(eBook PDF) MATLAB for Engineers 5th Edition by Holly Moore download
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MATLAB Programming for Engineers 6th Edition Stephen J.
Chapman - eBook PDF
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1. Introduction 62
1. Summary 110
4. Problems 112
1. Summary 139
4. Problems 140
5. 5 Plotting 146
1. Introduction 146
1. Summary 193
3. Problems 195
1. Introduction 206
1. Summary 235
4. Problems 236
1. Introduction 243
1. Summary 269
4. Problems 271
1. Introduction 276
1. Summary 304
4. Problems 306
1. Introduction 318
1. Summary 344
4. Problems 345
10. 10 Matrix Algebra 351
1. Introduction 351
1. Summary 388
4. Problems 390
1. Introduction 398
1. Summary 431
4. Problems 433
1. Introduction 441
1. Summary 486
3. Problems 488
1. Summary 545
4. Problems 548
1. Introduction 557
1. Summary 590
1. Introduction 595
1. Summary 616
3. Problems 616
1. Introduction 618
1. Summary 633
3. Problems 634
1. Appendix A Special Characters, Commands, and Functions 638
4. Appendix D 661
5. Index 663
About This Book
This book grew out of my experience teaching MATLAB® and other
computing languages to freshmen engineering students at Salt Lake
Community College. I was frustrated by the lack of a text that “started at the
beginning.” Although there were many comprehensive reference books, they
assumed a level of both mathematical and computer sophistication that my
students did not possess. Also, because MATLAB® was originally adopted
by practitioners in the fields of signal processing and electrical engineering,
most of these texts provided examples primarily from those areas, an
approach that didn’t fit with a general engineering curriculum. This text starts
with basic algebra and shows how MATLAB® can be used to solve
engineering problems from a wide range of disciplines. The examples are
drawn from concepts introduced in early chemistry and physics classes and
freshman and sophomore engineering classes. A standard problem-solving
methodology is used consistently.
The text assumes that the student has a basic understanding of college algebra
and has been introduced to trigonometric concepts; students who are
mathematically more advanced generally progress through the material more
rapidly. Although the text is not intended to teach subjects such as statistics
or matrix algebra, when the MATLAB® techniques related to these subjects
are introduced, a brief background is included. In addition, sections
describing MATLAB® techniques for solving problems by means of calculus
and differential equations are introduced near the end of appropriate chapters.
These sections can be assigned for additional study to students with a more
advanced mathematics background, or they may be useful as reference
material as students progress through an engineering curriculum.
Chapter 3 details the wide variety of problems that can be solved with
built-in MATLAB® functions. Background material on many of the
functions is provided to help the student understand how they might be
used. For example, the difference between Gaussian random numbers
and uniform random numbers is described, and examples of each are
presented.
Appendix A lists all of the functions and special symbols (or characters)
introduced in the text. Appendix B describes strategies for scaling data, so
that the resulting plots are linear. Appendix C includes the complete
MATLAB® code to create the Ready_Aim_Fire graphical user interface
described in Chapter 15. Appendix D includes the Asheville, North Carolina
weather data used in a number of the example problems.
All of the figures used in the text, suitable for inclusion in your own
PowerPoint presentations
www.pearsonhighered.com/moore
Screen shots shown in the book were updated to reflect the 2016b
release.
New data types, such as table, datetime and strings are introduced.
The details of the battles that raged here for weeks would fill a
volume. Although I visited this army several times during this stage,
and was in four different corps on this Front, I have still but the
vaguest outline in my own mind of the fighting except as a whole.
Every day there was something raging on some part of the line, first
in one place and then in another. The Germans used the same
practice that was so successful in Galicia and massed their batteries
heavily. This method, backed by the Prussian Guards, enabled them
to take Krasnystav. The best trenches that I have ever seen in field
operations were washed away in a day by a torrent of big shells. The
Russians did not retreat. They remained and died, and the Germans
simply marched through the hole in the line, making a change of
front necessary.
The retreat from Warsaw. German prisoners housed in a barn. Note the Russian soldiers
have German rifles.
But this time there was no disorganization of the line as a whole.
The moment the Germans were beyond their supporting artillery, the
Russian infantry were at their throats with the bayonet and drove
them back. The fighting from day to day for weeks was a great zig-
zag, with German advances and retreats before Russian counter-
attacks. But each advance left the enemy a little nearer their
objective, and it was clear that slowly but surely they were, by
superior forces, vastly superior supplies of ammunition and a
constant flow of reserves, forcing the Russians back toward the
Lublin-Cholm-Kovel line of railroad. It became equally obvious
however after ten days that they would never reach Brest in time to
menace seriously the future of the Warsaw army, even if they could
and would spare the men to turn the trick.
As a fact it became apparent here for almost the first time, that the
Germans in spite of their anxiety to attain their objective, were
endeavouring to spare their troops. For the first time I heard the
general comment among officers, that the artillery was now the
main arm in modern warfare, and the infantry its support. I think
this potential failure of their programme dawned on the Germans
even before it did on the Russians; for while all eyes were still on the
Southern Front, the Germans were reinforcing and pushing their
Northern attack which aimed to hit through Pultusk and Wyszkow to
the Petrograd-Warsaw line at Lochow. Perhaps after the first two
weeks in the South this really was their greatest aim. Personally I
think their chance for inflicting a disaster slipped when they failed to
defeat definitely, or destroy the army of Loesche. To him and to the
left flanking corps of Evert, must be accorded the credit of saving
this sector with all its menaces to the future of the campaign and
perhaps the whole European situation. For the last two weeks before
the abandonment of Warsaw, these two great battles, one in the
North and one in the South, were raging simultaneously.
I left Cholm for the last time on July 22, feeling that the fate of
Warsaw would not be decided from that quarter, and, for the
balance of the campaign, divided my time between the South Vistula
armies and those defending the Narew line. It now became clear
that the great menace lay from the Northern blow, and here we
have a very similar story to that of the Southern army. With terrific
drives the enemy took Przasnys, Ciechanow, Makow and at last
Pultusk, and finally succeeded in getting across the Narew with ten
divisions of excellent troops. On this Front, to the best of my
judgment, the Germans at this time had 131 battalions of their very
best available troops and perhaps fifteen reserve battalions with
their usual heavy artillery support. When the crossing of the Narew
was accomplished it seemed inevitable that Warsaw must fall and
immediately the civil evacuation of the city began.
It seemed then that the Germans might in a few days drive through
to the railroad, and to save the army in Warsaw an immediate
evacuation in hot haste would prove imperative. But the Russian
Army defending this sector rallied just as their brothers did in the
South. The German drive on Wyszkow took them within 4 versts of
the town, while the Russian counter-attack threw them back fifteen,
with heavy losses in casualties and prisoners. Then there began here
the same sort of slow stubborn fighting that for weeks had been
progressing in the South; only here the German advances were
slower, and the attainment of their objective less certain. About the
same time (July 25-26) the Germans made a try on the Warsaw line
itself, but failed miserably, and abandoned any serious effort against
the new Blonie line to which the Russians, in order to get the most
out of their men and to shorten their line, had withdrawn. It must
never be forgotten that the Russian Front was 1,200 miles long, and
the inability to supply it with men and munitions had made it
necessary to shorten their Front to get the best results from their
numbers. It is hard to say what numbers both belligerents had, and
even if I knew exactly our strength the censor would not pass my
statement. I think it safe to say however, that during these days the
Austro-German forces outnumbered the Russians by at least 50 per
cent., counting effectives only. This shortening left simply Warsaw
itself with its Blonie line from Novo-Georgievsk to Gorakalwara in
Russian hands west of the Vistula.
By the 27th-28th of July there came a wave of hope, and those who
had lost all optimism picked up their courage once more. I know
from the very best authority that up to August 1 it was hoped that
Warsaw might still be saved, though every preparation was being
made for its evacuation. The cause of this burst of optimism was
due to the fact that the terrific German blows both North and South
were not gaining the headway that had been expected. Besides, the
Russians were getting more and more ammunition, and it seemed
more than possible that the Germans might fail of their objective if
only they did not receive increasing reinforcements. These two great
battles North and South, each seeming equally important, had drawn
everything that could be spared to either one point or the other. It
was clear then that there must be some link in the chain weaker
than the others, and the Germans set out to find this.
During the retreat from Warsaw. Note wounded man.
The retreat from Warsaw. One of the last regiments to pass through Warsaw.
From this moment it was evident that Warsaw was doomed. To
weaken the Front on the Blonie line meant a break there, and re-
inforcements could not be sent either from the Narew line or the
Southern Front where actions still raged. It was then clearly a mate
in a few moves, if the Russians waited for it. But they did not.
Instantly began their military evacuation, the cleverness of which
must I think be credited to Alexieff and his brilliant Chief of Staff
Goulevitch. Those of us who have been studying the Warsaw
situation for ten months, imagined that when the evacuation came,
if it ever did, it would be through the city. What happened was
entirely unexpected. The corps at Gorakalwara slipped over the river
on pontoon bridges in the night, supporting the first corps that was
already there, effecting the double purpose of getting out of the
Warsaw zone, and simultaneously coming in between the Germans
and the line of retreat toward Brest. About the same time the corps
that lay next to the Vistula, on the Northern end of the Blonie line,
slipped out over pontoon bridges and went to support the Narew
defenders, thus making impossible the immediate breaking of that
line. On August 4, by noon, there was probably not over one corps
on the West side of the Vistula. Half of that crossed south of Warsaw
before six, and probably the last division left about midnight, and at
three a.m. the bridges were blown up. The Germans arrived at six in
the morning, which seemed to indicate that they were not even in
touch with the Russian rearguard at the end.
During all these operations the Germans had at least five shells to
the Russians, one, and but for this great superiority they never
would have pushed back either the line of the Narew or the Cholm-
Lublin line. Russia could not convert her resources into ammunition,
and Germany, who for forty years has lived for this day, could. To
this fact she owes her capture of Warsaw. The Allies may be assured
that Russia stayed until the last minute and the last shell, and then
extricated herself from an extremely dangerous position, leaving the
enemy to pounce on the empty husk of a city from which had been
taken every movable thing of military value. The defence of and final
escape from Warsaw is one of the most spectacular and courageous
bits of warfare that history presents, and undoubtedly the fair-
minded German admits it in his own heart regardless of the
published statements of the Staff.
Dated:
Petrograd,
September 2, 1915.
A great deal has happened since the Fall of Warsaw which one
must regret, but at the same time the incidents or disasters
must be viewed in their proper perspective. The loss of Kovno,
Novo-Georgievsk and many other positions are all unfortunate, but
must I think be taken as by-products of the loss of Warsaw. With
these enormous extended fronts which modern war presents for the
same time, there always develop certain points on the line which
may be called keystones. In the Galician campaign, the Dunajec line
and Gorlice was the keystone. Once this was pulled out and a
number of corps eliminated, the whole vast line from the Vistula to
the Bukovina was thrown into a state of oscillation. Once the
withdrawal of one army started, the whole line, even to the Warsaw
Front, was affected. Armies such as the Bukovina army, which was
actually advancing for ten days after the first attack began hundreds
of miles away, first halted and finally had to come back to maintain
the symmetry of the whole. A great Front, changing over hundreds
of versts, means that the whole line can stop only when the weakest
unit can stop. A chain is no stronger than its weakest link and the
same is roughly true of a Front.
We saw this clearly in Galicia. It has been apparent to every one that
Warsaw was the keystone of the campaign in Poland. Once Warsaw
was given up under the conditions which then existed, everything
that has happened could have been foreseen. It was clear to all on
this Front who had followed these movements closely, that the next
line would be far in the rear, and that when the general change of
Front came, many places would have to be sacrificed. Novo-
Georgievsh as a matter of course was doomed. Its function was to
protect the flank of the Warsaw defences. It actually held out for
two weeks after Warsaw was abandoned, and this delay to the
Germans enabled the Russians to get their army clear of a
dangerously active pursuit. Fortresses in modern war must, as many
believe, be regarded as checks to the mobility of an enemy, rather
than as permanent blocks to his progress. Noro-Georgievsh was this,
and certainly justified the loss of the garrison and the cost of its
construction. Liége is a still better example. Certainly no fortress can
withstand modern big guns, and if by their sacrifice they play their
part in the game, they have more than served their ends. To hold on
to a fortress with a large garrison only magnifies its importance,
creates a bad moral effect when it falls, and entails the loss of a field
army. Perhaps the Austrian conduct of Przemysl will become the
historic warning in future wars as what not to do with fortresses.
From an extremely intimate contact of the terrain, I felt certain that
the next jump from Warsaw would be Brest-Litowsk. I had visited
that place five or six times and felt equally sure that if the Germans
made a definite bid for it, it would not be defended. The Russians
knew this, and in the army there was no keen disappointment at its
loss; for I think no one who knew conditions expected that there
would be a big battle there, though many believed that the enemy
would never try seriously to go further. That they have done so is
looked upon by many as a mistake of the Germans. Time only can
tell. The Russians are now on the move to another line. The enemy
may continue to follow, but in this district one does not see any
point the capture of which can have any great benefit which they
could ensure before winter sets in. The only result which can
seriously assist them is the capture of Petrograd, and even this
would not, I believe, insure a peace with Russia.
Roll call during the retreat from Warsaw. All that was left of them.
The past two weeks has found Petrograd in a receptive mood for
gloomy news, and inasmuch as nothing of a favourable nature has
come from the Russian Army, the German propaganda of insidious
and subtle rumours and reports has run through the city like a
prairie fire after a drought. Three main themes have been worked up
and circulated for all that they would stand. It was said first that
there was lack of harmony among the Allies, and that the Russian
high authorities were not satisfied with the conduct of the war in the
West. The corollary of this of course was that without harmony the
cause was lost. Next came the assertion that the army was
demoralized, and had lost hope and therefore wanted peace. Then
the shortage of ammunition was magnified until half the gullible
population were almost willing to believe that the army were fighting
with pitchforks and shotguns. Out of all this came the assertion that
peace was inevitable and that the Germans would take Petrograd.
For a week or more these topics circulated and grew with such
alarming rapidity that at last the Government was obliged to take
notice of the propaganda, which was finally squelched by a
statement issued to The Times and the Russian Press by M. Serge
Sazonov, the distinguished and clever minister of Foreign Affairs.
There may be those who are disappointed, but history, I believe, will
conclude that this summer campaign of the Russians has been the
greatest factor so far in the war making for the ultimate victory of
the Allies. For nearly four months Germany has been drained of her
best. Men and resources have been poured on this Front since May
regardless of cost. Autumn approaches with the armies in being,
undemoralized and preparing to do it all over again. In the
meantime the Allies are preparing to begin on the West, or at least it
is generally so believed. When they do at last start, Germany will for
months be occupied in protecting herself, and will probably be
unable to act so vigorously here. If Russia gets over the period of
the next sixty days, she will be safe until Spring, and by that time
she will without doubt be able to take up an offensive in her turn.
Wounded returning to Warsaw.
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