Quick Age 343 Revision
Quick Age 343 Revision
Explain five ways in which the ruling elites contribute to underdevelopment. (10 marks)
Ruling elites, when acting in ways that prioritize their own interests over the broader population, can
significantly contribute to underdevelopment. Here are five ways:
Corruption and Mismanagement of Public Resources:
o Elites may engage in corruption, diverting public funds intended for development
projects into their own pockets or those of their associates. This leads to a lack of
investment in crucial sectors like education, healthcare, and infrastructure.
o Mismanagement of resources, including inefficient allocation and lack of accountability,
further hinders development progress.
Maintenance of Unequal Power Structures:
o Elites often perpetuate systems that concentrate power and wealth in their hands,
excluding marginalized groups from meaningful participation in decision-making
processes.
o This can result in policies that favor the elite's interests, at the expense of the general
population's needs, reinforcing inequality and limiting social mobility.
Suppression of Democratic Institutions and Civil Liberties:
o Elites may undermine democratic institutions, such as free and fair elections, an
independent judiciary, and a free press, to maintain their hold on power.
o Suppression of civil liberties, including freedom of speech and assembly, stifles dissent
and prevents the emergence of alternative voices and ideas, hindering development
progress.
Prioritization of Personal Gain over National Development:
o Elites may prioritize short-term personal gain, such as accumulating wealth or securing
political power, over long-term national development goals.
o This can lead to a lack of investment in sustainable development strategies and a focus on
extractive industries that deplete natural resources without fostering long-term economic
growth.
Creation and maintenance of an environment that discourages outside investment, and local
business growth:
o Through corrupt practices, and instable legal environments, ruling elites can discourage
foreign investment. This lack of investment hampers the growth of local business, and
therefore the economic development of the nation.
Sustainable development cannot be achieved without alleviating poverty. Justify this statement. (20
marks)
The statement that sustainable development cannot be achieved without alleviating poverty is strongly
justifiable. Here's a breakdown of why:
Environmental Degradation:
o Poverty often forces individuals and communities to exploit natural resources
unsustainably for immediate survival. This includes deforestation, overfishing, and
unsustainable agricultural practices.
o Alleviating poverty provides people with alternative livelihoods and reduces the pressure
to engage in environmentally damaging activities.
Resource Depletion:
o Impoverished populations are often reliant on readily available but unsustainable
resources, leading to rapid depletion.
o Economic development that addresses poverty can promote diversification and the
adoption of more sustainable resource management practices.
Social Instability:
o Poverty breeds social unrest, conflict, and instability, which undermine sustainable
development efforts.
o Reducing poverty promotes social cohesion and stability, creating a more conducive
environment for long-term development.
Health and Well-being:
o Poverty is linked to poor health outcomes, which affect productivity and hinder
development.
o Alleviating poverty improves access to healthcare and nutrition, leading to a healthier and
more productive population.
Education and Empowerment:
o Poverty limits access to education and opportunities, particularly for women and
marginalized groups.
o Empowering individuals through education and economic opportunities enables them to
participate more fully in sustainable development initiatives.
Consumption Patterns:
o Poverty often leads to consumption patterns that are not sustainable. Sustainable
development requires responsible consumption. The poor are often forced to consume
what is cheapest, and not what is best for the environment.
Governance:
o Poverty can lead to increased levels of corruption, and bad governance. Sustainable
development requires good governance. Lifting people out of poverty helps to create a
more stable and just society.
Climate Change:
o The poorest populations are often the most vulnerable to the effects of climate change.
Alleviating poverty increases resilience to climate change.
Equity:
o Sustainable development is about equity. It is impossible to have a sustainable society
when large portions of that society live in poverty.
State four strengths of the Human Development Index (HDI) and the Inequality-adjusted Human
Development Index (IHDI) as measures of development. (6 marks)
Here are four strengths of the HDI and IHDI:
Multidimensionality:
o Both indices go beyond economic indicators to include health and education, providing a
more comprehensive view of development.
Focus on Human Well-being:
o They emphasize human capabilities and well-being, rather than just economic output,
reflecting a people-centered approach to development.
Comparative Analysis:
o They allow for meaningful comparisons of development levels between countries and
regions, facilitating the identification of disparities.
IHDI addresses inequality:
o The IHDI specifically addresses the issue of inequality by adjusting the HDI for
disparities in health, education, and income, providing a more accurate reflection of
actual human development
i. Devolution
Devolution refers to the transfer of powers and responsibilities from a central government to lower
levels of government, typically regional or local authorities. This involves granting sub-national entities
greater autonomy and decision-making authority over specific areas of governance. Devolution can take
various forms and degrees, ranging from administrative decentralization to the creation of autonomous or
semi-autonomous regions. The aim is often to improve governance by bringing decision-making closer to
the people, enhancing responsiveness to local needs, and promoting greater participation.
iii. Postmodernization
Postmodernization is a complex and multifaceted concept that describes the social, cultural, economic,
and political transformations that have occurred in many industrialized societies since the latter
half of the 20th century, following the period of modernization. Key characteristics often associated
with postmodernization include:
iv. Globalization
v. Sustainable Development
Sustainable development is defined as development that meets the needs of the present without
compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs. This concept, popularized by
the Brundtland Report (1987), emphasizes the interconnectedness of economic growth, social progress,
and environmental protection. It requires balancing these three pillars to ensure long-term well-being and
avoid depleting natural resources or causing irreversible environmental damage.
vi. Modernization
Modernization is a broad and contested concept that typically refers to the process of social change from
traditional, agrarian societies to modern, industrial ones. It involves a complex set of transformations
across various spheres, including:
Modernization is often associated with Western historical development and has been both praised for its
advancements and criticized for its disruptive and sometimes unequal consequences.
vii. Underdevelopment
Underdevelopment is a term used to describe the economic and social conditions of countries
characterized by low levels of income per capita, limited industrialization, high rates of poverty,
poor infrastructure, inadequate access to education and healthcare, and often political instability. It
is often understood in relation to the historical development of more industrialized "developed" countries.
Theories of underdevelopment often explore the historical, political, and economic factors that have
contributed to and perpetuate these conditions, including colonialism, neocolonialism, and internal
structural inequalities.
viii. Core-Periphery
The core-periphery model is a spatial framework used in various social sciences, particularly
geography and sociology, to understand the uneven distribution of power, wealth, and resources
between different regions or countries.
Core regions/countries: These are typically the dominant, developed, industrialized areas that
exert economic, political, and cultural influence. They often have advanced technology,
diversified economies, and high levels of investment and innovation.
Periphery regions/countries: These are typically less developed areas that are often dependent
on the core for capital, technology, and markets. They tend to have less diversified economies,
rely on the extraction of raw materials or low-value production, and often experience lower levels
of development and higher rates of poverty.
The model highlights the hierarchical relationships between these areas and how the core often benefits
from the resources and labor of the periphery, contributing to the perpetuation of inequalities. There can
also be a semi-periphery, which consists of countries or regions that have some characteristics of both
the core and the periphery.
1. Traditional Society:
o Characteristics: This stage is characterized by a predominantly agrarian economy with
limited technology and low productivity. Social structure is often hierarchical and based
on tradition, with little social mobility. Scientific understanding is limited, and attitudes
towards change are generally negative.
o Economic Activities: Primarily subsistence farming, with limited trade or industrial
activity.
o Examples: Many pre-industrial societies throughout history.
2. Preconditions for Take-Off:
o Characteristics: This stage involves the initial changes that pave the way for future
growth. These include the development of infrastructure (transport, communication), the
emergence of an entrepreneurial class, increased investment in education, and some
technological advancements in agriculture and resource extraction. A more centralized
political system may also begin to develop.
o Economic Activities: Development of cash crops for export, increasing trade, and the
beginnings of some manufacturing.
o Examples: Europe during the late medieval period, or some colonial economies
experiencing initial infrastructure development.
3. Take-Off:
o Characteristics: This is a crucial stage marked by rapid economic growth in a few
leading sectors (e.g., textiles, manufacturing). Investment rates increase significantly (to
over 10% of national income), and new industries emerge. There is a shift towards
urbanization, and social and political institutions begin to support industrial expansion.
o Economic Activities: Rapid industrialization, expansion of manufacturing, increased
urbanization, and the growth of a modern sector.
o Examples: The Industrial Revolution in Great Britain, or the rapid industrialization of
some East Asian economies in the latter half of the 20th century.
4. Drive to Maturity:
o Characteristics: Following the take-off, the economy diversifies, and technological
advancements spread to a wider range of industries. The economy becomes more self-
sustaining, with continued growth and increasing levels of investment. The focus shifts
towards producing a wider range of goods and services, and the economy becomes more
integrated into the global market.
Economic Activities: Diversification of industry, increased technological innovation,
o
expansion of the service sector, and growing international trade.
o Examples: Many industrialized nations in the mid-20th century.
5. Age of High Mass Consumption:
o Characteristics: This is the final stage where the economy is characterized by high
levels of mass consumption of durable consumer goods and services. The service sector
becomes dominant, and there is a focus on improving the quality of life. Welfare states
may develop, and social concerns beyond basic economic needs become more prominent.
o Economic Activities: Dominance of the service sector, mass production and
consumption of consumer goods, and a focus on quality of life and social welfare.
o Examples: Advanced industrialized nations like the United States, Canada, and Western
European countries in the late 20th and early 21st centuries.
Strengths:
Historical Framework: The model provides a broad historical framework for understanding the
process of economic development in some countries, particularly those that followed a path
similar to Western industrialized nations.
Emphasis on Investment: It highlights the importance of investment as a driver of economic
growth, particularly during the "take-off" stage.
Stages as a Conceptual Tool: The five stages offer a relatively simple and intuitive way to think
about the different phases of economic development.
Influence on Development Thinking: Rostow's model significantly influenced development
policy and academic discourse in the mid-20th century.
Linearity and Determinism: A major criticism is its assumption that all countries follow a linear
and predetermined path to development. This ignores the diverse historical, cultural, political, and
geographical contexts of different nations. Some countries may skip stages, experience setbacks,
or follow different trajectories.
Eurocentric Bias: The model is largely based on the historical experience of Western
industrialized nations and assumes that this path is universally applicable and desirable. It can be
seen as Eurocentric and biased towards a capitalist, high-consumption model.
Lack of Explanation for Transitions: The model describes the stages but doesn't adequately
explain the mechanisms or factors that drive the transition from one stage to the next. The "take-
off" stage, in particular, is not clearly defined in terms of specific triggers.
Ignoring External Factors: The model largely overlooks the role of external factors such as
colonialism, neo-colonialism, global power dynamics, and international trade relations in shaping
a country's development path. Dependency theory, for example, directly challenges Rostow's
model by arguing that the underdevelopment of some countries is a direct consequence of the
development of others.
Oversimplification: The model simplifies a complex process into a few broad stages, potentially
obscuring important nuances and variations within and between countries.
Empirical Validity: Critics have questioned the empirical validity of the stages and the specific
conditions associated with each. The dates and characteristics of the "take-off" stage, for instance,
have been debated.
Neglect of Inequality and Social Issues: The model primarily focuses on economic growth and
may neglect issues of income inequality, poverty, social development, and environmental
sustainability. The "age of high mass consumption" has also been criticized for its emphasis on
consumerism and potential environmental consequences.
Not Applicable to All Countries: Some countries, particularly smaller nations or those with
limited resources, may not fit neatly into Rostow's stages. The model also doesn't adequately
address the challenges faced by countries that may get "stuck" in a particular stage.
Conclusion:
Rostow's economic growth model was a significant contribution to development economics by providing
a seemingly clear and optimistic framework for understanding and promoting economic progress.
However, it has faced substantial criticism for its linear, deterministic, and Eurocentric assumptions, as
well as its neglect of external factors, internal inequalities, and the complexities of real-world
development. While the model offers a useful historical perspective on the development of some
industrialized nations, it is not considered a universally applicable or sufficient framework for
understanding the diverse and multifaceted processes of economic and social change in all countries.
Modern development thinking often incorporates more nuanced and context-specific approaches that
consider a wider range of factors and challenges.
John Friedmann's (1966) perspective on the core-periphery concept, as outlined in his book "Regional
Development Policy: A Case Study of Venezuela," offers a dynamic and evolutionary understanding of
spatial inequalities in economic development. He goes beyond a simple binary division and introduces the
element of time and the processes that lead to the formation and potential transformation of core-
periphery relationships within a regional or national context.
Here are the key aspects of Friedmann's (1966) examination of the core-periphery concept:
Friedmann proposed a four-stage model of regional development that explains the emergence of a core-
periphery structure:
Stage 1: Pre-Industrial (Resource Frontier Region): In this initial stage, economic activity is
dispersed and localized, primarily based on agriculture and small-scale production. Settlements
are isolated, and there are limited disparities in development levels across the region.
Stage 2: Transitional (Upward Transition Region): This stage marks the beginning of
economic concentration in a specific area, the emerging "core." This concentration is driven by
factors like innovation, capital accumulation, and the early stages of industrial growth. The core
city becomes a growth pole, attracting labor and resources from the surrounding periphery. Trade
and mobility increase, but are largely oriented towards the core.
Stage 3: Industrial (Downward Transition Region & Continued Upward Transition): As the
core continues to grow, it may experience increasing costs (e.g., land, labor). This can lead to a
diffusion of growth and the emergence of secondary centers in the periphery (upward transition
regions). Simultaneously, some areas in the periphery might experience decline due to resource
depletion or the out-migration of skilled labor (downward transition regions). Interdependence
between the core and periphery intensifies, with the periphery supplying resources and labor to
the core, and the core providing manufactured goods and services.
Stage 4: Post-Industrial (Integrated Region): In this advanced stage, the urban system becomes
more fully integrated, and spatial inequalities are significantly reduced. Economic activities are
more specialized and distributed based on comparative advantages. High-capacity transport and
communication networks facilitate the rapid exchange of goods, services, and information,
leading to a more balanced regional development.
Friedmann's model highlights the crucial role of spatial interaction and flows between the core and the
periphery. These flows include:
Labor Migration: People move from the periphery to the core in search of better economic
opportunities.
Capital Flows: Investment tends to concentrate in the core, although some may trickle down to
the periphery in later stages.
Resource Extraction: The core often draws raw materials and resources from the periphery.
Diffusion of Innovation: New technologies and ideas typically originate in the core and may
eventually spread to the periphery.
Trade of Goods and Services: The core produces manufactured goods and services that are
consumed in the periphery, while the periphery may supply agricultural products and raw
materials to the core.
Friedmann acknowledged that the periphery is not a homogeneous entity. He identified different types of
peripheral regions based on their relationship with the core and their development trajectory:
Upward Transition Regions: Areas in the periphery experiencing growth and development,
often linked to the core through specific industries or resource endowments.
Downward Transition Regions: Areas facing economic decline due to factors like outdated
industries or resource depletion.
Resource Frontier Regions: Newly incorporated areas on the periphery that are being exploited
for their natural resources.
A key aspect of Friedmann's perspective is the idea that, over time and with appropriate interventions, a
core-periphery structure can evolve towards a more integrated and equitable regional system. This
involves the decentralization of economic activities, the strengthening of peripheral economies, and the
reduction of dependence on the core.
evaluate the relevancy of myrdals theory of upward circular causation in developing country
Gunnar Myrdal's theory of upward circular causation posits that in a market economy, forces tend to
create a self-reinforcing cycle of growth and prosperity in already advantaged regions or countries, while
simultaneously hindering development in less advantaged ones. This occurs through the interplay of
various "backwash effects" and potentially weaker "spread effects." Evaluating its relevancy in
developing countries requires considering the specific contexts and complexities of these nations.
Here's an analysis of the relevancy of Myrdal's theory in the context of developing countries:
Oversimplification: While powerful, the core-periphery dynamic might oversimplify the diverse
realities within developing countries. Not all disadvantaged regions are homogenous, and some
may possess unique assets or experience localized growth despite broader trends.
Ignoring Agency and Innovation in the Periphery: Myrdal's theory might sometimes
downplay the potential for innovation, entrepreneurship, and policy-driven change within
peripheral regions. While backwash effects are strong, local initiatives and targeted interventions
can sometimes disrupt negative cycles.
The Role of the State: While Myrdal advocated for state intervention to counteract backwash
effects, the effectiveness of such interventions in developing countries can be constrained by
factors like limited state capacity, corruption, and political instability. Simply calling for
intervention is not a guarantee of success.
Globalization and New Dynamics: The current era of globalization introduces new
complexities. While some aspects of Myrdal's theory remain relevant in understanding global
inequalities, the rise of global value chains, the power of multinational corporations, and the flow
of information and technology can create new patterns of development and dependence that
might not be fully captured by the original core-periphery framework. However, these new
dynamics can also be analyzed through the lens of how they might reinforce or challenge existing
core-periphery relationships.
Spread Effects Can Be Stronger in Some Cases: While Myrdal argued that backwash effects
tend to be stronger, there are instances where spread effects, such as remittances, technology
transfer, and increased demand for specific goods and services from developing countries, can
play a significant role in fostering development in certain peripheral regions or countries.
Conclusion:
Despite some limitations and the need for nuanced application, Myrdal's theory of upward circular
causation remains highly relevant for understanding the persistent challenges of development in
many developing countries. It provides a powerful lens through which to analyze the self-reinforcing
nature of inequalities, the limitations of purely market-based solutions, and the importance of considering
both economic and non-economic factors. While the specific manifestations of core-periphery dynamics
may vary across different developing countries and in the context of globalization, Myrdal's framework
offers valuable insights for policymakers seeking to address regional disparities and promote more
inclusive and sustainable development. Recognizing the powerful forces of cumulative causation is
crucial for designing effective interventions that can break vicious cycles of underdevelopment and foster
virtuous cycles of growth in marginalized areas.
The growth pole concept, while influential in regional planning, particularly in the mid-20th century, has
faced several criticisms and practical problems when applied as a tool for fostering development. Here are
five key problems:
1. Limited "Trickle-Down" or Spread Effects: A central tenet of growth pole theory is that the
dynamism of the pole (the concentrated area of economic activity) will eventually "trickle down"
or "spread" to the surrounding, less developed periphery. However, in many real-world
applications, these spread effects have been weak or non-existent. Instead, the growth pole often
becomes an enclave, concentrating wealth, resources, and skilled labor, while the periphery
remains stagnant or even experiences negative "backwash effects" like the out-migration of talent
and capital towards the pole. This can exacerbate regional inequalities rather than reduce them.
2. Urban Bias and Neglect of Rural Areas: The focus on establishing industrial or advanced
service-based growth poles often leads to an inherent urban bias in development strategies.
Investments and infrastructure development are concentrated in these poles, typically located in
or near existing urban centers, at the expense of rural areas. This can marginalize rural
economies, which in many developing countries are the primary source of livelihoods, and further
widen the gap between urban and rural populations.
3. Failure to Account for Local Context and Linkages: The growth pole concept often adopts a
top-down approach, attempting to transplant industries or activities without sufficient
consideration for the existing economic structure, social fabric, and local needs of the region. The
assumed forward and backward linkages (the interdependencies between the propulsive industry
and other sectors) may not materialize if the necessary supporting industries, infrastructure, or
skilled labor are absent in the surrounding region. This can lead to the establishment of isolated,
unsustainable growth poles with limited impact on the broader economy.
4. Political Influence and Uneven Distribution of Benefits: The selection and development of
growth poles can be heavily influenced by political considerations rather than purely economic
rationale. This can result in the location of poles in areas that are politically advantageous but
economically unviable, leading to inefficient allocation of resources and limited development
impact. Furthermore, even if a growth pole is successful, the benefits may not be evenly
distributed within the region, potentially concentrating wealth in the hands of a few and
exacerbating existing social inequalities.
5. Complexity of Implementation and Coordination: Effectively implementing a growth pole
strategy requires significant planning, coordination, and investment across various sectors and
levels of government. Identifying truly "propulsive" industries with strong linkage potential,
developing the necessary infrastructure, attracting investment, and fostering a supportive business
environment are complex tasks. Weak governance, corruption, and a lack of institutional capacity
in many developing countries can severely hinder the successful implementation and
management of growth pole initiatives, leading to their failure to achieve the desired outcomes.
In conclusion, while the growth pole concept offered an appealing strategy for development efforts, its
application as a planning tool in developing countries has often been problematic. The anticipated spread
effects have frequently been weak, leading to increased regional disparities and a neglect of rural areas.
Insufficient attention to local context, political interference, and challenges in implementation have
further limited the effectiveness of this approach. As a result, contemporary development thinking often
emphasizes more integrated, bottom-up, and context-specific strategies that aim for more equitable and
sustainable regional development.