The colonial era has left Zimbabwe communities in nothing but a bad space.

Discuss the
governance post-independence, socio-economic and political development implemented to
correct the colonial disorder

The government of Zimbabwe soon after independence embarked on a programme of post-war

reconstruction with the support of some foreign donors. The new government faced the pressing
challenge of reconstituting and realigning the inherited national policy making structures in line
with the new socio-politico-economic dispensation that had set in. Prior to independence there
were high inequalities with many blacks living in very poor living conditions. Inherited national
policy making systems and processes needed to be transformed from minority-focused to
majority-focused institutions. The inherited economy was also fraught with embedded
inequalities in income and wealth distribution, with the agricultural, education, industrial and
banking sectors among the most visibly affected (Zhou & Zvoushe, 2012). Against this
background, the need to address inequalities and injustices wrought by yesteryear policies
underpinned policy making during the first decade. Several policies were implemented including
growth with equity, transnational national development plan and economic structural adjustment
programme among other policies. The following is a discussion of the policies that were
implemented to correct the problems brought by the white settlers’ regime.

The first socio-economic policy the government implement was the Growth with Equity in 1981.
The Growth with Equity policy was also characterized by land resettlement on a willing buyer
willing seller basis (Zhou & Zvoushe, 2012). This policy was meant to address social economic
disparities inherited from the colonial era. The blacks did not have resources to purchase land
and as such the policy did not effectively address the land question. There were massive
subsidies for services such as education and health. The government promoted socialism and
partially relied on international aid which as such was not sustainable (Adesina, 2007).
According to Zhou, (2006), the first decade of redistributive policies witnessed marked
improvements in access to health and education by the previously marginalised black majority as
well as marked improvement in resource allocation. Health indicators such as life expectancy
and infant mortality improved. The free for all basic education policy saw a rapid growth in
schools and enrolment, in both primary and secondary schools by 1990. However, the policy did
become as successful as the government expected as the rapid growth in civil service
employment and spending on social services, drought relief, and parastatals generated a chronic
budget deficit, a high tax regime, and a rapid increase in public debt (Mumvuma, et al., 2006).
Therefore, these policies taken up by the government in 1980 were necessary so as to address the
imbalances but the way they were implemented was not sustainable. Socially the policies were a
success but economically they were not sustainable.

The government implemented the Transitional National Development Plan that ran from 1982 to
1990 (Mumbengegwi & Mabugu, 2002). This policy focused on achieving social justice and
equity. Zhou, (2006) alludes that it called for a greater role by the state through creation of state
enterprises to implement government programmes, worker participation and social cooperation.
It can be seen that the desire was to accelerate economic growth through promotion of
productive sectors. Government had a leading role to provide services and redistribution of
resources to redress inherited inequities and imbalances and access to basic needs. Before
independence black people had limited capacity to meet these needs themselves. Employment
and business opportunities were restricted, few people could develop the skills needed to prosper
through own enterprise hence the state felt compelled to actively assist in the allocation of
resources. The policy managed to create over 15000 jobs and enhanced rural agriculture
production according to (Adesina, 2007). However, the policy failed to address issues like;
equitable land redistribution, indigenisation and empowerment, product beneficiation, fiscal
restraint among other measures.

The government after realizing that the policies from during the first ten years after
independence, policies had not yet achieved tangible benefits came up with a new policy. The
Economic Structural Adjustment Programme (ESAP) which ran from 1991 to 1995 (Mashakada,
2013). This was an economic policy with the main aim of transforming the economy from being
heavily regulated to liberalization. The policy was an epic failure due to several reasons.
Mashakada, (2013) identified two mistakes or omissions at implementation which negatively
affected the ESAP Programme. The first one was lack of full commitment by some people in
government suspicious of the IMF as he suggested that there were the same people who should
have worked hard to make the programme a success but somehow their suspicions sabotaged the
reforms and acted as self-fulfilling prophecies of doom (Zhou & Zvoushe, 2012). The second
mistake was the failure by the work stream task force to bring on board tariffs to protect the local
manufacturing sector from import competition. Besides the human aspect in its failure, natural
causes such as the devastating drought of 1992 contributed to the failure of this policy.

The government implement another socio-economic policy called the Indigenization and
Economic Empowerment Policy in 2008 (Chikukwa, 2013). Drawing from the background of
colonial black marginalization in almost every sector in the economy, the indigenization policy’s
main provisions state that every existing business with an asset value of US$500 000 or more,
whether foreign or domestic, has to submit completed official forms describing the business and
showing its plan for ensuring that, within 5years, indigenous Zimbabweans will own at least 51
percent of the shares. The rationale behind the promulgation of the policy was to empower black
populations which were disadvantaged in the colonial era, to give them a chance to partake in the
national economy through owning businesses and generally increasing their stake in the
corporate sector. The strength of this policy was therefore premised on the nobility of the cause
that gave impetus to its creation (Mashakada, 2013). The policy was a failure due to its proximity
to ministers who in themselves are political. The policy was much politicised that it lost traction
and failed to achieve its objectives. Another obvious negative implication of the policy was its
stalling of the investment drive. The policy made the country an undesirable investment
destination making more unpopular leading to its subsequent closure.

Following the end of the Government of National Unity (GNU), the Government launched the
Zimbabwe Agenda for Sustainable Socio-Economic Transformation (ZIMASSET). According to
Government of Zimbabwe (2013) this economic blue print was developed through a consultative
process involving political leadership in government, private sector and other stakeholders. The
ZIMASSET blue print was crafted whilst recognizing the continued existence of the ‘illegal’
economic sanctions, subversive activities and internal interferences from hostile countries. This
therefore, called for the need to come up with sanctions busting strategies, hence ZIMASSET’s
focus being on the full exploitation and value addition to the country’s own abundant human and
natural resources (Chikukwa, 2013). The policy was developed to guide national development
for the next five years up to 2018. The blue print is projected to have little positive impact on the
lives of Zimbabweans though it will record a significant economic growth whose dividends shall
remain marginal to the poor people of the country.
In the year 200 the government of Zimbabwe implement The Fast Track Land Reform
Programme. The policy was implemented after the failure by the government to fully redistribute
land using the willing buyer will seller models of 80s and the compulsory acquisition models of
the 90s (Brett, 2005). As the growing population was now more reliant on agriculture due to the
widespread unemployment that came after ESAP, there was need for the government to balance
this demand in land demand. The government implemented this FTLRP and resulted in
immediate transfer of land from a few minorities to majority of blacks who could not have
managed to purchase land from whites. According to Chikukwa, (2013) this policy is said to
have reduced the land ownership gap by more than 70 percent. Although it haphazardly done, t
resulted in many black households having ownership to land and a means to livelihoods.
However, this programme was not successful in uplifting the black community due an array of
factors. Zhou & Zvoushe, (2012) alluded that the first reason for the failure of the FTLRP was its
failure to allocate land based on capacity to use it. This has resulted in many people hoarding
vast tracks of land but at the same relying on food aid. Secondly, the country was placed under
economic blockade after the implementation of this programme. This resulted in many pillars of
the economy to collapse such as access to European markets and access to credit lines to fund the
agriculture industry.

To consolidate the gains from independence, the government of Zimbabwe embarked on a

process to draft a new constitution in 2009 (Mashakada, 2013). The constitution was passed in
2013. The new constitution introduced a wide range of rights for citizens, empowering them with
legal protections. It established institutions that promote democracy and ensure checks and
balances. These provisions aimed at creating a more inclusive and equitable society. Without
setting up this project, achievement of long term socio-economic and political independence was
going to be a dream. The constitution sets forth principles that guide public administration and
leadership (Mashakada, 2013). These principles emphasize transparency, accountability, and
efficient service delivery. Prio to independence in 1980, the constitution that was there only
served a few minorities group and black who formed the majority could were sidelined.
Continuing with such a policy albeit with amendments was not bringing the much-needed gains
from independence. However, the political polarization of the landscape in Zimbabwe impedes
the successful transformation of Zimbabwe after independence.
Overall, policies made in Zimbabwe from independence to date have the broad attributes of
distributive, redistributive and regulatory orientation. Policies of the first decade show a clear
direction to the assumptions of society centered public policies. Some of these policies have
registered numerous successes and other proved to be failures beyond doubt. The successes were
attributed to the commitment by the government especially during the first and second decade
after independence. An array of factors negated the policies achievements such as drought, lack
of political support, policy conflicts and lack of international support.

REFERENCES
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Sub-Saharan Africa, Geneva: United Nations Research Institute for Social Development.

Brett, T., 2005. Crisis States Programme From Corporatism To Liberalisation In Zimbabwe:
Economic Policy Regimes And Political Crisis 1980-1997, London: Development Destiny
Studies Institute.

Chikukwa, J. W., 2013. Zimbabwe: The end of the first republic.. Uk: Author-House.

Mashakada, T. J., 2013. Macroeconomic Consequences of Fiscal Deficits in Developing

Countries: A comperative Study of Zimbabwe and Selected African Countries (1980- 2008),
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Mumbengegwi, C. & Mabugu, R., 2002. Macroeconomic and Adjustment Policies in Zimbabwe
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Mumvuma, T., Mujajati, C. & Mufute, B., 2006. (2006). Understanding Economic Reforms: the
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Nations. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.

Zhou, G., 2006. From Interventionism to Market based Management Sytles: The Case of
Zimbabwe. Zambezia, Volume XXVIII.

Zhou, G. & Zvoushe, H., 2012. Public Policy Making in Zimbabwe: A Three Decade
Perspective. International Journal of Humanities and Social Science, 2(8), pp. 212-222.