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Company, respecting a Voyage to Hudson’s Bay; or they certainly
would never have sent a ship of war to perform it, without previously
strengthening her for the occasion. It is exceedingly 131
dangerous for any ship to attempt a passage through the sea
of ice in Hudson’s Straits, unless her bows be doubled with oak-plank
and heavy blocks of wood, bolted to each side of her cutwater; as
the floating masses of ice may be considered so many rocks of
crystal.

This day, in a vacancy between the ice, we saw the first regular
whale. On his second rising to blow, I discharged a load of small shot
into his back; at which, however, he did not even seem to feel the
least annoyance, though we saw him no more.

August 12th.—At day-light, ungrappled, with a light wind at south;

but, to our great mortification, we were again obliged to anchor, at
noon, to a field of ice about half a mile long; and both the other ships
made fast to the same piece, so that we could walk across the 132
ice to visit each other. Our people were immediately set to
work; and in three hours’ time, we had filled fifty-six casks with
snow-water, from a large pond on the ice. We had Charles’ Island in
sight, bearing W. N. W. about nine leagues distant. This small island is
on the southern shore of the Straits, in the narrowest part; the
channel there not being above twenty miles broad. Charles’ Island
lies about twenty-one leagues to the west of Lady Lake’s Inlet; and
hence the ships leave the northern shore, and steer for the south end
of Salisbury Island, lying off Cape Diggs, at the western extremity of
Hudson’s Straits.

The ice continuing very close all around us, we were compelled to
remain in this situation, without ungrappling, for five days; in which
nothing occurred worthy of notice.
Appearance of the Entrance of Prince of Wales’s Sound, bearing S.W.½W.
about nine leagues.—taken August 17, 1814.

The Rosamond grappled among close Ice.

August 17th.—In the morning, we were opposite a deep inlet, 133

called Prince of Wales’s Sound, on the southern shore of the
Straits, which has never been explored. All this coast, as well as the
northern shore, is fringed with islands; the principal of which are
called King George, Prince of Wales, Maiden’s Paps, and Mannil’s
Islands; and they doubtless afford shelter to many fine harbours.

August 18th.—We did not grapple during the night, but hove to, for
about two hours, whilst it continued dark; and at day-light we again
bore up, and continued running through loose ice. Towards noon it
fell nearly calm: we observed seven large seals, basking on a piece of
ice; but as soon as we approached them in a boat, they rolled into
the water, and disappeared. We were visited by two Esquimaux in the
afternoon: they had nothing remarkable about them, except that
their mustachios were rather more bushy than those we had 134
seen before. In the evening it fell quite calm, and we
grappled.

August 19th.—During the night, the other ships had fallen

considerably to the eastward; but the wind coming round to the
south-west, we ungrappled, and waited for their coming up. Queen
Anne’s Foreland, a high cape on the north shore, bore E. N. E. nine
leagues; and although at so great distance, we were visited by three
canoes of Esquimaux, bringing their usual commodities for traffic.
Our latitude this day was observed to be 63°. 38′. N.; longitude, 72°.
45′. W. We grappled again in the evening, and lay so until—

August 21st.—At 2 A.M. was presented one of those awful

appearances which are so common in these hyperborean regions.
The water, for some distance around the ship, had, for a time, 135
been partially cleared of the ice; when, on a sudden, a noise
was heard like very distant thunder, and the crackling of falling
beams in some immense conflagration. The loose ice, which had
appeared so distant before, now approached on all sides with an
unusual rapidity; the pieces driving one over another in their course,
and seeming to menace the destruction of our ship. In ten minutes
we were completely hemmed in, on all sides; and a person might
travel for miles over a space which had just before been an expanse
of water. The ice must have been forced together by some
extraordinary meeting of the currents, as there was but a slight
breeze at the moment.

At noon, the wind became fair: we ungrappled, and steered through

loose weighty ice until 8 P.M. when a thick fog came on, and 136
we again grappled for the night. About 10 P.M. the deep
darkness of the sky was suddenly changed to a bright twilight; and
having continued so for about five minutes, it again relapsed into its
former gloom. This singular appearance was occasioned by a
streamer of the aurora borealis bursting through the thick fog which
surrounded us.—Thermometer 29°.
During our stay in Hudson’s Bay, and upon our voyage home from
thence, our nights were constantly illuminated by the most vivid and
brilliant coruscations of the aurora borealis. Its appearance was very
different from that which I have seen in more southern latitudes;
resembling continual jets of meteoric fire from the northern part of
the horizon, which, after darting upwards in long streamers towards
the zenith, suddenly collapsed, and receded; falling back, in zig-zag,
serpentine lines, with diminished splendour; and ultimately 137
dying away, and vanishing from the sight; being succeeded by
other jets, as beautiful as the first. The Cree Indians inhabiting
Hudson’s Bay, and indeed the European traders there, maintain, that,
in the serene stillness of their severe winters, a soft rushing noise
constantly accompanies these coruscations, like that which is
occasioned by the quick waving of a fan, or of a winnow. The same
remarkable circumstance is mentioned by Hearne, who bears positive
[21]
testimony to the fact. “I can positively affirm,” says he , “that in
still nights I have frequently heard the northern lights make a rustling
and crackling noise, like the waving of a large flag in a fresh gale of
wind. This is not peculiar to the place of which I am now writing (the
Athapusco Lake), as I have heard the same noise very plain at 138
Churchill River: and, in all probability, it is only for want of
attention that it has not been heard in every part of the northern
hemisphere, where these lights have been known to shine with any
considerable degree of lustre.”

August 22d.—Early in the morning we again ungrappled. The reader

of this Journal may easily conceive that, by this time, our impatience
was at its height, as we had now been nearly a month incessantly
occupied in endeavouring to push our ship through the never-ending
drifts of ice in Hudson’s Straits. I shall not, therefore, attempt to
describe the joy of every person on board, when at 8 A.M. we
emerged into an open sea, and, the wind blowing tolerably fresh, at
ten we passed by Charles’ Island. At noon, we had lost sight of both
land and ice; and we now sailed forwards at a great rate, with both
our ships in company. Towards night-fall, we passed by a low 139
level island, called Salisbury Island, which lies at the entrance of
Hudson’s Bay.

August 23d.—In the morning, passed to the southward of

Nottingham, a long rocky island, lying north of Cape Diggs. I know
not if Salisbury and Nottingham Islands are inhabited by the
Esquimaux; but it is natural to suppose that this people visit them
occasionally, during their periodical voyages. At 8 A.M. we were off
Cape Walsingham, which is only remarkable for its being the north-
west promontory of Labrador, and having a string of small islands
running from it towards the sea.

In the afternoon, the Eddystone parted company; as that ship was

bound for Moose Factory, at the southernmost extremity of the bay;
whilst we intended to proceed with the Prince of Wales to York
Factory, on the western side. And now, having brought the 140
ship safely through these formidable Straits, and conducted
her into the immense gulf of Hudson’s Bay, we will leave her for a
while to pursue her voyage, and take an excursion round the Bay, in
order to give some short description of its factories, inhabitants, &c.

Amongst the many adventurous naval enterprises which reflect such

lustre upon the last years of Queen Elizabeth, and the beginning of
the reign of James the First, none, perhaps, can surpass, in
intrepidity and perseverance, the voyages of Henry Hudson;
undertaken for the express purpose of effecting a north-west passage
to the Pacific Ocean. All that I have been able to collect respecting
this brave but unfortunate man is, that he sailed in the year 1610,
and discovered the Straits which now bear his name. He boldly
pushed his way through them; and finding that, after a length 141
of six hundred miles, he emerged into an open sea, his heart
beat high with exultation on having, as he doubtless imagined,
succeeded in discovering that famous passage for which so many had
[22]
sought in vain . Sailing forward, therefore, four hundred miles
towards the west, his disappointment was great, at finding himself
suddenly stopped, in the midst of his career, by an unknown coast,
extending (as has since been ascertained) from 51° to 63° N.
latitude. However, the spirit of Hudson was not easily checked; and,
astonishing as it may appear, he determined on remaining the whole
winter on this dreary coast, so that he might be able to prosecute his
voyage early in the ensuing spring. After suffering innumerable
hardships, this daring adventurer sailed, early in the next year,
towards the north, in search of the much-wished-for outlet to 142
the Pacific; but his crew, not feeling the same enthusiasm
which animated their leader, and greatly fearing lest his ardent thirst
for discovery might expose them to the horrors of another winter, or,
what was still worse, to the chance of perishing amidst the terrific
mountains of ice with which they saw themselves to be surrounded,
they accordingly proceeded from murmurs to open mutiny; and
having turned the heroic Hudson adrift in a small boat, together with
the few who adhered to his fortune, they basely left their leader to
perish, and sailed away for England, where they arrived in safety. As
for the unhappy Captain, I grieve to add, that he was never
afterwards heard of: neither have we the poor consolation of
knowing that his murderers met with the punishment due to their
inhuman crime. There can be no doubt that Hudson’s Bay would have
remained much longer unexplored, had it not so happened that the
winter preceding the year in which the discovery was made 143
must have been remarkably mild; consequently, Hudson could
not have met with many obstacles in passing through the Straits;—no
seaman would have endeavoured to penetrate farther, if he had
found them so completely blocked up with ice as to impede a ship’s
progress, even with the advantage of a favourable wind attending
her;—and that this was the case with us, will appear evident, from a
perusal of the preceding part of this Journal.

The Hudson’s-Bay Company’s charter is said to confirm to that body

the whole and sole right of trading with the Indians, within the limits
of Hudson’s Straits; and they have no less than six factories
established at the mouths of as many different rivers, which empty
themselves into the Bay. The northernmost of these factories is called
Churchill: it stands on the west side of the Bay, in latitude 58°. 50′.
N.; longitude, 93°. 4′. W. The port is tolerably good, and ships 144
of any size may anchor in it. At the entrance is a danger,
called Cape Mary’s Rock; but it is easily to be avoided. On entering
Churchill River, ships pass between two points of land. One of them
forms a sort of peninsula; and it has a large strong fort of stone upon
it, the erection of which is said to have cost the Hudson’s-Bay
Company 30,000l.: it was formerly mounted with twenty 32-pound
guns. The opposite Cape (Mary) has also a small battery, which
formerly had six guns on it; yet, with the most culpable pusillanimity,
did the traveller Hearne (who acted as chief at that time) yield this
strong position to the French Admiral La Perouse, without so much as
attempting a defence; who, in the year 1782, spiked the cannon, and
destroyed the factory. Since that time, the fortifications of Churchill
have been suffered to remain in their present dilapidated 145
state; and, as a trifling security against any sudden invasion in
future, the new factory was erected at a short distance higher up the
river. It is matter of surprise, that the Company do not repair the
large stone fort, which is made uncommonly strong, both by nature
and by art. As it stands upon the extremity of a peninsula, a body of
men passing the isthmus to attack it by land, would be completely
exposed to the enfilading fire of the fort. It would be difficult also for
an enemy to force the gates, because there is a small half-moon
battery built on that side, expressly for their defence. Besides, there
are dwelling-houses in the interior of the fort, sufficiently large for
the reception of the whole factory.

The shore about Churchill River is high and rocky, producing only a
very few insignificant trees and shrubs. Farther north, towards the
country of the Esquimaux, this small vestige of vegetation 146
dwindles away even to a simple bush or two, and these are
only to be found at a considerable distance from each other.

Proceeding southward, towards a more genial country, we arrive at

York Factory, standing upon low swampy ground, completely covered
with wood: its latitude is 57°. 2′. N.; longitude 92°. 40′. W. This place
was also visited by the French in 1782, who burnt the factory, and
destroyed a small battery at the entrance of Hayes’ River. But
Perouse was grievously disappointed in the chief object of his
voyage: and as it is so intimately connected with the subject on
which I am writing, perhaps it will not be thought improper to
describe the disappointment which the French suffered in the
expedition; particularly as the fitting-out of the squadron must have
cost the French nation much money; and their burning a few 147
miserable mart-houses in Hudson’s Bay could only injure
individuals, and most probably was not felt at all by the public.

Perouse entered Hudson’s Bay in 1782, having under his command a

line-of-battle ship and two large frigates. With this force he of course
insured the capture of the annual ships, together with their rich cargo
of furs, oil, &c.; and as the escape of the three ships does high
honour to the skill and intrepidity of their commanders, it is well
worthy of notice. The ship which was bound to Churchill, was
commanded by Captain Christopher; and the French admiral fell in
with her at sea, just previous to her arrival at that place. A frigate
was immediately dispatched in pursuit; but the night drawing on
apace, Captain Christopher resolved on a bold manœuvre, which he
accordingly carried into execution with great success. 148
Perceiving that the Frenchman was ignorant of the coast, and,
by his following the English ship, that he was determined to govern
his own vessel by her motions,—whereby he hoped to avoid all
danger, and in the end secure his prize,—Captain Christopher sent his
men aloft, and furled his sails, pretending to come to an anchor. The
enemy immediately conjectured that it would be dangerous for him
to proceed farther; therefore he directly brought his frigate to anchor
in reality. Captain Christopher rejoiced that his deception had so far
succeeded to his wishes; and he made sail to sea with the greatest
dispatch. Night coming on, and the Frenchman being a long time in
getting up his anchor, the Englishman was soon out of sight, and
escaped in safety to the northward. Fired with this disappointment,
Perouse burnt the factory; and proceeded to York, to secure the
other ship, then lying at that place, under the command of 149
Captain Fowler. As there was not depth of water sufficient for
his ships to enter York, he anchored in Nelson River, and made every
disposition for an attack upon the ship and factory by the dawn of
the next day; but, to his utter mortification, he found in the morning
that the bird had taken wing;—for Captain Fowler had perceived
three large ships at anchor in Nelson River the evening before, and,
wisely conjecturing that they could have no good intentions towards
him, put to sea during the night. Perouse dispatched a fast-sailing
frigate in search of him, which soon had sight of the runaway; but
Captain Fowler finding the Frenchman to have much superiority in
point of speed, tacked about, and stood in for the land to the south
of York, hoping thereby to entice the Frenchman into shallow water:
the enemy, however, discovering his design, and fearing lest, 150
in further pursuit, he might incur the risk of shipwreck, put off
to sea; and Captain Fowler pursued his voyage to England in safety.
The season was too far advanced to attempt any other exploit; and
having therefore burnt the factory at York, Perouse returned to
Europe; highly chagrined, no doubt, at being thus foiled by a pair of
English sailors, and at having failed of success in the principal aim of
his expedition. As there are many shoals and dangerous rocks in
[23]
James’ Bay , he did not think fit to send a ship to destroy the
southern settlements: and to the credit of this unfortunate navigator,
I must state, that he publickly averred, if he had been aware of the
factories being the property of individuals, he would assuredly have
quitted them without molestation. It is remarkable that the Bay ship
(as she is called) got safe to Moose Factory, and returned to 151
England, without being at all aware how very narrowly she
must have escaped falling into the hands of the enemy.

The next factory to the south of York is called Severn; but the shore
at this place runs off much too shoal to allow a ship to approach the
coast; therefore a schooner of about eighty tons is employed to take
the furs to York, and to bring back the necessary supplies. This is
also the case with Albany, the next factory towards the south; except
that the latter place sends its furs, &c. to Moose, instead of York
Factory.
At the very bottom or southernmost part of Hudson’s Bay, which is
styled James’s Bay, we arrive at Moose Factory; standing, like all the
rest, on a river, bearing the same name. This place has a good
anchorage, and the climate is milder than in any of the other 152
factories. It is annually visited by a ship from England; as at
Moose the furs are collected together from the lesser mart-houses of
Albany, East Main, and Richmond, for the purpose of being shipped
off to Europe. We must now proceed round the bottom of the Bay;—
and the next settlement is at East Main River, nearly opposite to the
western shore of Labrador. The factory was established at this place
for the purpose of trading with the natives of that vast peninsula; but
their internal mart-houses verge generally towards the south, and the
marten skins from this factory are said to be the finest in quality of
any which are received from Hudson’s Bay. The inhabitants around
this settlement are a roving race of people, styled, by the Europeans,
Mountain Indians, to distinguish them from the Esquimaux, who
inhabit the sea-coast to the northward.
At some distance to the north of East Main is a bight, called Richmond 153
Bay: here is a house belonging to the Company, but not a permanent
establishment; as the people who arrive from East-Main Factory in the spring,
return again to that place in the fall of the year, to remain for the winter. The
annual voyages to Richmond are undertaken for the purpose of procuring oil, as
[24]
there is a good white-whale fishery in this Bay. The white whale is not much
larger than a first-rate porpoise; neither does it yield any whalebone fit for use:
but the oil is nearly equal in value to that of the seal; and it was sold in
England, in the year 1813, at fifty-six pounds a ton. The fish itself is perfectly
white.

There is also a small whale fishery at Churchill Factory, but it is not very
productive: perhaps it would be more advantageous for the Company if 154
they were to convert the remains of it into a new fishing establishment
in some more efficient situation.

I have now reached that part of my Journal which I before alluded to, as being
the most proper place to introduce the account of the disastrous termination of
two attempts made by the Hudson’s-Bay Company to settle a permanent white-
whale fishery at Richmond Bay.

When first the Europeans went to settle at Richmond, the Esquimaux, who
reside about this part, kept them in a continual state of alarm all the winter, by
lurking about the woods, in their sledges drawn by dogs. At length an English
boy was missing from the settlement; and, after some difficulty, two Esquimaux
were seized, and confined in separate apartments. In order to recover 155
the absent youth, the settlers made use of a stratagem. A musket was
discharged in a remote apartment; and the settlers entering the room in which
one of the Esquimaux was confined, they informed him, by signs, that his
comrade had been put to death, for decoying away the boy; and they gave him
to understand, at the same time, that he must prepare to undergo the same
fate, unless he would faithfully pledge himself to restore the absentee. The
Esquimaux naturally promised every thing; and on being set at liberty, he made
the best of his way into the woods, and, of course, was never afterwards heard
of. They kept the other native for some time a prisoner: at length, he tried to
effect his escape, by boldly seizing the sentinel’s firelock at night, but the piece
accidentally going off, he was so terrified at the report, that they easily replaced
him in confinement: yet either the loss of liberty, a supposition that his 156
countryman had been murdered, or that he was himself reserved for
some cruel death, deprived the poor wretch of reason. As he became
exceedingly troublesome, the settlers held a conference as to the most eligible
mode of getting rid of him; and it being deemed good policy to deter the
natives from similar offences, by making an example, they accordingly shot the
poor maniac in cold blood, without having given themselves the trouble to
ascertain whether he were really guilty or innocent.
[25]
Possessing only the plain leading facts of this affair , it is not easy to
determine how far existing circumstances might have justified such an act of
severity towards an ignorant being, who was also, perhaps, totally 157
innocent. The reasons ought certainly to have been weighty which
induced them to put the poor man to death; and I hope they will be able
hereafter to reconcile the deed to God and to their own consciences.

After this time, Richmond was abandoned as a permanent establishment; and

they fell into the present method of visiting this place only during the fishing
season, and returning to pass the winter at East-Main Factory. Captain Turner,
however, represented to the Hudson’s-Bay Company, that, in his opinion, want
of perseverance was alone necessary to render Richmond a safe and
permanent settlement; and that, by having people on the spot, ready to begin
fishing early in the spring of the year, much greater profit would necessarily
accrue to the Company. Accordingly, he received directions to take thither seven
people, who were to remain at Richmond during the whole winter. In 158
the spring of the succeeding year, the northern or Hunting Indians, who
had visited Richmond in pursuit of game, came, as usual, to barter their furs at
East-Main Factory; at the same time bringing the dreadful intelligence that the
seven unfortunate Europeans had been murdered by the Esquimaux. The
bodies of some of the settlers were afterwards found; although it be by no
means certain that they were killed by the Esquimaux: such, however, is a fair
presumption, as this people had before displayed a hostile disposition in the
case of the boy; and the place was rifled of all the metal, of which the
Esquimaux are known to be remarkably fond: add to this, that the northern
Indians had long been accustomed to trade yearly at East Main, and no
instance had ever been known of their behaving with treachery towards the
Europeans.

On the other hand, we must allow, that the Hunting Indians and the 159
Esquimaux live in a state of constant enmity, and, consequently, that
their evil reports of each other should be cautiously received. It is also certain,
that the northern Indians are as partial to spirituous liquors as the Esquimaux
are to metals. Three bloody shirts, belonging to the murdered settlers, were
found in the tent of a northern Indian, which he alleged to have taken from the
bodies of the slain, after the Esquimaux had quitted them. Upon the whole, it
remains uncertain whether the settlers at Richmond perished by the hands of
the Esquimaux, or by those of the northern Indians: for my own part, I should
be inclined to the former opinion. This catastrophe has effectually put a stop to
any further attempts towards establishing a permanent settlement at Richmond
Bay.

The following anecdote of Mr. Darby, the father of the celebrated Mrs. 160
Mary Robinson, will shew that the Esquimaux are of a treacherous
disposition, and extremely averse from any settlements being made on their
coasts.

Mr. Darby had long fostered in his mind a scheme of establishing a whale
fishery upon the coast of Labrador, and of civilizing the Esquimaux Indians, in
order to employ them in the extensive undertaking. Hazardous and wild as this
plan appeared to his wife and to his friends, Mr. Darby persevered in his
resolution to prosecute it; and actually obtained the approbation and
encouragement of some of the leading men at that time in power, who
promoted his designs. To facilitate the execution of his plan, he deemed it
necessary to reside at least two years in America. His wife felt an 161
invincible antipathy for the sea, and, of course, heard his determination
with horror. The pleadings of affection, of reason, and of prudence, were alike
ineffectual, and he sailed for America.

The issue of this rash enterprise proved quite as unfortunate as it was

predicted. Mr. Darby had embarked in it his whole fortune; and it failed. The
noble patrons of his plan deceived him in their assurances of marine protection,
and the island of promise became a scene of desolation. “The Indians rose in a
body, burnt his settlement, murdered many of his people, and turned the
product of their toil adrift on the merciless ocean.”—This great misfortune was
followed by other commercial losses; and the family of this too enterprising
man were, in consequence, reduced from a state of affluence and luxury 162
[26]
to a very different condition .

Having now described the whole of the Factories established upon the sea-
coast of Hudson’s Bay, it will be necessary to say something of the interior: this
is so far from being unknown, that a man may with safety travel from Hudson’s
Bay to Quebec, in Canada, by land. The Hudson’s-Bay Company have many
small factories, or rather mart-houses, dispersed in all directions, for upwards of
one thousand miles in the interior; to which the Indians bring furs, feathers,
quills, &c. in exchange for cloths, blankets, ammunition, fowling-pieces,
trinkets, &c. The furs thus collected are sent down the rivers, in large boats, to
the factories on the sea-coast, whence they are shipped off for Europe, as
before described. There is great jealousy existing between the Hudson’s- 163
Bay traders and the Canadian Company, styled the North-West
Adventurers, respecting the traffic in peltry with the Indians. As the mart-
houses of the two parties meet inland, each uses all the means in its power to
induce the natives to barter furs with themselves, in preference to their
opponents: nay, to such a pitch have they carried their mutual animosity, that it
is not long since a man in the Company’s employ actually killed a Canadian
trader, in a dispute relative to the purchase of some furs from the Indians; for
which offence the culprit was tried at Montreal: and as it appeared that the
Canadian had given him sufficient provocation, the jury returned a verdict of
manslaughter.

The Indians have not failed to observe this competition, so impolitic on both
parts, and they profit by it accordingly.

Each factory and mart-house has its Chief, appointed by the Company; 164
and there is also a northern and southern Superintendant, who is
directed to visit all the places of note within his district, at least once in the
year. The northern department comprises Churchill, York, and Severn factories,
on the coast; and the southern embraces Albany, Moose, East Main, and
Richmond. To determine the interior limits of each, an imaginary line of
demarcation is drawn east and west from Hudson’s Bay to the Stony Mountains.

With respect to the inhabitants of this vast desert I shall say but little, as Sir
c
Alexander M Kenzie has given a very full description of the various tribes by
[27]
which it is peopled . The most populous of all, perhaps, are the Cree Indians:
they appear to me to be the same race described by the before- 165
mentioned author, under the name of Knisteneaux. They occupy the
country from Churchill nearly as far south as Moose, and are found scattered
almost as far to the west as the Stony Mountains; but their numbers have been
much diminished of late, owing to the small-pox. When this dreadful malady
first reached this country, as the Indians were not aware of any remedy by
which they could counteract its violence, they were accustomed to leave the
person afflicted in the midst of a wood, with a sufficient stock of food for two or
three days’ subsistence; and when this scanty provision was expended, the
unhappy victim must have necessarily perished with hunger. The banks of the
rivers, for a time, exhibited a most loathsome spectacle, of bodies which had
thus fallen a sacrifice to this disorder.
Besides the Cree or Knisteneaux Indians, there are innumerable tribes 166
spread over the interior of this vast country; the principal of which are,
the Copper, Dog-ribbed, and Hare-foot Indians, towards the north; the Swees,
Bongees, Slave, and Stone Indians, towards the west; likewise a variety of
tribes inhabiting the southern country around Moose, such as the Mistassins,
and others. The different tribes have frequently wars with each other; and they
appear to agree unanimously in one respect only, that is to say, in universal and
eternal hatred of the Esquimaux. However, it fortunately happens, from the
contrariety of their modes of life, that their parties seldom come into contact
with each other, and consequently the battles between them are very rare.

It remains now to speak of one of the most enterprising speculations, perhaps,

ever undertaken by a single person; namely, the attempt lately made by 167
Lord Selkirk to establish a colony upon the banks of the Red River, in a
situation nearly equidistant from York Factory and Lake Superior, and in the
[28]
latitude of 50° N.

His Lordship holds this land by a grant of 12,000 square acres from the
Hudson’s-Bay Company. The first settlers left Sligo in the year 1811; and
arriving in Hudson’s Bay, they past the winter of that year at York Factory. In
the spring of 1812, they proceeded to their destination, under the command of
c
a Captain M Donald, formerly belonging to a veteran corps in Canada: but this
gentleman seems deficient in the essential art of conciliating those who are
placed under his government: however, the situation of the colony is 168
undoubtedly good, and the soil so fertile as to produce every thing
almost spontaneously. The winters, indeed, are more severe than in places
upon the same parallel of latitude in Europe, but much milder than at Moose, or
any of the factories in Hudson’s Bay; and yet even at Moose they produce
barley, if it be a fine year; and Orkney oats every year, by sowing them a short
distance from the sea-beach. Still, it is extremely doubtful if ever his Lordship’s
descendants will derive much benefit from their father’s mighty speculations;
unless, indeed, he could prevail upon his tenants to grant him a sort of tithe
from their produce, in lieu of rent. With this corn he could supply the Hudson’s-
Bay settlements, which would save the Company a considerable expense, and
they might repay his Lordship in the current coin of the realm.

The Prince of Wales took out many women and settlers for the colony, 169
as also a Mr. White, to act as surgeon. Lord Selkirk has agreed with this
gentleman, to give him a yearly stipend of 100l. together with a grant of five
hundred acres of land, and a labourer four days in the week for its cultivation.
It is difficult to imagine what were his Lordship’s intentions with respect to the
colony at Red River. Allowing the luxuriance of the soil to answer his fullest
expectations, by what possible means could the produce be conveyed to an
adequate market, so as to repay the expenses of its carriage? The
communication between the colony and York Factory is kept up by boats,
through the great Lake Winnepeg; a little to the southward of which runs the
Asnaboyne or Red River: yet the channels of the different rivers are so full of
falls, rapids, portages and carrying-places, that the labour of conveying 170
the boats is immense, and consequently quite unfit for the purposes of
commerce, except it be in furs, and in such light merchandize.

It was for some time believed that a large opening to the northward of
Richmond, and near to Cape Smith, was an inlet to some large inland sea; but,
in the year 1786, Mr. Davison, an officer in one of the Company’s ships, was
sent in a schooner to explore the same. The following extract contains the
description of his progress, as expressed by himself. “On entering the bight,
and perceiving no land a-head, we sat down to a bottle of wine, and drank
success to the new discovery: however, we were soon chagrined by the
appearance of some low islands stretching across the opening; and shortly
afterwards, coming to an anchor under one of them, we climbed to the 171
top of it, and, to our great mortification, we perceived that the supposed
sea was nothing more than a deep gulf, terminated at the bottom by thick
clusters of islands, among which the sea ran winding in romantic mazes. Here
we found the Esquimaux, who bartered away their dresses, &c. with great
avidity, for any sort of metal.”—Notwithstanding this clear statement, there are
experienced men who still suppose that an inland sea does exist; and for these
reasons:—1st. There is a continual current setting to the east from Cape
Henrietta Maria, towards the supposed opening; 2dly, The bay ship, in her
voyage to Moose, has frequently observed a large glut of loose ice off Cape
Henrietta Maria, which, before her return, has entirely disappeared; and
whither could it have drifted with a strong easterly current, unless some
opening had admitted its escape from the bay?—These are the reasons 172
for and against the existence of the supposed sea; but it is to be
regretted, that the Company do not make a decisive attempt to ascertain the
fact.

It will now be necessary to return to the proceedings of the ship.

August 24th.—Course run S. W. by W. ¼W. 34 miles. In the morning, past to the

northward of Mansfield, a very long, low, level island, lying about seventeen
leagues to the westward of Cape Diggs. Its extent from north to south is said to
be full sixty miles. As it abounds with marshes and ponds of fresh water, it may
be considered as the grand nursery of those innumerable flocks of wild geese
and ducks which afterwards line the shores of Hudson’s Bay: however, it is but
seldom visited; and the ships generally avoid going too near to it, in
consequence of some shoals that lay around the shore. Towards 173
evening, we steered away W. S. W. by compass.

August 25th.—Course run S. S. W. ¾ W. 101 miles. As there is generally a glut of

ice floating about the centre of Hudson’s Bay, a ship, on leaving Mansfield
Island, and having a northerly wind, ought to steer for Cape Churchill, until
they reach within sixty leagues of the land, when they may alter the course,
and steer for York direct. It is necessary to make this angle, to avoid the body
of ice in question. Another thing worthy of remark is, that if a ship steer in for
Cape Churchill until she have forty fathoms water, she may be certain of being
in latitude of the Cape: and when she reaches within five or six leagues of the
land, she will have eighteen fathoms water. But a navigator must be cautious to
make allowance for the southerly current, which sets continually along 174
the western coast of Hudson’s Bay.

August 26th.—Course run S. W. ¼ S. 56 miles. The wind this day to the S. S. W.

Our latitude at noon was 60°. 11′. N. ship still standing to the westward. It has
been already noticed, that the officers of the Hudson’s-Bay ships have a motive
in concealing from the public the knowledge which they actually possess
relative to the navigation of the Northern Seas; and I pledged myself to explain
that motive at a proper opportunity. I cannot undertake this unpleasant task at
a more apposite time than the present, when it may serve to enliven the
dulness of a few nautical remarks, which I think it necessary to insert into this
part of my Journal.

In the first place, it is proper to state, that this illiberal concealment has its
origin in the Company themselves, who (as I am told by their own 175
officers) have issued the strictest and most peremptory commands to
the people in their employment, “that they take especial care to conceal all
papers, and every other document, which may tend to throw light upon the
Company’s fur-trade.”—It is probable that the Company had no other motive in
issuing these directions, than to keep themselves and their gains shrowded in a
profound silence; as it appears that, above all other things, they wish their
trading concerns not to become a topic of general conversation in the mother-
country. Actuated by such principles, the officers of the Hudson’s-Bay ships
conceive it to be their duty to conceal likewise all those remarks which their
experience has taught them to make upon the navigation of the Northern Seas:
consequently, nothing can be more incorrect than the Chart supplied by the
Admiralty for the guidance of a man-of-war in Hudson’s Straits: it absolutely
bears no resemblance to the channel of which it is intended to be an 176
exact delineation. During the time we continued in Hudson’s Straits, the
Rosamond was entirely piloted by a chart belonging to the chief mate of the
Prince of Wales, and one of his own making; yet he was so jealous of his
performance, that he was highly offended at our Master’s having endeavoured
to take a copy of it; and from thenceforward kept his charts carefully locked up.
When I questioned him, with some freedom, on this mysterious conduct, the
selfish motive stood at once confessed: he feared lest, from others attaining the
same knowledge as himself, they might be induced to enter into the service of
the Company, and thereby possibly supplant him in his situation. And such I
found to be the motives which induced the majority of these experienced
seamen to keep their truly valuable information concealed within their 177
own bosoms. After the foregoing statement, it will be unnecessary to
explain my reasons for inserting the very few nautical observations which I was
enabled to collect.

August 27th.—Course run, W. S. W. ¼ W. 87 miles.

We continued running all this day across the bay, with a fine leading wind. Our
latitude at noon was 59°. 40′. N.

August 28th.—Course run W. S. W. 74 miles.

At noon this day we sounded, and found that we were in eighty fathoms water.
About sun-set we observed a large body of ice to windward; our latitude at this
time 58°. 56′. N.; and longitude, by chronometer, 89°. 50′. W. It is about this
spot that the Hudson’s-Bay ships generally calculate on seeing ice, 178
allowing they meet with it at all.

August 29th.—Course run S. by W. ¼ W. 68 miles.

At 1 A.M. we sounded in sixty-seven fathoms water. At four in the morning, the

wind suddenly increased to a violent gale, which died away again at sunset.
Our latitude at noon was 58°. 6′. N.; longitude, 90° W. Towards night-fall we
sounded in forty-two fathoms, with a muddy bottom; and at the same time we
caught an owl and a hawk, which we considered as sure signs of the vicinity of
land.

August 30th.—As we were now running in to make the land, I shall insert a
Table of the Soundings, taken from the depth of water, which we ascertained
last night at sun-set.
 Table of Soundings ascertained on the 30th of August, while standing in 179
for the Land to the Southward of York Factory.

Hours. Ship’s Course, by Distance run since Depth of Bottom.

Compass. last Soundings. Water.
4 A.M. S. S. W. 20 Miles 25 Fathoms Mud
h m Ditto 4 Ditto 21 Ditto Ditto
5 0
5.30 Ditto 5 Ditto 15 Ditto Ditto
6.0 Ditto 5 Ditto 14 Ditto Ditto
6.30 Ditto 5 Ditto 19 Ditto
Ditto & sand
7.0 Ditto 6 Ditto 12 Ditto Sand &
pebbles
Note.—At seven o’clock in the morning we saw the trees a-head, the land
itself being too low to be seen. The land probably about seven leagues distant.
7.30 S. by W. 5 Ditto 9½ Ditto Ditto
7.50 Ditto 2 Ditto 7 Ditto Ditto

As we continued beating to windward, in various soundings, all the forenoon, I

shall not mark them down, but proceed to 1 P.M. when Cape Tottenham bore S.
by E. five leagues distant.

Table of Soundings ascertained on the 30th of August, while standing in 180

for the Land to the Southward of York Factory;—continued from the
preceding page.

Hours. Ship’s Course, Distance run Depth of Bottom.

by Compass. since last Water.
Soundings.
1 P.M. We had —— 13 Rocky and gravelly,
Fathoms which denotes the
Cape bearing S. by E.
h. m. W. N. W. 4½ Miles 14 Ditto Rocky.
2 0
3.— Ditto 6 Ditto 23 Ditto Ditto
5.— S. S. E. 5 Ditto 26 Ditto Brown sand.
6.— Ditto 5 Ditto 17 Ditto Mud, shells, and
stones.
7.30 Southward & 7½ Ditto 8 Ditto Mud.
Westward
 9.— Ditto 7 Ditto 11 Ditto Ditto
9.30 Ditto 2 Ditto 11 Ditto Sand.
10.— Ditto 2 Ditto 11½ Ditto Ditto
10.30 Ditto 2 Ditto 12 Ditto Fine sand.
11.— Ditto 2 Ditto 12 Ditto Very fine sand.
11.30 Ditto 2 Ditto 14 Ditto Gravelly sand, and
black specks.
12.— Ditto 2 Ditto 14½ Ditto Very fine sand.

Table of Soundings ascertained on the 31st of August, while standing in 181

for the Land to the Southward of York Factory.

Hours. Ship’s Course, Distance run Depth of Bottom.

by Compass. since last Water.
Soundings.
h. m. Southward & 2 Miles 14 Grey sand with
12 30
Westward Fathoms black specks.
A.M.
1.— Ditto 3 Ditto 15 Ditto Ditto
1.30 S. W. ½ W. 3 Ditto 15½ Ditto Oozy
2.— S. W. 3 Ditto 15½ Ditto Mud
2.30 Ditto 2 Ditto 16½ Ditto Ditto
3.— Ditto 2 Ditto 14½ Ditto Oozy
3.30 Ditto 2 Ditto 12 Ditto Brown sand, black
specks, & broken
shells.
4.— Ditto 2 Ditto 7½ Ditto Sand
4.30 Standing in for York Flats 7½ Ditto Ditto
5.— Ditto 3 Ditto 7¾ Ditto Hard ground.
6.— Ditto 6 Ditto 7 Ditto Ditto
7.— Ditto 6 Ditto 8½ Ditto Ditto
8.— Ditto 7 Ditto 8½ Ditto Soft ground.

At eight in the morning, it will be observed, we were in 8½ fathoms water, on

York Flats; and we therefore came to an anchor, with the beacon, at the 182
mouth of York River, bearing S. W. by compass; the land being distant
about ten miles, although it could barely be discerned in a blue line above the
horizon. Thus, it may be observed, we had been sixty-three days on our
voyage; and that it may be compared with other voyages to Hudson’s Bay, I
[29]
have annexed to this Journal a Schedule of those performed by the
Company’s ships since the year 1788; although I have not been able to obtain
the dates of their departures from the Orkneys.

By the Sounding Table which I have inserted, it is evident that the depth of
water abreast of York River, and off Cape Tottenham, to the southward, is
uncommonly regular; and it may therefore be fairly concluded, that, although
the western coast of the Bay be very low land, yet there is no great 183
danger in making it.

It is not expected that ships during their return to Europe will ever meet with
[30]
loose ice : therefore, as soon as our ship anchored on York Flats, we undid
all the preparations which had been made for manœuvring whilst amongst the
ice; such as, re-stowing our anchors, and putting below ice-ropes, ice-anchors,
ice-axes, &c.; and we rejoiced in being rid of them.

The factory was about twenty miles distant from the anchorage of the ship, but
not visible. At 10 A.M. I went, therefore, from the ship, to report our arrival to
the Governor. We were met at some distance from the ship by a large boat
from the factory. It appeared that they had noticed the arrival of the 184
ship; and mistaking her for the Prince of Wales, the boat was
immediately despatched for letters, parcels, news, &c. &c. Finding their
[31]
mistake , the boat returned with us to the factory, which we reached about
nine at night. On landing, we were hailed by a sentinel; and a guard of honour
was drawn out to receive us, with a pair of Highland bagpipes in front. The
guard was composed of the traders, boatmen, and others, belonging to the
factory: and through the gloom of the night I discerned the Governor and his
officers, standing in a group to receive us. After the necessary business of
introduction was over, we walked up to a large wooden building, surrounded by
a double row of wooden palisades; and here we were regaled with venison
steaks and buffalo tongue.

Sept. 1st.—At 2 A.M. the tide answering for our return, we quitted the 185
factory, and reached the vessel again about 8 A.M.

Whilst we were at York Fort, we received information that the factory at

Churchill had been burnt to the ground, in the month of November, 1813. The
miseries which the people of that place suffered during the remainder of the
winter were very great. As there were seventy-three chests of gunpowder in
the warehouse at the time the conflagration took place, their whole attention
was occupied in removing away the powder to prevent an explosion; and by the
most strenuous exertions they succeeded in this undertaking; but the time lost
prevented their being able to save a mouthful of provisions, or a single utensil,
from the flames. An old out-house that had escaped destruction, and a 186
few tents which they erected of rein-deer skins, served them as
habitations during the remainder of the winter; and, as if Providence had taken
especial care to provide for their necessities, partridges abounded to a greater
degree than had been known for many years before. Of course, these birds
proved a seasonable supply to the sufferers; particularly as the partridges are
so very tame, that they suffer themselves to be driven into nets, by which
means large quantities are taken at one time.

A family in England would be justly esteemed objects of great pity, if they were
burnt out of their home in the midst of winter, although many friendly
habitations might be humanely opened for their reception. What then,
comparatively speaking, must have been the situation of the Churchill people—
driven out by the flames in the middle of a November night, on the 187
shores of a frozen ocean, with the thermometer 78° below the freezing
point, without any shelter save that of a decayed out-house, no bedding, no
cooking utensils, no immediate nourishment, and no final prospect of relief,
except from a reliance on the adventitious aid of their fowling-pieces! Such a
night must surely be allowed to have had its share of horrors. But heroic
strength of mind is the characteristic of the European traders to Hudson’s Bay;
and this alone enabled the people of Churchill to escape all the evils attendant
on such a calamity.

Towards the evening of this day, the Prince of Wales came to an anchor near
us.

Sept. 2d.—In the morning we weighed anchor, and ran into the mouth of the
river, otherwise called Five-fathom Hole. It is a very contracted 188
anchorage, and at high water there is not more than three fathoms’
water on the bar. In running in from York Flats, the large beacon must be kept
bearing S. W. by W. by compass. To moor the ship, one anchor must be laid up
the stream, and another down it; and the width of swinging room at low water
does not much exceed four times a ship’s length; having a dry muddy flat on
the N. W. and a shoal to the S. E. The water is perfectly fresh, and fit for use, at
the last quarter ebb, and first quarter of the flood-tide.

As we lay at this anchorage until the 28th instant, I shall not notice each day
separately, but proceed to make such remarks as occurred during our stay;
contenting myself with briefly stating, that the Prince of Wales was employed
during the time in stowing away her cargo, &c.

The whole of the north-west part of the continent of America is so 189

completely intersected with rivers and lakes, that Mackenzie went the
greater part of his journeys by water. York Factory is situated on the bank of a
river, which has sometimes been called York River; although it appears that the
majority agree in giving it the name of Hayes’ River: but it undergoes many
appellations in its course from the Echemamis to the sea. I shall therefore
endeavour to describe the river, by tracing a journey from York Factory to Lake
Winnepeg, a distance of about five hundred miles: but the fur-traders of
Hudson’s-Bay are so well accustomed to the route, that two men in a slight
bark canoe will undertake it without the slightest hesitation.

On leaving York Factory, the boats proceed against the stream, without meeting
any obstruction, up Hayes’ River, Steel River, and forty miles of Hill 190
River; when they arrive at the first carrying-place, called Rock Portage.
The obstructions from henceforward begin to augment; and at every portage,
the boat, with her whole cargo, must be carried over land; which is rendered
sometimes extremely difficult, by the ground being either rough or swampy.

After passing Rock Portage, the stream is contracted; and there are a number
of portages intervening, before the boats can arrive at a broad part of the
stream, called Swampy Lake, which contains a number of small islands; and it
may be considered as a short half-way to Lake Winnepeg. Leaving Swampy
Lake, the stream is again contracted into a narrow slip, called Jack River, in
which are four portages. On crossing these, they enter a broader part,
intersected by innumerable small islands. This space is styled the Knee Lake,
and is sixty miles in length. One of the small islands in the centre of 191
Knee Lake contains so great a quantity of iron ore, as to cause the
compass to spin round with uncommon velocity. At the upper end of the lake
the stream gradually lessens into another slip, called Trout River, and here are
four more portages: then gently extending its boundaries, the river opens on a
wide expanse, called Holey Lake, from some deep holes in the bottom of it, and
the great inequality of the soundings throughout. At the eastern extremity of
this lake stands Oxford House, the first trading port to be met with after leaving
the factory. Owing to the richness of the soil, and the geniality of the climate,
[32]
this place produces a number of excellent vegetables .

Proceeding onwards, the boats leave the main body of Holey Lake to the 192
left hand: the stream then suddenly narrows; and after passing four
more carrying-places, the last of which is called Hill’s Portage, there is a clear
space, until a sudden serpentine bend in the river forms the White-fall. The
current now begins to be very weak; and a little farther on, they enter a narrow
part with still water. This spot is the highest part of the land between Lake
Winnepeg and Hudson’s Bay; and Hayes’ River may, perhaps, be said to take its
rise about seven miles to the southward of it, in a small lake called
Winnepegosis. The boats now meet with a singular rock, which, from some
curious Indian paintings once found there, has since been called the Painted
Stone. Over this rock the boat must be dragged, and again launched on the
opposite side, into a long, narrow, boggy slip of water, called the Echemamis.
After emerging from this strait, the current of the river begins to operate 193
in favour of the boats; and this proves that the Echemamis is a small
river, taking its rise in the morasses about the Painted Stone, and having no
connection with the river which leads from the Painted Stone towards the sea.
The Echemamis is, however, lost at a short distance from its source; as after
the boats pass Hairy Lake, the stream falls into the Sea River; and there is a
portage at their junction, called the Sea River carrying-place. The Sea River is a
branch of the great Nelson River, separated from the main stream at the Play-
green Lake, and rejoining it by a creek that opens near Hairy Lake.

The boats go against the current up the Sea River; and passing the little Cross
Lake and Pike River, they reach Winnepeg, through the Play-green Lake. This
last is a wide body of water, covered with islands; and may properly be 194
said to be merely a part of Nelson River, which holds its course from the
Stony Mountains to Hudson’s Bay. The rough course from York Factory to Lake
Winnepeg is about south-west; but the Nelson River makes a great angle
between Winnepeg and the sea; as it first runs off N. N. E.; and then takes its
course, due E. N. E. to Hudson’s Bay, where it empties itself by the side of
[33]
Hayes’ River .

The labour of getting the boats up these rivers is amazingly great: their crews
encamp on the banks every night; and they generally land also to cook their
meals, except when they are compelled to subsist on pemmican, a sort of
dried, husky compound, composed of pounded venison and deer’s fat 195
mixed together. This species of food is extremely nutritious: it requires
no cooking, and is sometimes rendered more palatable by the addition of
berries.

There are many kinds of wood growing on the banks of the rivers, and indeed
the whole of the interior near the sea is covered with it: but in the country
about Lake Winnepeg there are very few trees, and the inhabitants are
therefore compelled to use the dung of the buffalo for fuel. Both buffaloes and
horses abound in the open country. The woods on the coast are principally
composed of dwarf poplars, larches, and all the varieties of the pine species.

Having thus described the communication by water between Lake Winnepeg

and York Factory, I shall conclude with a statement of the respective distances.

196

Miles
Distance from York Factory to the top of Hayes’ River 50
Thence to the upper end of Steel River 35
To Rock Portage 35
To Swampy Lake 35
Length of Ditto 9
Length of Jack River 9
Knee Lake 60
Trout River 12
Holey Lake 30
To White-fall 45
Painted Stone 15
Along the Echemamis to Hairy Lake 35
Length of Ditto 4
Play-green Lake 35

It must be allowed, that the above is a mere rough statement of an old trader,
who had been accustomed to traversing the route for nearly twenty years.

Nelson River is a much more noble stream than Hayes’ River, with respect to its
navigation, extending about twenty miles from the sea; but from thenceforward
it becomes so full of obstructions, from portages, falls, and rapids, that 197
the Company have been compelled to establish their factory upon, and
give a decided preference to, Hayes’ River, although they have an
establishment or two for trade on the former. The Nelson River takes its rise,
c
according to M Kenzie, in the Stony Mountains; and empties itself into Hudson’s
Bay, at the same place as Hayes’ River. It is only divided from the latter, at the
mouth, by a very low cape, called Point of Marsh, upon which an exceeding
high wooden beacon has been erected by the Company, to enable their ships to
distinguish the mouth of the river. The continual washing of the waters on
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