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Anaesthesia
for Veterinary Nurses

Edited by

Elizabeth Welsh

Blackwell
Science
Anaesthesia
for Veterinary Nurses

Edited by

Elizabeth Welsh

Blackwell
Science
© 2003 Blackwell Science Ltd, a Blackwell First published 2003 by Blackwell Science Ltd
Publishing Company
Editorial Offices: Library of Congress
9600 Garsington Road, Oxford OX4 2DQ, UK Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Tel: +44 (0)1865 776868 Anaesthesia for veterinary nurses / edited by
Blackwell Science, Inc., 350 Main Street, Elizabeth Welsh.
Malden, MA 02148-5020, USA p. cm.
Tel: +1 781 388 8250 Includes bibliographical references (p. ).
Iowa State Press, a Blackwell Publishing ISBN 0-632-05061-6 (pbk.)
Company, 2121 State Avenue, Ames, Iowa 1. Veterinary anesthesia. I. Welsh, Elizabeth.
50014-8300, USA
Tel: +1 515 292 0140 SF914.A48 2003
Blackwell Publishing Asia Pty Ltd, 636.089′796--dc21
550 Swanston Street, Carlton South, 2002155057
Victoria 3053, Australia
Tel: +61 (0)3 9347 0300 ISBN 0-632-05061-6
Blackwell Verlag, Kurfürstendamm 57,
10707 Berlin, Germany A catalogue record for this title is available
Tel: +49 (0)30 32 79 060 from the British Library

The right of the Author to be identified as Set in 10/13 pt Sabon

the Author of this Work has been asserted in by Sparks Computer Solutions Ltd, Oxford
accordance with the Copyright, Designs and http://www.sparks.co.uk
Patents Act 1988. Printed and bound in Great Britain by
TJ International, Padstow
All rights reserved. No part of this publication
may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval For further information on
system, or transmitted, in any form or by any Blackwell Publishing, visit our website:
means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, www.blackwellpublishing.com
recording or otherwise, except as permitted
by the UK Copyright, Designs and Patents
Act 1988, without the prior permission of the
publisher.
Contents

Contributors v
Preface vii
Acknowledgements viii

1 The Role of the Veterinary Nurse in Anaesthesia 1

Joan Freeman

2 Physiology Relevant to Anaesthesia 15

Mary Fraser

3 Preoperative Assessment and Preparation of the Patient 34

Joan Duncan

4 Anaesthetic Machines and Ventilators 55

Craig Johnson

5 Breathing Circuits and Airway Management 83

Craig Johnson

6 Anaesthetic Drugs 113

Derek Flaherty

7 Analgesia 157
Derek Flaherty and Janice MacGillivray

iii
iv Contents

8 Intravenous Access and Fluid Therapy 179

Kirstin Beard and Elizabeth Welsh

9 Monitoring the Anaesthetised Patient 219

Louise Clark

10 Nursing the Patient in Recovery 247

Janis Hamilton

11 Cardiopulmonary Resuscitation and Other Emergencies 271

Kirstin Beard

12 Rabbit, Ferret and Rodent Anaesthesia 290

Simon Girling

13 Avian Anaesthesia 307

Simon Girling

14 Reptile Anaesthesia 323

Simon Girling

15 Large Animal Anaesthesia 340

Elizabeth Welsh

Index 353
Contributors

Kirstin Beard VN, DipAVN(Surg)

University of Edinburgh Hospital for Small Animals, Easter Bush Veterinary
Centre, Roslin, Midlothian EG25 9RG

Louise Clark BVMS, CertVA, MRCVS

University of Edinburgh Hospital for Small Animals, Easter Bush Veterinary
Centre, Roslin, Midlothian EG25 9RG

Joan Duncan BVMS, PhD, CertVR, MRCVS

Idexx Laboratories, Grange House, Sandbeck Way, Wetherby LS22 4DN

Derek Flaherty BVMS, DipECVA, DVA, MRCVS

University of Glasgow Veterinary School, Bearsden Road, Bearsden, Glasgow
G61 1QH

Mary Fraser BVMS, PhD, CBiol, MIBiol, CertVD, MRCVS

No 9 Edderston Ridge Crescent, Peebles EH45 9ND

Simon Girling BVMS, CBiol, MIBiol, CertZooMed, MRCVS

171 Mayfield Road, Edinburgh EH9 3AZ

Janis Hamilton VN, DipAVN(Surg)

University of Glasgow Veterinary School, Bearsden Road, Bearsden, Glasgow
G61 1QH

v
vi Contributors

Craig Johnson BVSc, PhD, DVA, DipECVA, MRCA, MRCVS

Comparative Physiology and Anatomy, Institute of Veterinary, Animal and
Biomedical Sciences, Massey University, Private Bag 11-222, Palmerston
North, New Zealand

Janice MacGillivray VN, DipAVN(Surg)

PDSA, 211 Hawkhill, Dundee DD1 5LA

Joan Freeman VN, DipAVN(Surg)

University of Edinburgh Hospital for Small Animals, Easter Bush Veterinary
Centre, Roslin, Midlothian EG25 9RG

Elizabeth Welsh BVMS, PhD, CertVA, CertSAS, MRCVS

University of Edinburgh Hospital for Small Animals, Easter Bush Veterinary
Centre, Roslin, Midlothian EG25 9RG
Preface

In every small animal veterinary surgery, on every day, pet owners entrust
their animals into our care. Many of these pets are sedated or anaesthetised
and veterinary nurse trainees and listed veterinary nurses play a central role in
this process. They are often the people who admit the patient to the clinic, are
central to the care of the patient before, during and after anaesthesia, and will
frequently discharge the patient into the care of its owner at the end of the day.
Thus, it is vitally important that veterinary nurses at all stages of their career
are familiar with the physiological, pharmacological and physical principles
that underpin clinical anaesthesia.
This is the fi rst book in the UK on the principles and practice of anaesthesia
that has been aimed specifically at veterinary nurses. It has been written to help
both veterinary nurse trainees and listed veterinary nurses, not only in their
studies but also in navigating the daily challenges of anaesthesia more confi-
dently. Throughout, we have aimed to provide the necessary information for
this purpose at the right level and in the right detail, and, to reflect the increas-
ing importance of small mammals, birds and reptiles in small animal practice,
separate chapters have been dedicated to them.

vii
Acknowledgements

I would like to thank all my colleagues who contributed to this book. I would
like especially to mention the veterinary nurses who readily agreed to contrib-
ute to the content. The staff at Blackwell Publishing have been patient and sup-
portive, and to them also I express my thanks.

viii
The Role of the Veterinary
Nurse in Anaesthesia

Joan Freeman
1
Veterinary surgeons must work within the legal constraints of the Veterinary
Surgeons Act (1966). They must also abide by the rules of conduct for veteri-
nary surgeons (‘Guide to Professional Conduct’) set up by the Royal College
of Veterinary Surgeons (RCVS), the professional body in the United Kingdom.
Veterinary surgeons can be found negligent and guilty of malpractice, not only
as a consequence of their own actions but also for the injurious actions of an
employee, including veterinary nurses and student veterinary nurses. There-
fore, veterinary nurses are not entitled to undertake either medical treatment
or minor surgery independently. Nevertheless, veterinary nurses have a duty to
safeguard the health and welfare of animals under veterinary care and, as an-
aesthesia is a critical procedure, the need for knowledge and an understanding
of the procedures involved in anaesthesia cannot be overestimated.

LEGISLATION GOVERNING VETERINARY NURSES

Student veterinary nurses who pass both Part II and Part III examinations for
the veterinary nursing qualification in the United Kingdom and fulfil the practi-
cal training requirements at an approved training practice are entitled to have
their names entered on a list of veterinary nurses maintained by the RCVS and
to describe themselves as listed veterinary nurses.
The Veterinary Surgeons Act (1966) states that only a veterinary surgeon
may practise veterinary surgery. Exceptions to this rule apply solely to listed
veterinary nurses, and are covered under the 1991 amendment to Schedule 3
of the Act.

1
2 Anaesthesia for Veterinary Nurses

The exceptions are:

• Veterinary nurses (or any member of the public) may administer first aid in
an emergency as an interim measure until a veterinary surgeon’s assistance
can be obtained.
• A listed veterinary nurse may administer ‘any medical treatment or any
minor surgery (not involving entry into a body cavity) to a companion ani-
mal’ under veterinary direction.

The animal undergoing medical treatment or minor surgery must be under

the care of the veterinary surgeon and he or she must be the employer of the
veterinary nurse.
The Act does not defi ne ‘any medical treatment or any minor surgery’ but
leaves it to the individual veterinary surgeon to interpret, using their profes-
sional judgement. Thus veterinary nurses should only carry out procedures
which they feel competent to perform under the direction of a veterinary sur-
geon, and the veterinary surgeon should be available to respond if any problems
arise. Recent changes to the Veterinary Surgeons Act 1966 (Schedule 3 amend-
ment) Order 2002 now entitles listed veterinary nurses to perform nursing
duties on all species of animal, not just companion animals, and in addition
allows student veterinary nurses to perform Schedule 3 tasks during their train-
ing, provided they are under the direct, continuous and personal supervision of
either a listed veterinary nurse (Fig. 1.1) or veterinary surgeon.
Currently there are moves towards a system of self-regulation within the
veterinary nursing profession. In such a system the privilege of being listed

Fig. 1.1 A listed veterinary nurse supervising a veterinary nurse trainee during a clinical
procedure.
The Role of the Veterinary Nurse in Anaesthesia 3

would entail the veterinary nurse accepting both responsibility and account-
ability for their actions. Consequently, it is reasonable to expect listed vet-
erinary nurses to maintain their professional knowledge and competence, for
example, through attendance at continuing professional development courses
and conferences, and reading veterinary and veterinary nursing journals, and
equally to acknowledge their limitations and if relevant make these known to
their employer.
Veterinary nurses receive training in many procedures and should be com-
petent to carry out the following under the 1991 amendment to Schedule 3 of
the Veterinary Surgeons Act (1966):

• Administer medication (other than controlled drugs and biological prod-

ucts) orally, by inhalation, or by subcutaneous, intramuscular or intrave-
nous injection.
• Administer other treatments such as fluid therapy, intravenous and urethral
catheterisation; administer enemas; application of dressings and external
casts; assisting with operations and cutaneous suturing.
• Prepare animals for anaesthesia and assist with the administration and ter-
mination of anaesthesia.
• Collect samples of blood, urine, faeces, skin and hair.
• Take radiographs.

The veterinary surgeon is responsible for the induction and maintenance of an-
aesthesia and the management to full recovery of animals under their care. The
veterinary surgeon alone should assess the fitness of the animal for anaesthesia,
select and plan pre-anaesthetic medication and a suitable anaesthetic regime,
and administer the anaesthetic if the induction dose is either incremental or to
effect. In addition, the veterinary surgeon should administer controlled drugs
such as pethidine and morphine. However, provided the veterinary surgeon is
physically present and immediately available, a listed veterinary nurse may:

• administer the selected pre-anaesthetic medication;

• administer non-incremental anaesthetic agents;
• monitor clinical signs;
• maintain an anaesthetic record;
• maintain anaesthesia under the direct instruction of the supervising veteri-
nary surgeon.

DEFINITIONS IN ANAESTHESIA

Many different terms are used in anaesthesia and it is important to be familiar

with those listed in Table 1.1.
4 Anaesthesia for Veterinary Nurses

Table 1.1 Terms used in anaesthesia.

Term Definition
Anaesthesia The elimination of sensation by controlled, reversible
depression of the nervous system
Analeptic Central nervous system stimulant, e.g. doxapram
Analgesia A diminished or abolished perception of pain
General anaesthesia The elimination of sensation by controlled, reversible
depression of the central nervous system. Animals under
general anaesthesia have reduced sensitivity and motor
responses to external noxious stimuli
Hypnosis Drug-induced sleep. Originally hypnosis was considered a
component of anaesthesia along with muscle relaxation and
analgesia, however human patients administered hypnotics
could recall events when apparently in a state of anaesthesia
Local anaesthesia The elimination of sensation from a body part by depression
of sensory and/or motor neurons in the peripheral nervous
system or spinal cord
Narcosis Drug-induced sedation or stupor
Neuroleptanalgesia and Neuroleptanalgesia is a state of analgesia and indifference
neuroleptanaesthesia to the surroundings and manipulation following
administration of a tranquilliser or sedative with an opioid.
The effects are dose dependent and high doses can induce
unconsciousness (neuroleptanaesthesia), permitting surgery
Pain An unpleasant sensory or emotional experience associated
with actual or potential tissue damage
Pre-emptive analgesia Administering analgesic drugs before tissue injury to
decrease post-operative pain
Sedative–sedation These terms are used interchangeably in veterinary
Tranquilliser–tranquillisation medicine. The terms refer to drugs that calm the patient,
Neuroleptic reduce anxiety and promote sleep. However, they do not
Ataractic induce sleep as hynotics do, and although animals are more
calm and easier to handle they may still be roused

PRINCIPLES OF ANAESTHESIA

The purposes of anaesthesia are:

• To permit surgical or medical procedures to be performed on animals. The

Protection of Animals (Anaesthetics) Acts 1954 and 1964 state that:
‘carrying out of any operation with or without the use of instru-
ments, involving interference with the sensitive tissues or the bone
structure of an animal, shall constitute an offence unless an an-
The Role of the Veterinary Nurse in Anaesthesia 5

aesthetic is used in such a way as to prevent any pain to the animal

during the operation’.
• To control pain.
• To restrain difficult patients. Patients may need to be restrained for radiog-
raphy, bandage or cast application, etc.
• To facilitate examination by immobilising the patient. Anaesthesia and se-
dation allow difficult animals to be restrained and handled, reducing the risk
of injury to both staff and patients.
• To control status epilepticus in animals. Diazepam and phenobarbitone may
be injected to control status epilepticus. Low doses of propofol administered
by continuous infusion have also been used for this purpose.
• To perform euthanasia. Euthanasia in dogs and cats is performed using con-
centrated anaesthetic agents.

Types of anaesthesia
General anaesthesia is the most commonly used type of anaesthesia in small
animals. However it is important for veterinary nurses to understand and be
familiar with local and regional anaesthetic techniques.

General anaesthesia
General anaesthesia is the elimination of sensation by controlled, reversible
depression of the central nervous system. Animals under general anaesthesia
have reduced sensitivity and motor responses to external noxious stimuli.
The ideal general anaesthetic would produce these effects without depres-
sion of the respiratory or cardiovascular systems, provide good muscle relaxa-
tion, and be readily available, economical, non-irritant, stable, non-toxic and
not depend on metabolism for clearance from the body. Unfortunately, such an
agent is not available, but a balanced anaesthetic technique can be employed
using more than one drug to achieve the desired effects of narcosis, muscle
relaxation and analgesia. This approach has the added advantage that the dose
of each individual agent used may be reduced and consequently the side effects
of each agent also tend to be reduced.
General anaesthetic agents may be administered by injection, inhalation
or a combination of both techniques. The subcutaneous, intramuscular or
intravenous routes may be used to administer injectable anaesthetics. The
safe use of injectable agents depends on the calculated dose being based on
the accurate weight of the animal. Propofol and thiopentone are commonly
used intravenous agents; ketamine and alphaxalone–alphadalone (Saffan®)
are intramuscular agents. In addition ketamine may be administered subcuta-
neously. Inhalational anaesthetic agents may be either volatile agents or gases
and administered in an induction chamber, by mask or by tracheal intubation.
Halothane, isoflurane and nitrous oxide are commonly used in small animals.
6 Anaesthesia for Veterinary Nurses

Local anaesthesia
Local anaesthesia is the elimination of sensation from a body part by depres-
sion of sensory and/or motor neurons in the peripheral nervous system or spinal
cord. Local anaesthetic drugs (e.g. lignocaine) and opioids (e.g. morphine) are
commonly used in this way (see chapter 6).
Both general and local anaesthesia have advantages and disadvantages and
a number of factors will influence the type of anaesthesia used.

(1) The state of health of the animal: An animal with systemic disease or
presented for emergency surgery will be compromised and a different
anaesthetic regime may be required to that for a young healthy animal
undergoing an elective procedure.
(2) Pre-anaesthetic preparation: Animals presented for emergency procedures
are unlikely to have been fasted for an appropriate length of time prior to
anaesthesia.
(3) Species, breed, temperament and age of the animal: Certain anaesthetic
agents may be contra-indicated in certain species e.g. Saffan® in dogs.
(4) The duration of the procedure to be performed.
(5) The complexity of the procedure to be performed.
(6) The experience of the surgeon will influence the duration of the procedure
and trauma to tissues.
(7) A well-equipped and staffed veterinary hospital may be better able to deal
with a general anaesthetic crises.

Anaesthetic period
Veterinary nurses are involved from the time of admission of the patient to the
veterinary clinic until discharge of the animal back to the owner’s care.
The anaesthetic period can be divided into five phases, with different nurs-
ing responsibilities and patient risks associated with each phase. The surgical
team is responsible for the welfare of the patient at all stages and it is important
that they work as a team. Communication between team members is important
to minimise both the risks to the patient and the duration of the anaesthetic.
All members of the team must be familiar with the surgical procedure. The
anaesthetic area and theatre should be prepared and equipment which may be
required checked and available for use. Members of the team should also be
familiar with possible intra- and postoperative complications and the appropri-
ate action to be taken should they occur.

(1) Preoperative period: The animal is examined and an anaesthetic protocol

devised by the veterinary surgeon to minimise the risk to the individual ani-
mal. The animal’s health, the type of procedure, the ability and experience
The Role of the Veterinary Nurse in Anaesthesia 7

of both the anaesthetist and the surgeon are all factors that should be con-
sidered. The area for induction and maintenance of anaesthesia must be
clean and prepared. All equipment should be checked for faults, and drugs
and ancillary equipment should be set up for use.
(2) Pre-anaesthetic period: Pre-anaesthetic medication is given as part of a
balanced anaesthesia protocol. Sedatives and analgesics are used to re-
duce anxiety, relieve discomfort, enable a smooth induction and reduce
the requirement for high doses of anaesthetic induction and maintenance
agents. The animal should be allowed to remain undisturbed following
administration of the pre-anaesthetic agents, although close observation
during this period is recommended.
(3) Induction period: Anaesthesia should be induced in a calm and quiet
environment. Placement of an intravenous catheter allows for ease of ad-
ministration of intravenous agents and prevents the risk of extravascular
injection of irritant drugs. To ensure a smooth transition from induction
to maintenance, appropriate endotracheal tubes, anaesthetic breathing
system and ancillary equipment must be prepared for use. Suitable intrave-
nous fluids should be administered during anaesthesia.
(4) Maintenance period: Unconsciousness is maintained with inhalational
or injectable agents. This allows the planned procedure to be performed.
A properly trained person should be dedicated to monitor anaesthesia.
Unqualified staff should not be expected to monitor anaesthesia. An an-
aesthetic record should be kept for every patient. Monitoring needs to be
systematic and regular, with intervals of no more than 5 minutes recom-
mended. This enables trends and potential problems to be identified.
(5) Recovery period: Administration of anaesthetic drugs ceases and the ani-
mal is allowed to regain consciousness. Monitoring should continue until
the patient is fully recovered.

THE NURSE’S ROLE DURING THE ANAESTHETIC PERIOD

• To ensure that the animal is prepared for anaesthesia according to the in-
structions of the veterinary surgeon.
• To observe the patient following administration of the pre-anaesthetic medi-
cation.
• To ensure that the necessary equipment is prepared.
• To assist the veterinary surgeon.
• To monitor both the patient and equipment during the anaesthetic period.
• To observe the patient during the postoperative period.
• To administer treatments as directed by the veterinary surgeon.
8 Anaesthesia for Veterinary Nurses

Consent for anaesthesia

Initial communication with the client is very important, and often for elective
procedures the veterinary nurse is the initial contact. In addition to being a legal
requirement, completion of an anaesthetic consent form is also an opportunity
for the nurse to introduce himself or herself to the client.
The nurse needs to maintain a professional friendliness and be approach-
able. It is important that the client understands the risks associated with all
anaesthetics and surgical procedures. The nurse can explain to the client how
the practice aims to minimise these risks. In addition, they can reassure the
client by informing them that their pet will receive a full physical examination
prior to administration of the anaesthetic, and that the practice will contact the
client should further diagnostic tests be required, for example, blood tests or
radiographs. The nurse can explain to the client that modern anaesthetics are
safer than those used in the past and that their pet will receive pre-anaesthetic
medication, which will help both by calming the animal and by reducing the
total amount of anaesthetic required. It is also important to reassure the cli-
ent that trained veterinary nurses or supervised trainees will monitor their pet
throughout the procedure and during recovery.
Details required on the anaesthetic consent form may include:

• The date.
• The client’s name and address.
• Contact telephone number.
• The animal’s identification.
• The surgical or diagnostic procedure to be performed, including identifica-
tion of lesion(s) for removal if appropriate.
• Known allergies.
• Current medication.
• A brief summary of the risks relating to anaesthesia.
• The client’s signature.
• Extra information may be recorded, such as an estimate of the cost of the
procedure, any items left with the animal, dietary requirements, and so on.

HEALTH AND SAFETY ASPECTS OF ANAESTHESIA

Health and safety legislation ensures that the workplace is a safe environment
in which to work. A number of regulations are enforced to minimise the risk of
exposure to hazardous substances and accidents within the workplace.

The Health and Safety at Work Act (1974)

This act states that the employer is responsible for providing safe systems of
work and adequately maintained equipment, and for ensuring that all sub-
stances are handled, stored and transported in a safe manner. Safe systems of
The Role of the Veterinary Nurse in Anaesthesia 9

Fig. 1.2 Health and safety documentation prominently displayed within a veterinary hos-
pital.

work should be written as standard operating procedures (SOPs) and be dis-

played in the appropriate areas of the workplace (Fig. 1.2).

The Control of Substances Hazardous to Health (COSHH) (1988)

COSHH assessments involve written SOPs, assessing hazards and risks for
all potential hazards within a veterinary practice. All staff should be able to
identify hazards, know the route of exposure and the specifi c fi rst aid should
an accident occur.

Misuse of Drugs Act (1971) and Misuse of Drugs Regulations

(1986)
In the United Kingdom the use of drugs is controlled by the Misuse of Drugs
Act (1971) and the Misuse of Drugs Regulations (1986). The 1971 Act divides
drugs into three classes depending on the degree of harm attributable to each
drug. Class A drugs (or class B injectable agents) are deemed to be the most
harmful and class C drugs the least. The 1986 Regulations divide controlled
drugs into five schedules that determine the nature of the control.
The 1986 Regulations cover a wide range of drugs, of which only a few are
in regular use in veterinary practice. Schedule 1 drugs, for example, LSD, are
10 Anaesthesia for Veterinary Nurses

stringently controlled and are not used in veterinary practice. Schedule 2 drugs
include morphine, pethidine, fentanyl (Hypnorm®), alfentanil, methadone
and etorphine (Immobilon®). Codeine and other weaker opiates and opioids
are also Schedule 2 drugs. An opiate is a drug derived from the opium poppy
while an opioid refers to drugs that bind to opioid receptors and may be syn-
thetic, semi-synthetic or natural. Separate records must be kept for all Schedule
2 drugs obtained and supplied in a controlled drugs register. These drugs can
only be signed out by a veterinary surgeon and the date, animal identification
details, volume and route of administration must be recorded. The controlled
drug register should be checked on a regular basis and thefts of controlled drugs
must be reported to the police. Schedule 2 drugs must be kept in a locked re-
ceptacle, which can only be opened by authorised personnel (Fig.1.3). Expired
stocks must be destroyed in the presence of witnesses (principal of the practice
and/or the police) and both parties involved must sign the register.
Schedule 3 drugs are subject to prescription and requisition requirements,
but do not need to be recorded in the controlled drugs register. However, bu-
prenorphine is required to be kept in a locked receptacle. It is recommended
that other drugs in this schedule such as the barbiturates (thiopentone, pento-
barbitone, phenobarbitone) and pentazocine should also be kept in a locked
cupboard.

Fig. 1.3 A locked, fixed receptacle for storing controlled drugs. Keys should never be left in
the lock of controlled drug cabinets.
Other documents randomly have
different content
 depreciated by the presence of Negro tenants or property owners in
residential sections. However, if everyone felt as I do, it would not be
so. I mean, provided that the same general social standards were
observed by all nationalities in the city. It would be very fine, it seems
to me, to maintain certain standards in each neighborhood. Why not
bring pressure to bear on white landlords and make them keep their
property up to a given average standard in the community, that only
such a class of people will rent or buy as are already there? I am very
anxious that the Negro shall be treated fairly. I do not want him to
feel that I have stood in the way of his opportunities and his rights.

A professor at the University of Chicago said:

The final solution, it seems to me, must come as a result of honest
and successful efforts for mutual understanding between the races.
There must be apparent on the part of the white race an attempt to
treat the Negro with justice, and I feel sure that he will respond. I do
not think the black race, as a race, desires intermarriage more than
the white race, yet the assertion to the contrary is much overworked
by the white opposition in these neighborhoods.

A minister said:
All I want for the Negro is justice—then I think the economic laws will
settle this problem. Let the people interested try justice; they will find
it will solve the race problem faster than any other course, just as it
will solve any other problem. Treat the bad Negro just as rough as
you treat the bad white man, but acclaim the good Negro after the
same manner of your acclamation of the good white man.

4. SENTIMENTS STRONGER THAN RACE PREJUDICE

Class kinship stronger than race.—A Swedish employee in a

department store said:
We have quite a number of Negro neighbors where I live, and several
black men work with me, and I want to say I think they are just as
good as anybody. There are classes of people in every race, and of
course there is a rough element among the blacks. Some highbrows
try to make out that they are representative, but I think opposition to
the Negro in Chicago comes from the "swell" class. I do not have any
different feeling for them than for the same kind of people in any
 other race. I think race relations will get better in Chicago. The
workingman has learned that the Negro will treat him right when he is
treated right, and as soon as the other folks find that out, things will
be all right.

The secretary of the Cook County Labor Party said:

I have thought about this problem a good deal, and I think you will
find it is the so-called middle class that is making all the trouble. The
laboring-man does not care who his neighbor is, so long as he is a
good neighbor. I think you can trace most of the racial activities to
jealousy on the part of a certain class of American citizens who are
not any too wealthy and feel constrained to maintain a sort of
fictitious position in life at the expense of anybody, in this case the
Negroes. You will find that the very well-to-do are not nearly so much
aroused over the problem.

A Japanese said:
I think it is simply a matter of race prejudice, which of course means
first of all that the color is not acceptable, while, in the second place,
they were imported to the United States as slaves, and thus it always
occurs in the American mind that they are a lower class of people.
Furthermore, as they were slaves and the American does not like
them, they don't have equal opportunities to educate themselves up
to such a degree which means no more than environment. In the last
place, they want to keep away from them. I think it might be said that
they are willing to receive lower wages, which tends to lower the
wage system; thus the American worker suffers a good deal. In the
whole process the Negroes have been kept out of social and political
activities that would have given them a chance to develop. Allow them
to have these activities in the future and they will make more rapid
progress than they have even in the past.

General historical comparisons.—A Jewish resident of the West Side

said:
I believe that the segregation movement is wrong because it is unjust
and because it is devoid of any principle whatever. It has not risen out
of the consideration of the needs of the colored people, nor out of
consideration of real advantages that the whites might thereby gain.
What is back of race prejudice? Nothing more than the spirit of
superiority and selfishness which moves the aristocrats to move out of
 a neighborhood as soon as a few common people move in. This is
here too prevalent. The segregation movement has its parallel in
history. Who does not remember the old Jewish Ghetto of Amsterdam,
Frankfort, etc., or the Pale of Russia? What has this segregation done
for the Jews? It curtailed their rise, depriving them of an opportunity
to develop, and I foresee the same result in the new segregation
movement, and therefore deem it a great public evil and moral issue.

5. TRADITIONAL SOUTHERN BACKGROUND

A window dresser said:

I am from the South, and I am used to seeing the Negro kept in his
place. I would colonize them, every one of them, and make them stay
where they are put. I would colonize them in Africa if I had to do it.
There's where they came from and there's where they belong. Of
course, some few northern folks say that they were taken away
against their own wills, but I say they ought to go back against their
own wills.

The woman manager of a tailor shop, Fifty-fifth Street, said: "I am a

southerner, and I feel the way they all do about it. I guess you know
what I mean. I think the nigger should stay in his place."

6. GROUP SENTIMENTS

Fear of social censure.—A property owner at Langley Avenue and

Fifty-fifth Street said:
"I am not proud to be living on the same street with Negroes, so I
never tell my friends—they would say: 'You must move out.'"

George L. Giles Post of the American Legion is a Negro post with

headquarters at the South Side Branch of the Community Service.
Invitations to a musicale and dramatic entertainment for the benefit
of ex-service men were sent to all the local posts by the Community
Service. It was responded to by the adjutant of George L. Giles Post,
who received a reply from the executive secretary saying:
 I am quite sure you will understand that our sending one to the
George L. Giles Post was a slip. Will you kindly let me know if there
are other Posts of colored men in the city?

Similar recognition of the force of public opinion may be found in

industry. The manager of a large industrial plant, speaking of Negro
workmen, said: "I have a feeling that white workers would object to
Negroes in any position but that of common laborers, although I
have no basis for this opinion." Another said: "I have heard whites
remark that they wouldn't want to work here if many colored were
employed but none left on that account."

7. ATTITUDES DETERMINED BY CONTACTS

No contacts but a hostile attitude.—A resident at Drexel Avenue and

Sixty-fifth Street said:
I don't see many niggers around here; most of them are west of
Cottage Grove Avenue. I never had any dealings with them, so can't
tell you anything much. I know I don't want niggers living next door
to me, but I can't tell you why. Do you want them next-door
neighbors to you? There are some living down in the next block—two
families of them—between Sixty-fourth and Sixty-fifth, and I guess
they are pretty wild, but I have never seen them. It's just what people
tell me. I never had any dealings with them.

Generalization from a particular experience.—A teacher in the

Wendell Phillips High School said:
You can't trust the best of them. The minute you have your back
turned something disappears. They are the worst bunch of little
thieves I ever struck. A few weeks ago I had a colored girl helping me
fix costumes in my little office. During the hour she was in there I was
absent about five minutes. She had hardly got out of the building
before I discovered that a dollar had disappeared out of my purse. I
questioned her for thirty minutes next morning, but not a word of
confession. Another time I had small change in the top drawer of my
desk. While I was teaching a class, two girls slipped into the office
and helped themselves to half of it. I surprised them when I
unexpectedly entered the office to get something. Everything here
 that isn't tied or watched walks off. It didn't used to be this way
before the colored came in so thick; then I never locked my office,
and now I have everything under lock.

The proprietor of a woman's dress shop on Sixty-third Street said:

Little of my trade is colored, possibly 2 per cent. We do not cater to
colored trade. We do not want it. If colored people come in, we will
sell them if they buy quick and get out. Our trade does not care to
deal where colored people are also accommodated.... You will find it
pretty hard to be neutral in Chicago. The more I know of niggers, the
more I am convinced that there is no good nigger but a dead one. I
had a colored helper who wanted tips every time he was asked to
render services outside of his recognized regular duties. I gave him a
good salary, $18 per week, and yet he was never satisfied, and one
day he got hold of the keys to the cash drawer and ran away with
$300.

Exaggerated notion of prosperity.—A physician said:

I think that the solution of the race problem can come only by
recognition by white men of the Negroes' potential equality. They are
only fifty years out of slavery, and in that fifty years they have
progressed faster than the white race has done in a hundred years.
The Negro man of forty today is less advanced than the white man of
forty, but I expect his son to be almost on a par with our sons, and
his grandson will be every whit as good. The husband of the colored
woman who has been getting our dinners for us for a number of years
is making more killing steers for Armour than I am. He makes $16 a
day. They have $12,000 worth of Liberty bonds. They are sending all
of their relatives through high school and declare they will put them
through the University of Chicago. In fact we are compelling the
Negro to get an education, and he cannot help but progress.
Colonizing the Negro is merely making him bitter and postponing the
day of settlement. Presently we shall have with us under such a
régime a race of comparative equals very much disgruntled by the
unfair treatment accorded them. I think you will find that practically
all the professional men in this building, at least a very large
percentage of them, think as I do on this subject.

Contact with servants.—A resident of Woodlawn said:

Practically my only contact with Negroes is with servants and
laundresses. I have had colored women working for me for many
 years, and the majority of them I could not trust outside my sight. By
that I don't mean they would steal—they just weren't dependable. It
is all wrong for colored children and white children to be in school
together. There should be separate schools, because the two races of
children are as different in everything as in their color.

The interviewing of hundreds of white persons, members of

practically every social class, reveals little information regarding the
sources of their beliefs about Negroes. Some think them instinctive;
some hold that their opinions are a result of observation; some, who
make discernible effort to stem the current of prejudiced views and
remain fair, have read the books of Negroes. But by far the greater
number either admit or otherwise give evidence of having absorbed
their views from tradition.
Information by word of mouth, unquestioned statements,
uncorrected accounts, all continue to add credence to any current
interpretation of an act involving Negroes. The fault lies for the most
part at the information source. Fairly to judge the Negro group, or
any member thereof, there should be some unquestioned basis of
fact, yet the assumption is common that almost any Negro can be
judged by what has been observed in the conduct of the family cook
or chauffeur, who no more represents the whole or the majority of
Negroes than a white cook or chauffeur can be said to represent the
whole or the majority of the white race.

IV. SELF-ANALYSIS BY FIFTEEN WHITE CITIZENS

To secure definite information upon this background twenty

representative white persons were selected at random, and eighteen
carefully prepared suggestive questions were put to each of them.
The purpose was to draw out the raw material of their unqualified
opinions on the question of the Negro, and to ascertain as far as
possible the background in their early experiences. The questions
were suggestive in order to compel a disclosure of mental attitudes.
The only qualification in the selection of persons was their probable
capacity for self-analysis and a willingness to answer. The length and
difficulty of the questions put made it necessary to limit the selection
of persons to a few, who in appreciation of the inquiry, could and
would give it a careful study. Fifteen of these persons entered into
the spirit of the inquiry and submitted the results of their self-
scrutiny.
These fifteen include business and professional men and women,
none of whom, however, is actively associated with racial
movements. They represent probably a fair sample of sentiment and
at the same time ability to analyze accurately their own feelings and
opinions.
The questions put were as follows:
1. Have you formed definite opinions about Negroes? Briefly, what are
they?
2. Do Negroes in your opinion possess distinguishing traits of
mentality or character?
3. As well as you can remember, on what facts, authorities,
information, sources, do you base your opinions?
4. What incidents or experiences involving Negroes either in Chicago
or elsewhere stand out in your memory?
5. As a child, did you have contacts of any kind with Negroes?
6. Can you recall any early prohibitions of association by word or
printed warnings of any sort, implied prohibitions in institutional or
social arrangements?
7. When were you first conscious of a racial difference?
8. Whom of your friends, acquaintances, favorite authors, scholars,
etc., do you regard as best fitted to speak with authority on the
question?
9. Do you ever inquire for information on this subject? Whom do you
ask? What Negroes do you know whom you would consider leaders
among colored people in Chicago? in the United States?
10. Did you ever read a Negro periodical? What did you think of it?
11. What subjects of discussion most frequently lead to the Negro?
 12. In what circles is this subject most frequently discussed?
13. If it were in your power to make whatever social adjustment you
deemed wise, what disposition would you make of the Negro
population?
14. If Negroes obstinately objected to your plan and you still had
power, what would you do?
15. What do you think of the following propositions:
a) When you educate Negroes you increase their demands.
Either their education should be curtailed or modified or
their demands granted.
b) Prejudice has its principal basis in fear.
c) Isolating groups favors the unhampered development of
special group prejudices. Do prejudices form a background
of conflicts? The greater the isolation, the greater the
prejudices and, as would naturally follow, the greater the
chances of conflict.
d) A minority of the population should not expect complete
justice at the hands of an overwhelming majority.

Their answers are given separately. The letters used to designate the
different persons are arbitrary.
A—
I have rather definite opinions of Negroes. As a class they cannot be
depended upon. They are shiftless and really must be treated like
children. I make allowance for the fact that they have not the years of
education back of them.
My opinions are based on visits made to the South and on information
obtained from relatives who live in the South as well as from the
colored help we have had. As a child my contact with Negroes began
with our Negro house servants, and my first consciousness of a racial
difference came while visiting relatives in the South. I know but two
persons who might speak with authority on the race question. They
are Edgar A. Bancroft and Miss Mary McDowell. It is very seldom that
I inquire for information on this subject. People whom I know are not
interested in the problem.
 The only Negroes whom I know are my present colored help and
those who have worked for me. I don't know whom to consider
leaders among the colored people either in Chicago or in the United
States. Concerning the Negro periodicals, I have occasionally read
copies of one of their newspapers which bore out my opinion of their
simple minds. Discussion of domestic help and of newspaper articles
about Negroes and sociological conditions most frequently lead to the
discussion of the Negro in my circle. If it were in my power to do so, I
would segregate Negroes as to living quarters and do all possible to
help them educate and help themselves.
Concerning proposition (a) I agree that if you educate Negroes, you
increase their demands, but I also believe that as they become
educated, greater demands will arise in their own groups.
In my opinion prejudice has its principal basis in the fact that one
can't depend upon Negroes.
I do not believe that it is necessarily true that a minority of the
population should not expect complete justice at the hands of the
majority if the proper appeal is made.

B—
I have more or less definite opinions about Negroes. I believe that as
a race they are entitled to more leniency and consideration than we
would give to adult whites because as a race they are not as mature
as whites. I think it is unfortunate that we have such a race question
to deal with, but we ought to meet it squarely and insist that under
the law Negroes are entitled to equal protection and equal
consideration. I do not believe in any attempt at social equality
because the antipathy between whites and Negroes is so acute that
such attempt would not only break down itself but it would lead to
serious race difficulties. I think the Negro race has as much right to
protect its race purity as the white race. I believe Negro women are
entitled to the same protection from white men that we demand on
behalf of white women against black men. I believe Negroes should
have decent housing conditions, proper social outlets and
opportunities to earn a living at the same wages paid white men for
the same class and character of work. They should share equally in
the benefits of government, with particular reference to schools,
bathing-beaches, playgrounds, parks, etc. They should be protected
against exploitation by employers, property owners, merchants, etc.
I do think Negroes possess distinguishing traits of both mentality and
character. For many years now I have come into more or less personal
contact with Negroes. I have been in contact with them in public
schools, in colleges, in politics and in civic work. I cannot say that any
particular incidents or experiences stand out in my memory.
My opinions are based upon my personal observation, personal
contacts with Negroes and discussions with other white persons
having independent contacts. As a child I had practically no real
contact of any kind with Negroes. I don't recall now any Negro
children in any of my primary grades, and while there were Negroes in
my native city, they were few and in a neighborhood far removed
from my own home. I imagine that I was first conscious of a racial
difference when I first saw a Negro.
I don't recall any early prohibition against association with Negroes
although I do recall clearly that the attitude of my family and
associates, generally, was not one of approval. Negroes were
regarded as an inferior race, and I think as a child I gathered the
impression that contact with them was to be avoided. My feeling is
that if in normal circumstances I had been thrown into more or less
contact with Negroes, prohibition against association, except where
absolutely necessary, would have been forthcoming.
I have never formally asked for information on the subject, but I have
discussed the matter with a good many people and have given
thought to it. I know a good many Negroes, not only in Chicago but
outside, but I don't know many of them intimately. Among the leaders
of the Negroes in Chicago are Dr. Bentley, Dr. George C. Hall, Edward
H. Morris, Edward H. Wright, Louis B. Anderson, Oscar De Priest. In
the United States, since the death of Booker T. Washington, I imagine
that two of the outstanding men are Mr. Moton and Professor Du Bois.
I am a subscriber to the Crisis. In general my feeling is that the
tendency of this periodical is to stimulate and foster race feeling
among the Negroes. I don't say this critically. It may be the best thing
to do, considering all the circumstances, and anything that will make
for growth in self-respect, character and initiative on the part of the
Negroes is to be commended even if, at the same time, race spirit is
fostered and developed.
Generally speaking, I find that discussion most frequently leads to the
Negroes when there are questions of lynching, race riots, crimes or
disturbances in which Negroes are involved. It also comes up in
connection with public schools, churches, parks and public
transportation systems. I had it arise recently in connection with the
Naval Academy at Annapolis. My experience is that this subject is
most frequently discussed among those interested in social problems.
I used to think that the Negro question might be best solved if the
Negroes would be colonized in some favorable spot in Africa under an
American protectorate until they were capable of self-government. I
realize, however, that no such scheme ought to be attempted if the
Negroes obstinately objected, and in that event I would see to it, if I
had the power, that they were protected from exploitation, were given
a square deal and had the equal protection of the laws. They should
have schools adequate to their needs and average living conditions.
I believe the Negro race should be educated, but I believe at the
same time that the most solid foundation for the race is education in
accordance with the ideas of the late Booker T. Washington as I
understand those ideas. While I think this type of education will mean
more for the race in the long run I believe at the same time that
individual Negroes should have an opportunity fully to develop
individual capacities.
I think there is an element of fear in the prejudice of Negroes, but I
don't think this is the chief element. I think the real basis for this
prejudice is a racial antipathy that is instinctive and fundamental in
the white race. I imagine that in individual cases where this prejudice
does not exist it is not because it was not there originally, but because
it has been overcome by reason and education. It isn't unlikely that
this prejudice is in the main grounded upon an instinct in the white
race to keep its strain pure and strong.
It seems to me that it isn't isolation so much as it is contact that
favors the development of race prejudice. If the Negroes had never
been brought out of Africa, we wouldn't feel the prejudice that we do.
Or, if they were restricted to one or two southern states, prejudice in
other parts of the country would rapidly disappear. A community that
has no Negro problem is relatively free from prejudice. It is when the
two races come into contact that prejudices run riot and race conflicts
result. My own opinion is that if you should scatter the Negro
population throughout Chicago and its suburbs and put one or two
Negro families in every block, race prejudice would increase
enormously.
A minority of the population will not get complete justice at the hands
of an overwhelming majority. But this is true of all minorities, whether
racial, political, or religious. All we can do is to keep working for an
 approximation to ideal justice. A minority has the right to demand,
and a majority should be willing to grant, substantial justice and that
is all that can be expected in the present state of civilization.

C—
My opinion is that we must cling to the ideal of Lincoln—the right of
every human being to equality in the real sense of the term. I have
found, however, that Negroes are dull and sensitive. These opinions
are based upon observation at Tuskegee and in this school—[the
Lewis Institute]. Among my outstanding experiences is a visit made to
Tuskegee and meeting Booker T. Washington. The visit showed great
hope for the Negro. As a child I had no contact aside from living in
the same city with them.
It has always been considered unwise in the circles in which I moved
for whites and blacks to associate socially. I first became conscious of
a race difference when a very small child—about three years of age.
Booker T. Washington, Cable, Dunbar, southerners and northerners
who have traveled in the South are probably best fitted to speak for
Negroes. I do inquire of both Negroes and whites for information. The
only Negroes I know are working people. Robert Jackson, alderman,
and Ed. Green, lawyer. Booker T. Washington's successor. I have read
one Negro paper. It was insistent in a very fair way on the political
rights of the Negro. Good. Lynchings, lying, stealing, and the
attacking of little girls are the subject of discussion that most
frequently lead to the Negro, and these occur principally among men
who have seen Negroes socially and women who have hired them.
As a solution I would colonize them in Africa, and if they objected I
would use all peaceable means to force them to go.
Regarding the propositions: Their education should be increased and
the demands produced by education met.
Prejudice has its basis in race repulsion. Unless the isolation is African
colonization, there will be group prejudices.
Every man or group should demand and get complete justice.

D—
I assume that it is a fact recognized by science that Negroes are so
different from whites that the two races cannot be amalgamated. This
fact interposes a barrier to social relationships. I share in the general
dislike of Negroes as neighbors or traveling companions on the street
cars. The white race is responsible for the existence of the Negro
problem in America, and must submit patiently to the penalty for
many years to come. Lincoln's second inaugural is the best expression
of this thought. The Negro race is extraordinarily docile and easy to
handle. If surrounded by good living conditions and given a proper
education they would be good citizens. The progress of their race
since slavery, considering their many handicaps, has been very
creditable. The prejudice against them is probably the most deep-
seated of all American prejudices, and must be reckoned with as one
of the great factors in the problem.
In my opinion they are characterized by distinctly inferior mentality,
deficient moral sense, shiftlessness, good nature, and a happy
disposition. I have in mind no special facts, authorities or sources of
information on which I base my opinions. I do, however, recognize the
bearing of Christianity on the problem, and find it impossible to
formulate a viewpoint which I can reconcile with the demands of
Christianity.
We had a Negro family chauffeur some years ago who misconducted
himself so seriously as to have caused a very considerable increase in
the family prejudice against the race. If he had been an Irish man our
prejudice against him would not have extended to his race. As a child
I had no contacts with Negroes, excepting one or two fellow-pupils in
public schools of whom I saw very little, and a few servants in the
neighborhood who were of the old-fashioned type, of pleasant
memory.
I can recall no early prohibitions of association with Negroes. There
were so few in my neighborhood that they constituted no real
problem. As to implied prohibitions, I suppose I understood at a very
early age the existing social difference, although I remember no
instances of this.
I cannot remember when I first became conscious of a racial
difference, but I assume it was at a very early age.
I do not know that I can cite any friends, acquaintances, favorite
authors or scholars well fitted to speak with authority on the question.
Lincoln's views always seemed true to me, while I have not been so
favorably impressed by southern writers. Every southerner I have ever
met, no matter how reasonable on other subjects, seemed to be
incapable of looking at this question with an open mind. His
confidence that he knew all about the Negro and the problem seemed
absolute, and therefore he was not in position to learn. I occasionally
inquire for information on this subject. Naturally most of the men of
whom I have made inquiries have been white, as I come in contact
with very few Negroes. I have, however, talked with Negroes who
have expressed their willingness to be segregated if the segregation
was complete enough to rid their district of all whites, and give them
fair living conditions. I cannot say that I know any Negroes, although
there are a few with whom I have sufficient acquaintance to talk with
them occasionally. As to their leaders in Chicago, I have assumed that
their political leaders and their ministers were their leaders, the
ministers having a larger place of leadership than ministers among
white people. I used to come in contact occasionally with colored
lawyers who were capable men, and I believe leaders of their race,
and I understand that there is a colored physician, whose name I
cannot recall, who is the real leader of the best Negroes in Chicago.
Nationally I could not name any since the death of Booker
Washington, whom I very much admired, excepting Du Bois whom I
have heard speak, and with whose views I do not sympathize. I do
not remember ever reading a Negro periodical.
As I live on the South Side the subject of discussion most frequently
leading to the Negro is their encroachment on white residence
districts. Two years ago my church was given up to a colored
congregation, and the church into which we were transferred is
seriously threatened by the same invasion. Property interests in a
large part of the South Side bring up the question, as does the
unpleasantness of meeting them on the street cars. I do not hear
serious constructive discussion in any circle. The invasion is deplored
in all circles, social, business, church and others.
I would not undertake to make any social adjustment on my present
information, except segregation of the Negroes in a part of the South
Side, and this only if it had the approval of their own leaders. I do not
approve of "Jim Crow" street cars for Chicago, although I would not
insist on their abandonment in southern cities where they are already
used, and I would not favor any radical change if the better Negroes
obstinately objected.
I believe in educating Negroes, even though I am not sure to what it
will lead. I hope that as the race progresses the prejudice against it
will be modified. Still this prejudice is so very great that I think it
would be foolish for the Negroes ever to seek a high station through
demands. Probably many of their demands should be granted, but
 they will make greater progress by reckoning with the prejudice, and
continuing their present conciliatory attitude.
I do not believe that prejudice is based on fear. There is, of course, a
well-founded fear of many individual Negroes, but I do not believe
that the white race is conscious of any fear of the Negro race as such.
I think the prejudice is based on the relative inferiority of the Negro
race.
As a general proposition this is doubtless true that isolation fosters
prejudice. As applied to Negroes, however, it is doubtful whether it
would produce more conflict than the present system. I would feel
more hopeful of the overcoming of the prejudice through more
intimate contact with Negroes if the difference between Negroes and
white men were not so fundamental.
As an abstract proposition the despotism of a majority cannot be
justified. I would say it is a very bad doctrine to spread among a
majority, but has in it a certain amount of practical truth which the
minority would do well to bear in mind.

E—
Negroes do possess distinguishing traits of mentality and character.
My opinions are based upon my personal observation.
As I knew the Negro in the South he was inclined to be indolent,
shiftless and lacking in a high sense of honesty, though religious. His
disposition is a happy one, and often his good will is shown in many
ways of gratitude and faithfulness. These traits I have seen expressed
in service as servants, in the cotton fields, in their homes, and on
town streets. In Chicago, when the Negro has long been a resident
here, having larger advantages in education and employment, I find
the colored man honest in business and other transactions, diligent at
work, and inoffensive, but firmly standing for his citizenship rights,
and wanting to live peaceably. My Chicago experience has been
principally as a physician visiting in Negro homes.
When a boy I worked in the cotton fields with Negroes, and I
attended some of their religious meetings for the sake of amusement.
It was a social law in the South that we must not eat at the same
table with Negroes, and we were not to sit with colored people when
riding on street cars or on trains. However, if a Negro was driver of a
horse and buggy, the most beautiful and refined woman might sit on
the same seat with the colored driver. White people visiting a colored
 church were given seats to themselves, usually front seats. Colored
children could not attend white schools. At the age of six when I first
saw Negroes, I became conscious of a race difference.
I regard Rev. John R. Hayworth as fitted to advise on the question. I
have sought information from about twenty-five Negroes when in
their midst as their physician. I am acquainted with at least a dozen
Negro families but can give the names of only three. I consider
Alderman De Priest, Mr. Lucas and Colonel Jackson leading colored
men; Dr. George Hall is also well known. I have never read a Negro
periodical.
In Chicago the subject of undesirable neighbors leads to the
discussion of Negroes in our neighborhood improvement clubs.
Believing that both black and white people prefer to live separately, I
would make agreeable provision for separate locations in which each
might live and in so doing abide by the wish of the majority and
enforce its dictates.
The Negro should be given the advantage of education, culture and
good employment. We should expect to grant him better living
conditions on account of such advantages.
Prejudice against the Negro has its principal basis in not
understanding him, as well as fear and an inborn dislike for people of
another race.
There never seemed to be any conflicts in the South because the
whites and blacks occupied separate parts of towns. Colored people in
the South seem to prefer to live in communities to themselves,
because a bond of sympathy holds them together.
It is better for a minority to bear an injustice than for an
overwhelming majority to bear an injustice.

F—
Negroes should have the same rights as we.
I know of no distinguishing traits.
My opinion is based largely on reading, as I never lived in the South. I
had no early contacts. There were few Negroes near, and none in my
schools. As authorities I would mention Professor Du Bois, Fannie B.
Williams, Professor Graham Taylor. I know an able colored woman, a
 member of the Chicago Woman's Club and women who have worked
in our home.
Occasionally I read a Negro periodical.
The discussion of lynchings and riots at home and church lead most
frequently to the Negro.
Our schools, trades and professions should be opened to Negroes and
they be permitted to take care of themselves. Let them follow their
own bent so long as it injures no one else.
Of course, when you educate Negroes you increase their demands.
Grant their demands.
Egotism and the jealousy that we whites are better are the basis of
prejudice.
It is true that a minority has no right to expect complete justice from
the majority, if Negroes reason from experience; but the colored race
probably has idealists who hope for better future treatment.

G—
The trouble is with the whites; selfishness and pride have caused the
situation and the regulation of the Negro according to faulty concepts
of right will always fail. The Stock Yards riots gave proof of equality in
passion, cowardliness, and unfairness between blacks and whites.
Negroes lag in evolution through hinderment. They may put reason
above emotion as they develop mentally, as do cultured whites, but a
better evolution may bring trained intuition from crude emotion.
My opinions are based upon short trips South, residence in Louisville
and northern contacts, plus general reading.
My only contacts are on the streets.
Children's talk and the term "Nigger" just called my attention to a race
difference.
I know a few highly educated Negro pastors. I never read Negro
papers. The subject of interracial marriage leads to the discussion of
the Negro.
As a solution they should be distributed without boundaries, among
whites, as to residence, occupation and society. They would not
object; it is what they fight for—equality.
 Negro faults are the result of retarded mental growth. Why further
retard them? The problem ceases to be as their mental level rises.
Prejudice is the result of selfishness in whites. Your third proposition is
absolutely true.
Injustice to the minority by the majority is unconstitutional, un-
Christian and unwise.

H—
My opinion is that the Negro is entitled to life, liberty, and the pursuit
of happiness as well as the white. The very fact that his skin is
differently colored than mine is no reason why he should not be free
to develop himself mentally, morally, and physically the same as I do.
Observation is basis of my opinion. No contacts or warnings as a child.
No friends particularly familiar with question.
I have given this matter some little consideration, and have discussed
it with some Negroes as well as many white men. It is my opinion that
the consensus of opinion among Negroes to whom I have talked is
that they have no particular desire to mix socially with the white man,
but that they do feel they should be given opportunity for
development along those lines for which they are best fitted. I am not
acquainted particularly with any of the leaders in this movement
anywhere.
I read no Negro periodical. Racial equality is the subject that leads to
the Negro.
In all circles where general subjects are usually discussed the question
of the Negro arises.
Until the white man is ready to give the Negro a square deal, I would
suggest that he be segregated, and given every opportunity for
development possible under such segregation. If they objected I
would insist upon majority rule.
Nothing is gained by keeping the Negro ignorant, any more than
would be gained by keeping the white man ignorant. Education of all
of our races will bring about the world's salvation.
Prejudice among white women has its basis in fear but not particularly
among men. This is partly due to the publicity given to all acts against
women by Negroes, in my judgment.
 The history of the world has proved that most of the races on earth
tend to group themselves, which is the natural thing, because of the
community of interest.
Until the Golden Rule is accepted unanimously majority rule will
continue to be the human law and under our present world political
arrangements, it seems to be about as fair as any arrangement could
be.

I—
The Negro seems to me to be evolutionally handicapped, but
possesses the qualities of children—imitativeness, affection, loyalty,
receptiveness, lack of responsibility, carelessness, improvidence. They
also seem to me to lack racial pride, for which their history in this
country may well account. There are fine Negroes and those who are
as worthless as "poor white trash." To judge them all by either the
best or the worst would be manifestly unfair. I feel that they have, as
a race, never had a fair chance for their finest development.
I have lived among them and practiced medicine in their families for
ten years.
The most tender, loving service, beyond monetary recompense, of one
Negro woman who worked in my family for ten years. Her intimate,
gentle, faithful services to members of my family in health and
sickness will always endear her to us and make us more conscious of
the possibilities of members of that race.
The community in which I was raised had so few Negroes that there
was no occasion for contacts or prohibitions to association. I suppose
as a boy I first became conscious of race difference.
I have discussed this question with intelligent Negroes, have heard
some fine sermons by Negro preachers, and am somewhat familiar
with the writings of Booker T. Washington and Du Bois.
I do not read their periodicals.
Mention of the servant cited in a foregoing question, newspaper
accounts of lynchings, house-bombings most frequently lead to
discussion of Negroes among our personal friends.
I feel that Negroes would be happier if segregated in neighborhoods
which allowed contact with the dominant race. I feel that they are as
unhappy to be isolated among whites as the whites would be to be
 isolated among Negroes. I feel they should have the right to live
under decent conditions, with those things which make life livable and
enjoyable. Probably part of my unwillingness to have them for
neighbors lies in the fear of undesirable neighbors (bad citizens), in
the fear of property depreciation which would follow, and because of
the lack of interests in common that make for neighborly intercourse.
I suppose I am as inconsistent as others in this, for in my heart I have
no prejudice of which I am aware, yet I believe I am infected with the
universal indefinite prejudice, if I could but analyze it thoroughly.
Their education should not be curtailed, but enlarged. Their demands
should be granted if not incompatible with the common good.
It is probably true that prejudice is based on fear, a result of the
abuse of female slaves by the whites in slavery time, and the resultant
desire on the part of a few Negroes engendered during the
reconstruction period by the carpet-baggers, to have social equality. I
have discussed this subject of "social equality" with intelligent, fine
Negroes, and believe they meant what they said when they assured
me that among decent Negroes there is no more desire for this than
there is among the white people. I feel that it is a bugaboo, useful in
increasing fear and prejudice against the Negro.
By segregation, I did not mean isolation, but the natural grouping
together of Negroes under wholesome conditions, but which
permitted their contact through employment, through meetings for
the common good, with the dominant race.
Even a minority has the right to expect and demand justice in
opportunity to develop industrial, social and spiritual growth. I
recognize that education of both whites and blacks is necessary to
overcome fear and prejudice and make this possible.

J—
My opinion, which is still open to conviction, is that the Negro race
overlaps the white race throughout the bulk of the frequency curves
of distribution of intelligence of the two races; but the average of the
Negro race is probably lower than that of the white race, and among
the extreme varieties the Negroes probably go lower and the whites
higher than the similar varieties of the other race. This refers to
distribution of inherent capacity. But I believe that many of them are
modifiable and differ only in their average distribution from similar
qualities in whites. Also that certain distinguishing traits may be so
adjusted to the circumstances under which Negroes are educated and
employed as to be distinctly advantageous, both to themselves and to
society.
Aside from my conversation with southerners, I have made a special
study of the Negro problem in connection with my undergraduate
work, and again at the University of Pennsylvania. I am familiar with a
number of worth-while sources which can be listed on request. I lived
for four winters in St. Louis, where I saw a great many Negroes, but
knew none. Some excitement was caused there by an instructor
inviting a mulatto school principal to address our sociology class.
There was no protest here in Evanston. I also passed through the
South, and stopped twice at New Orleans.
As a child in Portland, Oregon, I had two Negro nurses. At the age of
perhaps seven or eight years, one of my nurses returned for a visit,
and I was teased by companions for kissing her. That was my first
consciousness of a racial difference.
My authorities and sources of importance are the N.A.A.C.P., Urban
League, the Race Relations Commission, and certain Negroes. I might
also mention the two Spingarns and Mr. Roger Baldwin. I know C. S.
Johnson, T. Arnold Hill and the colored members of the Commission,
together with the union leaders whom I heard. W. E. B. Du Bois,
Haynes, Dr. Roman, J. W. Johnson, T. A. Hill, I regard as leaders
among the Negroes.
I read the Crisis, and occasional newspapers. The Crisis is good
except the fiction; the newspapers are rather poor.
Race relations, mob action, venereal disease, and housing questions
lead to discussion of the Negro.
As a solution I suggest equal facilities, spontaneous segregation,
spontaneous co-operation in common interest, education in matters of
sex. In this program there would be no compulsion involved—unless
possibly upon the whites.
Their education should be modified and their demands granted so far
as they can be harmonized with the general good.
The main question involved in prejudice seems to me whether it is an
interest or an instinct. If it is an interest then changes in social
organization may with comparative ease abate the fear and the
prejudice. If it is an instinct then we can only deal with it by
repression and sublimation of a more deeply psychological character.
 I question whether the prejudice is greater the greater the isolation.
The word isolation should be analyzed into physical or economic on
the one hand, and psychological on the other.
Plato asked, "What is justice?" The answer can never be final, and
one's concept of it is usually colored by interest. A sociological
definition of justice is in terms of harmony or harmonization of
interests. Complete harmony never does exist, else we should have no
thought and no progress, but harmonization of interests can be a
continuous process, and is not irreconcilable with the existence of
minorities and majorities.

K—
I have formed no definite opinions about Negroes. I am inclined to
the opinion that generally the balance is found on the side of the
white races. In general I believe they possess distinguishing traits of
mentality and character. I find it very difficult, however, to define my
opinion regarding this.
When I was in high school in Petersburg, Illinois, from 1895 to 1898,
the school had an attendance of about forty. There were two Negroes,
a boy and a girl. The boy's name was John Gaddie. I have the
impression now that they both acted as though they were out of
place. I found John a likeable boy. I think all of the members of the
school liked him. I particularly liked him, so paid considerable
attention to him, to which John reacted in a decided manner. He
never forgot it. I do not like to shake hands with Negroes. I avoid it
whenever I can, but I never had any hesitancy in shaking hands with
John. After finishing school, I went to college and John went to work.
His work was some sort of manual labor. From time to time when I
went back to Petersburg I saw John, always spoke to him, shook
hands with him and talked to him. John appreciated this very much
and acted as though he regarded it a condescension on my part. I am
not aware that I feel toward any other Negro as I feel toward John
Gaddie.
I was first conscious of a racial difference when I first knew the
Negro, which was when I was about fifteen years of age. In the small
town of Petersburg (about 3,000 inhabitants) the Negroes there, as
here in Chicago, lived in a segregated district. There were no clashes
between the Negro and the whites but the racial difference was
obvious enough.
I know very few Negroes. I know too little to be in a position to
consider anyone as a leader among the colored people in Chicago or
the United States. I never read a Negro periodical. The subjects most
frequently leading to the discussion of the Negro are riots, housing
problems, certain industrial problems, and, here in Chicago, politics.
The fact that the Negroes obstinately objected quite logically would
not interfere with making any adjustment which seemed "wise." The
social adjustment which seemed "wise" would have to be based on
the possibility of objection on the part of the Negro. If the leaders
were obstinate, some other solution would have to be worked out, but
if the leaders saw that it was wise and for the best interest of the
masses I would insist that the plan be tried out.
I do not comprehend what is meant by "demand." It may mean
ambition for social standing in the sense of intermingling with the
whites. It may mean other things. No matter what it means, I am not
impressed, if the statement is true, that it is any reason for not
educating the Negro. I am not impressed that it becomes necessary
either to curtail or modify the Negro's education or to grant their
demands whatever they may be.
I do not think it true that prejudice has its basis in fear.
So far as I am familiar with it there is naturally a very high degree of
segregation of the Negro as to living quarters everywhere. I am not
aware that the segregation which we now find of habitation brings
about the development of special group prejudices. Undoubtedly, if
there are or were such prejudices they would form the background of
conflicts. It doesn't seem to me to follow that the greater the isolation
the greater the prejudice.
There never is complete justice; but if a minority may not expect
justice at the hands of an overwhelming majority it can expect no
justice at all. The justice, if it comes at all, will be at the hands of an
overwhelming majority. Theoretically, in this country all are entitled to
justice. I know no reason why this should not be true in a practical
sense. Furthermore, I see no reason why a minority may not only
expect but demand, at the hands of an overwhelming majority,
justice. It seems to me that if the overwhelming majority hoped to
prosper, it would see to it that justice was dispensed to the minority. I
do not find myself ready to place the Negro on an equal basis with
the white in every respect, that is, socially and otherwise. I do not
regard the failure to so place the Negroes as injustice to them.
L—
In general, I like the Negro, but I lament his presence in this country
in large numbers. I have never heard a solution of the Negro problem.
Their distinguishing traits are ignorance, good nature, mental
weakness, and physical strength.
I have never heard of good arguments for extensive isolation.

M—
I have a strong prejudice, but it is undefined. For instance, the hair of
Negroes always holds a peculiar fascination, but under no
consideration could I touch it, but there was always a great curiosity
about it. I was undecided whether or not I should shake hands or in
any way touch a colored skin, but I am quite sure I would never do it
from choice. The everyday contacts on street cars are the only
personal experiences I have had. The fascination of watching them is
constant.
When I was about two years old a family moved into the village
bringing with them an old colored nurse. She was too old to work,
and my childish remembrance is that she always sat in the corner
near the fireplace with a pipe in her mouth. I did not know that the
Negro could do anything else.
When I was about five years old a Negro came to the village and
opened a barber shop. I remember my father telling mother about the
Negro and how he took the three small children down to see
"Snowball" as a matter of curiosity. My reaction was that the Negro
was not a person such as I was accustomed to seeing, although there
was no feeling of classing him as an animal.
The third contact came when I was half-grown. My father was
prominent in politics and on election day the table was kept set so
that anyone sent from the polls could have a meal. By some chance a
Negro was sent and ate. After he had gone I remember seeing my
mother take the plate and other dishes out in the yard and scour
them with brick dust, evidently with an idea that something had
rubbed off.
My information is largely taken from the books of Booker T.
Washington. I admired Dunbar's poems when they were current in the
newspapers and magazines. I have not seen any of them for many
years but remember vividly, "When the Bread Won't Raise." I was
 naturally familiar with Uncle Tom's Cabin, both as a book and a play in
Civil War days. I do not consciously seek for information on the
subject of Negroes and do not personally know any Negroes. Outside
of the names which appear in the press I do not know of any Negro
leaders and could not be sure of correct information as to those who
are well known.
I have never seen a Negro periodical and have so rarely heard
Negroes discussed that no conclusions can be given. The Negro is
rarely a topic of conversation in my circle.
As a solution they might be nationalized if possible, somewhere and
somehow, like the Japs. Liberia is a failure largely because of white
leadership and policy. Some portion of the earth should be set aside
where the Negroes can be a nation, perhaps in Africa. They have a
right to work out their own problems in their own ways.
All Negroes should be educated as highly as possible. They have a
right to it because they are Americans. If demands follow this
education, it is right they should be granted.
There is no personal fear of Negroes as a basis of my prejudice.
I agree with the third proposition as to isolation.
Majority's injustice to minority is always true in politics, religion,
everyday dealings. Is not peculiar to relations between white and
colored.

N—
My views are more impressions than opinions. I have a distinct
aversion to close association with Negroes generally. On the other
hand I have a distinct liking for particular Negroes whom I have been
thrown with. Aside from the more educated ones, they seem to me to
be of a sluggish mentality and of somewhat low moral character. They
seem to have more of the animal in them. I am not sure that this is
not an impression rather than an opinion.
I have no basis for my views except my own experience and what I
have read in papers and periodicals.
I had two Negro classmates in college; I saw a good deal of Negroes
as a boy; and I have known Negroes, some well educated, since I
came to Chicago from the law school.
Although my contacts were largely casual, I particularly remember
one very old Negro man whom I regarded as a sort of patriarch and
of whom I was a little bit afraid. Then I recall vividly my impression of
the filth and sordidness of "darky-town" in the small city in which I
lived as a boy. I was never forbidden, so far as I can remember, to
associate with Negroes. In public school there was no separation of
the races. As a small boy, it seems to me my playmates in school were
partly Negroes. Of course the Negroes, as is usual, lived in a separate
part of the city. I should say that this seemed to me then to be a
natural and necessary arrangement. Negroes were black and we were
white. That was about all there was to it.
Very early I became race conscious, I should say along about the
fourth or fifth grade in school, perhaps even before.
I regard as authorities on the question teachers or officers of Fisk
University, Tuskegee Institute, those who have to do with criminals;
employers of Negroes; persons who have dealt with Negroes as a
class as well as individually. Booker T. Washington's writings should be
an authority.
I have made very few inquiries for information. I know few Negroes in
Chicago. Those that I do know are of the better educated type. Some
of them, I think, have been at Fisk University. I do not know the
leaders in the city, nor do I know the leaders in the country; but I
should say they are the heads of the great Negro universities and
colleges, like Fisk, Tuskegee, Lincoln Institute. Booker Washington
was, of course, a leader. I do not know who his successors are.
So far as I know, I have seen only one Negro periodical, some years
ago. The article I read in it I happened to be interested in because I
was dealing with the subject of it, and it was undoubtedly a
prejudiced article founded on misinformation and a rather wilful
disregard of facts. As I recall the paper as a whole its main motive
and purpose was an apparent hatred of the white race. I realize that
this is not enough to base an opinion on.
The discussion of labor, politics, especially questions connected with
southern politics, almost any question relating to the South,
education, home missions, living conditions, the servant problem,
crime, most frequently lead to the Negro.
It would hardly be feasible to send Negroes out of the country as a
whole; they are needed in the industrial world, and it would not be a
Christian act to deport them. Nor does it seem right or practicable or
 just to segregate them entirely. They need education and the help
that comes from association with those who are further along in the
polite amenities. On the other hand, unless they are somewhat
segregated racial troubles are sure to arise when a Negro tries to
settle, say, in the same block with upper class whites. I am not sure
that it might not be a good plan if one or two of the southern states
could be turned over to the Negroes, but if this is done they should be
allowed to govern themselves and should be protected from
exploitation from unscrupulous whites.
It seems to me that race prejudice is not based principally on fear, but
rather on a natural aversion or shrinking from a man of another color.
It is almost as elemental as fear. We fear any uneducated, ignorant
and brutal man, whether he be white, red, black or yellow. We have
an aversion, as I have said, to close association with any man of
another color, even though he be educated. I do not know whether
this aversion is curable by any method or not.
I am inclined to agree with the third proposition, and I suppose the
fourth proposition is regrettably true.

The outstanding feature in the answers to the queries: "Have you

formed definite opinions about Negroes?" and "Do Negroes, in your
opinion, possess distinguishing traits of mentality or character?" is
the great variation in opinions. As a race they are "shiftless,"
"childish," "docile," "evolutionarily handicapped," "undependable,"
"some of them good," "they have as a mass a lower level of inherent
capacity," "disliked in the mass," "liked as individuals," "entitled to
the same leniency and consideration as whites," "entitled to the
same rights as whites," "lacking in racial pride," "loyal," "imitative,"
"affectionate," "improvident."
The feelings toward Negroes are as varied. There is aversion to close
association, a distinct dislike, a desire that Negroes should have
equal rights and privileges, a desire that they should have the same
rights, a feeling that Negroes have been mistreated and exploited, a
feeling that selfishness and pride of white persons have caused the
present racial situation, and a conviction that present behavior
toward the Negro is faulty and wrong. Lincoln is twice mentioned but
with different meanings. The trend of sentiment, while unfavorable
toward Negroes, maintains some sort of ideal. Although childish,
they "must be trained," "although we dislike their presence, we must
submit to our penalty for years to come," etc. Some are not sure of
their opinions. Some call them impressions or regret a lack of
knowledge. A general summing up would show a desire to be fair in
spite of unfavorable opinions.
The questions regarding the disposition they would make of Negroes
if they could entirely control the situation were put to get views
uninfluenced by considerations of present practicability. The play of
circumstances, opinion, ethical considerations, and difficulties were
excluded from consideration. The trend of replies was toward
segregation, even to the extent of colonization in Africa. There were
curious anomalies, like segregation without Jim Crow and
segregation for the Negro's own happiness. Others would distribute
them without boundaries throughout the social system. When
segregation is generally mentioned it is conditioned on the consent
of Negroes.
Interesting answers are made on propositions (a), (b), (c), and (d),
covering education, prejudice, isolation, and justice. In spite of
unforeseen danger, it is pretty generally agreed that Negroes should
be educated, even though their demands are thus increased. There
is less agreement on granting demands. The analysis of prejudice
brought a wide variety of opinions. Repulsion, natural aversion,
social equality and the sex complex, selfishness of whites, egotism
and inborn dislike, as well as fear, are accredited as forming the
basis of prejudice.
The problem of isolation was essentially a problem of segregation.
Strange to say, although the trend of some was toward isolation,
there was a majority belief that isolation would increase conflict and
friction. The ethical problem developed in general the opinion that
there does exist a disparity between what is and what should be.
The unwisdom of an unjust course of social conduct is recognized,
but is for the most part held to be warranted by the peculiar
difficulty of present relations. Here, probably as nowhere else, the
problem was compared with other general problems not involving
race.
The experiences on which opinions are based divide into definite
classes:
1. Experiences in the South.
2. Experiences with individual Negro servants.
3. Experiences with individual Negroes of intelligence.
4. General observation.
The actual basis of opinions as stated by the persons themselves
provides an interesting question.
The question concerning early childhood experiences was put to
draw out, if possible, impressions unconsciously insinuated or
consciously obtained but perhaps discounted and forgotten through
subsequent years of intermittent relations. It was successful in
bringing to light incidents of striking significance. The answers,
indeed, show striking elements in the heritage of racial
consciousness. Impressions gained in early life require many facts to
unsettle or remove.
Most important in considering the trustworthiness of information
sources are the replies to the question: "Whom of your friends,
acquaintances, favorite authors, scholars, etc., do you regard best
fitted to speak with authority on the question?" There are mentioned
seven Negroes and ten white persons. Of the four local Negroes
mentioned, two might be regarded as well informed; one has been
out of public life for fifteen years, and the other, although by no
means an authority, probably could provide interesting information.
Of the Negro national figures, Washington, Du Bois, and Dunbar are
mentioned, Washington three times, Dunbar and Du Bois once.
Booker T. Washington died in 1915. Paul Laurence Dunbar, the poet,
died in 1906. Practically all of the white persons mentioned have
been at some time connected with movements to improve conditions
among Negroes. George W. Cable wrote for the most part stories of
the Creole South.
It is strange, though, that in answering the question, "Who are the
Negro leaders?" so many gave the names of politicians, who are not
the real leaders of Negroes. About half of those who answered had
never read a Negro periodical, and half of those who had read them
considered their influence pernicious.

V. PUBLIC OPINION AS EXPRESSED BY NEGROES

The practice of "keeping the Negro in his place" or any modification

of it in northern communities has isolated Negroes from all other
members of the community. Though in the midst of an advanced
social system and surrounded by cultural influences, they have
hardly been more than exposed to them. Of full and free
participation they know little. The pressure of the dominant white
group in practically every ordinary experience has kept the attention
and interests of Negroes centered upon themselves, and made them
race conscious. Their thinking on general questions is controlled by
their race interests. The opinions of Negroes, therefore, are in large
measure a negative product.
It is probably for this reason that most of their expressions of
opinion take the form of protest. This same enforced self-interest
warps these opinions, giving exaggerated values to the unconsidered
views of the larger group, increasing sensitiveness to slights, and
keeping Negroes forever on the defensive. Extreme expressions,
unintelligible to those outside the Negro group, are a natural result
of this isolation. The processes of thought by which these opinions
are reached are, by virtue of this very isolation, concealed from
outsiders. Negroes by their words alone may often be judged as
radical, pernicious, or fanatic. Without the background of their
experiences it is no more possible for their views to be completely
understood than for Negroes to understand the confessed prejudices
of white persons, or even their ordinary feelings toward Negroes.
Negroes know more of the habits of action and thought of the white
group than white people know of similar habits in the Negro group.
For Negroes read the whites' books and papers, hear them talk, and
sometimes see them in the intimacy of their homes. But this one-
sided and partial understanding serves only to make the behavior of
the whites more keenly felt. Until these differences, long held as
taboo, are thoroughly understood and calmly faced, there is small
chance of satisfactory relations.
The opinions of Negroes on this question are as various as the white
opinions of the Negro. Their response may reflect, the sentiment of
the larger group; it may take a conciliatory turn, or, it may be
exclusively self-centered in disregard, if indeed not in defiance, of
the white group. The rapid growth of the Garvey movement[80] is a
good example of this last type of opinion. There is harmony of
opinion on ultimates, but on programs, processes, and methods
there are differences among Negroes that reach the intensity of
abusive conflicts.
No Negro is willing to admit that he belongs to a different and lower
species, or that his race is constitutionally weak in character. All
Negroes hope for an adjustment by virtue of which they will be
freely granted the privileges of ordinary citizens. They are conscious,
however, of an opposition in the traditions of the country and
actually meet it daily. Conflict arises from opinions as to methods of
combating and overcoming the opposition with the greatest gain and
smallest loss to themselves.
Thus we come to hear of different schools of thought among
Negroes. Booker T. Washington is contrasted with W. E. B. Du Bois,
and Du Bois is contrasted with Owen, Peyton, and Colson, and they,
in turn are contrasted with Garvey. Among individual Negroes
opinion is determined by experience as well as tradition. The Negro
house-servant does not feel toward white persons as does a Negro
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