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Relocations
S E X UA L C U LT U R E S
General Editors: José Esteban Muñoz and Ann Pellegrini
Times Square Red, Times Square Blue Manning the Race: Reforming Black Men
Samuel R. Delany in the Jim Crow Era
Marlon Ross
Private Affairs:
Critical Ventures in the Culture of Social Relations In a Queer Time and Place:
Phillip Brian Harper Transgender Bodies, Subcultural Lives
Judith Halberstam
In Your Face: 9 Sexual Studies
Mandy Merck Why I Hate Abercrombie and Fitch:
Essays on Race and Sexuality in the U.S.
Tropics of Desire: Dwight A. McBride
Interventions from Queer Latino America
José Quiroga God Hates Fags:
The Rhetorics of Religious Violence
Our Monica, Ourselves: The Clinton Affair Michael Cobb
and the National Interest
Edited by Lauren Berlant and Lisa Duggan Once You Go Black: Choice, Desire, and
the Black American Intellectual
Black Gay Man: Essays Robert Reid-Pharr
Robert Reid Pharr
Foreword by Samuel R. Delany The Latino Body: Crisis Identities in
American Literary and Cultural Memory
Passing: Identity and Interpretation in Lázaro Lima
Sexuality, Race, and Religion
Edited by María Carla Sánchez and Arranging Grief: Sacred Time and the
Linda Schlossberg Body in Nineteenth-Century America
Dana Luciano
Queer Globalizations: Citizenship and
the Afterlife of Colonialism Cruising Utopia:
Edited by Arnaldo Cruz Malavé and The Then and There of Queer Futurity
Martin F. Manalansan IV José Esteban Muñoz
Karen Tongson
a
N EW YO R K U N I V E R S I T Y P R E S S
References to Internet websites (URLs) were accurate at the time of writing. Nei-
ther the author nor New York University Press is responsible for URLs
that may have expired or changed since the manuscript was prepared.
Tongson, Karen.
Relocations : queer suburban imaginaries / Karen Tongson.
p. cm. — (Sexual cultures)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978–0–8147–8309–2 (cl : alk. paper) — ISBN 978–0–8147–8310–8
(pb : alk. paper) — ISBN 978–0–8147–8408–2 (e-book : alk. paper)
1. Gays—United States—Social conditions. 2. Suburbs—United States—
Social conditions. 3. Homosexuality—Social conditions—United States.
I. Title.
HQ76.3.U5T66 2011
306.76’620973091733—dc22 2011005582
List of Illustrations ix
Preface and Acknowledgments xi
Notes 215
Index 273
About the Author 283
vii
This page intentionally left blank
Illustrations
ix
BdP interstitial slide, “Banda Machos,” 2006 167
BdP promotional image, “Teenage Papi: The Second 176
Coming of Adolescence,” 2005
BdP interstitial slide, “34,” 2005 179
BdP promotional image, “Choco-Taco, Represent!,” 2004 180
Promotional flier (front), The Barber of East L.A. and 189
Hector Silva Retrospective, 2008
Promotional flier (back), The Barber of East L.A. and 190
Hector Silva Retrospective, 2008
BdP interstitial slide, “Dodgers Pennant,” 2006 206
BdP promotional image, “Teenage Papi: The Remix,” 2006 208
x Illustrations
Preface and Acknowledgments
xi
yards with me, smog alerts permitting: Keri Williams, Heather Lott, Joseph
Spagna, Paul Jacques, Carey Thacker, Natalie Patterson, Jessica Learned, Craig
Swart, Sarah Parry, and last but certainly not least, Jennifer Stoever-Ackerman,
who continues to share the school yard with me now as my colleague in this
wider world of the academy.
I am also indebted to the scholars and friends who guided me through my
undergraduate years at UCLA and who shared my first encounters with the
sprawling city that continues to both captivate and confound my imagination:
“Kvang,” Cali Linfor, Andrew Peck, Erin Coburn, John Tain, Elina Shatkin, Car-
olyn Clark, Janel Munguia, Kharon Hathaway, Holly Heaven, Robert N. Wat-
son, Thomas Wortham, Joseph Bristow, Karen Wallace, and the late Paula Gunn
Allen, whose fierce irreverence modeled for me what it meant not only to be a
better scholar but also a better person.
During my graduate studies at the University of California, Berkeley, I was
trained as a Victorianist and learned the methods of New Historicism. Though
I never actually grew up to be a Victorianist by trade, I hope my mentors and
teachers—Catherine Gallagher, Sharon Marcus, Celeste Langan, and Pheng
Cheah—will nevertheless read within these pages a commitment not only to
what they taught me, but also how they taught me to do it. I also thank Robert
Kaufman and Rei Terada for encouraging me to believe in my work not despite
but because of its tendency to move askew into unwieldy directions.
When I left Los Angeles and arrived in the Bay Area for grad school (in a
tiny apartment on Page and Buchanan in “The City”), I have to admit I cried the
whole first night. Soon enough—or maybe it took all seven years—I grew accus-
tomed to Northern California’s more petite geographies and superior air qual-
ity. I came to appreciate L.A.’s northern adversary thanks in no small part to my
coterie of friends, intellectual interlocutors, and athletic heroines at Berkeley and
beyond, particularly Gia Kim, Mai-lin Cheng, Gillian Harkins, William Bishop,
Thierry Nazzi, Joon Lee, Gil Hochberg, Keri Kanetsky, Mel Chen, Homay King,
Catherine Zimmer, Emma Bianchi, Trane Devore, Susan Zieger, Gayatri Gopi-
nath, Elizabeth Freeman, Amy Kautzman, Kimberly Nalder, Michael Silver, and
the Cal women’s softball team (2002–2005).
Of course, my time at Berkeley—including numerous international destina-
tions with SFO as their point of origin—was made all the richer, more com-
plex, more adventurous, and more loving by the companionship of Katrin Pahl. I
thank her for sharing her worlds and her family with me, and for continuing to be
a close and treasured friend.
As I explain throughout Relocations, one’s arrival in or return to the suburbs
is more often than not thought to herald the end of creativity. This was far from
my experience, especially when I returned to Southern California as a President’s
1
One of the frustrations of driving through suburban space is arriving at cul-
de-sacs (dead ends by a fancier name), meant to impede drivers in search of
shortcuts while maintaining the tranquility of subdivisions impervious to outsid-
ers. The end of this introduction may, perhaps, irritate you with an outro that
refuses the convenience of chapter summaries, the tidy paragraphs that provide
a shortcut through the sprawl of Relocations’ disparate landscapes, from Orange
County, to the Inland Empire, to East and Southeast Los Angeles. The profound
figures in my own queer of color suburban imaginary—the focal subjects and
objects of this book—appear instead in cameos throughout this introduction.
They announce themselves at key instances, when a topic or theory calls them
out to join individually or collectively. This approach is less for the sake of tran-
quility as it is a sincere appeal to your interest as a reader, one with the generosity
to follow Relocations through its contours and flows. Though I know it may be a
fantasy to expect everyone to read from cover to cover about the sprawling spaces
that ritually disabuse us of the concept of “boundaries,” I’m determined to luxuri-
ate in this delusion as a form of tribute to these landscapes without end that are
said to herald the end of everything.
Stylistically, the first half of this introduction may not seem all that glamorous
in its workmanly efforts to offer a sturdy structure for the embellishments and
improvisations that a beautiful facade and warm interior demand. But if you par-
don the construction and await the stillness of the machinery coming to a halt,
you may hear the music coming from another place you mistook as home.
2 Relocations
tive subjects have been dramatically rerouted. I invoke the spatial containments
mapped by Spigel’s work, known colloquially as the logic of “white flight,” as a
starting point for this book’s efforts to forge a reparative, queer relationship to
the suburbs:4 one that might help rewrite the many others “relegated back to the
cities” (especially queers of color) back in to an ever-sprawling suburban cultural
history that may or may not want them.
At the heart of Relocations are two critical interventions that merge and weave
in tandem. First, the book tackles and radically revises prevailing national dis-
courses about the suburbs that perpetuate the mythos of its racialized, classed,
and sexualized homogeneity. Though the mass suburban migration previously
known as white flight has recalibrated its coordinates since the places Jane Jacobs
famously identified as “great American cities” have undergone massive “rehabili-
tation” efforts in the last several decades, perceptions about the suburbs’ lack of
economic, racial, and sexual diversity have endured.5 Second, Relocations inter-
venes in a queer theoretical discourse that relies on these same normative, sub-
urban, white flight narratives to route an opposite trajectory for queer subjects
who are—for cultural, political, and stylistic reasons—compelled to leave osten-
sibly homogenous suburban spaces to find more active (and implicitly activist)
lifestyles in the urban “gay meccas” of the national imaginary, including San Fran-
cisco and New York.
On a national scale, the changing demographics of the suburbs have been
the focus of volumes of work in numerous disciplines, from critical geography,
to ethnic studies, to suburban studies itself. The most comprehensive collection
of suburban studies to date, Becky M. Nicolaides and Andrew Wiese’s The Sub-
urb Reader, culls from this vast interdisciplinary and representational archive to
animate the historical, legal, political, and aesthetic debates that have reconfig-
ured the American suburbs since their inception in the nineteenth century and
their mass proliferation after World War II. Four sections of the reader with over
thirty individual excerpts reconstruct several pivotal moments in the American
suburbs’ transformation, from “Ethnic Diversity in Early Suburbia” (chap. 7), to
“Postwar Suburbs and the Construction of Race” (chap. 11), to “Recent Suburban
Transformations, 1970–2000” (chap. 14), to “Inclusion and Exclusion in Recent
Suburbia” (chap. 15). The genealogy Nicolaides and Wiese construct in The Sub-
urb Reader offers an instructive snapshot of how American ideology, civic legisla-
tion, immigration laws, and intensified forms of late-capitalist privatization have
flowed in and through U.S. suburbs. Early conflicts about the political ramifi-
cations of white, working-class immigrants buying into capitalist ideologies of
home ownership, for example, are juxtaposed with Supreme Court debates about
restrictive covenants discriminating against African Americans and other com-
munities of color in the late 1940s.6 The diversification of the American suburbs
3 Relocations
after the momentous changes in U.S. immigration law in 1965 is also contextu-
alized alongside the thinly veiled variations on restricted covenants in contem-
porary gated communities.7 Yet other excerpts focus on the lived experience of
new immigrants and people of color moving into suburbs that exclusively cater to
such “niche” communities.8
The contemporary media has also focused anew on the suburbs in the last
decade as, simultaneously, a design-worthy destination for thirtysomething hip-
sters in pursuit of mid-century nostalgia and a simmering cauldron of racial and
economic tension portending the meltdown of the “American dream.” Glossy
magazines like Details (“Why the Suburbs Are Cooler Than Downtown,”
November 2007) and Dwell (“The New Suburbanism,” December 2007/Janu-
ary 2008) provide stylish primers for the penny-wise “bourgeois bohemian” (or
“Bobo”) on how to settle suburbs as the next “hot spots” after certain flip-wor-
thy urban neighborhoods have reached their apex.9 In April 2000, the New York
Times Magazine produced a special issue titled “Suburbs Rule: How the New
Suburban Majority Is Changing America.” Chock-full of essays by an eclec-
tic assemblage of nonfiction writers and media superstars like Michael Pollan,
Martha Stewart, and David Brooks, as well as fiction writers like T. C. Boyle,
Amy Bloom, Chang-rae Lee, A. M. Homes, George Saunders, and Manil Suri,
this supplement did its best to represent the changing demographics of the sub-
urbs in think pieces like “Migration of the Melting Pot” (by Lawrence Osborne)
while revisiting some of its more durable character motifs of bored teenagers
and licentious housewives.10 Exposés on gang wars “invading” the suburbs appear
nightly on news programs (notably in Nightline’s September 2005 piece on the
Salvadoran Mara Salvatrucha gang, in greater Washington DC), while their root
causes of social inequality are considered in more sustained forms, like the inves-
tigative journalist Sarah Garland’s book Gangs in Garden City: How Immigration,
Segregation, and Youth Violence Are Changing America’s Suburbs.
Given such expansive, neatly collated, and meticulously documented evi-
dence to the contrary, how then does the gestalt of the suburbs remain largely
unchanged in the American imaginary? There are, of course, numerous answers
to this question, most of which can be attributed to enduring representations of
the suburbs as a ticky-tacky void in literature, television, popular music, media,
and the arts. As Andrew Blauvelt, one of the curators of the groundbreaking
Worlds Away: New Suburban Landscapes exhibit, remarks in the extensive catalog
for the show (held at the Walker Art Center in Minneapolis and then the Carn-
egie Museum of Art in Pittsburgh), “Most of what we think we know about sub-
urbia has been shaped by its portrayal in various media—film, music, literature,
and television in particular—where it has been depicted alternately as an idyllic
setting for family life in TV sitcoms, for instance, and a dysfunctional landscape
4 Relocations
of discontent in Hollywood movies.”11 As Relocations will show throughout its
many pages mimicking, at certain instances, suburbia’s tidy yet nebulous sprawl,
even this representational field has been marred by strange and wild things grow-
ing where they shouldn’t. But before tackling this larger and more intricate prob-
lem of representation through reading, watching, and listening, I want to turn
our attention to another theoretical conjecture, one very specific to this project,
for why even the postmillennial suburbs remain the presumed natural habitat for
normativity: that of queer studies.
Throughout its institutional history, queer studies has produced its share
of spatial Others for the sake of maintaining its urbane reputation and cosmo-
politan orientation. From George Chauncey’s groundbreaking study of Gay New
York, to contemporary projects attentive to lesbian cosmopolitanisms, like Diane
Chisholm’s Queer Constellations: Subcultural Space in the Wake of the City and Julie
Abraham’s Metropolitan Lovers: The Homosexuality of Cities, queer studies has
self-consciously undertaken the task of documenting its rich urban histories and
metropolitan forms of cultural production.12 In her important book In a Queer
Time and Place: Transgender Bodies, Subcultural Lives, Judith Halberstam assigns
a neologism to describe this urbanist legacy in queer studies: “metronormativity.”
As Halberstam argues, her term “reveals the conflation of ‘urban’ and ‘visible’ in
many normalizing narratives of gay/lesbian subjectivities,” creating a compulsory
narrative of migration for queer subjects that marks the development of “previ-
ously closeted subjects who ‘come out’ into an urban setting.”13 The more that met-
ronormativity takes shape conceptually in Halberstam’s book, the more it comes
to describe the dialectic—experienced both psychically and spatially—between
the rural and the urban in queer studies. As I discuss further in my chapters on
Lynne Chan’s JJ Chinois projects and on Southern California’s Inland Empire,
Halberstam’s critique of metronormativity opens the possibility of opting out of
a compulsory queer movement toward “the city,” a move predicated on acquiring a
greater sense of “pride,” “liberation,” and safety for queer subjects thought to be in
emotional, aesthetic, and physical peril in nonurban environments.
Yet unlike other scholars of queer rurality or of the queer peripheries more
broadly defined, Halberstam inevitably refuses to relinquish “the city” as the
emblematic habitat for queers. She writes, “In a Queer Time and Place both con-
firms that queer subcultures thrive in urban areas and contests the essential char-
acterizations of queer life as urban.”14 Eschewing the either/or of the urban/rural
binary for an either/and, Halberstam instead calls on other queer scholars to
explore the different “truth[s] to this division between urban and small-town life
[and] between hetero-familial cultures and queer creative and sexual cultures,”
without “occlud[ing] the lives of nonurban queers.”15 In a Queer Time and Place
focuses primarily on a rural “horror of the heartlands” mythology at the core of
5 Relocations
representational debates about the transgender icon who was a martyr of rural
violence, Brandon Teena (subject of the well-known documentary and subse-
quent feature film). Beyond her chapter on Teena, however, Halberstam leaves
the task of documenting the complex interrelations of queer life beyond metro-
politan subcultures to other scholars.
Of course, numerous scholars documented queer life outside metropoli-
tan centers long before Halberstam’s study of homo- and heteronormative
approaches to time and space.16 Lauren Berlant’s The Queen of America Goes to
Washington City reminds us, for example, that even the most radical of urban
queer activist groups, such as Queer Nation and San Francisco’s SHOP (the
Suburban Homosexual Outreach Program), staged some of their more spec-
tacular and performative “invasions” in suburban shopping malls.17 Nevertheless,
the spatiotemporal concept of metronormativity and Halberstam’s emphasis on
subcultures and queer lifestyles has had a legible and significant impact on how
contemporary queer scholarship envisions its interventions into queer urban-
ism, despite Halberstam’s residual attachments to urban settings for subcultural
expression.
In subsequent chapters of Relocations, I grapple with some of these residual
fantasies about urban queer subcultures and their purported “radicality” in the
sphere of queer aesthetics and politics. Even after metronormativity was named,
in other words, queer studies has remained reliant on the forms and formalisms
of urbanist subcultural idioms in ways that often preclude a serious consider-
ation of the more problematic forms of racialized and classed desires for the
“backward,” aesthetically and politically “conventional,” or “mainstream.” In the
introduction to his remarkable work Another Country: Queer Anti-Urbanism,
Scott Herring fashions a discursive jukebox out of some of queer studies’ great-
est hits: the urbanist one-liners used to dismiss the hicks and small-town queers
(as well as the Podunks they came from) from a special class reserved for metro-
politan minds and mind-sets. With line after line, hit after hit from scholars like
Michael Warner and George Chauncey, Herring sketches the “entwined urban-
ism that bridges the givens of everyday lesbian and gay metropolitan life in the
United States and the shared assumptions of U.S.-based queer studies that have
been produced since the 1980s.”18 Herring focuses on a “queer rural stylistics” that
countervails and thwarts the queer urbanist logic that assumes liberation comes
with leaving behind one’s nowhere place of origin—in his project, “the coun-
try”—to arrive in “the city.” Another Country offers a substantial contribution to
the “as-yet unwritten cultural history of U.S. metronormativity,” finding at once
the fissures and breaks in what has appeared to be a seamless national narrative
about queer life that locates its inventiveness and political interventions in urban
6 Relocations
environments like New York.19 Proposing an alternative queer anti-urbanism that,
in his own words, threads “a delicate needle” between undoing the encompassing
symbologies of “the city” for queer subjects—while still acknowledging that the
force of urbanism persists in its negative articulations through rural stylistics—
Herring crafts a contingent politics open to various registers of failure, from
the aesthetic to the ideological. This “paper cut politics,” as Herring describes it,
“rarely does significant damage since it never punctures the body’s deep tissue. It
does, however, cause a considerable amount of discomfort, often more annoying
than dire.”20 He conceives of paper cut politics as the means toward a disrup-
tive “nuisance” to “the idealizations of any urbanized lesbian and gay imaginary,”
employing his own rhetoric of sassy rurality as a weapon against the “aesthetic
intolerance” of grandly declarative, metronormative queer discourses.
Relocations’ efforts to confront queer metronormativity with irritating (and
irritable) incisions in its master-narratives of aesthetic and stylistic superiority
are in keeping with Herring’s recent efforts in Another Country. And yet, while I
sometimes wish that I, too, could shake my inner Sugarbaker with the vigor of
Herring’s Southern sass, I know full well that the suburbs by design merit less
passion than the age-old spiritual and stylistic showdown between the country
and the city.21 Thus my approach is far less incisive than paper cut politics and
noticeably more sprawling (true to suburban design, or the lack thereof ) in its
attempt to encompass the disparate, if strikingly familiar and repetitive, articula-
tions of how the suburban imaginary functions in queer and normative national
discourses. While the first relocation tracked in this book revisits the metronor-
mative trajectory of the queer subject from “nowhere” to “somewhere”—more
precisely, from the California suburbs to New York City in Lynne Chan’s JJ
Chinois projects—Relocations also stays put (as suburban objects and subjects
are wont to do) in some of Southern California’s emblematic landscapes, such
as amusement parks (“Behind the Orange Curtain”), strip malls (“Empire of
My Familiar”), and freeways (“There Is a Light That Never Goes Out”). Rather
than get caught up in the fierce battle that’s been raging for ages between the
country and the city in queer studies and beyond, Relocations takes pleasure and
pause in the storied commute and vexed communion between the suburban and
the urban.
Theoretically and conceptually, this book’s intervention into queer urbanism
is inspired by the perilous cloverleaf freeway interchanges that opened this intro-
duction. Once created to keep the flow of traffic moving on and off the major
arteries of transit to and from cities and suburbs, cloverleaves now (as many
other architectures created with convenience in mind) have become the source of
what they sought to prevent: congestion, confusion, and aggravation.22
7 Relocations
Cloverleaf freeway interchange, ca. 1950s, Los Angeles. Courtesy of the Los Angeles Public
Library Photograph Collection.
8 Relocations
By definition, the suburbs are an intermediary space between the rural and the
urban, a nether zone that (as of this writing) doesn’t even have its own U.S. cen-
sus category.23 Whereas the rural and the urban are each other’s stalwart oppo-
sites, the suburban cannot even exist etymologically without the “urban.” The
American suburbs may have functioned historically as spaces of escape from the
decline of its industrial cities, but the two have nevertheless shared, over time, a
codependent relationship.24 Never too far apart, and yet seemingly worlds away,
suburbs and cities are—as the joke goes about many longtime companions—
beginning to resemble each other. As Andrew Blauvelt observes:
City dwellers and suburbanites need each other to reinforce their own sense
of place and identity despite ample evidence that what we once thought were
different places and lifestyles are increasingly intertwined and much less
distinct. The revenge of the suburb on the city wasn’t simply the depletion of its
urban population or the exodus of its retailers and office works, but rather the
importation of suburbia into the heart of the city: chain stores and restaurants,
downtown malls and even detached housing. . . . Suburbia has returned to the city
just as more suburbs are experiencing many of the things about city life it sought
to escape, both positive and negative: congestion, crime, poverty, racial and ethnic
diversity, cultural amenities, and retail diversity. At the same time, cities have taken
on qualities of the suburbs that are perceived as both good and bad, such as the
introduction of big box retailing, urban shopping malls, and reverse suburban
migrations by empty nesters who return to the city to enjoy the kind of life they
lived before they had kids to raise.25
The rerouted paths of migration, commerce, and sociability of the United States’
normative subjects—of the heterosexual couples who cultivated nuclear families
in suburban spaces they imagined were at a safe distance from the racialized
dangers and perversions of big cities—have changed the stakes of contemporary
debates about whether cities still nurture the Others who were economically
quarantined from the suburban good life during the age of white flight. Cit-
ies have, since the boom of technologically driven “creative” industries in the
mid-1990s, become the preferred destination for a new species of normative
Americans alternately called the “creative class” or the “bourgeois bohemians.”
In the introduction to his best-selling book Bobos in Paradise: The New Upper
Class and How They Got There, David Brooks anoints this hybrid species of
elites the new American standard: “These are highly educated folk who have
one foot in the bohemian world of creativity and another foot in the bourgeois
realm of ambition and worldly success. The members of the new information
age elite are bourgeois bohemians. . . . These Bobos define our age. They are
the new establishment. Their hybrid culture is the atmosphere we all breathe.
Their status codes now govern social life. Their moral codes give structure to
9 Relocations
our personal lives.”26 In so far as queer studies positions itself against normativ-
ity, as well as normative temporalities and geographies, part of the intervention
I offer in Relocations is simply to recognize that normativity itself is no longer
a stable category found in fixed spatial environments. Normativity has a new
face and has proved itself adaptable to different landscapes, including the cities
it once abandoned for the good life in the suburbs. In the twilight of suburbia
we have awoken to realize that this new face bears a remarkable resemblance to
our own queer visages. Berlant and Freeman warned at the height of queer stud-
ies’ institutional emergence that “queer culture’s consent to national normativity
must itself be made more provisional.“27 As their prophecy came to fruition dur-
ing the United States’ transition from the economic prosperity of the Clinton
era into George W. Bush’s troubled two-term regime, Lisa Duggan urged us to
reevaluate the saliency of “queer” in the wake of what she named “homonor-
mativity,” or a “demobilized gay constituency and a privatized, depoliticized gay
culture anchored in domesticity and consumption.”28
Relocations underscores the connection between metronormativity and homo-
normativity. But rather than resting with the assumption that homonormativ-
ity remains within the purview of gays and lesbians who strive to mimic some
of the United States’ more traditional institutions of citizenship (e.g., marriage,
domesticity, and family life) in their most predictable settings (e.g., the suburbs),
I want to emphasize how much the new “creative” and “Bobo” forms of normativ-
ity crib their iterations of subcultural capital, consumption-based multicultural-
ism, and rehabilitative urbanism from gays, lesbians, and even those who identify
as queer. Among the questions Relocations considers throughout its pages are the
following: How do we measure normativity in the wake of these changes? How
do we delineate subcultural production when its stylistic and spatial boundaries
have been broached? How do we enumerate normative time after the rise of what
Richard Florida, in concert with David Brooks, calls the “creative class”—a class
to which we as queer scholars may inevitably belong?
In a series of books, Richard Florida has characterized an emergent, postin-
dustrial, creative class of workers involved in “knowledge industries” not bound to
the forty-hour workweek.29 The creative classes—including economically pros-
perous gays and lesbians—helped intensify corporate and civic efforts at urban
gentrification with their preference for city living, due in large part to the ame-
nities it offers, including “diversity” itself.30 A more pointed discussion of Flor-
ida’s promulgation of the lifestyle politics of gentrification unfolds in the coda
to Relocations, which focuses on the queer performance ensemble Butchlalis de
Panochtitlan’s theatrical confrontation with creative classers in the remodeled
queer, racialized, and working-class social spaces of “lesser Los Angeles.”31 I ges-
ture toward Florida’s body of work here because the critique of queer urbanity I
10 Relocations
offer in Relocations focuses on just how deeply, if unintentionally complicit, cer-
tain subcultural logics of queer urbanity are with these newly normative, “creative”
processes of gentrification.32 Queer urbanites as well as their normative counter-
parts have contributed to the latter-day suburban migrations of communities of
color from more traditional, ethnic urban enclaves deeper into suburbia.
The spatial designation “suburbia” has its origins in ancient Rome where, as
Robert Bruegmann explains, “suburbium mean[t] what was literally below or out-
side the city walls.”33 Whereas American suburbanites after World War II fled
cities in search of the “good life,” their ancient Roman counterparts left because
“they could not afford to live in the city and so had to forgo urban services and
the protection of the walls.”34 What Bruegmann describes as ancient custom in
the history of sprawl resurfaces as a historical echo of the suburban relocations
transpiring more recently in the fluctuating real estate environments of Southern
California, which are the primary coordinates for Relocations. Suburban migra-
tions in Southern California have come as a consequence of several key socio-
economic and cultural factors, including: post-1965 U.S. immigration, the local
migrations instigated by globalization and several real estate booms and busts
from the 1980s onward, as well as the displacements wrought by the ethos of
urban renewal and gentrification enacted through official channels by civic leg-
islation and corporate redevelopment, all the while spearheaded unofficially by
creative-class lifestyle cultures.35
Southern California’s variegated and racially marked suburban counties pose a
historical challenge to perpetually whitewashed imaginaries of the suburbs.36 But
as I mentioned above, portraits of suburban similitude persist in queer, homo-
normative, and heteronormative cultural and theoretical discourses. The queer
cosmopolitanism that disavows the suburbs for its homogeneity still relies on
the traditional urban rubrics of density, diversity, and verticality offered by New
York and San Francisco. Instead of orienting another inquiry toward the histori-
cal queer destinations of New York or San Francisco, Relocations looks anew at
the postmillennial models of sprawl typically associated with Los Angeles and its
horizontal conglomeration of seemingly “centerless” landscapes. As critical geog-
raphers and urban theorists like Edward Soja and Mike Davis have observed,
the ever-expanding form of Los Angeles’ amorphous urbanism is often conflated
with the spatial, economic, and spiritual suburbanization of the nation and the
world.37 Suburban-style development in Los Angeles has arguably inspired the
proliferation of the “post–third world” megalopolis in sites throughout Asia,
South Asia, and Latin America, thus contributing globally to what was initially
conceptualized as the Western, primarily U.S. problem of suburban sprawl.38
With its eye on global development in Southern California, the regionalism of
my study aims to accomplish more than offering a local addendum to national
11 Relocations
narratives about queer lifestyles and representations. Instead, Relocations explores
how the Southern California suburbs from Orange County to the Inland Empire
have functioned as a conceptual and topographical nexus for an American empire
bound up with histories of sexuality, race, and desire.
In When America Became Suburban, Robert A. Beauregard argues that Amer-
ican global ascendancy and the growth of the suburbs after World War II “was
not about subjugation or territory. Neither colonialism nor expansion was the
goal. Rather the United States hoped to establish itself at the center of an inter-
national economy based on free trade.”39 Beauregard is only half correct in his
assertion, in so far as free trade took its place as the engine of American inter-
national policy after the war. But as Inderpal Grewal, Amy Kaplan, and Victor
Bascara, among many others, have rightly insisted, free trade and global capital-
ism cannot be imagined as projects distinct from the growth of the American
empire. Indeed, American imperialism distinguished itself from earlier imperial
models in part by its refutation of European forms of bureaucratic and admin-
istrative colonialism, favoring instead the liberal (and now neoliberal) spread of
capitalism and free trade.40 As Bascara writes, “Gone is the fleeting legitimacy of
the ‘benevolent assimilation’ of ‘little brown brothers,’ or the uplift and Christian-
ization of the heathen, or even the opening of ‘the China Market.’ That arrogance
has since been displaced by a different type of arrogant conception of modernity
that champions development and globalization, as well as multiculturalism and
its forms of diversity management.”41
Despite Beauregard’s disavowal of the term “imperialism” to mark the United
States’ global economic expansion after World War II, he quite accurately depicts
how the suburbs reflected American imperial exemplarity on the global stage
in the mid-twentieth century: “The daily life of the ‘average’ American became a
model for people around the globe. Suburban life anchored a standard of living
commensurate with the nation’s status as the leader of the ‘free world’ and estab-
lished the country’s economy and form as the best hope for affluence, democracy,
and world peace. Life in the suburbs was a mark of American exceptionalism and
a model to which all nations could aspire.”42 In other words, the picture of nor-
mativity captured in the suburbs—of a white, nuclear family surrounded by their
possessions, especially their comfortable home—became not only an American
standard, but also was exported globally as a touchstone for “freedom” and “pros-
perity” in the so-called developing world. The suburbs of the twentieth century
symbolized the United States’ imperial transition from a production economy to
one of consumption. The American dream of a good life, replete with consumer
conveniences in the suburbs, became a significant aspect of the nation’s cultural
imperialist rhetoric of freedom during the Cold War, an era formative to the
Orange County amusement cultures I describe in this book.
12 Relocations
As I discuss in more depth in “Behind the Orange Curtain,” the region’s eco-
nomic growth from the 1960s onward was spurred simultaneously by the rise
of its military and defense industries, and its amusement cultures at Disney-
land and Knott’s Berry Farm. The dual imperatives of security and amusement
combined in Orange County to foment a consumer ethos that was disseminated
globally through emblematic pop icons like Disney’s Mickey Mouse—the cud-
dly, if rodentious, emissary of American cultural imperialism.43 Despite decades
of wealth and unprecedented prosperity, Orange County’s spectacular financial
collapse during the early 1990s (the municipality declared bankruptcy in Decem-
ber of 1994),44 symbolically augured the fate of today’s suburban empires: a fall
experienced many times over by its aptly named neighbor to the east, the Inland
Empire. Hubristically oversized suburban dream houses are lost everyday to
bankruptcy and foreclosure as Southern California’s suburban empires are slowly
but surely turning to rubble.
In 2009, Time magazine announced that the “American suburb as we know
it is dying. . . . Thanks to changing demographics, including a steady decline in
the percentage of households with kids and a growing preference for urban ame-
nities among Americans young and old, the suburban dream of the big house
with the big lawn is vanishing.”45 As queers invested in the architectures of nor-
mativity coming to ruin, we may too hastily rejoice in Time’s declaration of the
suburbs’ end, accompanied by eerie portraits of empty retail behemoths and
abandoned big-box shops. The service economies engendered by these massive
chains throughout the suburbs have also, in the wake of post-industrialization
and the booms and busts of the technologically driven “creative” economy, come
to provide a primary source of income for many of Southern California’s immi-
grants, migrants, and working-class communities.46 As Marcelo M. Suarez-Oro-
zco explains, immigrants “escaping economies that more or less ‘broke’ during the
global restructuring . . . are drawn by the service sector of the U.S. economy where
there seems to be an insatiable appetite for foreign workers.”47 The United States’
mid-twentieth-century transition from a production to consumption culture in
the suburbs then, paradoxically, created the conditions for the suburbs’ and the
American empire’s undoing half a century later. The American suburbs have been
globally restructured, reconstituted as service economies, and repopulated as resi-
dential apartment communities for low-wage immigrant workers reliant on ser-
vice sectors for sustenance. When we as queer theorists, cosmopolites, and deni-
zens of creative urbanity cheer the vanquishing of the contemporary suburbs, the
vestiges of U.S. cultural and economic imperial ambition, whose demise are we
celebrating?
As I argue in my chapter on the Inland Empire, Southern California’s sub-
urbs have become—and in many respects already were—a repository for the
13 Relocations
subjects scattered by the United States’ latent imperial ambitions in the twen-
tieth century, and as a consequence of the nation’s collusion with other impe-
rial projects during earlier ages of empire. From the Spanish missionary culture
coinciding and conflicting with the United States’ westward expansionism before
ultimately colliding head-on with the nation’s nascent imperialism at the turn of
the twentieth century, to the British capital paired with “American ingenuity” in
the agricultural expansion of the inland region’s “Orange Empire” at the close of
the nineteenth century, Southern California’s suburbs have served as test-sites for
imperial projects that have both “succeeded” and gone terribly awry. The imperial
legacies of the late nineteenth century that encompassed “territories” like Mexico,
Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines, followed up by the United States’ Cold
War ethos of containment-through-incursion in places like Korea and Vietnam
in the mid-twentieth century, dramatically transformed the demographies, archi-
tectures, and cultural life of the Southern California region. Thus the arcane
term “empire,” rather than its newer variations and forms such as “globalization”
or “transnationalism,” emerges as a key word throughout the pages of Relocations
to describe the flows of bodies, cultures, and systems of power that delineate the
migrations to, through, and within Southern California’s suburbs.
By acknowledging the residual effects, affects, and echoes of empire in the
suburban landscapes of Southern California, Relocations shares in Inderpal Gre-
wal’s project of reexamining the “new centers” and nodes of American imperial-
ism in the age of transnationalism. Whereas Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri
insist that no single nation can be imagined as an imperial leader in the “decen-
tered” and “deteritorizalized” regime of management, which “scrambles” the spa-
tialized order of so-called first through third worlds installed by nation-states
and sovereign-ruling imperialists of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries,
Grewal reminds us of the United States’ imperial adaptability as it has been har-
nessed through transformations of capital.48 As Grewal explains, “The United
States remained a hegemon, and its source of power was its ability to generate
forms of regulation across particular connectivities that emerged as independent
as well as to recuperate the historicized inequalities generated by earlier phases
of imperialism.”49 This oscillation between discourses of freedom and American
exceptionalism, and the United States’ complicity with an imperialism that it has
stridently disavowed, can be traced throughout the chapters of Relocations, from
the migrant destinies paid tribute to (as well as parodied) in Lynne Chan’s JJ Chi-
nois projects, to the nascent narratives of “homonationalism” set in the Inland
Empire, like Alex Espinoza’s novel Still Water Saints.
Poised somewhere between Grewal’s painstaking attention to networked
forms of power in Transnational America and Hardt and Negri’s ecstatic uto-
pianism for a “new cartography . . . waiting to be written—or really . . . being
14 Relocations
written today through the resistances, struggles, and desires of the multitude,”50
Relocations’ own goals are more modestly scaled to the micro-intimacies that
forge everyday irruptions in the contemporary imperial landscapes of Southern
California’s suburbs. From the laughter coaxed by Lynne Chan’s ludic remapping
of queer discovery through chain stores and convenience marts, to the awkward
group dancing staged by teens of color on amusement park dance floors, to the
car-ride sing-alongs hosted by the Butchlalis de Panochtitlan en route to the
nowheres that have since been made over into somewheres by the urban hips-
terati, Relocations revels in the transient and unruly glimmers of possibility amid
empire’s incursions into local spaces.
Irreverence, and the unruliness that comes with a humorous response to
serious matters, is a governing affect and key metacritical feature of Relocations.
Inspired by the laugh-out-loud infectiousness of these works in their creative
responses to suburbia, my own prose, and indeed my own theorization, strives to
capture how crucial humor is to the techne of survival for queer of color suburban
subjects. Whereas irony and referentiality have been the governing tropes of post-
modern analysis, especially in relation to popular objects, figures like JJ Chinois
and the Butchlalis de Panochtitlan in Relocations mobilize humor as an ameliora-
tive mode in their work. In other words, instead of using humor or irony to make
themselves distinct, or to stand out and apart from the popular mainstream, they
cull from the popular to forge unlikely sociabilities, relationships, and alliances
between themselves and the spheres of living and referentiality they are meant to
be excluded from—particularly the suburbs as both a cultural and spatial entity.
This humor is also always freighted by something “heavier,” something deeper
and potentially more catastrophic. In many respects, their use of humor—and
my own throughout this book—can be imagined as activating the “joke work”
Freud famously conceived in Jokes and Their Relation to the Unconscious. Only
instead of figuring this labor as an elaborate set of negotiations within the uncon-
scious between the superego, ego, and id, the joke work of Relocations traces a set
of material relations between and among built environments, subjects circulating
in those environments, and the objects that form sociohistorical connectivities in
these historically determined settings.51
In keeping with its dual emphasis on the superficial and the profound as it
manifests in contemporary queer migrations, then, the title for this book, Reloca-
tions, taps into the range of meanings the term both promises and threatens, from
its purely descriptive attributes and silly euphemistic function in the real estate
industry, to its more violent overtones of forced martial and imperial displace-
ments. In the parlance of the suburban real estate economy, “relocation” offers
an innocuous, if gussied up, way to describe people—mostly families—moving
from one place to another, often because of a new job. Companies and real estate
15 Relocations
firms offer “relocation experts” linked across the Internet, ready to help business-
people and their families find the right neighborhood, in the right school district,
with the right grocery stores and other conveniences, within the right proximity
to their new jobs. Full-service relocation experts boast of how much time and
money can be saved by consulting their collated databases. Local realtors in turn
spare advertising dollars, because by signing up with a relocation service they no
longer have to commit ad money to disparate markets. One business journalist
and a proponent of full-service relocation, Harry Feinberg, offers an illustrative
scenario:
Imagine this. You’re a real estate broker in Tuscaloosa (God forbid). You need your
listings to reach every rare and precious professional who is asked to relocate to
your tiny berg. You have two choices. Choice one, you can buy expensive ads in the
NY and LA Times and pray that someone from Hollywood or Gotham sees your
ad the day they get the joyous news that corporate HQ is moving to your little
slice of heaven. Choice two, (the better choice) is that you can sign a deal with a
national relocation company that moves thousands of employees annually (some
of whom actually may be forced to move to your undiscovered gem of a town).52
Setting aside Feinberg’s colorful description of the specific sites in question—he
manages to insult both rural “folks” and shallow urbanites with his quippy asides
about Tuscaloosa, Gotham, and Hollywood—we acquire a glimpse at how the
business practice of relocation works. Relocation experts serve as local infor-
mants and transitional consultants for the legions of workers whose movements
are predicated by regional and global corporate economies. These movements are
sometimes consensual and at other times coerced. Further, corporate relocation
agencies, real estate relocation consultants, and do-it-yourself books like Beverly
Roman and John Howells’s Insiders’ Guide to Relocation also offer families advice
on how to cope psychologically and emotionally with uprooting from one place
to start anew in another.53
The psychological pitfalls connoted in contemporary, commercial uses of
“relocation” are haunted by, if blissfully ignorant of, the brutal legacy of the term
as it has been deployed in a long American (imperial) history of coerced dis-
placements and topographical quarantines. From the 1830 Indian Removal Act
forcibly moving First Nations populations from the East to the West during one
of many legislated landgrabs in American expansion; to the internment of Japa-
nese Americans during World War II in an effort to sequester potential “enemies
within”; to the violent dispersals wrought by slavery and its aftermaths, from the
slave trade and the “great migration,” to “white flight” and Hurricane Katrina; to
the quarantining of “enemy combatants” at Guantanamo Bay (who were then
“rendered” in elsewheres we have yet to discover) after September 11, 2001, in the
16 Relocations
name of “national security”—“relocation” has functioned as a polite euphemism
for imperialist aggression masquerading as commonsense policies for the pros-
perity, safety, and welfare of the “American people.”54
Relocations does not attempt to forge facile analogies with these violent events
in American history; rather, it traces how the imperial policies and principles
behind them are reanimated in contemporary American landscapes, from the
gentrification of urban neighborhoods as a result of new “landgrabbing” econo-
mies in which queers are also complicit, to the “crabgrass apartheid” that appor-
tions Southern California’s suburbs through zoning laws and other civic policies
while erecting gates to protect “fortress communities” from the encroachment of
less prosperous immigrants and communities of color that build them and keep
them clean.55 As Meiling Cheng reminds us in her work In Other Los Angeleses:
Multicentric Performance Art, “With the surges of multiethnic and multinational
populations throughout the region’s history came various purges of differences.”56
This book’s focus on immigration and migration to and through Southern Cali-
fornia’s suburban landscape also cannot be abstracted from the queer theoretical
labor that compels its efforts to create alternate cartographies of sexuality and
race in the region. Thus Relocations engages with, and hopes to contribute to, an
ever-expanding conversation about “purges of differences” overlapping with queer
diasporas and regionalisms.57
Relocations, as the title strongly suggests, shifts our cartographies of the queer/
immigrant imaginary by reorienting our spatial perspective to account for local
migrations that intersect with queer of color regionalisms in the United States.
My critical motivation for situating Relocations in Southern California is to
explore the rich intersections among queer immigrant communities from Latin
and Central America and the Pacific Rim while seeing how variegated modes of
transit, arrival, and departure inform these colliding imaginaries. Further, gender
remains a crucial framework for reevaluating the aesthetic and political economies
of queer lifestyles in a Southern California landscape where hemispheric region-
alisms collide. My first chapter, on “Relocating Queer Critique: Lynne Chan’s JJ
Chinois,” for example, provides a genealogy for how the urban cultural history
of queer communities in the United States and abroad perpetuates a gendered
divide between gay men and lesbians along the axes of style. As Gayatri Gopinath
has argued in her work on “Queer Regions,” many accounts of queer diaspora are
still burdened by urbanist and cosmopolitan frameworks that look to cities as
sites of “first contact” for immigrant populations.58 Such gestures toward more
encompassing, metropolitan global accounts of queer life end up replicating the
separation of gendered spheres in queer lifestyles. Promoting queer regionalism
as an adjustment to queer diaspora, Gopinath offers the possibility that
17 Relocations
shifting our critical lens from male public cultures of the global city such as
Mumbai, Delhi, London, or New York, to nonmetropolitan locations that are
just as saturated by global processes although they may appear to be “purely local,”
allows us to foreground those spaces and bodies that are elided within dominant
narratives of global gayness. These “other” sexual cultures may not be readily
intelligible as either “public” or “gay”: they may well be enacted by female subjects
and take place not in the bar or the club but rather the confines of the home, the
beauty parlor, the women’s hostel.59
With all due respect to the serious work Gopinath accomplishes by animating
queer diaspora in its variegated forms, I offer instead my own cheeky (and as
some have said, cheesy) neologism, “dykeaspora,” as a disposable counterpoint to
the notion of queer diaspora, in order to describe the translocal movements of
queer female bodies within the United States. The term’s vicissitudes, failings,
and modest successes are explained at length in my chapter on “Relocating Queer
Critique,” but I want to register here the priority given to “dykes” in my project.
“Dykeaspora” underscores my project’s critique of the gendered discourses of
queer space that locate gay men at the center of the action in desirable and desire-
drenched cities while relegating female queers to potentially mundane and repro-
ductive homonormative existences in unspecified elsewheres.
Turning to local sites like Orange County’s amusement parks and the Inland
Empire’s strip malls, Relocations revisits spaces that may on the surface seem
to be reserved for families and consumers, but which inevitably become trans-
formed as spaces of queer of color encounter and social transaction. Conclud-
ing with the dyke performance ensemble Butchlalis de Panochtitlan’s dispa-
rate performances and media interventions, Relocations explores the affective
potential of butch lesbian intimacies amid the incursions of both hetero- and
homonormative social and spatial “rehabilitators” in East and Southeast Los
Angeles. By approaching queer regionalisms through some of these ephemeral,
queer, and specifically dyke of color performances and social practices, Reloca-
tions constructs itself as cultural study in the broadest sense. Relocations thus
includes historical and sociological dimensions, but it ultimately absconds
from a strictly demographic approach to queer space—something that previ-
ous projects about the “gay suburbs,” such as Wayne Brekhus’s Peacocks, Chame-
leons, Centaurs: Gay Suburbia and the Grammar of Social Identity, and the Urban
Institute’s Gay and Lesbian Atlas, have already accomplished. Such critical find-
ings will instead be brought to bear on the spatial imaginaries perpetuated, dis-
seminated, and culturally produced in a range of representational media, such
as performance, popular music, literature, television, and new media, as well as
in the genre of criticism itself.60
18 Relocations
Throughout the twentieth century, and reaching as far back as the eighteenth
century in England and the United States, the suburbs have been considered an
aesthetic vacuum, a place where art and creativity are domesticated and inevitably
disappear altogether. Catherine Jurca underscores this in the opening to her book
White Diaspora: The Suburb and the Twentieth-Century American Novel, when she
takes on Edith Wharton’s remark that “The Great American Novel” would never
be at home, so to speak, in the mundane confines of suburban spaces.61 What
Jurca’s project exposes is the cultural argument that “art” and “innovation” could
never be cultivated in the spiritual and spatial void typified by suburban con-
texts.62 The cultural conservatism modeled by Wharton—one that paradoxically
employs “avant-gardist” criteria to dismiss suburban space—strikingly resembles
a queer cosmopolitanism that also politicizes certain avant-gardist and subcul-
tural aesthetic practices while diminishing “pop,” “mass,” and “folk” approaches to
the queer imaginary, thus continuing to gender and hierarchize cultural spheres
of production for a purportedly radical queer politics.
This project’s account not only about where we locate queer activism, radical
politics, and ethics, but also of how we go about doing so, is bound up with recent
debates about queer temporality and its propensity toward the avant. Elizabeth
Freeman’s important work on “temporal drag,” for example, inspires my proj-
ect’s take on the sometimes evocative, citational, and repetitive nature of queer
of color suburban practices.63 Temporal drag manifests in Freeman’s essay as a
“stubborn identification with a set of social coordinates” that exceed one’s own
contemporariness.64 She uses as an example the “gravitational pull that ‘lesbian’
sometimes seems to exert upon ‘queer’ not only stylistically, but historically (e.g.,
through stubborn attachments to supposedly ‘outmoded’ and essentializing
forms of feminism), and also performatively (through the simultaneous expres-
sion of incongruous historical and political effects and affects).”65 While Free-
man’s freighted temporality sets the time signature for this book, my chapter on
the Inland Empire creates an interface between Freeman’s gendered account of
queer belatedness, and postcolonial critiques of temporal progress confused as
progressiveness.
Suburban environments are presumed to fluctuate wildly between stasis
and rapid development. In the suburbs, everything remains, or at the very least
appears, the same. And yet the suburbs also function as modernity’s labora-
tory—as an environment where homes, shops, objects (like televisions, radios, or
kitchen appliances), and even people are constantly being replaced, paved over for
something newer, bigger, and more convenient. As we turn the corner for a closer
look at the representational and aesthetic practices of the queer of color subur-
ban imaginary, I would prefer not to say anything more about temporal drag so
19 Relocations
that we might collectively inhabit its certain stillness as it waits to break its pose:
that “pull of the past upon the present,” and the stubborn if sometimes incongru-
ous reiterations of what we think we know about the suburbs, and what we may
never come to understand about its aesthetic practices. Do forgive the repetition
you may find here of what we have seen and heard before: it may contain within
it what we never thought we would see or hear.
20 Relocations
and sing along, focusing less on what is their due, understanding all the while
that their task and their pleasure is to make do with a suburban world designed
to keep them at bay or to expel them from its boundaries. They are the relocated:
the queers, immigrants, and people of color who know that inhabiting the sub-
urbs promises privilege but experience it otherwise.
The relocated (sometimes by choice, at other times by circumstance) are not
as often found in literature as they are read in and through queer theory: in the
incidental moments of queer imagining we happen upon through the yearnings
and formative moments of discovery that may theoretically lead to elsewheres,
but which bring us inevitably back to those shared, secret nowheres. For me it
begins, appropriately enough, with a young provincial girl named Eve seeking a
destiny elsewhere in other bodies and through others’ desires. In the retrospec-
tive 1992 preface to her 1985 volume Between Men: English Literature and Male
Homosocial Desire, Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick confesses, “There was something . . .
irrepressibly provincial about the young author of this book.” She writes about the
special “incredulity” born of the realization that there was something avowedly
not normal about her own provincial desires:
As each individual story begins in the isolation of queer childhood, we
compulsorily and excruciatingly misrecognize ourselves in the available mirror of
the atomized, procreative, so-called heterosexual pre- or ex-urban nuclear family
of origin, whose bruisingly inappropriate interpellations may wound us—those
resilient or lucky enough to survive them—into life, life of a different kind. The
site of that second and belated life, those newly constituted and denaturalized
“families,” those tardy, wondering chances at transformed and transforming self-
and other-recognition, is the metropolis. But a metropolis continually recruited
and reconstituted by having folded into it the incredulous energies of the
provincial. Or—I might better say—the provincial energies of incredulity itself.
Even as she reinscribes the coordinates Relocations strives to unravel—that “chord
that stretches from provincial origins to metropolitan destinies”68—she finds herself
rerouted, pulled back to the incredulity, the naïveté and perhaps even euphoria that
animates provincialism as it struggles to survive the toxic habitats of normativity.
I like to imagine that this provincial incredulity is what inspires her later turn to
the “reparative,” the “additive and accretive” impulse of theoretical labor that eschews
virtuosic displays of mastery, ambition, and knowing, in the spirit of intellectual and
affective compromise.69 As if writing across time to other provincial subjects seeking
another way to read themselves in, with, and through space, time, and the problem-
atic baggage of their formative moments from elsewhere, she concludes that “what
we can best learn from such practices are, perhaps, the many ways in which selves
and communities succeed in extracting sustenance from the objects of a culture—
even of a culture whose avowed desire has often been not to sustain them.”70
21 Relocations
Other queer theorists have read, written, and forged reparative archives from
the detritus of provincial, suburban pasts. Jennifer Doyle finds a source for the
“sex objects” that would come to compose her scholarly archive in the daily offer-
ings of porn catalogs left by a horny teenage neighbor in her family’s mailbox
in suburban New Jersey. In Sex Objects: Art and the Dialectics of Desire, the title
Moby Dick (shared by a porn video as well as Melville’s venerable novel) becomes
a sign that activates the dialectics of her scholarly labors and fantasies, which
mediates between high and low, the provincial and cosmopolitan, pornography
and art, naïveté and knowing.71 In Disidentifications: Queers of Color and the Per-
formance of Politics, José Esteban Muñoz recalls his own formative moments of
“suburban spectatorship,” when “talk-show deviants . . . would appear long after
I was supposed to be asleep in my South Florida home.” These “deviants,” tele-
vised and teleported to his suburban bedroom, awakened his ability to read into
and otherwise. Through these late-night assignations with the small screen,
Muñoz was able to “get it”—“it” referring to the “exhilarating” and “terrifying”
languages of queer innuendo beamed in from the metropole.72 There are surely
other moments, other anecdotes that slip between the lines in the tomes of queer
theory devoted to other places, objects, and subjects. I’ve tracked these incidents
here not merely for the sake of revealing an otherwise-unwritten genealogy of
provincial, suburban moments through Sedgwick and her pupils, thereby imply-
ing a through line of reparative, queer suburban thought that each may prefer to
disavow. I follow these moments, these flash points that have captivated my atten-
tion across time in queer theory, because they also offer within them a genealogy
for reception within the emergent queer suburban aesthetics I offer throughout
this book. We move with and through each of them as they grasp toward other
archives and places by reading books, looking at pictures, and watching TV.
We have seen the suburbs on TV—before and after network television was
declared dead (many times over) and quality cable programming offered seduc-
tive new cul-de-sacs of fantasy and vérité. Lynn Spigel’s remarkable Welcome
to the Dream House traces the twin emergence of television and the postwar
American suburbs. In many respects, TV is the emblematic suburban medium: a
technology designed for the lived environment it helped to engender and subse-
quently reshape from the mid-twentieth century onward. From the ideal nuclear
families who glowed as exemplars on shows like Ozzie and Harriet (1952–1966)
and Leave It to Beaver (1957–1963), to their bizarro Goth doubles on The Mun-
sters (1964–1966) and The Addams Family (1964–1966), TV has grappled with
the social transformations of a suburbia that it played a tremendous role in creat-
ing.73 Nothing is impossible in the suburbs on American television. TV assimi-
lated encroaching monsters and hillbillies into the suburban neighborhood, pav-
ing the way for postmillennial soccer-mom drug dealers (on Weeds, 2005–) and
22 Relocations
dysfunctional mob bosses (on The Sopranos, 1999–2007), whom we actually pay
extra to watch on premium cable. Although Relocations pauses for prime-time
programming throughout its pages, with the occasional nod to the Norman Lear
oeuvre and an extended side trip to the sun-dappled splendor of The O.C. (2003–
2007), it is less invested in enumerating small-screen representations of the sub-
urbs than it is tuned into the archives of affect inspired by the intimate view-
ing practices of the book’s central figures. From Lynne Chan’s appropriation of
names, places, and products in her creation of JJ Chinois, to the incidental, tele-
vised debut of Studio K at Knott’s Berry Farm, to the imperial reimaginings of
British bands on MTV’s earliest music videos in the Inland Empire and among
the Butchlalis de Panochtitlan, TV belongs to the queer suburban imaginary as a
node for what Jennifer Terry has called “remote intimacy.”
In the earliest versions of Terry’s current manuscript in progress, “Killer
Entertainments: Militarism, Governmentality, and Consuming Desires in Trans-
national America,” she defined the concept of remote intimacy as the “transmis-
sion of sentiments through designed uses and creative appropriations of tele-
mediating devices.”74 While Terry focused primarily on the Internet and the
multiuser, multiplayer platforms harnessed to work out the feelings that arose
in the aftermath of George W. Bush’s declaration of the “War on Terror”—from
the “pro-military, imperialist attitudes” it inspired, to the “violent spiritualist reac-
tions against it”—I want to hold on to some of the literalism she offers in the
term, without relinquishing some of its harsher implications. Terry has given me
license “to run with the concept,” to remake it into a theory as well as praxis for
queer of color suburban subjects. My own customized version of “remote inti-
macy” offers a friendly supplement and a reparative improvisation to Terry’s
concept. Television, and what is seen and heard on it, becomes one of the key
telemediating devices on which I focus, because it remains a significant medium
of “creative appropriation” for the queer of color suburban artists and figures in
Relocations. Beyond fomenting what Benedict Anderson has famously called an
“imagined community” through the simultaneous moments of consumption
made possible across long distances with communication technologies (his con-
centrated on print), “remote intimacy” registers more acutely the temporal and
spatial paradoxes of communion such shared consumption may offer.75
Remote intimacy, for example, is not contingent on a simultaneity either
actual or imagined. Subjects consuming certain television archives may or may
not watch and look at the same time, or even at or within the same era, espe-
cially since televisual recording technologies—from Betamax and VHS, to digi-
tal video recorders (DVRs), to web platforms like Hulu, have made it possible to
relinquish what TV scholars have called “appointment viewing.”76 But one needn’t
look as far into the contemporary moment as TiVo, Netflix, YouTube, or what-
23 Relocations
ever the next big thing is to make this point about TV. Syndication and repeats
already afforded asynchronous temporalities of viewing and enabled what could
be called archival practices of consumption for generations historically removed
from the original run of certain formative programs, like network sitcoms (one
of JJ Chinois’s touchstone shows is Good Times) or prime-time soaps (like Fal-
con Crest—a BdP favorite).77 And yet these artifacts of viewing continue to reso-
nate in the queer of color suburban imaginary, creating collective intimacies out
of what may have been solitary viewing practices in the past. This configuration
and sentiment of “remoteness”—of watching or listening alone as an isolated sub-
ject of suburban sprawl—also haunts the various chapters throughout this book,
creating generative intimacies among disparate suburban subjects that are often
belated. We may not have read that book, seen that show, or heard that song
together, but we do so now, not in the spirit of nostalgia but as if it truly is the
first time. Together, it is the first time.
We have heard about the suburbs before in songs on the radio, on records
and tapes (before they became CDs), and on CDs (before they became MP3s),
disseminated through a music industry they say is on its deathbed.78 We have
heard about them in protest songs like Malvina Reynolds’s jaunty, if biting, “Little
Boxes”; in poseur protest pop like the Monkees’ infectious “Pleasant Valley Sun-
day”; in 1980s British dance pop like “Suburbia,” the Pet Shop Boys’ melodic hom-
age to both Madonna and the smooth jazz flügelhorn star Chuck Mangione. We
have heard the suburbs in the music made there in garages, basements, and living
room piano lessons.79 We hear it in Downey, California, home of both the Car-
penters and Metallica’s front man, James Hetfield. We hear it in a sun-drenched
Orange County that grew both Gwen Stefani of No Doubt and Zack de la Rocha
of Rage Against the Machine. We hear it in the Inland Empire, where Joan Baez
went to high school and Etta James lives, and where the horn sections for ska
bands like the Skeletones and the Voodoo Glow Skulls honed their chops in the
marching bands of the Riverside Unified School District. We hear it through the
records and Cassingles we bought at big-box shops like Kmart and chain stores
like the Wherehouse, Music Plus, and Tower Records.80 I hear the suburbs every-
day I write this book, its synthy refrains indistinguishable from the theory I read,
the histories I find, the blunt numbers of the census data I scour.
I used to think popular music posed a distraction to this project, to the labor
that went into carefully calibrating the studious part of suburban cultural stud-
ies. Now I’ve come to realize that it is the heartbeat pulsing through all the queer
relocations and remote intimacies I tried not to sing, but which I end up singing
anyway throughout this book in a twisted form of critical karaoke. Joshua Clo-
ver introduced the concept of “critical karaoke” to participants at the Experience
Music Project’s 2004 Pop Conference in Seattle. We were invited to select a song
24 Relocations
and write a brief essay to be read aloud as an accompaniment that could only last
for the duration of the song’s recorded length. Other stylistic choices were left
to us as writers and interpreters. We could time our remarks to coincide with
crescendos and dance breaks if we so chose, or we could read completely through
the essay without pause if we felt anxious about the clock running out. As with
much of the critical apparatus of this project, the tenets of critical karaoke are
not reproduced strictly or prescriptively in Relocations, but rather are repurposed
for a queer suburban aesthetics that revels in strange echoes. Like a good karaoke
singer or American Idol contestant—and no, “good” paired with either of those
terms does not equal an oxymoron—I’ve tried to make it my own, not by singing
closely to the melody in an effort to get every note right, but with an interpretive
turn of phrase, an improvisation, or unexpected pause that rearranges the stakes
and spirit of each theory, each artifact of history, each transient performance.81
Relocations is not about popular music per se, but the popular music I and oth-
ers hear in the suburbs informs every theoretical gesture, every awkward dance
move performed solo or in groups, every historical high note piercing through
these pages. Theoretically and cartographically, Relocations participates in the
“audiotopian” practices of listening and mapping elegantly charted by Josh Kun.
As Kun explains, an “audiotopia” is the equivalent of a musical map, “a musical
‘you are here’” that positions you within larger social worlds. Riffing on remarks
made by the African American poet Jean Toomer, Kun proposes that music
transports us into different worlds; even when we eventually slide back into our
“own worlds,” we “slide back forever changed.”82 In the spirit of singing along, as all
the figures I write about in this book do at some point or another, from Lynne
Chan’s JJ Chinois, to the kids at Studio K, to the novelist Alex Espinoza, to the
Butchlalis de Panochtitlan, I would like to add what might be an excessive melis-
matic flourish to Kun’s notion of audiotopia by insisting that sometimes popular
music is most utopian when it transports us deeper into the heart of our own
worlds rather than to different ones. It drags us back. Not backward looking
through time, but back into the spaces and times that collide in our situated pres-
ences. It reminds us of where we are, where we come from, and where we never
truly leave.
The listening practices I cultivated as an immigrant kid who relocated to
the Inland Empire in the early 1980s determined the coordinates—at once spa-
tial, conceptual, material, and theoretical—mapped throughout this book. The
music I heard there was not unfamiliar. It is music not especially obscure but
rather straight off the rack, befitting a culture of convenience. I heard it before in
Manila—where I was born to a family of musicians, and where I spent most of the
first decade of my life surrounded by music both homemade and broadcast from
elsewhere on American-style Top 40 radio or on actual American TV shows. I
25 Relocations
heard it again when I landed in Southern California’s Inland Empire, funneled
through retail, taped off the radio, still broadcast from elsewhere. I hear it now
when I listen again to the music they played at Knott’s Berry Farm’s Studio K, the
dance club reanimated in “Behind the Orange Curtain,” and in the car rides staged
by the Butchlalis de Panochtitlan, who score their butch intimacies to “Diamond
Girl” and “There Is a Light That Never Goes Out.” It is a music inspired by com-
mutes and too much time spent in a car moving slowly toward work or pleasure.
As I explain more explicitly in my chapter on Butchlalis de Panochtitlan, so
much of queer suburban sociability transpires in cars, driving around, looking for
something (or someone) to do. While queer cosmopolitans are likely to find such
searching and confined listening abject, I would argue that there is something tre-
mendously generative in the acts of imaginative transformation that can turn a
freeway or parking lot into a social- and soundscape, without needing the crutch
of cool. It is the music that turns convenience into pleasure, the music of micro-
migrations between blocks or between suburbs. It is the music of immigration
and the American pop songs we heard elsewhere foreshadowing the love, heart-
break, rebellion, wealth, and sex we would find once we arrived, only to remind us
after we got here that we’re still waiting for all those things.
It is the music that inspires us to ask questions. What about queer of color
desires spawned somewhere else? What about those born in the provinces and in
the suburbs? In and around malls? In schoolyards after hours, or, in the words of
Alexandra Vazquez, on the “slippery naugahyde seats of a . . . public school bus”?83
Made in garages (to gesture to Christine Bacareza Balance’s work on Filipino
American DJ culture) or crafted in basements, attics, and on public softball fields
radiant in twilight smog? It is, was, and will be in these “transnational suburban
hubs” that we bump to the beat of freestyle.84 There we conduct our immigrant
practices of “everyday performance,” like the karaoke in our parents’ carport or
on their back porch.85 This music—the pop music found everywhere but heard
repeatedly in the suburbs—isn’t just the cry of a forgotten and (as some would
argue) justifiably forgettable suburban past of arbitrary queer, brown, immigrant
musical discovery. Not from a precious little record store with snobby salesclerks,
but rather from the bins at big-box shops or the dazzling, direct-mail innovation
that was the Columbia House Catalog—ten records for a penny! These enticing,
credit-wrecking temptations came in the mail, inspiring our mothers to wait for
Ed McMahon to appear at the door with a fat, novelty-sized check: the American
dream, COD (collect on delivery).
This is the music that moves Relocations. It sometimes manifests as lyrics from
a chorus, such as from Journey’s anthemic “Don’t Stop Believin’” in my chapter on
JJ Chinois, for example, or from the Smiths’ “There Is a Light That Never Goes
Out” in my chapter on the Butchlalis de Panochtitlan. Sometimes popular music
26 Relocations
itself becomes the conceptual framework for reading echoes through history and
across time, as it does in my chapter on the Inland Empire. At other moments
popular music is the direct object of inquiry, as in my chapter on Orange Coun-
ty’s amusement park soundscapes, “Behind the Orange Curtain.” In a more
general sense, music functions in Relocations as another technology of remote
intimacy. In much the same way that remote intimacy as a viewing or reading
practice offers belated opportunities for communion among disparate subjects
through asynchronous encounters with popular objects, listening as remote inti-
macy brings people, things, and concepts together, even if suburban space and
time dictates their dispersal and isolation.
The queer of color suburban archive I ask you to read, see, and hear in Reloca-
tions—one that commutes to and from an array of locations that are not necessar-
ily “destinations”—is at once an archive of familiarity and incongruity, of things
and situations that are utterly mundane, mainstream, predictable, or “behind the
times,” yet have somehow managed to remain unthinkable in both normative and
queer cultural contexts. It comprises the popular forms we encountered in our
little boxes through other little boxes, like TV sets, radios, and sedans. Queerly,
all this brings us back to our bedrooms, but not in the way you might think. It
brings us back alone, with a flashlight under the covers so that we can read after-
hours, with a glowing TV screen as our companion, or with our headphones on
in the dark. In this little box we sit, think, and dream alone until we find those
precious others who’ve done the same, who’ve maybe even swayed the same in
nowhere elses or in desperate elsewheres, teaching themselves every painstaking
move and note until someday we can raise our lighters in unison, as unmistakable
voices sing with a tender, distant sorrow.
27 Relocations
Relocating Queer Critique
Lynne Chan’s JJ Chinois
I hate New York. . . . It’s not simply the city’s awesome capacity to imagine itself
as the be-all and the end-all of modern queer life (no small feat, mind you). What
I really hate is the casualness with which this move is dispatched, the taken-for-
granted assumption that you want to be on that tiny island (but not some of those
outer boroughs) and be there soon. That you want to get there someday, somehow,
and get out of this god forsaken town.
—Scott Herring, Another Country: Queer Anti-Urbanism
A lot has been said about JJ Chinois, and there’s a lot more to be said about him.
His popularity has grown enormously in the years since his first admirers started
shouting, “Nice Ass.” It began with the teens of course. But at JJ’s debut in New
York City, it soon became obvious that it’s easier to skin an amoeba than to catalog
the “typical JJ Chinois fan.” . . . His good looks and raw-throated vulnerability
bring an immediate response from fans and critics. But his story actually began a
few years ago, in Coalinga, California.
—Lynne Chan, “JJ Chinois” website
Journeys with JJ
A lot has been said about JJ Chinois since I first presented a paper about his web-
site at the 2002 Modern Language Association Annual Convention in New York
City.1 JJ Chinois is an alter ego, superstar avatar, and long-term artistic endeavor
of Lynne Chan, a queer Asian American multimedia artist based in New York
but originally from Cupertino, California. The irony that this entire project on
queer suburban imaginaries began, in effect, about an artist currently living and
working in New York, and on a panel about “Gay New York” hosted in the pro-
verbial belly of the beast, is not lost on me. At its best, the embryonic fifteen-
minute form of this project called for a renewed focus on queer regionalisms. At
its worst, the paper devolved into the same boosterist rhetoric about California
28
that inspired so many migrations to the Golden State. Little did I comprehend
then that my abundant enthusiasm masked genuine aggression. Like Scott Her-
ring, my intellectual comrade in critical anti-urbanism (whose sassy, full-throated
complaint I open with above), I get downright hateful about the developmental
logics of queer relocation starting in amorphous elsewheres and triumphantly
ending somewhere—in the designated “place for us” that is New York, New York.
And yet there was also something desperately wannabe about my earliest rendi-
tions of shrill West Coast cheerleading about the JJ Chinois website (http://www.
jjchinois.com/) that became less about what was wrong with buying into the New
York state of mind, and more about being “good enough” to play the big city game.
As if lost in the karaoke echo chamber of a song that resonates loudly in the realms
of both immigrant masculinity and jazz-hands fagulosity—“New York, New
York”—my argument took up the song’s climactic, gut-busting lyrics as the initial
template for tracking the relocations in Chan’s JJ Chinois projects: “If I can make
it there, I’ll make it anywhere.” Overdetermined as those lyrics felt for me at that
moment, in an unflatteringly lit MLA ballroom in midtown Manhattan, the object
of inquiry itself—Chan’s humor-driven work about a transgender pop idol discov-
ered in Coalinga, a cattle-ranching outpost in central California—also demanded
renewed efforts to transpose these lyrics into the key of the reparative rather than
the paranoid.2 Chan’s mock-fansite for JJ Chinois responds to the challenge of “New
York, New York” by insisting that making it there requires making anywhere—your
characterless nowhere—into a somewhere. With her witty mythologizing of rural,
suburban, and exurban locales in California such as Coalinga, Bakersfield, River-
side, and Cupertino, Chan’s website traces JJ’s multipronged migration from sites in
Asia to California, and from California’s suburbs to New York City.
I first posited California as New York’s Other not only because Chan’s art
demanded it, but also because the flyover rivalry between East Coast and West
is so deeply ingrained in American popular narratives about immigration, migra-
tion, and pathways to the “good life.”3 For better or worse, New York City and
California serve as national endpoints, not only at the coastal edges of the main-
land American expanse, but also within fantasmatic trajectories of a still-extant,
if now economically ravaged, “American dream” for immigrants as well as queers.4
From Ellis Island to Angel Island, from Fire Island to Fashion Island, New
York City and California’s (coastal) suburbs serve as last stops in trajectories of
struggle—then triumph—for the queer aspirant as much as they are beacons for
strangers from a different shore.5 But even though Chan’s JJ Chinois appears to
take off with this familiar flight plan from California to the New York islands,
the ameliorative effect of her work does not merely rest with recuperating cer-
tain California sites so that they may ultimately be included in a more expansive
master-plan for queer metronormativity.6
citations. Steve Perry functions, in other words, as Chan’s vehicle for what Eliza-
beth Freeman calls temporal drag, “with all of the associations that the word ‘drag’
has with retrogression, delay, and the pull of the past upon the present.”10 As I’ve
already emphasized in my introductory chapter, temporal drag is a key concept
that reappears in different iterations within a queer of color suburban aesthet-
ics—in style, embodiment, and sound. Without belaboring the point here, I do
want to stress that Chan’s freighted visual invocation of Steve Perry also, in effect,
activates a sonic echo that provides the perfect accompaniment to JJ’s journey
across the United States: “Just a small town girl / livin’ in a lonely world / she
took the midnight train goin’ anywhere.”
Since it first debuted in 1981 on the album appropriately titled Escape, Jour-
ney’s anthemic hit “Don’t Stop Believin’” has scored everything from movie
montages, to sports comebacks, to political campaigns, to small-screen fina-
les.11 While legions of pop culture scribes have already written, and are sure
to write more, about the significance of Journey’s enduring anthem for the
United States’ small-town dreamers, Chan encapsulates the ethos of “Don’t
CONCLUSION.
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