the end of each section.
Set beads in the head for eyes. Sandpaper the whole
with fine sandpaper (see Sandpaper). Paint in imitation
of whatever kind of snake you prefer (see Painting), Fig. 148.
using red for the inside of the mouth.

Windmills.—These are made in a great variety of forms. A few

patterns which can be readily constructed of wood are given below.
Bear in mind to make them strong, as they are under very great
strain in a violent wind, and, also, that the larger they are the
stronger they must be; for little models, you know, are much
stronger in proportion than large structures made after the same
designs. Dimensions are given merely to help illustrate the principles
of construction. The windmills will work just as well if made larger or
smaller, within any reasonable limits. They should be made of
straight-grained white pine, whitewood, or some wood easy to work.
[19]
 Before beginning
work read carefully
Marking, Rule,
Square, Saw,
Knife, and Paring,
and look up any
other references. Fig. 150.
In case of using
heavy stock, see
Fig. 149.
also Draw-knife, Spokeshave, and Plane. To
make a very simple form (Fig. 149), take
two sticks, say 8" x 1" x 1", and halve or notch (see Halving) each
piece at the centre (Fig. 150), so that when put together they will
form a cross with arms of equal length. Bore a hole through both
pieces at the centre to loosely fit the pin upon which the vanes are
to turn (see Boring). Upon the ends of each stick mark diagonal lines
(Fig. 150) slanting in opposite directions, or so that, if you revolve
the cross edgeways and look in turn upon each of the four ends, the
lines will all slant the same way. This is essential, for the next
operation is to shave each of the sticks down towards these lines
until perhaps 1/8" thick (Fig. 150), and you can readily see that if
these vanes are not turned the same way the windmill will not
revolve. When this shaping is done fasten the sticks together with
brads (see Nailing). The remaining part is very simple (Fig. 151),
perhaps 1' long and ½" thick, with the broad vane made thin, as the
only object of this is to act as a weather-vane to keep the windmill
headed toward the wind, and if made thick and heavy the whole
affair will not balance well.
The revolving cross you can now fasten
with a nail or screw upon the end of the
part last made (Fig. 151) so that it will
revolve freely. Find the point at which the
whole windmill will balance over your finger Fig. 151.
or a stick, and bore a vertical hole through
the horizontal stick at this point. Through
this hole loosely screw or nail the windmill on the end of a stick,
slightly rounded to prevent friction (Fig. 151). Sandpaper the whole
with rather fine sandpaper (see Sandpaper).
You can paint in one or more colours, if you wish (see Painting).
The vanes can be painted in light and dark bands crossways, causing
an appearance, when revolving, of concentric rings (like a target).
By having two axles or spindles (Fig. 152) two sets of vanes can
revolve at once, and, by slanting the vanes of the two sets in
opposite ways, the two will revolve in contrary directions.
The weather-vane can be made of two pieces (Fig.
153).
Fig. 152.
A more elaborate affair (Fig. 154) is made on similar
principles, but requires more care. The
construction is obvious. Before beginning work
read carefully Marking, Rule, Square, Saw, Plane,
Fig. 153. Knife, Spokeshave, Drawshave, Rounding Sticks,
and look up any other references. The general
dimensions of the one illustrated are: length of main frame (in which
spindle turns) 9", height of one end 4½", height of the other end
2½"; length of weather-vane (from main frame) 10", width at end
4½"; length of revolving fans 1', width at ends 2". The spindle is
held in the main frame on a slant (Fig. 155) to lessen any tendency
to slip out, so the hole through which it passes should have a
corresponding slant (see Boring). The revolving fans or vanes are
reduced to round pins at the small ends and fitted tightly into holes
bored in the head of the spindle, all the vanes being turned to have
the same slant. Care will be required to bore these holes so that the
vanes will be equidistant and revolve in the same line.
The weather-vane is set in a slanting groove cut in the bottom of
the main frame (Fig. 155), and fastened with a couple of nails or
screws. You can cut this groove by making two saw-kerfs and paring
out the wood between with a chisel. The bent nail or wire shown on
the top of the spindle in Fig. 154 is to keep the latter from jumping
 out of the
frame from a
sudden
change of
wind. The Fig. 155.
vanes should
all be shaved
down until they are quite thin at the
ends.
Set up and finish this windmill like
Fig. 154.
the one just described.
A form
which is good practice in whittling, and
upon which you can also exercise your
artistic faculties, is the "Happy Jack" shown
in Fig. 156. Before beginning work read
carefully Marking, Rule, Square, Saw, Knife,
Rasp, and File, and look up any other
references. Fourteen inches is a good
height for the figure itself. The outline of
body and head can be sawed from a ¾"
board and the edges trimmed and rounded
and the details cut with a knife, or rasp and
file can be used for the edges. The arms
are made of separate pieces. Bore holes in
the outer ends of the arms to hold the
paddles (see Boring). Also bore holes
lengthways into the arms, from the ends
Fig. 156.
next the body, and into these holes tightly
drive the ends of a stiff metal rod long
enough to also pass through the body at the shoulders (Fig.
156). Before actually driving this rod into both arms you Fig.
must bore the hole through the body. The holes in the arms 157.
should be smaller than the rod, so that it may drive in tightly
without danger of getting loose, but the hole in the body
must be larger than the rod, that the latter may revolve
easily in it. Bore in from the centre of each shoulder as
carefully as you can, until the holes meet, rather than
attempt to bore clear through from one side. Put in the rod
and drive on the arms, but not quite up to the shoulders. In
driving on the arms be sure to keep the holes for the Fig.
158.
paddles in the right positions, so that the paddles will be in
line as shown—that is, so that when one points directly
upwards the other will point directly downwards. Also bore a hole
upwards between the legs for the rod upon which the figure turns,
and screw or nail a piece of metal (Fig. 157), with a hole for this rod,
on the bottom of the legs (Fig. 156). Fig. 158 shows a way to put on
the hat. The paddles can be made from a shingle, which will save
the labour of tapering the thickness towards the ends. The paddles
must be set obliquely, or turned part way around, as in the case of
any windmill. When set at the proper angles the man will spin
around while the paddles are revolving. Sandpaper the whole (see
Sandpaper), and paint in various colours (see Painting).
A set of boats to sail around in a circle is
not hard to make (Fig. 159). Before
beginning work read carefully Marking,
Rule, Square, Saw, and look up any other
references.
Take two sticks from 2' to 4' in length,
and from ¾" to 1¼" square, of any fairly
strong wood. Halve these sticks at the
middle (see Halving) and fasten them
Fig. 159.
together in the form of a cross,
strengthening the joint (weakened by the
halving) by nailing or screwing on a piece of board above or below,
as shown in Fig. 159.
The boats can be whittled from a piece of board on edge and
fastened to the ends of the sticks by halving (Fig. 160), as well as
 nails or screws, or they can simply be flat pieces of
board shaped as in Fig. 161 and screwed or nailed on
top of the sticks. In the first case the halving had best
be done before the sticks are fastened together. One
Fig. 160.
mast with a simple leg-of-mutton sail will answer for
each boat. A little experimenting will show you how
much to haul in the sheet. Each boat must, of course,
"come about" and "jibe" once in every rotation of the
apparatus. Sandpaper with rather fine sandpaper (see
Sandpaper), and paint as you wish (see Painting). The
whole affair is balanced and pivoted on top of a pole in
Fig. 161. the same manner as the windmills just described,
which see.
A steamer with screw propeller
can be made from a piece of board
on edge, shaped as shown in Fig.
162, a small windmill with short and Fig.
broad fans (Fig. 163), serving for 163.
the screw. Before beginning work
read carefully Marking, Rule,
Square, Saw, Knife, Spokeshave,
and look up any other references.
This boat must be made of a board
Fig. 162. so as to give a thin section (Fig. Fig.
164.
164), in order that the screw may
not be shielded from the wind, for this vessel must always
head to windward or the screw will not revolve. To ensure this the
fore and aft sail must always be kept set and the sheet close-hauled.
This sail answers the purpose of the weather-vanes of the windmills
just described. It can be made of tin or any sheet metal, or even of
thin wood. The rest of the rigging and the smokestack you can
arrange as you wish. The bottom of the rudder can be supported by
a little strip extending aft from the keel. For the other details of the
work, see the windmills already described.
 Water-wheels.—An undershot wheel, turned by the water
passing beneath (Fig. 165), can be easily made. It can be of any
desired size, and of any wood readily worked.

Before beginning work read carefully Marking, Rule, Square, Saw,

and look up any other references.
One like Fig. 166 can
be made by simply
nailing a set of small
boards or paddles in a
radial arrangement
Fig. 165. between two disks of
wood. A dowel or
broomstick will do for the shaft
and should be fitted tightly in
the hole bored through the
wheel (see Boring), but should
turn freely in the bearings at
the side. It will make a rather
neater job to shape the Fig. 166.
Fig. paddles as in Fig. 167, so that
167.
when put together the wheel will look like Fig. 166, but this
is not at all necessary, and it will work just as well to make
plain rectangular paddles and simply nail the disks on the outside
edges (see Nailing). If you have no saw with which to get out the
disks you can have them sawed at the mill, or you can work them
out by describing the required circles and sawing a hexagon outside
of the line with a common saw, when the circle can be finished with
shave, hatchet, chisel, or knife (see Paring). Divide the
circumference of each disk into as many parts as there are paddles
and draw lines on the side to the centre, by which to nail the
paddles in the right position. Start the nails on these lines and drive
them nearly through before placing the paddles in position. Then
nail one disk to the paddles, turn the wheel over and nail on the
other disk. It is essential to a neat job that the paddles should all be
of the same width. First make one edge straight. From this edge
gauge the desired width on all the pieces (see Gauge) and saw or
plane or trim, with knife, chisel, or shave, exactly to the line. If you
make the paddles as shown in the cut, first square lines across at
equal distances from one end (Fig. 167), and with a gauge set at a
point equal to the thickness of the disks make lines parallel to each
edge, and with the saw or saw and chisel, or even a knife, remove
the pieces marked (see Paring).

Fig. 168.
Fig. 169.

The overshot wheel (Fig. 168) is harder to make, but is a livelier

wheel. It is put together upon the same principle as the wheel just
shown, except that the paddles, which do not project beyond the
circumference of the disks, are not placed radially, but so that, with
the addition of another set inserted to connect them, they form
buckets.

To lay off the lines for the buckets, divide the circumference of
each disk as before, and from the centre describe a small circle, as
shown in Fig. 169. From the points on the circumference draw lines
tangent to the small circle. These lines will give the positions for the
bottoms of the buckets. To complete the buckets mark from the
 circumference equal distances on these
lines, and from these last points draw lines
as ab to the next points on the
circumference. First, nail together with only
the bottoms of the buckets (on the lines
ca). Then fit in the other pieces, to
complete the buckets, on the lines ab. The
ends of these last pieces should properly be
bevelled (see Bevelling) to make a fairly
tight joint. The rest of the work is the same
as for the undershot wheel. A larger form
(but harder to make) is suggested in Fig.
170. See note under Windmills, above.
Fig. 170.

Totlet Town.

Play Village.—It is capital fun for several young people to design

and build a miniature village, and it is certainly an instructive and
quite inexpensive pastime. Such a village, planned and made
recently by a family group of half a dozen youngsters, and
facetiously named "Totlet Town," was constructed entirely of old
boxes and packing-cases of all sizes up to three feet long, waste
pieces of board, shingles, etc.; but when painted and arranged in a
corner of the lawn, with dirt roads, and paths, small evergreen
shade trees and hedges, well-sweeps, miniature fences, and other
accessories, it made so pretty a picture as to be the admiration of all
who saw it. If you have as good a time in making such a village as
these young people did, the experiment will be a success. You can
easily think up many additions to the suggestions here given.
The buildings were made by selecting
boxes of the desired proportions, sawing
out spaces for the doors, adding the roofs
and any other alterations. The chimneys
were made of blocks painted red. The doors
were made of pieces of board and hinged
with leather. Bay-windows and the like were
made of blocks of the required shape nailed
to the boxes. The windows and blinds were
represented by painting. Some of the roofs
were shingled with pieces of shingles. A
suggestion for a light-house is shown in Fig.
171.
Fig. 171. Considerable care in the use of the tools
is called for to make these buildings neatly.
Much of the effect depends, also, upon the care with which the
painting is done (see Painting), and the taste used in the selection of
the colours. Brighter colours are suitable for a little village of this
sort than would be in good taste for real houses. White with green
blinds is good, of course; or yellow can be used. The roofs should be
painted. Red roofs are very effective.
Before beginning work, read carefully Marking, Rule, Square, Saw,
Plane, Nailing, Withdrawing Nails, etc.
 Fig. 172.

Dolls' House.—The house shown in Fig. 172 is quite easily made,

and a shallow affair like this has the advantage of being more
convenient than a deep one about arranging the contents.

Before beginning work read carefully Marking, Rule, Square, Saw,

Plane, and look up any other references.
Pine and whitewood are suitable, or any wood can be used that is
not hard to work.
It can be made of any desired size. Three or four feet wide and a
little higher in the middle will probably be suitable for ordinary cases,
and twelve or fifteen inches will be a good depth (from front to
back).
The construction is plain. The roof and sides are to be cut from
dressed stock of uniform width, and from ½" to 7/8" in thickness.
 Carefully true one edge, if it is not already true, and get out the
bottom board, then the upright sides, and then the roof. The bevels
at the highest point of the roof and where the roof joins the sides
you must mark with the bevel (taking the slant from your drawing),
or you can find it by arranging two strips to cross at the desired
angle and marking the bevel by them (see Bevelling). To saw these
bevels requires much care. Draw lines by the square on both sides,
as well as the angle on the edge, and putting each board in the vise
saw carefully and steadily.
The three floors should be narrower than the outside of the house
by just the thickness of the stock to be used for the back, and
rectangular openings must be sawed from one of the back corners
at the head of the stairs to allow the dolls to pass from one story to
another. If the sides of the house are 14" wide, make these floors
13½" wide, and use ½" or 3/8" stock for the back. Also mark and
saw out the windows. To do this, first bore a series of holes inside of
the line (see Boring) and cut out whatever wood may be necessary
until you make a slot in which to start the saw. Any roughness left
from the holes can be trimmed with knife, chisel, or file (see Paring).
Nail these parts together, just as in making a box, carefully sighting
across the face to see that the front and back do not wind, or use
winding-sticks (q. v.). Also test with the square to see that the sides
are at right angles with the bottom. Get out stock for the back
carefully (with the boards running up and down) so that the boards
will be square at the bottom, and when these pieces are fitted in
place to form the back they will ensure the house being square. The
slant by which to cut the top of the back can be laid off by
measurement from your working drawing or the back can be put in
place and the lines marked directly from the under side of the roof.
When fitted, nail the back securely in place, first cutting the windows
as before. Then fit in the upright partitions, first cutting the
doorways. The staircase can be made easily if you have, or can saw
from the corner of a larger piece, a triangular strip which can be cut
in short sections to use for the steps. Nail these to a thin strip of
board (from the under side) and fasten the whole in position (Fig.
173). The chimney can be made of a block with a notch sawed to fit
the roof, or it can be made of four pieces, box-fashion. Glass for the
windows can be held in place by gluing strips of cloth or paper
around the edges, or thin strips can be nailed around with fine
brads. Thin strips can be nailed around the window openings on the
outside, if you wish.
All the pieces should be neatly planed
and scraped before putting together, and,
when entirely put together, the whole
should be carefully sandpapered with fine
sandpaper. The parts coming on the inside
had best be sandpapered before putting
together, however, but be sure not to do
this until all cutting with the tools has been
done. Set all the nails carefully (see Nail- Fig. 173.
set). The whole can be painted in one or
more colours (see Painting), and portieres, window drapery, etc., can
be added according to your taste and the materials at command.
The inside can be papered, if preferred.
A more thoroughly workmanlike way is to groove the bottom into
the sides, the upright partitions into the floor boards, and to cut
rabbets around on the back edge of the sides, roof, and bottom, into
which to set the backboards. This involves a good deal more work
and care in laying out the work (see Grooving). If you have the
pieces got out at a mill it can be easily done, however.
 Fig. 174.

It may be a convenience to screw castors on the bottom. A door

(with a door-bell or knocker) can be added to the front of the hall, if
thought best.
A house which can be closed is shown in Fig. 174. The
construction is quite similar to the preceding. A strip must be
fastened above and below the large doors, as shown, that they may
open without striking either the roof or the floor on which the house
stands. The little door, representing the entrance to the house when
closed and shown in the closed half, can be made to open
independently and can have a bell or knocker.
If this house is made quite deep (from front to back) it can easily
be divided lengthways by a partition and made into a double house,
the back side being made to open in the same way as the side here
shown.
 CHAPTER VIII
HOUSES FOR ANIMALS

sizes and shapes of these houses and cages will depend upon

T
he
the animals for which they are built and the places you have to
put them. Frequently they can be built to advantage against the
side of a building, or a fence, or in a corner, and boxes can be
utilised in various ways.
Make the houses, cages, and runways as large as you can afford,
for there is much more danger of the pets being cramped and
crowded than of their having too much room.
Wire netting or wire cloth (held in place by staples) should be
freely used, as ventilation is very important for the health and
comfort of the animals. Special openings should always be made for
cleaning the houses or cages in case all parts cannot be conveniently
reached from the doors, for cleanliness is of the utmost importance
in all such structures. The floors of the larger houses should always
slant or have holes provided for drainage. Covering the floors with
sheets of zinc will promote cleanliness. In the smaller cages
removable pans or trays can often be used (Fig. 190). Houses and
cages with wooden floors should always be raised from the ground
on posts, blocks, or stones, to avoid dampness. Clean sand scattered
over the floor and frequently renewed will contribute much to the
cleanliness of the cages. The bedding should also be changed
frequently.
In the case of those animals which use their teeth for gnawing,
the corners and angles can be protected by tacking on strips of wire
cloth, tin, or zinc, but there is no need to do this over the flat
surfaces. In the case of cages or houses (and the runways) which
have the ground for the floor and are to be inhabited by animals that
will burrow or dig their way out, the wire netting should be
continued underground to a considerable depth, or it can be carried
down a little way and then bent to lie horizontally, forming a sort of
wire floor, over which the dirt can be replaced, and the animals will
be unable to tunnel their way out; but in all such cases care must be
taken to proportion the mesh of the netting and the size of the wire
to the strength and escaping powers of the animals.
Houses for animals often look pretty when made in imitation of
real houses, but when you do this choose simple types of good
proportions, and do not try to copy all the little details of the large
houses. Avoid "gingerbread" work, and do not cover your houses
with meaningless jig-sawed scroll work and rows of towers and
pinnacles, and do not use all the colours of the rainbow in painting
them.
For houses, hutches, boxes, cages, etc., which are to be kept out
of doors or in some outbuilding, ordinary machine-planed stock of
fair quality is sufficiently good, and planing and smoothing by hand
is usually a waste of labour; but if you wish to make a small cage or
box to be kept in the house, and to be nicely finished or painted,
good clear stock should be used, and the final smoothing done by
hand.
In case you wish to make several cages or boxes of the same
pattern, as, for example, like Fig. 178, it is much less work to go
through the process with two or more at a time than to make each
separately.
A house for pets should not be built, as is sometimes done, on a
platform or base projecting beyond the base of the house, as this
tends to collect and retain moisture and dampness, but should be
clear of any platform, like an ordinary dwelling-house, so that the
rain will be shed directly upon the ground.
When two or more boards are required for each side of the roof it
is usually better to lay them up and down, as in Fig. 187, rather than
horizontally or lengthways, because a roof laid in this way is better
about shedding the water, which tends to collect in the cracks if the
boards are laid horizontally. For the rougher structures the hinges
can be screwed flat upon the outside (as shown in Fig. 179), but for
nice work they should be fitted in the usual way. (See Hinges.)

Before beginning work upon these cages and houses, read

carefully Marking, Rule, Square, Saw, Plane, Nailing, and look up any
other references.
Cheap and
serviceable cages
and houses can be
built by simply
driving posts or
stakes into the
ground and
fastening wire Fig. 176.
cloth or netting to
them, much as you
Fig. 175. would build a fence. This wire-fenced
enclosure can be covered with a wooden
roof if desired. A runway and playground
can easily be made in this way.
A more portable arrangement can be made by putting together
wooden frames covered with wire. Very simple forms are shown in
Fig. 175. By putting together four or more of such frames a cage can
readily be made which can be covered with a wooden roof or with
wire (Fig. 176). If these frames are fastened with screws or screw-
eyes and hooks, the whole can quickly be taken apart if desired.
A very simple cage can be easily made, on the principle of the
common chicken coop, with a few boards or slats and a little wire
netting (Fig. 177), but a house of this sort is not especially desirable
except for economy of materials and labour. The
construction is too simple to require description.
A much better form is
that with upright sides,
or with one slanting
side. Figs. 178 and 179 Fig. 177.
show an excellent
arrangement,
Fig. 178. easily made. It can
be made any
desired size or proportions and is suitable
for quite a variety of animals. If small, ½"
stock will be thick enough, but if large, 7/8" Fig. 179.
stock should be used. The construction is
similar to that of a common box (see Box-
making, page 219). One corner of each end should be sawed off
slantingly (Fig. 178), and a rectangular piece cut from the opposite
corner, as shown, before the box is nailed together. The bevelling of
the edges of the top and front boards can be done after the box is
put together (see Bevelling). For making the door, see Doors, in Part
V. The hinged board at the bottom gives access for cleaning. If for
indoors, and to be finished or painted, clear stock should be selected
and the outside carefully smoothed. (See Plane, Scraper, Sandpaper,
Finishing, and Painting.)

Fig. 180.
 For something more like a house, the design shown in Fig. 180 is
good and of simple construction. This can be made of any size from
that of a small box to a small house. For the latter, see Part III.
(House-building for Beginners).
To make a little house of this pattern first
get out the bottom of the required
dimensions, and then the ends, which are
alike and to be nailed to the ends of the
bottom. Take pains to be accurate in getting
out the pieces, or the house will be askew
when put together. The construction of the
sides is plain. The door can be made as in
Fig. 180 (see Doors), or the sides can be
entirely of wire and the door placed at the
Fig. 181. end (Fig. 181). The roof is simply nailed
down in place, one side being got out as
much wider than the other as the thickness
of the stock, so that one will lap over the edge of the other at the
ridge. If the angle formed at the top is not a right angle, however,
the edge of the narrower roof-board must be bevelled according to
the angle (see Bevelling).
A house of this sort can be made with one end closed, while the
other remains open (Fig. 182). This is a good arrangement for many
animals. First get out the floor, then the pieces for the closed end,
cutting out the doorway and a window, if one is desired. These
openings can be cut as shown on page 122. Next get out the
framework for the open end and fasten it in position. A door can be
fitted wherever desired and the roof put on, as just shown.
 Fig. 182.

A house or cage, chiefly open-work,

with two sleeping-boxes or nests (Fig.
183) is similar in general construction.
This is suitable for indoors (as in an
outbuilding). If to be left exposed to
the weather, a solid roof can be added,
or it can be covered with canvas or
something of the sort when necessary.
The construction is similar to that of Fig. 183.
those already described. This cage can
be used for pigeons and other pets,
and can be made of any size, according to circumstances. For the
door, see Doors and Hinges, in Part V. The box attachments can best
be made at the same time, just alike (see Box-making, page 219),
and fastened to the sides of the house, the doorways having been
cut in the sides before the house was put together. If these boxes or
nests cannot be readily reached for cleaning, they should be hinged
to the main house, or have special openings with lids or doors, so
that they can be kept clean. The ridge-pole is simply a strip of board
placed horizontally between the upper ends of the rafters.

Rabbit Hutch.—A simple rabbit-house,

or hutch, can be made by putting together
a good-sized box, partitioning off one end,
to be closed by a door, and leaving the rest
 Fig. 184. open, except for the necessary wire sides
(Fig. 184).

This is made just like a box (see Box-making, page

219), the other details being similar to those already
shown. A sliding-door (Fig. 185) can be inserted, if
desired, to cover the hole between the closed and
open parts. The hutch should be raised from the
ground to avoid dampness, and proper arrangements Fig. 185.
for cleanliness made, as referred to above.

A more elaborate hutch (Fig. 186) can be constructed in a similar

manner to the houses already shown. Access to the open part can
be had by means of the doors or lids on top. For the doors, see
Doors and Hinges. The slides for the door at the end can be made
by cutting a rabbet at the edge of a square stick, as shown, or the
rabbet can be formed by using strips of different widths, letting the
wider lap over the narrower so as to form the rabbet. Both doors
can be made to swing in the usual way, of course, if preferred.
Where the two sides of the roof meet at the top, the edges must be
bevelled (see Bevelling).

Fig. 186.

Kennel.—There are many kinds of dog-houses, and the style and

size must, of course, depend upon the dog and the situation.
 A good kennel (Fig. 187) for a small dog
can be made very much as you would make
a box (see Box-making, page 219). If for a
very small dog the ends, sides, floor, and
sides of the roof can each be made of one
piece, but ordinarily these parts will each be
made of two or more pieces. Matched
boards are suitable. First get out the
bottom, then the sides and ends. If you use
Fig. 187.
boards with square edges you must of
course use pieces of different widths, so
that the cracks between them will not meet at the corners, or put
posts at the corners. This is the best way to do with matched
boards, if the house is at all large. Nail these parts together. It will
be easiest to cut the slant at the top of each end—the gable—so
that the sides of the roof will meet in a right angle. This looks well
and saves the need of bevelling the edges of the roof-boards. An
opening for the doorway should be cut in one of the ends before the
roof is nailed on. If you do not use matched boards, a strip should
be nailed on the inside at each side of the doorway, to keep the
boards together. The roof-boards for one side should be as much
longer than those for the other as the thickness of the stock. The
same applies to the width of the saddle-boards which cover the
extreme top. If the roof is not made of matched boards, battens
should be nailed over the cracks as shown in Part III.

For a large dog a kennel should be built

more like a real h o u s e and not so much
like a box. A structure with a frame (Fig.
188) can be built of any size suitable for a
kennel, and will be more durable than the
preceding form.
Fig. 188. For the frame, small joists, or strips of
plank of any size from 1½" × 2" to 2" × 3"
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