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Global and Asian Perspectives on International
Migration
 Global Migration Issues
Volume 4
Series Editor:
Dr. Frank Laczko
Head of Research and Publications,
International Organization for Migration (IOM),
Geneva
This book series contributes to the global discussion about the future of migration
policy through the publication of a series of books on emerging migration issues.
Most reports on migration policy tend to focus on national or regional perspectives;
books in this series will focus on global policy challenges, such as the impact of
climate change or the global economic crisis, on migration.
This series is closely linked to the production of IOM’s World Migration Report.
Some of the books in this series will be based on research which has been prepared
for the World Migration Report.
The series also includes a special focus on the linkages between migration and
development, and the themes discussed each year at the Global Forum on Migration
and Development (GFMD), given the growing policy interest in harnessing the
benefits of migration for development.
More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/8837
Graziano Battistella
Editor

Global and Asian

Perspectives on International
Migration

1  3
Editor
Graziano Battistella
Scalabrini Migration Center
Quezon City
Philippines

ISSN 2213-2511 ISSN 2213-252X (electronic)

ISBN 978-3-319-08316-2 ISBN 978-3-319-08317-9 (eBook)
DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-08317-9
Springer Cham Heidelberg New York Dordrecht London

Library of Congress Control Number: 2014945248

© Springer International Publishing Switzerland 2014

This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part
of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations,
recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or
information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar
methodology now known or hereafter developed. Exempted from this legal reservation are brief excerpts
in connection with reviews or scholarly analysis or material supplied specifically for the purpose of
being entered and executed on a computer system, for exclusive use by the purchaser of the work.
Duplication of this publication or parts thereof is permitted only under the provisions of the Copyright
Law of the Publisher’s location, in its current version, and permission for use must always be obtained
from Springer. Permissions for use may be obtained through RightsLink at the Copyright Clearance
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The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication
does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant
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While the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of
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Acknowledgments

Many ideas come to mind, float in the air, bounce back and forth in conversations
with colleagues and friends and then go nowhere. Some ideas keep returning and
beg for implementation. A conference pairing scholars from Asia with colleagues
from the west was one such idea that did not go away. And a conference was planned
and came to fruition in April 2013 with the support of individuals and institutions,
who I am pleased to acknowledge.
From inception to implementation there is a crucial phase which consists in find-
ing the right cooperation. First of all, it is important to secure the cooperation of
authors willing to put their mind into the task of writing and discussing theoretical
perspectives on migration. For this reason, my first acknowledgement goes to the
authors who have participated in the conference and then revised their contributions
in view of a publication.
To bring together a group of scholars from North America, Europe and Asian
countries requires the support of persons who believe in the initiative. In this
case, I was fortunate to find support from the regional and local offices of the
International Labour Organization (ILO) and the International Organization for
Migration (IOM). In particular, I am grateful to Nilim Baruah and Manuel Imson of
the ILO Regional Office for Asia and the Pacific, based in Bangkok; to Catherine
Vaillancourt Laflamme and Jennifer dela Rosa of the ILO Decent Work Across
Borders, a project funded by the European Union, based in Manila; to Andrew Bruce
of the IOM Regional Office in Bangkok; to Ovais Sarmad, who was then with the
IOM Administrative Centre in Manila; and to Frank Laczko of the IOM Headquar-
ters in Geneva, who supported the publication of the manuscript with Springer.
The execution of the project was possible because of the cooperation of the
staff of the Scalabrini Migration Center. In particular, the initiative was discussed
and refined with Maruja M. B. Asis. Valentin Mendoza, Cecille Guerrero, Leonila
Domingo and John Paul Asis assisted in the organizational aspects; Karen Anne S.
Liao and Cecilia Marave provided editorial assistance. The mistakes that remain
are mine.

v
Contents

1 Migration in Asia: In Search of a Theoretical Framework��������������������    1

Graziano Battistella

2 Circular Migration: Triple Win, or a New Label

for Temporary Migration?����������������������������������������������������������������������   27
Stephen Castles and Derya Ozkul

3 Circular Migration in Asia: Approaches and Practices������������������������   51

Piyasiri Wickramasekara

4 European Immigrant Integration After Multiculturalism�������������������   77

Christian Joppke

5 From a Migrant Integration of Distinction

to a Multiculturalism of Inclusion���������������������������������������������������������� 101
In-Jin Yoon

6 Reviewing Theories of Gender and Migration: Perspectives

from Europe and North America����������������������������������������������������������� 119
Eleonore Kofman

7 Engendering International Migration: Perspectives

from within Asia��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 139
Brenda S. A. Yeoh

8 A Case for Return Preparedness������������������������������������������������������������� 153

Jean-Pierre Cassarino

9 The Return of Return: Migration, Asia and Theory���������������������������� 167

Biao Xiang

vii
viii Contents

10 Regional Economic Integration and Migration: Lessons

from the Case of Europe������������������������������������������������������������������������ 183
Rinus Penninx

11 Migration Governance in the ASEAN Economic Community���������� 197

Fernando T. Aldaba

12 The Determinants of Migration: In Search of Turning Points���������� 225

Philip L. Martin

13 Migration Transition in Asia: Revisiting Theories

in the Light of Recent Evidence������������������������������������������������������������ 247
Manolo I. Abella and Geoffrey Ducanes
List of Contributors

Manolo I. Abella Centre for Migration Policy and Society, University of Oxford,
Oxford, UK
Fernando T. Aldaba Ateneo de Manila University, Quezon, Philippines
Graziano Battistella Scalabrini Migration Center, Quezon City, Philippines
Jean-Pierre Cassarino Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, European
University Institute, Florence, Italy
Stephen Castles University of Sydney, Sydney, NSW, Australia
Geoffrey Ducanes School of Economics, University of the Philippines, Quezon
City, Philippines
Christian Joppke University of Bern, Bern, Switzerland
Eleonore Kofman Middlesex University, London, UK
Philip L. Martin University of California, Davis, USA
Derya Ozkul University of Sydney, Sydney, NSW, Australia
Rinus Penninx University of Amsterdam, Amsterdam, The Netherlands
Piyasiri Wickramasekara Global Migration Policy Associates (GMPA),
Geneva, Switzerland
Biao Xiang COMPAS, University of Oxford, Oxford, UK
Brenda S. A. Yeoh National University of Singapore, Singapore, Singapore
In-Jin Yoon Korean University, Seoul, Republic of Korea

ix
Chapter 1
Migration in Asia: In Search of a Theoretical
Framework

Graziano Battistella

Research on migration has increased with the rise in international migration since
the early 1960s, highlighting new migration patterns and their impacts. However,
the expanding stock of migration research has not made it easier to govern migra-
tion or solve the problems of migrants. Instead, more complex migration relation-
ships have outpaced the capacity of research to offer suggestions on how best to
manage new flows of people over national borders. This chapter tackles the fun-
damental question of what is known about migration; in particular, it examines the
characteristics of migration in Asia and the issues generated by migration flows in a
continent with 60 % of the world’s people and some of the most complex migration
relationships. It will then introduce the contributions in this volume, which were
presented at an international dialogue on some aspects of migration and conclude
with questions for further research.

1.1 A Synthetic Overview

The formulation of a theoretical approach to migration began a long time ago. Ra-
venstein’s laws on migration appeared in 1885, at the time of the great migration
from Europe to the Americas, although the laws were formulated to explain internal
migration in the United Kingdom (Ravenstein 1985). The application of Raven-
stein’s laws to international migration (Ravenstein 1889) inspired theorizing about
migration, and neoclassical economics were developed in the 1950s (Lewis 1954)
and refined in the 1970s by Harris and Todaro (1970). The push-pull model ad-
vanced by Lee (1966) came to dominate the explanation of the origin and develop-
ment of migration for many years.
Towards the end of the twentieth century, scholars reviewed various migration
theories in response to social and economic changes that led to new forms and

G. Battistella ()
Scalabrini Migration Center, Quezon City, Philippines
e-mail: [email protected]
G. Battistella (ed.), Global and Asian Perspectives on International Migration, 1
Global Migration Issues 4, DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-08317-9_1,
© Springer International Publishing Switzerland 2014
2 G. Battistella

trends of migration. A cursory overview was provided in 1981 by De Jong and

Fawcett, as a premise to the analysis of a micro-level decision making process.
Massey and colleagues reviewed the extant theories (Massey et al. 1993) and evalu-
ated them against the North American context (Massey et al. 1994) and the glob-
al context (Massey et al. 1998). Further reviews were undertaken by Portes and
Böröcz (1996), Arango (2004), Cooke and Bélanger (2006), Bijak (2006), Fussell
(2012), King (2012) and Piguet (2013). In 1996 Cohen edited a selection of ar-
ticles on migration theories, from the classic to the more recent ones. Hammar et al.
(1997) looked at theories within the development and interdisciplinary perspective,
and Brettell and Hollifield (2000) focused on the interdisciplinary approach to the
study of migration. In 2010 an issue of the Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies
(vol. 36, issue 10) was devoted to migration theories and social change. The reviews
had different objectives but ultimately agreed that each theory is limited and yet has
something to offer for the understanding of migration.
Following Massey, the first part of this chapter intends to provide a general un-
derstanding of migration processes from origin to end by making use of the insights
offered by the various theories. The purpose of this synthesis is to suggest that in
spite of the limitations in the various theories some knowledge on how migration
originates, develops and ends has been accumulated through the years. It also intends
to suggest that additional questions arise and theoretical developments are neces-
sary when the specificities of a migration system, like that of Asia, are examined.
Some caveats should be mentioned before proceeding: the synthesis is limited
to labor migration; not all migration questions are addressed; and the theories will
be utilized for what they can contribute, although such contribution is not without
limitations or criticisms. There are two assumptions: migration theories are comple-
mentary, not antithetical, in the sense that one theory does not necessarily invalidate
another, rather it brings light to a different aspect of the migration process (Massey
et al. 1993; Portes 1999); and each theory has something to contribute to the knowl-
edge of migration. Needless to say, the synthetic overview fully supports what many
have said about the impossibility and probably the undesirability to come up with
a unified theory on migration. In the words of Robin Cohen (1996, p. xvi): “There
is no definitive theory in migration although there is a clear sense in which some
agreed positions are emerging.” Portes (1999) agrees with this and adds that “the
different areas that compose this field are so disparate that they can be unified only
at a highly abstract and probably vacuous level” (p. 27). The synthesis will draw
knowledge from various disciplines, in response to the demand that a proper under-
standing of migration requires an interdisciplinary approach (Hammar et al. 1997).
Brettell and Hollifield (2000, p. vii) put it eloquently when they said that “Migra-
tion is a subject that cries out for an interdisciplinary approach.” It remains a mod-
est synthetic overview, with no ambition to fill observed gaps, such as the limited
anchoring of the analysis of human mobility in the theoretical development of the
social sciences (Castles 2009, p. 454), or to indicate new theoretical or method-
ological directions. It simply says that to understand the migration process we must
know the background context, the structural factors, the personal motivations, the
role of intermediaries, the incorporation of migration, and the reasons why migra-
tion continues and at some point ends.
1 Migration in Asia: In Search of a Theoretical Framework 3

1.1.1 The Background Context for the Migration Process

International labor migration involves people moving over national borders for a
certain period of time in search of better opportunities, so the reasons for unequal
development must be understood to comprehend migration. Prebisch (1950) en-
visaged a world organized into two types of states: those at the center import raw
materials and export finished products, and states on the periphery export raw ma-
terials and import finished products. Such an unequal trading relationship keeps
developing nations in a peripheral condition, prompting Prebisch to suggest import
substitution so that developing countries can develop their manufacturing sectors.
The center-periphery concept was adopted by dependency theory (Franch 1969;
Cardoso and Faletto 1979), which posited that the center-periphery relation was
an integral component of the capitalist model of development. The world systems
theory (Wallerstein 1975) introduced a third type, the semi-periphery, to describe
countries that depend on the center but also have some control over countries at the
periphery. These broad theories contribute to the understanding of the origins of
migration by illustrating the ways that capitalist nations penetrate the markets of
the countries at the periphery, displacing workers and turning some into migrants
who move to the more developed countries. The linkages established by political
and economic dependency tend to favor migration flows. More specifically, Sassen
(1988) argued that migration to the US was a byproduct of the internationalization
of production, as the outflow of capital generates an inflow of labor.
In addition to the economic, the demographic, political and social contexts lay
the premise for possible migration movements. The linkage with the demographic
factor was best theorized by Zelinsky (1971) who argued that migration develops
according to regularities which are modeled on the modernization process and are
structured in correlation with the demographic transition. The weaknesses of that
correlation, particularly when applied to a specific region like Asia, were under-
scored by Skeldon (1992). Nevertheless, the importance of the demographic differ-
entials among countries as a premise to labor movements remains patent. The po-
litical and social factors were emphasized particularly by historians who observed
that political ties functioned as facilitators of migration movements. The European
colonialism stands out as the macroscopic example of such ties, with people moving
first toward the colonial states, workers being transferred to the colonies and among
colonies as indentured labor and migrants moving toward the colonizing countries
during and after the colonial period (Emmer 1986).

1.1.2 Structural Economic Factors at the Origin

and the Destination

After understanding the broad causes of migration with the help of the dependency
theory and world systems theory, the structural economic factors at the origin and
the destination must be clarified. Neoclassical economists emphasized macro-level
variables such as differences in endowments of capital and labor that encourage
4 G. Battistella

workers to move from labor-abundant to capital-abundant countries with higher

wages. Capital moves in the opposite direction, and migration of labor and capi-
tal falls as wage and interest rate differences decrease. Harris and Todaro (1970)
emphasized that both wage differences and the probability of finding a job affect
the expected return to migration, and that noneconomic costs can also factor into
calculations of whether to stay or move.
Neoclassical economics relies heavily on the assumption that people make ratio-
nal decisions to maximize their economic well-being. Simon (1955, p. 104) had al-
ready warned that there is no evidence that persons facing complex decisions might
perform all the calculations required by rational choice. He spoke of “approximate”
rationality (1955, p. 114) or bounded rationality, in which persons, because of the
limited information and limited capacity and time to analyze such information, look
for satisfactory choices, rather than the optimal choices. With the idea of bounded
rationality, maximizing wages cannot be the exclusive factor motivating a decision
to migrate.
Instead of focusing on the differences among countries, Piore (1979) looked at
the labor market in the country of destination and concluded that migration is gen-
erated by the demand for migrant labor in that country. Also, the labor market will
necessarily become segmented, as people tend to move from occupations with low
wages and social prestige to occupations with higher wages and prestige. The sec-
ondary labor market remains in need of workers willing to accept 3-D (dirty, dan-
gerous and difficult) jobs. Since the segmentation of the labor market is structural,
there will always be a demand for new migrants to replace those who return or move
up the job ladder, so the dual market theory argues that the supply of local workers
changes faster than demand, creating a structural demand for migrants.
If Piore focused on the structural aspects of the country of destination, Stark
(1984; 1991) examined the structural elements in the country of origin that offer
few protections against various risks, including insurance against crop failures, un-
employment subsidies, and access to credit. Migration is thus a response to such
inadequate protection. A crop failure, for example, can trigger a decision to migrate
abroad. Moreover, households rather than individuals are the key unit of analysis, as
they allocate members to maximize income and minimize risk. It is the household
rather than the individual which decides to send a son from rural Mexico to the US
and a daughter to a factory in Mexico.
The new economics of labor migration (NELM) explores other reasons to mi-
grate as well. The return of successful migrants can motivate others to go abroad
so that they do not suffer relative deprivation. The NELM emphasizes factors other
than income maximization as reasons for migration.

1.1.3 Personal Factors

Understanding the background context and the structural factors at the origin and
the destination illustrates the propensity to migrate but is not sufficient to explain
why people migrate. In fact, although factors are similar for a specific population,
1 Migration in Asia: In Search of a Theoretical Framework 5

those who decide to migrate are a minority within the population. Globally, they
constitute about three percent of the world’s population (UN-DESA 2013). In some
countries of origin this proportion is higher, but still a minority. Therefore, in ad-
dition to structural and family factors influencing the decision to migrate, personal
factors must also be considered.
At the personal level, it is always observed that migrant workers are mostly
young adults, persons in the prime of their productive life. In this regard, the pro-
pensity to migrate was considered at different stages of a person’s and family’s life:
young single adults are more mobile than married persons and married persons are
more mobile before children go to school, etc. (De Jong and Gardner, 1981). While
criticized for its limitation to the nuclear type of family, the idea remains that demo-
graphic characteristics of migrants have a role in the decision to migrate.
In looking at the micro-level motivational approach to the decision to migrate,
De Jong and Fawcett (1981) found the previous theories incapable of explaining
most of all why some people do not migrate. In that regard, in contrast with the
excessive role given to economic reasons, they emphasized that migration should
be considered as the result of many motives. They proposed to apply to migration
the value-expectancy model, which consists in viewing migration as the result of a
cost-benefit analysis between values and expectancies (1981, p. 47). Values can be
classified in seven categories: wealth, status, comfort, stimulation, autonomy, affili-
ation, morality, while expectancy refers to the belief that a particular behavior will
attain a certain value. On the basis of the value-expectancy model, some hypotheses
can be made concerning the probability of mobility by specific groups of people.
A further study analyzing migration from the Philippines examined the discrepan-
cies between the intention to migrate and the actual implementation. The study
explained the discrepancies “in terms of unanticipated constraints and facilitators,
as well as changes in the conditions that precipitated the migration intention in the
first place” (Gardner et al. 1986, p. 63).

1.1.4 The Role of Intermediaries

The final component for the initiation and continuation (see later) of migration
is characterized by the role of intermediaries (labor recruiters, brokers, transport
agencies, etc.). Direct hiring—a process in which employers hire migrants with-
out the intermediation of recruitment and placement agencies—or hiring through
government-to-government agreements apply only to a minority of workers. For
the majority, employers utilize the service of intermediaries and migrants secure
a visa and employment abroad through labor recruiters. Intermediaries charge
employers for their services, but in many countries, they also earn by exacting
a fee from the migrants, although this practice is barred by the ILO Private Em-
ployment Agency Convention, 1997 (No. 181). The profitable activity of labor
recruitment has generated a proliferation of agencies, compelling governments to
regulate it. Goss and Lindquist (1995) emphasized the importance of intermediar-
ies in what they called the migrant institution, suggesting the application of the
6 G. Battistella

structuration theory to migration as the best way to unify the knowledge of the mi-
gration process. Others have focused on the role of intermediaries as merchants of
labor (Martin 2005) who tend to prolong migration beyond its necessity because
of its profitability; they also contribute to the commodification of labor migration.
Gammeltoft-Hansen and Sorensen (2013) have further elaborated on the role of
intermediaries by adding to their facilitating role (performed by labor recruiters)
the control role (performed by private security agencies which act on behalf of
governments) and the rescue role (performed by non-government organizations
or NGOs, migrant associations and civil society groups). Regardless of the dif-
ferent angles, and barring a major overhaul of the migration systems, it is clear
that for the majority of workers migration cannot occur without the intervention
of intermediaries.

1.1.5 The Incorporation of Migrants

Migration implies that migrants live and work in a country where they were not
born or different from their usual country of residence. How migrants can suc-
cessfully incorporate in the society of destination has long interested sociologists,
particularly in countries of permanent migration. The Chicago School, which spe-
cialized in the social analysis of life in an urban context, formulated the assimila-
tion theory. Robert Park (1924) theorized the race relations cycle, which goes from
contact to competition to accommodation and finally, assimilation, in a sequence
considered normative and irreversible. A less normative approach was taken by W.I.
Thomas, who recommended a wise policy of assimilation that does not destroy the
memories of migrants, but builds on them. The assimilation theory dominated the
debate until the early 1960s, when it was comprehensively formulated by Milton
Gordon (1964). In theorizing the nature of assimilation he distinguished the vari-
ous types or stages of assimilation: from the initial stage of cultural or behavioral
assimilation to the final one of civic assimilation (1964, p. 71). Of the three major
theories of the assimilationist process, he considered Anglo-conformity as the most
successful. The competitive theory of the melting pot did not see a practical imple-
mentation, as in fact, many melting pots were created within the American society
(see also Glazer and Moynihan 1963). As for cultural pluralism, he considered it a
minor key for the understanding of ethnic America, while his preference was for
structural pluralism.
Ironically, the ultimate theorization of assimilation came at the time of its demise
due to the emergence of a strong movement for the discovery of ethnic origins.
Instead of assimilation, integration was considered the most appropriate term. Its
main characteristic is that while assimilation is considered a unidirectional process,
integration is considered a bidirectional one, in the sense that migrants have some-
thing to contribute to the local society and that successful incorporation requires for
the receiving society to provide the opportunities for it. However, integration was
never formulated in a coherent theoretical model (Favell 2001) and assimilationism
did not die. In studying the more recent generations of migrants to the US, Portes
1 Migration in Asia: In Search of a Theoretical Framework 7

and Zhou (1994) spoke of segmented assimilation, as some of the new migrants
assimilate to the lower echelons of society. Alba and Nee (2003) supported a return
to assimilationism, but devoid of ethnocentrism and determinism and in which the
process of assimilation as boundary crossing is substituted with that of boundary
blurring.
While integration was formally defined by the Commission of the European
Union (C2003/336), multiculturalism was debated as a different form of organizing
societies with migrants. Philosophically, the debate was polarized around the com-
munitarian and liberal positions. Charles Taylor’s sharp criticism of the false neu-
trality of liberalism on values—i.e., hiding the intent to impose the hegemony of
western culture—and the emphasis on equality which is only procedural equality,
led him to advocate for a public recognition of the collective rights of minority
cultures (Taylor 1992). Habermas (1993) thinks that autonomy requires participa-
tion (civic autonomy) to be real autonomy, therefore, democracy must be delibera-
tive, a process in which all participate, including migrants. Migrants should not be
required to attain cultural integration, but political integration, the adhesion to the
constitutional values (constitutional patriotism). Diversities must be respected, but
rights remain individual in nature. Kymlicka (1995) takes a middle position when
he rejects the procedural neutrality of liberals as discriminating and the uncritical
recognition of the collective rights of minorities. He makes a distinction between
internal and external restrictions that minority cultures impose. He considers exter-
nal restrictions acceptable, while internal restrictions are against liberal principles.
“Liberals should seek to ensure that there is equality between groups, and freedom
and equality within groups” (Kymlicka 1995, p. 194). Recently, Murray (2012) has
taken some distance from the misconception that, in multicultural policies, anything
goes, but also from attributing an excessive role to multicultural policies, which
“represent only one small part of the legislative toolkit available to decision-makers
engaged in the business of maintaining unity and social solidarity in conditions of
diversity” (p. 150). He advocated for civic multiculturalism, where both majority
and minorities respect differences and contribute to social cohesion.
Politically, multiculturalism has remained publicly recognized in Canada and
Australia, while it underwent some crisis in Europe. However, the discussion on the
plurality of cultures and the need for social cohesion within societies continues. The
issue was the object of the Human Development Report in 2004 (UNDP 2004), with
emphasis on cultural freedom. In some circles, to overcome the major deficiency of
multiculturalism, which is the lack of dialogue among the various cultures which
potentially leads to cultural ghettos and an erosion of social cohesion, it is impor-
tant to go beyond multiculturalism in favor of intercultural dialogue. The UNESCO
report of 2009 emphasized that there must be an educational effort to acquire the
competencies in intercultural dialogue, which include listening, understanding and
wonder (UNESCO 2009, p. 46).
The realization that migrants in traditional countries of settlement were not avail-
ing of the possibility to acquire citizenship and the irruption of the globalization
discourse demanded new perspectives on the belonging of migrants. Some authors
advanced the notion of transnationalism as a condition in which migrants belong
8 G. Battistella

and interact with different spaces at the same time (Basch et al. 1994). Although it
is acknowledged that the transnational condition might apply only to a minority of
migrants (Portes 2003), the concept has challenged the static approach to migration
as a one-time, definitive movement, so typical, and yet also so partially true, of the
nineteenth century migration to the Americas.

1.1.6 The Continuation of Migration

Migration in general, as well as labor migration in particular, has increased in the past
decades. Oft quoted figures produced by the UN Population Commission say that
migrants were about 154 million in 1990 and are estimated to be 232 million in 2013
(UN-DESA 2013). The growth of migration is attributed to the same factors that
originate it, in addition to other factors that have been observed for quite some time.
Chain migration is an expression that was already used during the great migra-
tion from Europe to the Americas. The distinctive feature of chain migration is
that it differs from impersonally organized migration, because the arrangements
for the migrants are made “by means of primary social relationship with previ-
ous migrants” (Macdonald and Macdonald 1964, p. 82, italics in the original text).
The concept of chain migration, which during the years of the great migration was
symbolized by entire villages that moved from Europe to the Americas, was refor-
mulated in the more comprehensive notion of migration networks. These networks
are characterized primarily by interpersonal connections that link migrants, former
migrants and non-migrants through family, friendship and acquaintance ties. As the
scarcity of information is one of the biggest challenges that migrants face, obtaining
information from personal and social networks facilitates the migration process and
increases the probability to migrate. In broad terms, the linkages that one can find
within a migration network constitute social capital, the value of which is propor-
tional to its possibility to be converted into real capital (Massey et al. 1987). The
role of migration networks, particularly in decreasing the cost of migration, also
explains why migration movements tend to last longer than the structural factors
would require. To further explain the tendency of migration to expand and continue,
Massey et al. (1998, pp. 45–50) also borrowed the notion of cumulative causation
from Gunnar Myrdal (1957), to indicate that, since an act of migration modifies the
context in which it takes place, successive migration acts become easier and more
probable for others. Cumulative causation will ultimately limit itself because of the
process of saturation, when decreasing migration costs are no longer significant in
the decision to migrate.

1.1.7 The End of Migration

If migration is initiated by certain structural differences between the origin and the
destination, the closing of those differences is expected to end migration. At the
macro level, while the demand for migrant labor might continue in the country of
1 Migration in Asia: In Search of a Theoretical Framework 9

destination, the availability of workers willing to migrate from a specific country

of origin which has experienced economic and social growth will decrease and
migrants will be sourced from a different developing country. Since World War II,
countries that were destinations of migrant labor have continued to receive foreign
workers, while some previous countries of origin (like Italy and Spain in Southern
Europe, or South Korea in Asia) have become new destinations of migrants. The
insights of various theoretical perspectives concur in understanding the end of mi-
gration, i.e., the moment in which a country arrives at zero net migration. The ad-
ditional theoretical challenge consists in predicting when a country would undergo
the so-called migration transition and from a country of origin become a country of
destination. Studies conducted on some Asian countries (APMJ 1994) concluded
that the prediction cannot respond solely to abstract econometric models since na-
tional social and political factors lead to different results.
In the understanding of the development of migration in connection with eco-
nomic growth, Martin (1993) has observed that the situation will be different for
low skilled and highly skilled migrants. While low skilled migration will grow ini-
tially and decrease after some years in response to economic growth generated by
freer trade and investment (the so-called migration hump), the migration of highly
skilled workers will continue as it is compatible with decreased wage differentials
between the origin and the destination.
The end of migration also has a micro dimension, which consists in the decision
of migrants to return to the country of origin. Return can be structurally embedded
in the migration process, as in the case of contract labor migration to the Gulf coun-
tries or other destination countries in Asia, or it can be the result of adverse circum-
stances in the case of migrants with permanent or long-term status in the countries
of destination. Initial studies of return migration focused on presenting typologies
on the possibilities for the decision to return (Rogers 1984) or the impact of return
migration on the place of origin (Cerase 1974). The articulation of return within the
various migration theories was put forward by Cassarino (2004) although no uni-
fied model was constructed. Battistella (2004) has suggested a matrix of four types
of return, which can be addressed by four types of policies (see IOM 2013, p. 135).
In general, it is observed that return might occur even if conventional theories on
migration would suggest that it is more profitable for the migrant to remain abroad.
Stark (2003), while emphasizing that migration can occur even in conditions of no
wage differentials, also suggested that return might occur even if salary differentials
remain high, because the migrant might want to utilize the higher purchasing power
of his or her savings in the rural area. Studies tend to conclude that while economic
factors might have been preponderant (although not exclusive) in the decision to
migrate, non-economic factors, of which family relations are the most important,
are salient in the decision to return.

1.1.8 Some Missing Components

In this synthesis, migration has been considered in its various aspects as a process
which begins, continues and ends because of structural and personal factors. The
10 G. Battistella

various theories have contributed to the understanding of the remote causes (the
background context); the proximate determinants (the structural factors at the origin
and the destination); the role of intermediaries; the personal motivations for leaving,
for staying abroad and for returning; and the different ways in which a society with
migrants can respect differences while attaining social cohesion.
Various aspects of the migration process were not considered. Among them: the
impact of migration on the countries of origin, the countries of destination and the
migrants themselves; the social consequences of migration; the nexus between mi-
gration and development; and the gender perspective on migration. Most of all, the
synthesis did not address the fact that the movement of workers across borders does
not take place freely. It is heavily regulated by each state, sometimes in the exiting
process, to ensure protection to nationals going abroad, and always in the admis-
sion process, because every state considers the policy on admission of migrants
as an expression of its sovereignty. Zolberg (1999) advocated the need to “bring
the state back in” as an essential component for the understanding of migration. In
this regard, the interpretative and predictive power of theories has to contend with
political decisions, which do not cohere with theoretical formulations. It is not pos-
sible to expand on each of the aforementioned missing components in this chapter.
However, in regard to the policy aspects it is worthwhile to observe that research on
migration policies has established some regularities, which include:
• absolute control of migration is not possible or not desired;
• excessively restrictive migration policies generate irregular migration;
• admission policies are more open during times of economic growth and more
restricted in time of economic recession;
• migration policies tend to be more in favor of migrants than the prevailing public
opinion;
• the inefficiency of migration policies depends often on the lack of coherence
with policies in other sectors;
• sectors that might be at the opposite side in other issues, can find themselves on
the same side when it comes to migration (the “strange bedfellows” of Zolberg
(1999)).
Trying to represent the whole synthesis in an abstract formulation might remain
difficult because of too many components. The most comprehensive formulation
was proposed by the systemic approach. Mabogunje (1970) attempted it in regard
to rural-urban migration in Nigeria and Kritz et al. (1992) applied it to international
migration. While the systemic approach helps us understand that it is not possible to
look at migration simply as a movement from country A to country B while ignoring
all the other relevant dimensions, it does not sufficiently address all the elements of
the synthesis and it remains difficult to validate through research.
In spite of the missing components, the synthetic overview has helped us un-
derstand that many questions have been addressed in migration research and have
received partial explanations. Most of the questions and the research looking for
answers have been elaborated in North America and Western Europe, with the per-
manent, long-term or guest workers migration models as the object of analysis.
1 Migration in Asia: In Search of a Theoretical Framework 11

Asia has come more recently into the picture, as labor migration within the region
took off only in the early 1970s. International migration in the Asian context merits
the question whether it might challenge some aspects of the general theoretical
formulation. In migration within Asia the role of the state is preponderant and leads
to a migration system which is much more rigid than in other regions of the world.
This has resulted in some out-of-the-box patterns, such as the development of labor
migration to the Gulf countries from countries with which they did not have previ-
ous political or social ties, or Japan’s insistence not to import less skilled migrant
workers despite the decades-long demand for such workers, or the by-passing of
intermediaries with South Korea’s government-to-government arrangements with
selected countries of origin. Irregular migration, which is widespread in the re-
gion, does not appear to be an anomaly but a component embedded in the system.
The incorporation of migrants into society is unforeseen, to the point that in some
places, like the Gulf countries, migrants are maintained separately from the local
population. One could say that those points do not invalidate theory, as they pertain
to the governance of migration. If it is true that the governance of migration cannot
be effective when it clashes with fundamental dynamics illustrated by theories, then
it remains difficult to explain why the migration system in Asia has persisted for
over four decades. Regardless of the stance on this matter, this chapter argues that
the specificities of migration in Asia should be examined to verify the theoretical
questions they raise.

1.2 Migration in Asia1

Asia is the origin of large flows of migrants toward countries of traditional settle-
ment in North America and Oceania and of long-term migration in Europe. In 2012,
41 % of immigrants receiving permanent status in the US were from Asia (in par-
ticular China, India and the Philippines) (US DHS 2012); the top three source coun-
tries of permanent residence in Canada were again China, the Philippines and India,
which account for 36 % of the total (Government of Canada 2012); the same three
countries were among the top four countries of origin for Australia in 2012–2013. In
particular, the Indian sub-continent contributed 29 % to Australia’s total migration
program and North Asia, 23 % (Australian Government, Department of Immigra-
tion and Citizenship 2013).2 Our focus, however, is on labor migration, of which we
provide a very cursory overview of flows and characteristics.

1
This brief overview will not include Central Asia. The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) coun-
tries and/or Middle East countries are also referred to as West Asia.
2
Asia is also a region of vast internal migration. Perhaps the most renowned internal movement
concerns migrants from the rural to the coastal provinces of China, involving 221 million people
(AMO 2012 (2013)).
12 G. Battistella

1.2.1 Flows and Trends3

All regions in the Asian continent are both origin and destination of migrants. How-
ever, the Middle East and East Asia are prevalently destination of flows originating
mainly from South and Southeast Asia. Migrants from the Indian subcontinent are
almost exclusively absorbed by the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries.
The percentage is particularly high (over 90 %) for Indians and Pakistanis. Of the
Indians, however, the count is limited to those migrants who need the exit clearance
(Exit Check Required), which applies only to workers in less-skilled occupations
and working in 17 specific countries. They reached 747,041 in 2012 and worked
mostly in Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Oman (Government
of India, Ministry of Overseas Indian Affairs 2013). The same Gulf countries were
the main destinations of Pakistani workers, 456,893 in 2011. Migrants from Ban-
gladesh numbered over half a million in 2011, after a decline in 2010 because of the
2008–20 09 recession, and reached 607,798 in 2012, but declined again to 409,253
in 2013.4 Large numbers of Bangladeshis also migrate to India, although in a mostly
irregular way. Nepal has become more prominent as a country of origin (354,716 in
2011) and in addition to the Gulf countries, it deploys many migrants to Malaysia.
The flow from Sri Lanka has been stable for some years (262,960 in 2011), of which
over 90 % were directed to the Gulf countries. Apart from South Asia, migrants in
the Gulf countries originate from the Philippines and Indonesia. The Gulf countries
are distinctive in terms of the overwhelming percentage of foreign labor force (from
21 % in Saudi Arabia to 88 % in the UAE), which is a cause for concern across the
region. All GCC countries have embarked on specific programs to reduce depen-
dence on foreign workers and provide more jobs for their nationals. Aside from the
Gulf countries, Jordan and Lebanon are also destinations of migrant labor, particu-
larly from the Philippines, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka. Jordan has become a country
of temporary resettlement for a large number of asylees from Syria since the civil
war erupted in 2011.
In East Asia, the main destinations for migrant labor are Japan, South Korea
and Taiwan. The number of foreigners registered in Japan, which does not admit
unskilled foreigners as workers, has been declining because of the global crisis,
but surpassed two million, mainly from China, South Korea, Brazil, the Philip-
pines, Peru and the US. Foreign workers in South Korea (which has a country-to-
country admission scheme) numbered 595,098 in Dec 2011, 529,690 in Dec 2012,
and 547,590 in Dec 2013. Of them, 203,473, about 37.2 % in Dec. 2013, were ethnic
Koreans from China according to the Korea Immigration Service statistics.5 Mi-
grants in Taiwan were 489,134 at the end of 2013, mostly from Indonesia, Vietnam,

3
Unless otherwise specified, figures in this section are taken from the Asian Migration Outlook
2012 (AMO 2012 (2013)).
4
http://www.bmet.gov.bd/BMET/viewStatReport.action?reportnumber=18.    Accessed 21 Mar
2014.
5
I am grateful to Ki-seon Chung, senior researcher at Migration Research and Training Center of
the International Organization for Migration (IOM MRTC) in Korea for this information.
1 Migration in Asia: In Search of a Theoretical Framework 13

the Philippines and Thailand (ROC (Taiwan), Ministry of Labor 2014). In addition
to migrant labor, all three countries have a considerable number of foreigners—
mostly women—married to their nationals. This has ignited a great deal of attention
in South Korea, which has instituted a multicultural program to provide foreign
spouses with the necessary acculturation to adapt in Korean society.
In addition to being the main sources of migrant labor for the Middle East and
East Asia, South and Southeast Asia are also destinations of migrants, mainly from
countries within their respective regions. In South Asia, India is the main destina-
tion of migrants from Nepal and Bangladesh. While Nepalese can freely enter India
because of the open border agreement, Bangladeshis cross the border and enter the
state of Assam mostly without authorization. In Southeast Asia, Singapore, Malay-
sia and Thailand are destinations of labor flows from within and outside the region.
Statistics on the origin of foreigners in Singapore are not known, but the share of the
foreign population to the total population reached 37 % in 2011. The foreign work-
force was approximately 1.2 million, mostly unskilled migrants, particularly do-
mestic workers and construction workers. In Malaysia, registered foreign workers
were 1.8 million in 2011, over 50 % of whom came from Indonesia. The legalization
program in 2011–2012 registered 2.5 million foreigners, of whom 1.3 million were
in an irregular situation. Thailand is the destination of migrants from Myanmar,
Cambodia and Laos. The actual number of foreign workers is not known, as the
registered ones (1.3 million in 2011) represent only a portion of the total foreign
workforce. Annual registrations yield different results, making it difficult to trace
the trend of the foreign population in the country.
Among the countries of origin in Southeast Asia, Indonesia and Myanmar are the
countries that deploy the largest number of migrants within the region: Indonesia
to Malaysia and Myanmar to Thailand. Both corridors are largely unauthorized.
The Philippines is the most important country of origin in terms of worker deploy-
ment and policies designed to facilitate and protect overseas labor. In 2012, a total
of 1,802,031 Filipino workers went abroad, of whom 458,575 left as new hires,
976,591 as re-hires and 366,865 as seafarers (POEA 2013). Among the various
countries of origin, only the Philippines includes seafarers in its count of over-
seas workers, also because it is the highest deploying country in that sector. While
largely going to the Gulf countries, the Philippines deploys workers in many other
destinations, but particularly to Hong Kong, Singapore and East Asian countries.

1.2.2 Characteristics

The annual flow of migrants within Asia approaches four million people. The domi-
nant model of employment is largely temporary labor migration with the following
characteristics:
• Temporary low-skill employment. In general, migrants are hired with a short-
term contract (mostly two years), which is not renewable onsite. Migrants must
return to their country of origin and can be rehired, and those who do, cannot
14 G. Battistella

accumulate social benefits because of the limited length of employment. The

system is designed to minimize the social costs for the country of employment
and to avoid the establishment of ethnic minorities with residence rights. Conse-
quently, migrants are provided lodging in dormitories or labor camps, have mini-
mal interaction with the local society and family reunification is not allowed.
Those social rights are limited to highly skilled workers or for specific categories
of foreigners, such as the Nikkeijin (migrants of Japanese origin) in Japan. The
length of employment is longer in South Korea, where the Employment Permit
System (EPS) allows for 5–9 years of work, or in Taiwan, where contracts can
be renewed up to 12 years.
Migrants are employed mostly in semi-skilled or low-skilled occupations. India
and the Philippines have a considerable number of highly skilled migrants, par-
ticularly in the health sector, but the majority of workers from the other countries
are considered unskilled. The profile of workers from Pakistan, Bangladesh, Ne-
pal and Indonesia are rather similar: three-quarters of the workers are in low-
skilled occupations. Indonesia, Sri Lanka and the Philippines provide most of the
domestic workers to Hong Kong, Singapore and the Middle East. Workers from
Vietnam to the Middle East are mostly low skilled, while the flow to Taiwan is
more balanced. Most Indonesians in Taiwan are women working as caregivers.
The profile of migrants from the Philippines is not based on skills but on catego-
ries: 45 % are production workers and 41 % service workers, of which the largest
numbers are domestic workers (IOM 2011).
• Private intermediation. The vast majority of migrants in Asia are hired and de-
ployed through the intermediation of the private recruitment industry. The in-
dustry has a component in the countries of destination, where recruiters are con-
tracted by employers to provide them foreign workers, and a component in the
country of origin, where recruiters are contacted by migrants looking to work
abroad. The intermediation is organized in the Middle East as a system which
maintains the workers under the control of the recruiter or sponsor (called kaf-
eel), who holds the visa for the worker and must grant the exit clearance for the
worker to leave the country. In other countries, the recruiter only functions as a
placement agency. The competition among recruiters in countries of origin has
increased the cost of migration, as they charge recruitment fees to the migrants.6
The cost of migration is a major area of rights violations, as practices are poorly
monitored. In many cases, migrants who cannot afford to pay the fees upfront are
allowed to migrate and fees are deducted monthly from their salary. Changes are
occurring in the sector, particularly in Saudi Arabia, with the establishment of
the Mega Recruitment Agencies or MRAs (Royal Decree no. 51 of 2013) which
should phase out the small recruiters ( kafeels). Many questions surround this
change, as the MRAs can function both as recruiters and employers and workers
hired by MRAs may be transferred from employer to employer. The only excep-
tion to private intermediation is the Employment Permit System in South Korea,

6
In the Philippines it is equivalent to one month salary. However, domestic workers should not
be charged any fee.
1 Migration in Asia: In Search of a Theoretical Framework 15

which relies on country-to-country agreements for the employment of foreign

workers.
• Female migration. Because of the high demand for migrants in jobs traditionally
attributed to women (nurses, domestic workers, caregivers, workers in hotels
and restaurants, sales, assembly of electronic components) the number of women
hired to work abroad has increased. This is particularly evident in some coun-
tries, like the Philippines, Indonesia and Sri Lanka. For various reasons, includ-
ing values and policies concerning women, migrants from other countries, such
as Pakistan, Bangladesh and Nepal, are almost exclusively male (for details, see
Oishi (2005)).
• Irregular migration. All areas of destination in Asia include a number of irregu-
lar migrants. In East Asian countries, irregular migrants are mostly overstayers,
i.e., migrants who entered the country with proper documentation but remained
longer than their visa or contract allows. In South and Southeast Asia, irregular
migration occurs mostly in the form of border crossing. This is happening be-
cause countries of origin and destination share long land borders which are diffi-
cult to police (such as those between Myanmar and Thailand or Bangladesh and
India) or sometimes long-established ethnic and economic links tend to ignore
more recently drawn political boundaries (such as between the Sulu Archipelago
in the Philippines and Sabah in Malaysia). In the case of the Gulf countries, ir-
regular migration is the result of unscrupulous hiring practices or, in the case of
Saudi Arabia, one major form of irregular migration is overstaying in the country
following the traditional pilgrimage to Mecca. Irregular migration is mostly dealt
with through registrations or amnesty programs, which allow for a temporary
stay before repatriation. But the problem seems intractable.
• International cooperation. Migration policies in the region are set by countries
of destination and countries of origin try to adapt to them, seeking to maximize
the opportunities offered by the different destinations. Increasingly, however,
countries of origin have become assertive and countries of destination have en-
gaged in dialogues and agreements to improve the conditions of migrant work-
ers. The clearest example of intergovernmental cooperation is the EPS in South
Korea, which is based on intergovernmental agreements. However, bilateral
agreements have increasingly been signed by countries of origin and the Gulf
countries. Often such agreements intend to facilitate labor deployment and are
short of conditions for protection (Battistella 2012). The willingness to engage in
such a process, which was shunned years ago, is indicative of a changing trend.
In addition to the bilateral approach, the multilateral dialogue has been pursued
through consultation processes, such as the Colombo Process and the Abu Dhabi
Dialogue. More binding cooperation through the ratification of international in-
struments on the rights of migrants is still limited.
16 G. Battistella

1.3 Theoretical Questions on Migration in Asia

The theoretical propositions advanced by migration theories formulated in countries

with mature migration flows also apply to labor migration in Asia.7 Between regions
of origin and destination there are noticeable differences in economic development
and specifically in expected salaries. On the other hand, the demographics of the
continent are also vastly different, with regions of origin including some of the most
populated countries in the world, where the propensity to migrate is well established
by years of experience and an organized recruiting industry to facilitate the transfer
of the labor force. Even countries that are less involved in migration fall within the
theoretical framework, such as Mongolia, which is sparsely populated, or the Lao
People’s Democratic Republic whose per capita income is below that of the typical
countries of origin (between US$ 1500 and 8000, according to Olsen (2002)), or
China, which has a huge internal labor market to absorb its own labor force (al-
though some immigration is already happening also toward China in recent years).
At the same time, migration in Asia presents specificities which demand further
theoretical introspection. The first aspect concerns the fact that some unskilled mi-
gration is taking place without much difference in the salaries earned abroad com-
pared to salaries available at home. This is particularly the case with migration to the
Middle East, where salaries had declined over the years, to the point that the Philip-
pines decided to demand a minimum salary of US$ 400 for domestic workers, caus-
ing a temporary decrease of deployment for a couple of years (2007–2008). Theory
already considered the possibility of migration without salary differentials (Stark
2003). However, specific research is needed to determine the motivating factors in
case of movement without economic gains: is it because of unemployment, or the
desire for adventure, or in general, the result of the so-called migration culture?
As had been mentioned, migration in Asia is largely mediated by the private
sector. The role of institutions, both public and private, in facilitating and further-
ing migration has been documented (Abella 1997, 2004). Nevertheless, the actual
impact of the recruiting industry has not been properly studied in existing theoreti-
cal frameworks. Hugo (1998) considers the recruiting industry as a form of social
capital. Since they are providing a paid service, it is difficult to consider intermedi-
ary agents as capital. For many migrants, dealing with recruitment industry is less
of a social capital than a liability since migrants can be saddled with debts, which
tie them to the migration project.
An aspect which is not much studied in migration theory is the tendency of many
migrants to be involved in repeat migration or re-migration. Countries of destina-
tion seem to occupy a place in a hierarchy, which migrants aspire to move to after
an initial migration. How that hierarchy is established, how it differs from country
to country, and which migrants are likely to engage in repeat migration are some
questions which have not received adequate attention.

7
Hugo (1998) had arrived at the same conclusion in his overview of the applicability of theories
to Asian migration.
1 Migration in Asia: In Search of a Theoretical Framework 17

In regard to the migration process, there seems to be a disconnect between the

migration project and its implementation. Most migrants become migrants with
some objectives to be achieved but end up remaining migrants for much longer
than initially planned. Theoretical studies have looked into the optimal time mi-
grants should stay abroad (Dustmann and Kirchkamp 2002), but adequate research
is needed to explore the factors that prolong the time abroad and measure the gaps
between the planned, the optimal and the actual time in migration.
A peculiar factor of migration in Asia consists in the disproportionate and grow-
ing number of women involved in domestic work from particular countries, includ-
ing the Philippines, Indonesia and Sri Lanka, but not from other countries. Simi-
larly, some countries employ large numbers of domestic workers (like Hong Kong,
Singapore and the Gulf countries), while others do not (e.g., Japan and South Ko-
rea). In addition to economic factors, what other factors determine the involvement
of countries in domestic work migration and the hiring of domestic workers?
The resilience of migrants in time of crisis is well documented. The general wis-
dom is that migrants tend to maintain their jobs or to remain abroad even in times of
crisis, because the alternative (returning home) is less advantageous and because of
obligations already incurred at the destination (Battistella 1999). Nevertheless, the
actual behavior of migrants during crisis requires better theoretical understanding.
Irregular migration is present all over the world. At the same time, irregular
migration is widespread in Asia; in some countries (like Malaysia and Thailand),
the scale of irregular migration is beyond the proportions found elsewhere. Some
easy answers could be provided, but the feeling is that not enough is known in this
regard; in particular, irregular migration has been relegated as an anomalous aspect
when in fact, it can be under the purview of theoretical considerations.
Since the 1990s, remittances have grown considerably in all countries, but par-
ticularly in Asian countries that figure at the top of the list. Such growth cannot be
explained solely by the increase in the number of migrants or by the increase in sala-
ries. Of course, remittances were underreported before and much of the increase can
be explained by better methods of reporting and better use of official channels. Still,
some gray areas remain and the growth of remittances in times of crisis requires
better explanations to be uncovered by future research.
The whole labor migration system in Asia is constructed around the temporari-
ness of contracts and stay. Castles (2009 and elsewhere) argued that temporary mi-
gration will inevitably lead to the formation of minority communities. Although
some elements of it can be traced in some countries (Asis and Battistella 2013), it
is difficult to generalize. In many respects, the temporary system in Asia seems to
hold (Seol and Skrentny 2009). Additional research is needed to understand wheth-
er temporary migration can function properly without introducing the possibility for
migrants to settle in Asian countries.
Finally, Asia has been the site of the expansion of skilled migration. This type
of migration is needed by developed economies and it is pursued by developing
countries, which appreciate its higher returns and less problematic situations. The
different treatment of skilled and unskilled migrants is creating a class divide, with
various repercussions. Migration, ultimately, is the attempt by individuals to over-
Another Random Scribd Document
with Unrelated Content
 48. See my Oriental religions, p. 180; 276, n. 51 s.

49. See Lecture III, pp. 96, 107; VII, p. 176.

50. Callim., Epigr., 15, 3:

Ὠ Χαρίδα τί τὰ νέρθε;—Πολὺ σκότος—Αἱ δ’ ἄνοδοι τί;

Ψεῦδος—Ὁ δὲ Πλούτων;—Μῦθος—Ἀπωλόμεθα

51. Cat., V, 4:

“Soles occidere et redire possunt;

Nobis quum semel occidit brevis lux,
Nox est perpetua una dormienda.”

52. Cf. Lecture II, p. 83, and VII, p. 181.

53. Bücheler, Carm. epigr., 180, 1147, 1190, 1339, etc.

54. Plato, Apol., 40c–41c.

55. Cic., Parad. Stoic., II, 18: “Mors est terribilis iis quorum cum vita omnia
exstinguntur, non iis quorum laus emori non potest.”

56. Cic., Pro Archia, 11, 26; cf. Tusc., I, 15, 34.

57. Diog. Laert., X, 16 = fragm. 217 Usener; cf. Plin., H. N., XXXV, 5.

58. Furtwängler, Die antiken Gemmen, III, 1900, 257 ss.

59. See Lecture III, p. 97.

60. Ovid, Metam., XV, 60 ss.

61. Rohde, Der Griech. Roman2, p. 270 s.

62. Sen., Quaest. nat., VII, 32, 2.

63. See Lecture IV, p. 121.

64. Revue archéologique, 1918, VIII, p. 52 ss.

65. Plato, Republ., VII, p. 514.

66. See below, Lecture VIII, p. 209 ss.

67. See Lecture VI, p. 167; cf. III, p. 103.

 68. See Lecture II, p. 81.

69. See, for all this, Lecture III, p. 96 s.; cf. VIII, p. 195.

70. See Lecture VIII, p. 212.

71. See Lecture I, p. 66.

72. See Lecture V, p. 133.

73. See Lecture III, pp. 73, 81; VII, p. 181 s.

74. Cf. Cic., Tusc., I, 11, 24.

75. See Lecture VI, p. 151.

76. Bücheler, Carm. epigr., 434.

77. Cf. my Astrology and Religion, 1912, p. 83 ss.

78. See above, p. 13.

79. See Lecture III, p. 98.

80. See below, Lecture III, p. 100 ss.

81. Pascal, Pensées, III, 206 (t. II, p. 127, Brunschvigg): “Le silence éternel de
ces espaces infinis m’effraie.”

82. See Lecture III, p. 98; VI, p. 161 s.; VII, p. 184.

83. See Lecture IV, p. 127; VIII, p. 210.

84. Manilius, II, 115.

85. See above, p. 22.

86. Lehrs, Populäre Aufsätze aus dem Altertum, 1875, p. 349 ss.; Fowler,
Religious Experience of the Roman People, p. 382 ss.

87. Cf. my Oriental religions in Roman paganism, Chicago, 1911, p. 39 ss.

88. See Lecture IV, p. 118 ss.

89. See Lecture II, p. 76; VII, p. 171.

90. See Lecture IV, p. 120; VIII, p. 204.

 91. .sp 1
“Alimenta vitae tribuis perpetua fide,
Et cum recesserit anima in te refugiemus,
Ita, quicquid tribuis, in te cuncta recidunt.”
(Anthol. Lat., ed. Riese, I, p. 27.)

92. See Lecture IV, p. 122.

93. See Lecture VIII, p. 202.

94. See Lecture III, p. 96 ss.

95. See Lecture II, p. 79.

96. Enn., IV, 7.

97. See Lecture III, p. 106; VI, p. 169.

98. See Lecture VII, p. 184 ss.

99. See Lecture IV, p. 108; VIII, p. 212.

100. See Lecture II, p. 90; IV, p. 109; VIII, p. 196 ss., 206.

101. Cic., Tusc., I, 12, §27.

102. Lucretius, III, 890 ss.

103. Servius, Aen., III, 68.

104. Servius, ibid.

105. Propertius, IV, 5, 3: “Nec sedeant cineri Manes.” Cf. Lucan, IX, 2.

106. Pliny, H. N., XVI, 44, §234; cf. Livy, XXXVIII, 53.

107. Cf. my Oriental religions, p. 240.

108. CIL, I, 1108: “Domum aeternam ubi aevum degerent.”

109. Bücheler, Carm. epigr., 1555: “Haec certa est domus, haec est colenda
nobis.”

110. Virg., Aen., III, 67: “Animam sepulcro condimus.” Cf. Pliny, Epist., III, 27,
12: “Rite conditis Manibus.”

111. See above, Introd., p. 10; Lecture VIII, p. 192.

 112. Petronius, 71: “Valde enim falsum vivo quidem domos cultas esse, non
curari eam ubi diutius nobis habitandum est.”

113. Lucian, Philopseudes, 27; cf. Dessau, Inscr. sel., 8379, l. 50 ss.

114. Kaibel, Epigr. Graeca, 646 = Dessau, Inscr. sel., 8156; cf. Lucian, De
luctu, 19.

115. Bücheler, Carm. epigr., 838 = Dessau, op. cit., 8204.

116. Sueton., Aug., 15.

117. Cf. p. 52, n. 20, and Lecture IV, p. 118.

118. Servius, Aen., III, 67.

119. Cf. Comptes rendus Acad. des Inscr., 1918, p. 284 s.

120. Servius, Aen., V, 79: “Ad sanguinis imitationem, in quo est sedes animae.”
Cf. II, 532.

121. See above, Introd., p. 35, and Lecture VIII, p. 204.

122. CIL, XI, 132 = Dessau, 7235.

123. CIL, XIV, 3323 = Dessau, 8090: “Hoc peto aego a bobis unibersis
sodalibus ut sene bile refrigeretis.”

124. CIL, VI, 26554 = Dessau, 8139.

125. Dessau, 8379.

126. Lucian, De luctu, 37.

127. Dessau, 8154 = CIL, XII, 5102 = Bücheler, Carm. epigr., 788:

“[Eo] cupidius perpoto in monumento meo,

Quod dormiendum et permanendum heic est mihi.”

128. De testim. animae, 4.

129. See below, Lecture VIII, p. 203 s.

130. Augustine, De mor. eccles., 34: “Qui luxuriosissime super mortuos bibant
et epulas cadaveribus exhibentes super sepultos se ipsos sepeliant et voracitates
ebrietatesque suas deputent religioni.”
 131. Constitutiones Apostol., VIII, 42.

132. Dessau, 8375: “Colant spiritum meum.”

133. Cf. Petronius, 71: “Omne genus poma volo sint circa cineres meos et
vinearum largiter”; Dessau, 8342 ss.; below, Lecture VIII, p. 200.

134. Varro, Lingu. Lat., VI, 49 (45).

135. Arch. Epigr. Mitt. aus Oesterreich, X, 1886, p. 64.

136. Dessau, 6746.

137. Ibid., 8130.

138. Ibid., 1967; cf. 8139.

139. Diog. Laert., VIII, 32; cf. Servius, Aen., III, 63; Lecture VI, p. 160.

140. Virg., Aen., IV, 685.

141. See Lecture VI, p. 157.

142. Cf. Porph., De abstin., II, 37.

143. Servius, Georg., I, 277; cf. Dessau, 8006.

144. CIL, VIII, 2803a: “Donata, pia, iusta, vale, serva tuos omnes.”

145. Margaret Waites, American journ. of archaeol., 1920, 242 ss.

146. Maxim. Tyr., Diss., IX (XV), 6.

147. Plotinus, Enn., IV, 7, 20.

148. Dessau, Inscr. sel., 8006. “Manus mala” means probably a murder
produced by witchcraft; cf. ibid., 8522; Lecture V, p. 135.

149. CIL, II, 4427: “Lacrimae si prosunt, visis te ostende videri.”

150. Lucian, Philopseudes, 29.

151. Dio Cassius, LXXIX, 18.

152. Dessau, Inscr. sel., 8201a: “Tu qui legis et dubitas Manes esse, sponsione
facta invoca nos et intelleges.”

153. Ovid, Fast., II, 546.

 154. CIL, I, 818 = VI, 10407e = Dessau, 8749: “Mortuus nec ad deos nec ad
homines acceptus est.” Cf. CIL, X, 8249.

155. CIL, VI, 12072: “Parce matrem tuam et patrem et sororem tuam
Marinam, ut possint tibi facere post me sollemnia.”

156. Audollent, Defixionum tabellae, 1904.

157. See below, Lecture V, pp. 143, 145.

158. Plato, Republ., X, 615 A B; cf. Norden, Aeneis Buch VI, p. 10.

159. See Lecture V, p. 134.

160. Virg., Aen., VI, 325 ss: “Inops inhumataque turba.... Centum errant annos
volitantque haec litora circum.”

161. Dessau, Inscr. sel., 7213 = CIL, XIV, 2112, II, 4.

162. Sueton., Calig., 59; cf. Plautus, Mostell., III, 2.

163. Pliny, Epist., VII, 27; Lucian, Philopseudes, 31.

164. Audollent, Defixionum tabellae, 27, l. 18; cf. 22 ss.

165. See Lecture V, p. 135.

166. Heliodorus, Aeth., VI, 15.

167. See Lecture VIII, p. 193.

168. Leblant, Épigraphie chrétienne de la Gaule, 1890, 52 ss.

169. Lawson, Modern Greek folk-lore, 1910, p. 403.

170. Lucian, De luctu, 9.

171. Piganiol, Revue d’histoire et de litt. religieuses, VI, 1920, p. 335 ss.

172. Cf. Lucian, De luctu, 14.

173. Cf. Dessau, 8379.

174. Aen., VI, 653 ss.

175. Ovid, Metam., IV, 443 ss.

176. Bücheler, Carm. epigr., 1186:

 “Sed in secessum numinis infernae domus
Oficiosus tandem ministerio laetatur suo.”

177. See below, Lecture VI, p. 148.

178. Monumenti Antichi, XXIV, 1917, pp. 5–116.

179. See below, Lecture VII, p. 172 s.

180. Furtwängler, Archiv für Religionswissenschaft, VIII, 1905, p. 191 ss.

181. See Lecture I, p. 66.

182. See Lecture VI, p. 151.

183. See below, Lecture VII, p. 172 ss.

184. See Introd., p. 6.

185. See Introd., p. 29.

186. Mullach, Fragm. phil. Graec., II, p. 33.

187. Tim. Locr., De anim. mundi, 17, p. 104 D; cf. Schmekel, Mittlere Stoa,
1892, p. 435.

188. Cf. Lecture VII, p. 178 ss.

189. Cf. on this doctrine Revue de philologie, XLIV, 1920, p. 230 ss.

190. Cf. Lecture VII, p. 181.

191. See Lecture VI, p. 167.

192. Cf. Rev. philol., l. c., p. 237 ss.

193. On this doctrine see Comptes rendus Acad. Inscriptions, 1920, p. 272 ss.

194. Cf. Lecture VI, p. 155.

195. See Lecture VII, p. 185; cf. VI, p. 161 s.

196. See Introd., p. 38 s.

197. Cic., Tusc., I, 21, 48; cf. I, 6, 10; Nat. deor., II, 2, 5.

198. Sen., Epist., 24, 18.

 199. Juvenal, Sat., II, 149 ss.

200. Pliny, H. N., II, 63, §158.

201. Plutarch, Non posse suaviter vivi sec. Epic., 27, p. 1105.

202. Cf. Lucian, De luctu, 10.

203. Bücheler, 1109, v. 19–24:

“Non ego Tartareas penetrabo tristis ad undas,

Non Acheronteis transvehar umbra vadis,
Non ego caeruleam remo pulsabo carinam,
Nec te terribilem fronte timebo Charon,
Nec Minos mihi iura dabit grandaevus et atris
Non errabo locis nec cohibebor aquis.”

204. See, for instance, Jahresh. Instit. Wien, XVII, 1914, p. 133 ss.; or Hermes,
XXXVII, 1902, p. 121 ss.

205. Cf. Jahn, Darstellungen der Unterwelt auf Sarkophagen, in Ber.

Gesellschaft Wiss. Leipsig, 1856, p. 267 ss.; Reinach, Répertoire des reliefs, III,
391; Berger, Revue archéol., 3e serie, XXVI, 1895, p. 71 ss.

206. Sueton., Tiberius, 75, 1: “Terram matrem deosque Manes orarent, ne

mortuo sedem ullam nisi inter impios darent.”

207. Heliodorus, Aeth., VIII, 9, p. 231, 10, Bekker.

208. Jahresh. Instit. Wien, XVIII, 1915, Beiblatt., p. 45.

209. Plutarch, Non posse suaviter vivi sec. Epic., 27, p. 1105.

210. Porph., Sent., 29 (p. 13, Mommert).

211. Proclus, In Remp. Plat., II, p. 126, 10 ss., Kroll.

212. Proclus, ibid., II, p. 131, 20 ss.

213. Proclus, In Remp. Plat., I, 121, 23 ss., Kroll.

214. Orig., Contra Celsum, VIII, 48 s.

215. See Lecture IV, p. 113 ss.

216. Porph., De abstin., 38 ss.; cf. Bousset, Archiv für Religionswiss., XVIII,
1915, p. 134 ss., and Andres in Realencycl., Supplementband, III, 315.
 217. Cf. Comptes rendus Acad. Inscriptions, 1918, p. 278 ss.

218. Pliny, H. N., II, 8, § 28.

219. Eusebius Alex., in Patr. Graeca, LXXXVI, 1, p. 453.

220. Cat. codd. astrol. Graec, V, pars. 1, p. 196 ss.

221. See below, Lecture VI, p. 357.

222. Flinders Petrie, Athribis, London, 1908 (52 A. D.).

223. Cf. below, Lecture VI, p. 154.

224. Toutain, Revue des études anciennes, XIII, 1911, p. 166 ss.; cf. ibid., p.
379 s.

225. See below, p. 104, and Lecture VI, p. 153.

226. E. Pfeiffer, Studien zum antiken Sternglauben, 1916, p. 113 ss.

227. Pausanias, IV, 32, 4.

228. Aristophanes, Peace, 832 ss.

229. See below, Lecture IV, p. 111; cf. Introd., p. 24.

230. Pliny, H. N., II, 26, § 95.

231. Jamblich., Vit. Pyth., XVIII, 82 = Diels, Vorsokratiker, I3, p. 358, 18; cf.
Plut., De genio Socr., 22, p. 590 C; Hierocles, In Aur. carm., end.

232. Lucian, Verae hist., I, 10 ss.

233. Castor, fragm. 24 and 25, Müller.

234. See Introd., p. 29, and Lecture VI, p. 162.

235. Julian, Caes., p. 307 c.

236. Plato, Rep., VII, p. 514.

237. Reproduced in my Études syriennes, 1917, p. 87; cf. below, p. 139.

238. Wiegand, in Abhandl. Akad. Berlin, 1908. Bericht, VI, p. 46:

Στὰς πρόσθε τύμβον δέρκε τὴν ἄνυμφον

 κόρην Διογνήτοιο νηπίην Χοροῦν,
ἥν θῆκεν Ἅιδης ἐν κύκλοισιν ἑβδόμοις....

239. See La théologie solaire du paganisme romain in Mém. sav. étrangers

Acad. Inscr., XII, 1909, p. 449 ss.

240. Cf. Introd., p. 28.

241. See below, Lecture VI, p. 160.

242. CIL, VI, 29954; see below, Lecture VI, p. 157 ss.

243. Commodian, VIII, 10: “Sacerdotes ... numina qui dicunt aliquid morituro
prodesse.”

244. See Introd., p. 24 s.; cf. below, Lecture VI, p. 167.

245. Lydus, De mensib., IV, 149 (p. 167, 25, Wünsch.).

246. Lucan, Phars., I, 45; Statius, Theb., I, 27; cf. my Études syriennes, 1917,
p. 97 s.

247. Diog. Laert., VIII, 31.

248. Ovid, Metam., XV, 840 ss.; cf. 749.

249. Cassius, Dio, LXIX, 11, 4.

250. Cic., Tusc., I, 12, 28: “Totum prope caelum nonne humano generi
completum est?”

251. Revue de philologie, XXXIII, 1909, p. 6 = IG, XII, 7, 123.

252. Revue de phil., ibid.; cf. Lecture V, p. 139.

253. II Cor. 12, 2.

254. Porph., Sent., 292 (p. 14, Mommert); Proclus, In Remp., I, p. 152, 17,
Kroll; In Tim., III, p. 234, 25, Diehl.

255. Cf. my Mysteries of Mithras, Chicago, 1903, p. 145; below, Lecture VI, p.
169; VII, p. 187.

256. Origen, Contra Celsum, VI, 21; cf. Monum. mystères de Mithra, I, p. 118.

257. Apuleius, De dogm. Plat., I, 11.

 258. Archiv für Religionsw., IX, 1906, p. 323 ss.

259. See, e.g., Plotin., III, 4, 6; cf. Lecture VIII, p. 213.

260. See above, Introd., pp. 6, 41.

261. Ibid., p. 7.

262. See above, Lecture III, p. 96.

263. Link, De vocis “Sanctus” usu pagano, Königsberg, 1910.

264. Cic., De natura deor., II, 66, § 167.

265. Manilius, I, 41; cf. Boll, Aus der Offenbarung Iohannis, 1914, p. 136 ss.

266. Pseudo-Ecphant. ap Stob., Anth., IV, 7, 64 (IV, p. 272 ss., Wachsmuth);

Hermes Trism. ap. Stob., Ecl., I, 49, 45 (I, p. 407, W).

267. See below, Lecture VI, p. 156 ss.

268. Cic., Nat. deorum, II, 66, § 165.

269. Somn. Scipionis, 3; cf. Pro Sestio, 68, § 143.

270. Hermes Trismeg. ap. Stob., Ecl., I, 49, 69 (I, p. 466, Wachsmuth).

271. Maurice Muret, Les contemporains étrangers, Paris, I, p. 30.

272. See my Études syriennes, p. 63 ss.

273. CIL, VI, 1779 = Bücheler, Carm. epigr., 111, 23: “(Me) sorte mortis
eximens in templa ducis....”

274. Pseudo-Lysis ap. Jamblich., Vit. Pyth., 17, § 77.

275. See Introd., p. 29; Lecture VII, p. 184 s.

276. Cf. Lecture I, p. 51.

277. CIL, VI, 510 = Dessau, 4152.

278. Servius, Aen., VI, 741.

279. See Introd., p. 35; cf. Lecture VIII, p. 204.

280. Porph., De abstin., II, 48.

 281. Cf. Comptes rendus Acad. Inscriptions, 1917, p. 281 ss.

282. See above, Introd., p. 37.

283. Hermes Trismeg., Poimandres, I, 26: Τοῦτό ἐστι τὸ ἀγαθὸν τέλος τοῖς
γνῶσιν ἐσχηκόσι θεωθῆναι.

284. See below, Lecture VIII, 207.

285. Apuleius, Metam., XI, 24: “Inexplicabili voluptate divini simulacri

perfruebar.”

286. See Oriental religions, p. 100, and below, Lecture VIII, p. 210 ss.

287. Papyr. of London, CXXII, 1 ss.; cf. Reitzenstein, Poimandres, p. 20.

288. Riewald, De imperatorum Romanorum cum certis dis aequatione, Halle,

1912.

289. Cf. Gillis Wetter, Die “Verherrlichung,” in Beiträge zur Relig.-

Wissenschaft, II, 1914.

290. See below, Lecture VI, p. 158.

291. See below, Lecture VIII, p. 212.

292. Porph., De Abstin., II, 49.

293. See below, Lecture VIII, pp. 201, 207, 211.

294. See my Mysticisme astral dans l’antiquité in Bulletins de l’Acad. de

Belgique, 1909, p. 264 ss.

295. See Lecture VIII, p. 210 ss.

296. Virg., Aen., VI, 426 ss.

297. Plut., De genio Socratis, 22, p. 590 F.

298. Plato, Republ., p. 615 C; cf. Norden, Aeneis Buch VI, 1903, pp. 11, 27.

299. Achill. Tat., V, 16.

300. Tertull., De anima, 57.

301. Dessau, Inscr. sel., 8497 ss.; cf. Recueil des inscriptions du Pont, 9, 258.
 302. Horace, Epod., 5, 92; cf. Livy, III, 58, 11.

303. Sueton., Nero, 34, 4.

304. Sueton., Calig., 59.

305. Porph., Epist., II, 2, 209: “Nocturnas Lemures: umbras vagantes

hominum ante diem mortuorum et ideo metuendas.”

306. Bouché-Leclercq, Astrologie grecque, p. 404.

307. Diog. Laert., II, 5, §45; cf. Lamprid., Heliog., 33, 2: “Praedictum eidem
erat a sacerdotibus Syris biothanatum se futurum.”

308. Ptolem., Tetrabibl., III, 10 (p. 127, ed. 1553).

309. Macrob., Somn. Scip., I, 13, 1, probably after Numenius (Revue des
études grecques, XXXII, 1921, p. 119 s.).

310. CIL, VIII, 2756 = Bücheler, Carm. epigr., 1604.

311. Manilius, IV, 16.

312. Cf. Schulze, Sitzungsb. Akad. Berlin, 1912, p. 691 ss.

313. Demon: Kaibel, Epigr. Gr., 566, 4; 569, 3, etc.—Evil god: Dessau, 8498;
cf. 9093: “Cui (sic) dii nefandi parvulo contra votum genitorum vita privaverunt.”

314. See Lecture I, p. 66 ss.

315. Kaibel, Epigr. Graeca, 624.

316. Rohde, Psyche, II4, p. 411; cf. Perdrizet, Negotium perambulans, 1922, p.
19 ss.

317. Audollent, Defixionum tabellae, 1904, p. 40, nr, 22 ss.; see above, Lecture
I, p. 68.

318. Wessely, Griech. Zauberpap. aus Paris in Denkschr. Akad. Wien, XXXVI,
1888, p. 85, l. 2577 ss., p. 86, l. 2645 ss.

319. Cic., In Vatin., 6, 14; Horace, Ep., 5; Petronius, 63, 8.

320. Bücheler, Carm. epigr., 987:

“Eripuit me saga manus crudelis ubique,

Cum manet in terris et nocet arte sua.
 Vos vestros natos concustodite, parentes.”
Cf. Petronius, l. c., and Lecture II, p. 61, n. 48.

321. Alex. Trall., I, 15, pp. 565, 567, Puschman.

322. Cf. Pliny, XXVIII, 12, § 49.

323. Tertull., De anima, 57.

324. Norden, Aeneis Buch VI, p. 41.

325. Sen., Dial., VI, 23, 1; Plut., Cons. ad uxorem, 11; cf. Dessau, 8481 ss.

326. See below, Lecture VII, p. 178.

327. Bücheler, Carm. epigr., 1233.

328. Kaibel, Epigr. Graeca, 324.

329. Haussoullier, Revue de philologie, XXIII, 1909, p. 6; see above, Lecture

III, p. 105.

330. Bücheler, Carm. epigr., 569: “Vitaeque e limine raptus.... Non tamen ad
Manes sed caeli ad sidera pergis.” Cf. ibid., 569, 611.

331. See Lecture III, p. 99.

332. Rohde, Psyche, II4, p. 374, n. 2; Lawson, Modern Greek folk-lore, 1910 p.
140 ss.; cf. Dessau, 8748.

333. Bücheler, Carm. epigr., 1233; cf. Statius, Silv., II, 6, 100.

334. Kaibel, Epigr. Graeca, 570, 571; cf. CIL, VI, 29195 = Dessau, 8482:
“Ulpius Firmus, anima bona superis reddita, raptus a Nymphis.”

335. Cf. Anderson, Journ. hell. stud., XIX, 1899, p. 127, nr, 142, and below,
note 42.

336. Cagnat, Inscr. Gr. ad res Rom. pertin., IV, 1377.

337. Kaibel, Epigr. Graeca, 314.

338. Bücheler, Carm. epigr., 1439; cf. 1400:

“Vos equidem nati caelestia regna videtis

Quos rapuit parvos praecipitata dies.”
 339. Cabrol et Leclercq, Reliquiae liturgicae vetustissimae, I, 1912, nr, 2917;
cf. 2974; 3153.

340. Menander’s verse, “Ὃν οἱ θεοὶ φιλοῦσιν ἀποθνήσκει νέος,” is indeed

translated into Latin in a Roman epitaph (Dessau, 8481).

341. In Greek, βιοθάνατος is a popular form for βιαιοθάνατος. In Latin

biaeothanatus is found only in Tertull., De Anima, 57, biothanatus everywhere
else.

342. Aen., VI, 477 ss.

343. Horace, Od., III, 2, 21; cf. Introd., p. 13; Lecture IV, p. 113.

344. Joseph., Bell. Iud., VI, 5, § 47.

345. Servius, Aen., XII, 603.

346. Pliny, N. H., II, 63, § 156.

347. Dessau, Inscr. sel., 7846: “Extra auctorateis et quei sibei [la]queo manu
attulissent et quei quaestum spurcum professi essent.”

348. Ibid., 7212, II, 5.

349. Plut., Cato, 68.

350. Cf. Revue des études grecques, XXXII, 1921, p. 113 ss.

351. Sen., Controv., VIII, 4, end.

352. See above, Lecture I, p. 64 ss.

353. Theophanes, Chronicon, p. 437, 3 ss., De Boor.

354. Commodianus, I, 14, 8.

355. Du Cange, Glossarium, s. v.

356. Lawson, Modern Greek folk-lore, 1910, p. 408 ss.

357. See above, Lecture II, p. 74.

358. Transl. Harrison, Prolegomena to the study of Greek religion, 1903, p.

660.

359. Thulin, Etruskische Disciplin, III, 1909, p. 58 ss.

 360. Xenoph., Memorab., II, 1, 21; cf. Hesiod, Op. et dies, 287 ss.

361. Brinkmann, Rheinisches Museum, LXVI, 1911, p. 622 ss.

362. See below, Lecture VIII, p. 205.

363. See Lecture II, p. 76.

364. Cic., Tusc., I, 30, 72.

365. See above, Lecture III, p. 82.

366. See above, Lecture III, p. 94.

367. Cf. Comptes rendus Acad. Inscr., 1920, p. 277.

368. Lactantius, Inst., VI, 3 s.

369. Polyaen., VII, 22.

370. See Lecture III, p. 107; Monum. mystères de Mithra, I, p. 118 s.; II, p.
525.

371. Philo, De somniis, I, 22; Origen, Contra Celsum, VI, 21.

372. Charles R. Morey, East Christian paintings in the Freer collection, New
York, 1914, p. 17 ss.

373. Ladder among other magical emblems on terra cotta discs found at
Taranto; cf. Revue archéologique, V, 1917, p. 102.

374. See above, Lecture III, p. 93.

375. Ibid., p. 96.

376. Cf. Revue de philologie, XLIV, 1920, p. 75.

377. Cf. Joseph Keil, Jahresh. Instituts Wien, XVII, 1914, pp. 138, 142, n. 13;
Bormann, Bericht des Vereins Carnuntum, 1908–1911, p. 330, where Itala felix
applies not to the ship but to the dead woman.

378. For instance, Dessau, Inscr. sel., 8031.

379. Cf. my Études syriennes, 1917, p. 99, n. 1. So on the beautiful chariot of

Monteleone in the Metropolitan Museum of New York (sixth century B. C.).

380. Cf. my Études syriennes, p. 91 s.

 381. Ibid., p. 92, fig. 41.

382. Ibid., p. 94, fig. 42; cf. below, p. 165.

383. Cf. ibid., p. 95 s.

384. II Reg., 2, 11.

385. Kornemann, Klio, VII, p. 278; cf. Études syriennes, p. 98, n. 3.

386. Eunap., Hist., fr. 26 (F. H. G. IV, 25; cf. Études syriennes, p. 104).

387. See above, Lecture III, p. 102.

388. Weichert, Der Seelenvogel in der alten Literatur und Kunst, Leipzig,
1902; see above, Lecture III, p. 93.

389. Études syriennes, p. 38 ss.

390. Phaedr., p. 246 C.

391. Anth. Pal., VII, 62 = Diog. Laert., III, 44; cf. Études syriennes, p. 88:

Αἰετέ τίπτε βέβηκας ὑπὲρ τάφον; ἢ τίνος, εἰπέ,

ἀστεροέντα θεῶν οἶκον ἀποσκοπέεις;—
Ψυχῆς εἰμὶ Πλάτωνος ἀποπταμένης εἰς Ὄλυμπον
εἰκών· σῶμα δὲ γῆ γηγενὲς Ἀτθὶς ἔχει.

392. Cf. Études syriennes, p. 57 ss.

393. Études syriennes, 1917, p. 87, fig. 39.

394. See Introd., p. 28.

395. See Lecture III, p. 100.

396. Études syriennes, p. 106 s.; cf. Lecture III, p. 101.

397. See Lecture I, p. 59.

398. Diog. Laert., VIII, 1, 27.

399. Jul., Or., V, p. 172 C.

400. Cic., Tusc., I, 42 ss.; Sextus Empir., Adv. Math., IX, 71, 4; cf. above,
Introd., p. 29.
 401. Winds and souls, see below, Lecture VII, p. 185.

402. See below, Lecture VII, p. 186; cf. Lecture II, p. 81.

403. See Introd., p. 29; cf. Lecture VII, p. 185.

404. See below, Lecture VII, p. 185.

405. See above, Lecture III, p. 93, and p. 96 s.

406. Dieterich, Eine Mithrasliturgie2, 1910.

407. Plato, Phaedo, p. 107 D, 108 B.

408. Kaibel, Epigr. Graeca, 650 = Inscr. Sic. Ital., 2461.

409. Haussoullier, Revue de philologie, XXIII, 1909, p. 6; cf. Lecture III, p.

105.

410. See above, Lecture IV, p. 112.

411. Cf. Rohde, Psyche, II4, p. 376 s.

412. See above, Lecture I, p. 45 ss., 59 ss.

413. Cf. Cic., Tusc., I, 16, 37.

414. See below, Lecture VIII, p. 199 ss.

415. Lucretius, I, 124: “Simulacra modis pallentia miris.”

416. See, for instance, above, p. 156.

417. Cf. Proclus, In Rempubl., I, p. 290, 10 ss., Kroll.

418. On this katoptromanteia, cf. Revue archéologique, V, 1917, p. 105 ss.;

Ganschinietz in Realencycl., s. v.

419. See above, Lecture V, p. 130.

420. See above, Lecture II, p. 79.

421. Cf. Revue de philologie, XLIV, 1920, p. 237 ss.

422. See Lecture III, p. 103.

423. Cf. Lecture III, p. 107.

 424. Plato, Phaedr., 247 B; cf. Phaedo, p. 113 D.

425. Timaeus, p. 41 D E.

426. See above, Lecture III, p. 106 s., and Introd., p. 41; cf. p. 24.

427. Odyssey, XI, 576 s.

428. Cf. Rohde, Psyche, I4, p. 61 ss.

429. Cf. Plut., De superst., 7, p. 168 D.

430. Cf. above, Lecture II, p. 75.

431. Cf. Dieterich, Nekyia, p. 206 ss.

432. Plut., De sera num. vind., p. 567 B.

433. Dieterich, Nekyia, 1893 (2d ed. 1913).

434. Even the devout Plutarch rejects them as superstitious imaginations; cf.
De superst., 167 A.

435. Aen., VI, 625–628.

436. Dieterich, op. cit., p. 197 ss.

437. Punishment by fire is mentioned for the first time in Philodemos, Περὶ
θεῶν, XIX, 16 ss. Philodemos being a Syrian, it is not unlikely that this tenet is of
Oriental origin. Cf. Diels, Abhandl. Akad. Berlin, 1916, p. 80, n. 3.

438. See above, Introd., pp. 8, 17 s., and Lecture II, p. 83.

439. Herodotus, II, 123.

440. The Druses have even preserved the ancient doctrine that the number of
souls is always the same in the world. Cf. Silvestre de Sacy, Religion des Druses,
1838, II, p. 459.

441. Dussaud, Les Nosaïris, Paris, 1900, p. 120 ss.

442. See above, Lecture III, p. 101.

443. Cf. Lucian, Alex., 43.

444. Hermes Trismeg. ap. Stob., Ecl., I, 49, p. 398, 16 ss., Wachsmuth.
 445. Tim. Locr., p. 104 E.

446. Ps.-Plut., Vita Homeri, 126; Porph. ap. Stob., Ecl., I, 49, 60, p. 445,
Wachsmuth.

447. See above, p. 176.

448. See above, Lecture II, p. 78.

449. Cf. Revue de philologie, XLIV, 1921, p. 232 ss.

450. Above, Introd., p. 13.

451. Museum of the University of California; Kaibel, Inscr. Sicil. et Ital., 12,
1196. The sentence is taken from Republ., X, 617 C.

452. Porph., De regressu anim., fr. 11, Bidez = Aug., Civ. Dei, X, 30; Jamblich.
ap. Nemes., De nat. hom., 2; cf. Zeller, Philos. Gr., V4, p. 713.

453. .sp 1
“Has omnes, ubi mille rotam volvere per annos,
Lethaeum ad fluvium deus evocat agmine magno,
Scilicet immemores super ut convexa revisant,
Rursus et incipiant in corpore velle reverti.”
Aen., VI, 749–753.

454. See above, Lecture VI, p. 162, and Introd., p. 29.

455. Études syriennes, p. 70.

456. See Lecture VI, p. 161; cf. below, Lecture VIII, p. 196.

457. Virg., Aen., VI, 740 ss.

458. Plut., De facie lunae, p. 943 B.

459. Ps. Apul., Asclep., 28.

460. Jahresh. Institut Wien, XII, 1910, p. 213.

461. See above, Lecture III, p. 107.

462. Macrob., Comm. Somn. Scip., I, 11, 8; Proclus, In Tim., II, 48, 15 ss.,
Diehl.

463. Lecture II, p. 87 ss.

464. See Lecture I, p. 64 ss.

465. Tibullus, II, 6, 30: “Sic bene sub tenera parva quiescat humo.”

466. Tertull., De testimonio animae, 4.

467. Securitati aeternae; cf. Dessau, Inscr. sel., 8025 ss., 8149.
 468. Cic., Catil., IV, 7; cf. Tusc., I, 11, 25; 49, 118.

469. Sen., Dial., VI, 19, 5.

470. Dessau, Inscr. sel., 8024 and note; cf. Cic., Tusc., I, 41, 97; and Introd., p.
10.

471. Bücheler, Carm. epigr., 1274:

“Morborum vitia et vitae mala maxima fugi.

Nunc careo poenis, pace fruor placida.”

472. Bücheler, ibid., 573:

“Qui post tantum onus, multos crebrosque labores

Nunc silet et tacito contentus sede quiescit.”

473. Bücheler, ibid., 507: “Poena fuit vita, requies mihi morte parata est.”

474. Transl. by J. C. Anderson (in my Astrology and Religion, p. 171).

475. Dessau, Inscr. sel., 8393, 79: “Te di Manes tui ut quietam patiantur atque
ita tueantur opto.”

476. See above, Lecture I, p. 68; II, p. 86, n. 39; V, p. 134.

477. See above, Lecture VI, p. 143.

478. Virg., Aen., VI, 705: “Domos placidas.”

479. See Introd., p. 34 ss.

480. Comptes rendus Acad. Inscr., 1912, p. 151 ss.; cf. Bücheler, Carm. epigr.,
513.

481. Lecture III, p. 95.

482. Lecture VI, p. 150.

483. Odyssey, VI, 42 ss.

484. Lucretius, III, 18 ss.

485. Zeno, fr. 147 (von Arnim, Fragm. Stoicorum, I, p. 40): “Zeno docuit sedes
piorum ab impiis esse discretas et illos quidem quietas ac delectabiles habitare
regiones.”
 486. See Introd., p. 25; Lecture III, p. 96.

487. Macrob., Somn. Scip., I, 11, 6: “Vitae mortisque confinium.”

488. See above, Lecture II, p. 81 s.

489. See Lecture VII, p. 185 s.

490. Sen., Consol. Marc., 24, 5: “(Animus) nititur illo unde demissus est; ibi
illum aeterna requies manet e confusis crassisque pura et liquida visentem.”

491. Plotin., IX, 8, 9, p. 768 A; IX, 8, 11, p. 770 C.

492. Cf. Aug., Serm., CCLX (P.L. XXXVIII, 1132, 38): “Dixerunt Platonici ...
animas, ire ad superna caelorum et requiescere ibi in stellis et luminibus istis
conspicuis.”

493. Lecture I, p. 45 ss.

494. Ibid., p. 69.

495. St. Ambrose, De bono mortis, 9; cf. Kaibel, Inscr. Sic. It., 2117.

496. Aug., De anima, II, 12.

497. Book of Enoch, 39.

498. IV Esdr., VII, 91: “Requiescent per septem ordines”; cf. VII, 95 (p. 131 ss.,
Violet).

499. IV Esdr., VII, 36, 38 (p. 146, Violet).

500. Ambrose, De bono mortis, 12, § 53 (P.L., XIV, 154); cf. IV Esdr., VII, 39.

501. See Lecture I, p. 50.

502. See Lecture I, p. 54.

503. Ibid., p. 57.

504. Calder, Journal of Roman Studies, 1912, p. 254.

505. See above, Lecture I, p. 55 ss.

506. See Introd., p. 35; Lecture IV, p. 126.

507. Lucian, Verae hist., II, 14.

 508. Best reproduction, Wilpert, Pitture delle Catacombe Romane, II, 132–
133.

509. See above, Introd., pp. 35, 37.

510. Aelius Arist., XLV (VIII), 27 (p. 360, Keil).

511. See my Oriental Religions, Chap. IV, end.

512. See Lecture IV, p. 122; Introd., p. 34.

513. CIL, III, 14165.

514. See Lecture I, p. 68; II, p. 86; V, p. 134.

515. Bücheler, Carm. epigr., 1317 = CIL, VI, 142; cf. Plato, Phaedo, p. 107D.

516. As it is elsewhere; cf. Introd., p. 11.

517. Lagrange, Religions sémitiques2, 1905, p. 493.

518. Horace, Od., III, 3, 12.

519. Lecture IV, p. 113 s., 116 ss.

520. See, for instance, Kaibel, Epigr. Graeca, 312, 13.

521. Julian, Caesares, p. 307 C; cf. Introd., p. 29; Lecture III, p. 98.

522. Patrologia Orientalis, I, p. 1014.

523. See above, Lecture I, p. 55 s.

524. Lecture IV, p. 121.

525. For instance, by the physician Thessalus (under Nero); cf. Cat. codd.
astrol., VIII, 3, p. 137; VIII, 4, p. 257.

526. Cf. Lecture IV, pp. 121, 125 s.

527. See above, Lecture IV, p. 126.

528. P. 896 C; cf. p. 992 B.

529. See above, Lecture IV, p. 126.

530. The true interpretation has been given by Bevan, Stoics and Sceptics,
1913, p. 112 s.
 531. Georg., II, 489 ss.:

“Felix qui potuit rerum cognoscere causas,

Atque metus omnis et inexorabile Fatum
Subiecit pedibus, strepitumque Acherontis avari.”

532. Νηφάλιος μέθη, Philo., probably after Posidonius.

533. Cf. Lecture IV, p. 126.

534. Anthol. Palatina, IX, 577:

Οἶδ’ ὅτι θνατὸς ἐγὼ καὶ ἐφάμερος, ἀλλ’ ὅταν ἄστρων

μαστεύω πυκινὰς ἀμφιδρομους ἕλικας
οὐκετ’ ἐπιψαύω γαίης ποσὶν, ἀλλὰ παρ’ αὐτῷ
Ζανὶ θεοτρεφέος πίμπλαμαι ἀμβροσίης.

535. See Introd., p. 4.

536. See Lecture III, p. 108.

537. Μόνος πρὸς μόνῳ. The expression had been used by religion before
being taken over by philosophy. Cf. Le culte égyptien et le mysticisme de Plotin, in
Monuments Piot, XXV, 1922, p. 78 ss.
 TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES
1. P. 137, changed ἄνώνυμοι to ἀνώνυμοι.
2. P. 137, changed ἄτρόφοι to ἄτροφοι.
3. P. 225, changed Ἁγιάζο to Ἁγιάζω.
4. P. 225, changed εἴς to εἰς.
5. [391], changed ἀποσκοπεεις to ἀποσκοπέεις.

6. [534], changed Οῖδ’ to Οἶδ’.

7. [534], changed ἀμφιδρομους ἓλικας to ἀμφιδρόμους

ἕλικας.
8. Silently corrected typographical errors and variations in
spelling.
9. Archaic, non-standard, and uncertain spellings retained
as printed.
10. Footnotes were re-indexed using numbers and collected
together at the end of the last chapter.
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