6

Japanese Idol Culture for ‘Contents

Tourism’ and Regional Revitalization:
A Case Study of Regional Idols
Yuki Tajima

Introduction
The popularity of idol culture in Japan is well represented by the Japanese
media. In recent years, however, these idols have transformed themselves
from superficial beings, accepted and adored by their fans alone, into
symbolic social entities that are distinctly Japanese with a large following
in countries around the globe. Indicating how widespread this cultural
phenomenon is, break-up announcements made on January 13 and
August 14, 2016, by SMAP—one of the most popular idol groups pro-
duced by Johnny & Associates1—were picked up by popular domestic
sports journals as well as the public broadcasting corporation (NHK) and
international media.2 Although idols in the past tended to focus their
activities mainly in Tokyo, more recent idols have become increasingly
rooted in specific geographic areas. These modern idols differ from their
predecessors in that they personify ‘regional characteristics’ and ‘regional
authenticity’ in the modern context.

Y. Tajima (*)
Doshisha University, Kyoto, Japan

© The Author(s) 2018 117

A. Beniwal et al. (eds.), Global Leisure and the Struggle for a Better World, Leisure
Studies in a Global Era, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-70975-8_6
118 Y. Tajima

Illustrating this trend is the popularity of AKB48—a group of female

idols that debuted in 2005, produced by Yasushi Akimoto.3 AKB48 has
owned its own exclusive theater in Akihabara, Tokyo, and it has several
sister groups (referred to as AKB groups): SKE48 (in Sakae, Aichi, since
2008), NMB48 (in Namba, Osaka, since 2010), and HKT48 (in Hakata,
Fukuoka, since 2011). In addition, they have their own theaters in their
hometowns. Idols are featured on Amachan in 2013, which is part
of NHK’s wildly popular morning serial TV drama4 (also known as ‘asa-
dora’). Amachan is a highly rated dramatic series. Analysis of media
reports related to Amachan reveal that the filming location for this series,
Kuji-shi, as well as Iwate Prefecture, has had economic benefits due to an
increased number of tourists to the area.
This type of tourism—inspired as it is by media content such as dra-
matic series on TV—is known as ‘contents tourism’. Research on con-
tents tourism has been evolving in Japan since 2010. Idols are indeed
contents, and tourism and regional revitalization based on idol culture
are one focus area for important discussions in the field of contents tour-
ism research.
Since the occurrence of the Great East Japan Earthquake (henceforth,
the Earthquake) in 2011, the Japanese have been rethinking the signifi-
cance of their local community and reexamining the importance of the
bond among its members. The Earthquake brought to the forefront the
issues that Japanese society had already been experiencing, including an
aging population and depopulation in regions other than urban areas.
Meanwhile, the increasing number of users of social media, such as video-­
sharing sites, blogs, Facebook and Twitter, changed the way people—
especially the younger generation—use media to communicate, easing
the excessive focus on Tokyo as the source of popular culture and infor-
mation. In other words, when more channels for the idols to communi-
cate with their fans were provided, it created an environment where one
could enjoy the idol culture anywhere since access to information about
idols occurs in places other than Tokyo.
Looking at today’s Japanese idols in this context, we notice that, start-
ing from around 2010, there have been many so-called regional idols
including those featured on the asadora, Amachan, whose activities focus
on a specific geographical area. Most of these regional idols are groups of
 Japanese Idol Culture for ‘Contents Tourism’ and Regional… 119

young females in their teens or early 20s that focus their activities in the
region where they were born and grew up. Their main activities include
performing live at local venues,5 participating in local festivals and other
events, and collaborating with local government and corporations to sup-
port community efforts. It can be said that the new phenomenon we call
‘regional idol boom’ was born out of a combination of the success of
AKB48, the Earthquake, the reexamination of our concept of commu-
nity and the ideas symbolized in Amachan.
In recent years, local regions have taken advantage of this regional idol
boom by promoting related goods and fan tourism, utilizing the phe-
nomenon for the region’s prosperity. At the same time, there have been
calls for a state policy of ‘local Abenomics’ (the economic policies advo-
cated by Shinzō Abe) or regional development, as we head towards host-
ing the Tokyo Olympics in 2020. Accordingly, it is crucial to avoid an
overly Tokyo-centric thinking and development but rather to allow a
variety of regions to show their rich individuality and obtain brand power
to convey their appeal at the international level.6
Looking at previous academic research, not only are studies into over-
all idol culture insufficient in this context,7 but the topic of regional idols
remains a nascent field awaiting future, cross-disciplinary research. In
addition, there is next to no research from the field of contents tourism
that has studied the effects brought about by regional idols.
This chapter uses Amachan as a case study and examines the reception
of the drama series mainly in its filming location—Kuji-shi, Iwate
Prefecture, in the Tohoku region—as well as the activities of Ama Club,
which is the regional idol group born in Kuji-shi coinciding with
Amachan. At the same time, by understanding the characteristics of
regional idols using specific case studies as examples, this article discusses
the potential of Japanese idol culture for contributing to contents tour-
ism and regional revitalization. Therefore, taking regional idols as a case
study, this chapter investigates the usefulness of regional development
based on idol culture by examining the results of field surveys of regional
idol members and related persons conducted by the author. The article
defines regional idols with reference to past research, and investigates the
meaning of their activities for the regional idols themselves.
120 Y. Tajima

The chapter thus considers the function of regional idol activities in

realizing community building driven by residents, as has often been
advocated in previous discussions of regional development and revitaliza-
tion (Nara Prefectural University Regional Development Research Group
2005; Sasaki 2008).

Idol Culture and ‘Contents Tourism’

The Origin of the Idol Culture

It is said that idol culture in Japan was born in 1971, with an audition-­
style musical program for young singers called “A Star is Born!” (Nippon
Television Network, 1971–1983), made possible by the introduction of
colour television in ordinary households (Ogawa 1988; Inamasu 1989;
Ota 2011). This program produced many idols that were not necessarily
talented singers or dancers but, rather, young and relatable people. The
1970s were the dawn of the idol era, when typical popular magazines of
post-war Japan such as Heibon (Heibonsha, founded in 1945) and Myojo
(Shueisha, founded in 1952), boasting more than one-million readers
consisting mainly of teenage boys and girls, published a wealth of infor-
mation on idols (Sakamoto 2008; Tajima 2014a). According to Tajima
(2014a), during the same period Myojo published many papers on the
‘triumphant return home’ of youngsters who left their homes to go to
Tokyo with the dream of becoming an idol. In other words, we can
­identify representations of ‘regional idols’ that have bonds to a region
from the 70s’ Myojo just as we are seeing today.

Defining ‘Regional Idols’

Existing research has indicated that variety is one characteristic of regional

idols (Muraki 2013; Hashimoto 2014). Meanwhile, regional idol groups
have come to be categorized and discussed according to how their mem-
bers are classified (by gender, age and area of residence), their manage-
ment, the area in which they are active, and so forth. Group categorization
 Japanese Idol Culture for ‘Contents Tourism’ and Regional… 121

involves some difficulties, however, as members are frequently replaced

and there may also be changes in management while the group is active—
in such cases, the actual circumstances of the change are often not clear
in the absence of direct inquiry. This research, therefore, fundamentally
does not attempt to preemptively categorize regional idols; rather, it takes
the position of showing what a regional idol is, based on the results of
questionnaire surveys. Even in this case, however, there needs to be some
conceptual organization and a defined research scope. Accordingly, this
study draws on Muraki’s comparatively inclusive definition: “engagement
with these idols involves associations with a particular region” (Muraki
2013, p. 13). To be more specific, the term ‘regional idols’ is used to refer
to ‘idols’ associated with a particular region through their group name,
where group members are from, song lyrics, clothing, catchphrases, the
location of their management and so forth.
In addition, this section will explain the reasons for uniformly using
the term ‘regional idols’, (‘go-tōchi aidoru’, in Japanese) from amongst the
many terms in use. The dictionary provides two original meanings for
‘go-tōchi’: “(1) A word used to respectfully describe a place by visitors
from another place;“(2) A word used to suggest elements which are spe-
cial or unique to a given place or area.”8 Of these two definitions, go-tōchi
may currently be widely used with the latter meaning, yet the original
meaning of go-tōchi is the former. In other words, the essence of go-tōchi
is an interrelated concept built on differentiation from and comparison
with other regions, and if this is the case, there is an undeniable implica-
tion of, whilst indeed respecting each other, also competing with each
other.9 This is also closely related to current go-tōchi aidoru (i.e., ‘regional
idols’), which compete and ally with other idols in events such as the
U.M.U. Award (held from 2010 to date),10 the National Regional Idol
Ranking Battle (zenkoku go-tōchi aidoru rankingu batoru, detailed previ-
ously), and the Tokyo Idol Festival (held from 2010 to date). In light of
this characteristic, the present research chose the term ‘go-tōchi’.11
Next, due to the large numbers of active regional idols, it was necessary
to narrow the scope of this research to a certain extent.
To examine those who could be estimated to have a degree of social
influence, with information and news about them transmitted and shared
via mass media, this paper selected regional idols with their own public
122 Y. Tajima

website, who were confirmed to be continuously active at present, and who

fulfilled one of the following criteria: (a) they had to be featured in a printed
publication featuring regional idols—namely, “Local Idols: A Perfect
Guide” (Ikaros Publications Ltd., 2013), “National Idol Map 2013–2014”
(Enterbrain, 2013) or “Local Idol Mapple” (Shōbunsha Publications Inc.,
2015); or (b) they had to appear as ‘love regional [koi-­jimo]’ supporters in
the NHK “Love Regional [koi-suru jimoto]” campaign. These publicity
campaigns were developed in relation to the TV drama series Amachan.

What Is Amachan?

Amachan uses the same triumphant return narrative as idols in Myojo during
the 1970s, which was broadcast on NHK for six months, from April to
September in 2013, as the 88th asadora morning drama production. Out of
the 26 weeks, the first half (weeks 1–12) takes place in Kitasanriku-shi,
Iwate Prefecture (a fictional name given to Kuji-shi, Iwate Prefecture), to
which the main character, an 11th grader named Aki Amano (played by
Rena Nonen), and her mother, Haruko (Kyoko Koizumi) return from
Tokyo. It is here, in her mother’s hometown, where Aki grows up while liv-
ing and interacting with local people including her grandmother, Natsu
(Nobuko Miyamoto). The storyline in the second half (weeks 13–26)
revolves around Aki’s struggle and her eventual debut as an idol back in
Tokyo. As the Tohoku region is one of the settings, it portrays the Earthquake
during the final phase (week 23) and some characters of the story are seen
caught in the midst of it. The storyline continues with Aki, who together
with her classmate Yui (Ai Hashimoto), forms a regional idol group called
Shiosaino Memories to help rally the community of Kitasanriku. This is an
example of Japanese idols representing ‘regional characteristics’ and ‘regional
authenticity’ at the dawn of the era during the 1970s.

Contents Tourism

This particular drama series earned an average household viewing rating

of 20.6% (according to Video Research Kanto Region) far exceeding the
rating of its predecessor (17.1%). It not only attracted a large audience, it
 Japanese Idol Culture for ‘Contents Tourism’ and Regional… 123

also created a passionate fan base. Furthermore, the analysis of the media
reports related to Amachan revealed that the filming location for this
series, Kuji-shi, as well as Iwate Prefecture, benefited economically from
an increased number of tourists visiting the area (Tajima 2014b.)
Research on this type of tourism we call ‘contents tourism’, inspired by
media content such as in a TV drama series, has been evolving in Japan
since 2010. Internationally (mainly in Europe and the US) tourism based
on films and TV programs is often called ‘film-induced tourism’, ‘movie-­
induced tourism’ or ‘media-related tourism’.
Up until now, in studies related to film-induced tourism, the context
of discussions has been the above-described effect that films and TV dra-
mas had on the region of the filming location. Regarding films and TV
dramas, it is the latter that has more strongly evoked emotional bonds
among viewers, probably because of the length of broadcasting periods,
the serial format and the greater element of ordinary everyday life in the
content. It is thought that increasing viewer involvement in media works
raises the potential for tourism in the location where the work is filmed
(Kim and Long 2012; Kim and Wang 2012). Kim and Long (2012) dis-
cuss the importance of focusing attention on the concept of the ‘genre’
because it has the role of shaping the modality of viewers.
On the other hand, looking at prior studies in Japan, TV dramas have
become points of contestation. This is most evident in the genres of
NHK’s Taiga historical fiction TV drama and the asadora morning
drama. Academic disciplines related to research focusing on the latter
consist not only of the field of tourism studies but also on a multitude of
subjects ranging from humanities and social sciences through
economics.
Maruta et al. (2014) provide a thought-provoking critique of Jun to Ai
comparing it with Amachan, which it preceded. They observe that
although the broadcast of Jun to Ai brought about an increase in the
number of tourists to the Miyako Islands, where it was filmed, the impact
on tourism was not as dramatic as had been expected by tourism-related
parties there before the series was broadcast. It was thought that the dra-
ma’s depiction of the Miyako Islands and people was not well-received by
the Miyako people themselves, and consequently it was not possible to
capture their hearts.
124 Y. Tajima

The results of studies relating to previous contents tourism and the

asadora morning drama have, in the way mentioned above, formed a
basis for case research from the 2010s, as contents tourism research has
also developed further. This research implies that although one can expect
the media content of asadora morning drama to induce tourism and
thereby provide a certain economic boost to the region of the filming
location, it cannot guarantee an emotional bond between the drama and
the local people on which the drama setting is composed, nor can it guar-
antee such an effect is sustained.
It is worth noting, however, that the concept of contents tourism
involves a wider range of media content, such as manga, anime and video
games. Tourism based on manga and anime, called ‘pilgrimage’ by some,
is especially garnering much attention as a new kind of tourism that makes
optimal use of the aforementioned advances in information technology
(Okamoto 2011, 2013; Yamamura 2011). According to Yamamura (2011,
p. 172), contents tourism refers to “the people’s sensory experiences of the
contents [narrative] using all of their five senses with the location or area
serving as the media. It creates an emotional link among people [or people
and other entities] through shared contents”. Based on Yamamura’s defini-
tion, idols are indeed contents, and tourism and regional revitalization
based on the idol culture can be one focus area for important discussions
in the field of contents tourism research. In fact, Investigative Research of
Cases of Regional Revitalization Efforts Bringing Economic Benefits to the
Region presented by the Regional Economic and Industrial Policy Group
in fiscal year 2012 at METI included regional idols as one of its focus
areas, which cemented idol cultures’ status as part of the contents indis-
pensable for regional revitalization efforts. Idols, however, have rarely been
the subject of discussion in the field of contents tourism research, nor has
there been research on the actual state of tourism based on Amachan.

Method
To close the above-mentioned gap in research, I selected Amachan as the
media content for this research as it incorporates the narrative of regional
idols. Specifically, I conducted continuous field research in Kuji-shi,
 Japanese Idol Culture for ‘Contents Tourism’ and Regional… 125

Iwate Prefecture, which is the filming location of the series, from 2014 to
2015, along with participant observation research and interviews of rel-
evant personnel in the media contents tourism industry. According to
Yamamura (2011), relevant personnel in the contents tourism industry
can be categorized into three groups, namely, (1) producers, (2) fans
(tourists) and (3) local residents. As this research’s main interest is in the
relationship between the media contents and the local residents as well as
the activities of regional idols, the article will focus on the local
residents.
The interviewees included personnel at Kuji City Hall, at the Kuji-shi
Chamber of Commerce and Industry and at Kuji-shi Tourism Association
as well as the production manager from the Fisheries Cooperative
Association, members of Ama (women divers) Association in the Kosode
district, female high school students in Kuji-shi who are members of Ama
Club, owners of local shops, the owner of the restaurant on which the
series is loosely based and, finally, fans of Ama Club. All of these people
have, in one way or another, come in contact with the contents tourism
industry including through the production of the series at the filming
location or in dealing with tourists. The interviewer first explained the
privacy policy and received consent for disclosure of research results from
the interviewees before proceeding with the interview. This paper will
concentrate on statements made by the members of Ama Club.
In addition to this, interview surveys were also distributed to several
regional idols who were not members of Ama Club in order to under-
stand the broader qualities of regional idols.
An investigation into regional idols following the research scope out-
lined in the first section of this chapter yielded a sample of 126 groups
(908 people) as of September 1, 2016. The sample was composed of 5
single units (solo artists) and 121 multiple units (groups) (henceforth,
both solo artist and group units will be referred to as ‘groups’). Regarding
the gender of the group members, 4 were males and 904 females. Classed
by formation date, 16 groups were formed in 2009, 12 in 2010, 34 in
2011, 34 in 2012, 19 in 2013, and 11 in 2014 and 2015.
From the data above, it can be seen that most of the research subjects
were female groups formed from 2010 onwards. Taking the representa-
tion of regional idols into consideration, this study therefore chose, as a
126 Y. Tajima

cornerstone, to conduct questionnaire surveys with persons involved in

the management of regional idols judged to be highly relevant to regional
development. The chosen were amongst those formed from 2010
onwards, which were better-known and from regions with high numbers
of ‘regional idols’. Where possible, surveys were also undertaken with the
members of these groups themselves (only where possible). The surveys
were semi-structured interviews conducted in accordance with sets of
questions prepared in advance; extra questions were added as necessary.
Surveys of regional idols conducted up to the present (September 1,
2016) are listed in Table 6.1 below. Meanwhile, Table 6.2 summarizes the
range of participants surveyed, as well as certain attributes (e.g., gender)
of the subjects in greater detail. This reveals that while group members
were almost entirely female, the majority of managers were male. As for
age, there were sizable differences amongst all of the groups, with the
youngest members being 11 years and oldest 29 years; nonetheless, group
members were, at core, middle- and high-school students.

Table 6.1 List of regional idols (by the author)

Period of The date
Area of operation Group name activity of survey
Kuji City, Iwate Prefecture Ama Club 2014–2015 2014.
12/14
Sendai City, Miyagi Michinoku Sendai Ori 2011– 2016. 1/30
Prefecture Princess Troupe [Hime
Tai]
Niigata Prefecture RYUTist 2011– 2015.
11/16
Toyama Prefecture Vienolossi 2013– 2016. 2/14
Hokuriku Thumb [Oyayubi] 2012– 2016. 2/14
Princesses
Mito City, Ibaraki Mito Regional Idols (TBC) 2012– 2015. 8/24
Prefecture
Nagoya City, Aichi OS☆U 2010– 2015.
Prefecture (Ōsu Shopping 11/23
District)
Inazawa City, Aichi LOVE♥INA30 2011– 2015.
Prefecture 11/22
Okazaki City, Aichi Sakura-HR 2011– 2015.
Prefecture 11/23
Fukuoka Prefecture LinQ 2011– 2015.
12/22
 Japanese Idol Culture for ‘Contents Tourism’ and Regional… 127

Table 6.2 Summary of the surveys (by the author)

Group name Member Manager
interview Average interview
survey Gender age survey Gender
Ama Club ○ Female 18.0 ○ Male
Michinoku Sendai ○ Female 14.5 ○ Male
Ori Princess Troupe
[Hime Tai]
RYUTist × Female 15.3 ○ Male
Vienolossi ○ Female 15.8 ○ Female
Thumb [Oyayubi] ○ Female 17.1 ○ Male
Princesses
Mito Regional Idols × Female 18.2 ○ Male
(TBC)
OS☆U ○ Female 18.8 ○ Male
LOVE♥INA30 ○ Female 17.6 ○ Male
Sakura-HR × Female 18.7 ○ Male
LinQ ○ Female 20.9 ○ Male

Discussion
Preproduction Preparation at the Location

As there was no film commission in Kuji-shi, the city established the

Promotional Committee for Supporting Amachan, consisting of 32 rele-
vant organizations (for example, the Iwate Prefecture government office,
chambers of commerce and tourism organizations) as well as five munici-
palities that agreed to serve as filming locations in July 2012 before the
filming began. This committee provided support at the location, with the
pre-production preparation, and for advertising to attract visitors. It also
managed tours to promote tourism, prepared guidebooks, established
facilities and secured venues for displaying stage props and costumes used
at the locations, painted depictions related to the series on store shutters
(or shutter art), and actively encouraged the creation of a town that made
use of motifs based on the series. These activities helped convey the mes-
sage both inside and outside the region: “Kuji-shi is the filming location
used in Amachan”.
128 Y. Tajima

Activities by Ama Club After the Series

Lingering at the back of the minds of the local organizations involved was
the concern that the tourist boom would quickly lose its momentum
­following post-production activities. Their hope was and still is to use the
series proactively as an opportunity to trigger further development of the
region, inspire the city of Kuji and attract repeat tourists. Some of the activi-
ties are led by residents themselves rather than the municipality and its staff.
One such activity worth noting is Ama Club consisting of five female 12th
graders from Kuji-shi. The club was born when several high school students
were inspired to help the community after witnessing the actual impact
Amachan had on the number of tourists visiting Kuji-shi. Collaborating
with the local tourism association, which also managed the group, the girls
formed the group in April 2014 for only one year. The main purpose of the
group was to give regular performances of their original songs and dance
numbers, as well as those in Amachan, close to home to promote Kuji-shi.
Ama Club performed to a roaring crowd in their farewell concert in March
2015 which was attended by approximately 350 fans from Kuji-shi and
elsewhere and filled the Kuji-shi Cultural Center almost to capacity. When
asked to look back on her activities, one member stated: “

What really struck me was that I grew to love Kuji-shi more after I started
with the club. Of course, I loved my city before joining the group, but the
more I promoted my hometown to others, the more I really grew to appre-
ciate it”.

Similarly, other members also realized the value of Kuji-shi, their

hometown. Another member added: “I really felt that this was where I
belonged and felt inspired”. Others expressed a similar sentiment: they
felt that their own identity became more rooted within the community.
In this respect, what are the experiences of other regional idols?

Details of the Regional Idols Surveyed

This section clearly outlines the regional idols surveyed, starting with
details such as their areas of operation, management, period of activity
and the details of their formation (i.e., goals at the time of formation).
 Japanese Idol Culture for ‘Contents Tourism’ and Regional… 129

Firstly, regarding performance area, there are, of course, groups that

operate on a scale broader than the prefectural level, for instance, those
spanning Hokuriku (Thumb [Oyayubi] Princesses) and Kyūshū (LinQ);
if we consider prefectures, however, in order of the greatest numbers of
the regional idols targeted by this research, the core regions are Fukuoka
(12 groups), Osaka (10 groups) and Aichi (9 groups)—all of which are
large metropolitan areas, and also have their own AKB groups.
In Aichi in particular, as can be seen from two of the surveyed groups—
Love.Ina30 from Inazawa (northwestern Aichi, population around
130,000) and Sakura-HR from Okazaki (central Aichi, population
around 380,000)—there are regional idols with a degree of fame in terms
of being featured in mass media in towns other than their prefectural
capital, Nagoya (neither of the groups’ hometown is an ordinance-­
designated city). Furthermore, Nagoya is rich in diversity; for example,
OS.U is based in Ōsu Shopping District, located in Ōsu, Naka Ward;
there is also idol training run by the owner of a sushi restaurant. Therefore,
whilst this research thus far in principle focused only on one group per
prefecture, Aichi was an exception and three groups—Love.Ina30,
Sakura-HR, OS.U—were questioned.
Next, the 10 surveyed groups were sorted into the following three cat-
egories regarding management:

1. Public institution (local governments, incorporated associations,

foundations, NPOs, etc.): Ama Club, Michinoku Sendai Ori Princess
Troupe [Hime Tai], Thumb [Oyayubi] Princesses
2. Entertainment producers: RYUTist, Vienolossi, OS.U, LinQ
3. Individuals: Mito Regional Idols (TBC), Love.Ina30, Sakura-HR

Note, however, that the above are details from the point at which the
surveys were conducted (or based on prior knowledge of future changes);
there are cases in which active groups have changed management, such as
Michinoku Sendai Ori Princess Troupe [Hime Tai], which started under
management by a corporation and changed to an incorporated associa-
tion in February 2016.
Additionally, to expand upon (3): ‘individuals’ here refers to cases
where in reality it is an individual person with another occupation, such
as a shopkeeper, who is involved in management as a job ‘on the side’,
130 Y. Tajima

despite the management being officially designated (i.e., in mass media

articles and on official websites) as ‘[Name] Executive Committee’ or
similar. For instance, Sakura-HR’s parent organization is listed as ‘Machi-­
doru Executive Committee’, but the person who actually manages the
group (the ‘principal’, Mr. I, is by day an employee at a public institution;
he supports Sakura-HR mostly by himself, outside of his day job.
Lastly, regarding period of activity, it has already been stated that all of
the groups were formed from 2010 onwards, and excluding Ama Club,
all groups have been continuously performing regardless of the succes-
sion, retirement, and addition of members. Inquiring about the particu-
lars of each group’s formation revealed that, while objectives were initially
aligned with the issues faced by each region, such as supporting disaster
recovery (Michinoku Sendai Ori Princess Troupe [Hime Tai]), shopping
district revitalization (OS.U) or energizing a summer festival (Love.
Ina30), in terms of an overall desired direction, regional improvement
forms the axis of each group’s performances. Furthermore, as can be seen
from the times at which the groups were formed, each was developed in
a different context than that of the ‘local Abenomics’ regional develop-
ment policy announced by the second Abe cabinet. Meanwhile, accord-
ing to comments from those involved, it was not uncommon for groups
to be concerned about freedom regarding the time and content of their
activities, and even to distance themselves from public institutions.12
Similarly, there are many groups which keep interaction with fans to a
minimum to avoid excessive interference with management and the
members.
The above observations reveal a common feature shared by the sur-
veyed regional idols: they perform out of a consideration for regional
improvement in the regions in which they are based.

Efficacy and Functions: Boosting Regional Affection

What are the effects on individual members arising from performing as a

regional idol? First, members told us that their sentiment toward their
home region changed throughout, which matches what was observed in
the case of Ama Club. Below are quotes from several members (the
underlined portions are comments on the quotes).13
 Japanese Idol Culture for ‘Contents Tourism’ and Regional… 131

One of the members of Love.Ina30, a group launched in July 2011 as

a summer festival project aimed at revitalizing the local Inazawa Summer
Festival, said:

I grew up in Inazawa, so when I play with the local kids, I just think I want
to be a representative of Inazawa. We are doing an enormous amount of
events, and just being able to confidently say, this is how it is, instills a real
sense of pride. That feeling that I really know Inazawa makes me happy.
(Love.Ina30 member)

Then, one of the members of OS.U, which was formed in August 2010
with the aforementioned aim of promoting the revitalization of Ōsu
Shopping District, or more specifically, bringing the ‘otaku’ (meaning ‘geeks’
but referring to both ‘idol’ fans and people with interests in subculture) into
the shopping district, said the following about how she developed a greater
interest in learning about the region after having the opportunity to reflect
on her own ambivalence toward the area she grew up in while performing:

It really made me think about how I didn’t know anything about the town
I grew up in. Given the opportunity to be an ambassador for the town and
do those kinds of things, I gradually learned the good things about the
town and its special points, and I grew to love my hometown much more.
If I never had this opportunity, I don’t think I would have ever learned
about the place’s history or anything else about it. But now I feel these
things are really important. (OS.U member)

 romoting Local Participation and Intergenerational

P
Social Interaction

Exemplary of the views of the members of OS.U, based in Ōsu Shopping

District was this:

Even when just hanging out around town, people in the shopping district
greet us by saying, “Morning,” or something else. It makes you feel like
you’re on real friendly terms with them. It makes me appreciate how won-
derful the town is. You’d think it would be hard to be able to walk around
and be so friendly with the people of the shopping district. It’s like we’ve
become family! (OS.U member)
132 Y. Tajima

In contrast to this, Inazawa-based Love.Ina30, although sharing the

same Aichi Prefecture, has a strong affinity with the contemporary urban
modality of their local region. As mentioned earlier, Love.Ina30 was
formed with the aim of revitalizing the local summer festival. One of the
venues where they regularly give stage performances is a shopping mall
called Leaf Walk Inazawa.14 Love.Ina30 have been appointed as the
‘image girls’ of Leaf Walk, and they hold regular performances several
times a month on weekends and public holidays on a stage installed
inside the shopping mall. As is typical of regional idols, the majority of
their fans are men in their 30s to 40s. Although it differs among groups,
many of these fans live in the areas surrounding their hometown. Love.
Ina30 also attracts similar audiences at their regular concerts, but many
of the people who stop to listen to their performance at Leaf Walk are
general shoppers, and a particularly prevalent category of shoppers on
weekends and public holidays are families with young children. On that
topic, a member gave the following reply when asked about “what gives
them joy while out performing”:

I remember not long after we started, I received a letter from this little girl.
I get lots of letters from grownups [laughs], but the letters from younger
kids really show how full of sweet innocence they are. Often I read that
kind of letter from a child when I am feeling exhausted, and I get a bit
teary-eyed. (Love.Ina30 member)

The ‘grownups’ mentioned here refer to the male fans in their 30s and
40s, but what stands out here is that the joy for members is not only the
interaction with fans but also the opportunity for interaction with the
local children. At the same time, it provides a glimpse of the next genera-
tion, which the members and managers may be looking to direct their
performances toward in the future because the underlying suggestion in
what the Love.Ina30 member says above is that she wants to be loved by
children and to have a child fan base, and also for the group to be attrac-
tive to this audience.
From the perspective of local participation, the performances of
Michinoku Sendai Ori Princess Troupe [Hime Tai] are insightful.
 Japanese Idol Culture for ‘Contents Tourism’ and Regional… 133

Hime Tai formed for the purpose of raising money and carrying out
volunteer activities for disaster recovery in July 2011. While their base
was the city of Sendai in Miyagi Prefecture, the members were mostly
elementary and junior high school students from regions where the
destruction of the Earthquake was extreme, such as the cities of
Ishinomaki-shi, Shiogama-shi, Shichigahama-shi and Miyagino-ku in
the city of Sendai, and members had firsthand experience of the disas-
ter.15 Consequently, Hime Tai’s scope of activities included giving stage
performances just like other regional idols, but in addition to that, the
group was involved in support programs for disaster recovery (such as
morale-boosting visits to disaster-stricken towns and temporary ­residential
settlements, holding or participating in charity events for the affected
regions, fundraising activities, sales of charity goods, and visits to places
overseas that had given support for the disaster). Asked why she had
become a regional idol, one of the members answered:

I’m from Miyagi Prefecture and I have many relatives whose houses were
washed away, so I was searching for something I could do to help. I was still
only grade six at elementary school at the time, so I didn’t really know
much about anything. But as I really wanted to try to do something, they
let me join. (Michinoku Sendai Ori Princess Troupe [Hime Tai] member)

The same member said the following when asked about changes she
had witnessed through performing:

Among the recovery support activities, I think there are various kinds of
problems, but looking back over the five years that I have been doing this,
at first we were visiting the temporary residential settlements and talking
with the old men and women staying there. Now the activities are things
like tree planting.16 I guess my impression is that the practical activities
aimed at building the future have been increasing over the five years.
(Michinoku Sendai Ori Princess Troupe [Hime Tai] member)

From the above two remarks, it is apparent that during the initial
period of confusion directly following the Earthquake, the Hime Tai
member did not know how she could be of assistance, but through the
134 Y. Tajima

interactions they had with various people in the affected areas through
their performances over the years, the group’s activities now relate to
more practical issues and problems that their region faces. Although
regional development activities greatly differ from the far more serious
and urgent issues that need to be addressed during recovery efforts after
disasters, by cooperating with local people across all generations, the
members are fulfilling a role of local participation to ‘make the region
better’, and we can expect to find common elements among the cases of
other regional idols.

Improving Communication Skills

The performances of regional idols can have a great effect on how com-
munication occurs between the members of idol groups:

Originally, I was very shy and I hated doing things like performing in front
of people. There was nothing that I felt I was particularly good at, and I was
totally useless talking with people. I struggled with these communication
obstacles, but I just started becoming amazingly proactive. I think it has
given me the confidence to engage properly with people in ordinary life.
(Vienolossi member)

One could easily assume that because these people are regional idol
performers, they share a notable skill set for speaking and singing in front
of people. However, as is evident by the above remark, the members dis-
closed that they are naturally shy and lack self-confidence. A surprisingly
large number of members said that they became performers to overcome
such characteristics. The member who made the above remark related
that she was able to see herself differently through performance, and as a
result, she found she was able to overcome important life challenges such
as finding a job.
From the above, we see that performing helps members improve com-
munication skills necessary for smooth interpersonal relations. At the same
time, members of idol groups regulate their self-identity; in other words,
being a performer gives adolescents the ability to establish autonomy.
 Japanese Idol Culture for ‘Contents Tourism’ and Regional… 135

Conclusion
Tourism inspired by Amachan and the activities of Ama Club not only
established an image of the community as the filming location in
Amachan, but also urged residents within the community of Kuji-shi to
become more interested and attached to their own hometown, and cre-
ated an opportunity for them to be more culturally aware. This case is
different from that of the preceding production Jun to Ai. The residents
of Kuji-shi favorably accepted the content, which led to the promotion of
contents tourism. It can be said that at the same time it led to regional
promotion activities utilizing Amachan. Consequently, the contents tour-
ism driven by Amachan can be seen as a case in which there was an emo-
tional bond between the drama and the local residents who composed the
drama setting. Thus, the effects of contents tourism were sustained for a
long time when compared with other asadora morning TV dramas.
Furthermore, these activities inspired the residents to identify more
with their local community. The way the residents actively participated in
the tourism effort also made a difference. Nevertheless, the activities of
Ama Club were limited to a certain period of time due to the members’
future plans after high school; however, the group succeeded in attracting
fans to the region. In other words, the dramatic representation of regional
idols in the asadora morning TV drama increased the effect of the related
contents tourism. In addition, it showed the potential for contents tour-
ism using regional idols. Contents tourism using regional idols was not
only a promotion of tourism as simple entertainment, it also brought
about the kinds of effects on members as summarized below.
The performance of regional idols broadly had the following three
effects: (1) it increased love and attachment towards the group’s base, i.e.,
the members’ local area; (2) it encouraged local involvement—that is,
thinking collaboratively about the region among local residents, irrespec-
tive of age, in order to address issues and problems faced by the area; and
(3) it drove progress in resolving relevant issues and problems through
communication with members and between members and management.
Lastly, whilst the regional idols surveyed in this paper were—with one
exception—groups that gave performances on an ongoing basis, atten-
tion should also be paid to the fact that there are also groups with no
136 Y. Tajima

choice but to perform for a limited period, such as Ama Club. It was
decided at the time of the group’s formation that Ama Club would dis-
band after a year, a choice that was not unrelated to the fact that there is
no university in Kuji for the group members in their final year of high
school. Performances had to be stopped due to unavoidable circum-
stances faced particularly by young people, such as the pursuit of further
studies and future directions. It is often true as well that several members
of a group will face similar issues that do not result in disbanding.

Notes
1. Johnny & Associates is one of the leading entertainment production
companies in Japan.
2. This news was broadcast on BBC in England, and France 24 in France,
and it was reported in the UK newspaper, The Guardian.
3. Yasushi Akimoto is a Japanese lyricist, TV writer and producer known
for having produced Onyanko Club, an idol group of amateur high
school girls during the mid-80s.
4. Asadora is a morning serial drama, which has been broadcast on NHK
since 1961. Judging from the series’ storylines and the time slot, most of
the viewers are thought to be housewives.
5. Some groups, such as AKB48, own their own exclusive theaters while
others do not.
6. As shown by the involvement of AKB in the development of plans to
construct a ‘Cool Japan Mall’ in the Philippine capital, Manila, to pro-
mote ‘Japan appeal’ in 2017, idols are being considered symbols for pro-
moting Japan overseas.
7. Certainly, a number of general books have been published on idols, but
research methods and theories of the majority of these are not clear, and
they cannot definitively be included in the category of academic research.
8. JapanKnowledge, http://japanknowledge.com 2016(2016年2月11日)
9. According to Tamura (2014), attention paid to ‘locality’ is historically
stronger in Japan than in other countries. The existence of various rank-
ing tables in the Edo period may be given as evidence here.
10. This is an event held for the “Competition for Deciding the No. 1
Regional Idol [Go-tōchi Aidoru No. 1 Kettei-sen]”, hosted every December
 Japanese Idol Culture for ‘Contents Tourism’ and Regional… 137

since 2010 by HoriPro, a major talent production company. Finalist

candidates are selected from regional idol entries from across Japan, ten
groups of which advance to the final round based on YouTube video
views, web voting, screenings and so forth; the event determines the ‘No.
1’ from amongst these groups. ‘U.M.U.’ is an abbreviation of ‘Under
Major Unitidol’.
11. Although rōkaru and go-tōchi are conceptually interrelated, the antonym
of rōkaru in Japanese is gurōbaru (global); accordingly, there is the worry
that the term rōkaru aidoru carries the implication of ‘idols representing
Japan’, with the object of comparison being overseas, which the study
deemed inappropriate. Additionally, the use of chihō (regional, i.e., out-
side of the capital) was avoided as it implies a Tokyo-centric hierarchy.
12. The majority of participants indicated they had almost no involvement
with public institutions for various reasons: Such involvement can lead
to limits on the events that the group can participate in, extended work-
ing hours, impact on payment with regard to activities for which mem-
bers may be paid, and so forth. In addition, participation in events
hosted by public institutions and employment in roles such as educa-
tional characters fundamentally tend to be conducted in the form of
competitions. However, it is sometimes the case that a group may be
requested to participate in a national project, or may be funded by a local
government; thus, it cannot necessarily be said that there are no ties
involved. Meanwhile, there were also some comments that indicated
doubts regarding the distance between the expectations of idol images
and performances by public institutions and the actual performances
given, even by groups with ties to public institutions.
13. Concerning the interview results (handling of individual testimonies), in
order to protect personal information, the members were made anony-
mous through the use of a method that didn’t specify their names.
14. Leaf Walk Inazawa is a shopping mall that opened in 2009 as part of a
redevelopment project orchestrated by Inazawa City and an urban rede-
velopment organization.
15. The personal disaster experiences of members were reported by the mass
media, such as by the Asahi Shimbun on January 1, 2016, in “Idols sup-
porting recovery bring smiles” and by the Sankei News on February 6,
2016, in “Miyagi, Sendai—Michinoku Sendai Ori Princess Troupe
[Hime Tai] have over 80 stylish costumes to brighten spirits of affected
region.”
138 Y. Tajima

16. Concerning the tree planting activities, an organizer described the activi-
ties as follows: “We are planting saplings that will serve as a defense for
strong winds. We are donating to Sendai City’s Green Fund. The sap-
lings were grown outside the prefecture, in Tottori Prefecture, I think.
These trees grow nice and tall, I think they grow in Fukushima. They will
start to get big in about 30 years. We are doing this activity together with
Sendai City.”

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