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 CONTENTS IN DETAIL
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

INTRODUCTION
Who Should Read This Book and Why
About This Book
Your Programming Journey

PART 1: GETTING STARTED

CHAPTER 1: DEALING WITH ERRORS AND

ASKING FOR HELP

How to Understand Python Error

Messages

Examining Tracebacks
Searching for Error Messages

Preventing Errors with Linters

How to Ask for Programming Help

Limit Back and Forth by Providing

Your Information Upfront
State Your Question in the Form
of an Actual Question
 Ask Your Question on the
Appropriate Website
Summarize Your Question in the
Headline
Explain What You Want the Code
to Do
Include the Full Error Message
Share Your Complete Code
Make Your Code Readable with
Proper Formatting
Tell Your Helper What You’ve
Already Tried
Describe Your Setup
Examples of Asking a Question
Summary

CHAPTER 2: ENVIRONMENT SETUP AND

THE COMMAND LINE
The Filesystem

Paths in Python
The Home Directory
The Current Working Directory
Absolute vs. Relative Paths

Programs and Processes

The Command Line
 Opening a Terminal Window
Running Programs from the
Command Line
Using Command Line Arguments
Running Python Code from the
Command Line with -c
Running Python Programs from
the Command Line
Running the py.exe Program
Running Commands from a
Python Program
Minimizing Typing with Tab
Completion
Viewing the Command History
Working with Common
Commands
Environment Variables and PATH

Viewing Environment Variables

Working with the PATH
Environment Variable
Changing the Command Line’s
PATH Environment Variable
Permanently Adding Folders to
PATH on Windows
 Permanently Adding Folders to
PATH on macOS and Linux
Running Python Programs Without the
Command Line
Running Python Programs on
Windows
Running Python Programs on
macOS
Running Python Programs on
Ubuntu Linux
Summary

PART 2: BEST PRACTICES, TOOLS,

AND TECHNIQUES

CHAPTER 3: CODE FORMATTING WITH

BLACK
How to Lose Friends and Alienate Co-
Workers
Style Guides and PEP 8
Horizontal Spacing
Use Space Characters for
Indentation
Spacing Within a Line
Vertical Spacing
 A Vertical Spacing Example
Vertical Spacing Best Practices
Black: The Uncompromising Code
Formatter

Installing Black
Running Black from the
Command Line
Disabling Black for Parts of Your
Code
Summary

CHAPTER 4: CHOOSING
UNDERSTANDABLE NAMES

Casing Styles
PEP 8’s Naming Conventions
Appropriate Name Length
Too Short Names
Too Long Names

Make Names Searchable

Avoid Jokes, Puns, and Cultural
References
Don’t Overwrite Built-in Names
The Worst Possible Variable Names Ever
Summary
CHAPTER 5: FINDING CODE SMELLS
Duplicate Code
Magic Numbers
Commented-Out Code and Dead Code
Print Debugging
Variables with Numeric Suffixes
Classes That Should Just Be Functions or
Modules
List Comprehensions Within List
Comprehensions
Empty except Blocks and Poor Error
Messages
Code Smell Myths
Myth: Functions Should Have
Only One return Statement at the
End
Myth: Functions Should Have at
Most One try Statement
Myth: Flag Arguments Are Bad
Myth: Global Variables Are Bad
Myth: Comments Are
Unnecessary
Summary

CHAPTER 6: WRITING PYTHONIC CODE

The Zen of Python
Learning to Love Significant Indentation
Commonly Misused Syntax

Use enumerate() Instead of

range()
Use the with Statement Instead
of open() and close()
Use is to Compare with None
Instead of ==

Formatting Strings
Use Raw Strings If Your String
Has Many Backslashes
Format Strings with F-Strings

Making Shallow Copies of Lists

Pythonic Ways to Use Dictionaries

Use get() and setdefault() with

Dictionaries
Use collections.defaultdict for
Default Values
Use Dictionaries Instead of a
switch Statement

Conditional Expressions: Python’s “Ugly”

Ternary Operator
Working with Variable Values
 Chaining Assignment and
Comparison Operators
Checking Whether a Variable Is
One of Many Values
Summary

CHAPTER 7: PROGRAMMING JARGON

Definitions
Python the Language and Python
the Interpreter
Garbage Collection
Literals
Keywords
Objects, Values, Instances, and
Identities
Items
Mutable and Immutable
Indexes, Keys, and Hashes
Containers, Sequences, Mapping,
and Set Types
Dunder Methods and Magic
Methods
Modules and Packages
Callables and First-Class Objects

Commonly Confused Terms

 Statements vs. Expressions
Block vs. Clause vs. Body
Variable vs. Attribute
Function vs. Method
Iterable vs. Iterator
Syntax vs. Runtime vs. Semantic
Errors
Parameters vs. Arguments
Type Coercion vs. Type Casting
Properties vs. Attributes
Bytecode vs. Machine Code
Script vs. Program, Scripting
Language vs. Programming
Language
Library vs. Framework vs. SDK vs.
Engine vs. API
Summary
Further Reading

CHAPTER 8: COMMON PYTHON GOTCHAS

Don’t Add or Delete Items from a List

While Looping Over It
Don’t Copy Mutable Values Without
copy.copy() and copy.deepcopy()
 Don’t Use Mutable Values for Default
Arguments
Don’t Build Strings with String
Concatenation
Don’t Expect sort() to Sort Alphabetically
Don’t Assume Floating-Point Numbers
Are Perfectly Accurate
Don’t Chain Inequality != Operators
Don’t Forget the Comma in Single-Item
Tuples
Summary

CHAPTER 9: ESOTERIC PYTHON ODDITIES

Why 256 Is 256 but 257 Is Not 257
String Interning
Python’s Fake Increment and Decrement
Operators
All of Nothing
Boolean Values Are Integer Values
Chaining Multiple Kinds of Operators
Python’s Antigravity Feature
Summary

CHAPTER 10: WRITING EFFECTIVE

FUNCTIONS
Function Names
Function Size Trade-Offs
Function Parameters and Arguments

Default Arguments
Using * and ** to Pass
Arguments to Functions
Using * to Create Variadic
Functions
Using ** to Create Variadic
Functions
Using * and ** to Create
Wrapper Functions

Functional Programming

Side Effects
Higher-Order Functions
Lambda Functions
Mapping and Filtering with List
Comprehensions
Return Values Should Always Have the
Same Data Type
Raising Exceptions vs. Returning Error
Codes
Summary
CHAPTER 11: COMMENTS, DOCSTRINGS,
AND TYPE HINTS

Comments

Comment Style
Inline Comments
Explanatory Comments
Summary Comments
“Lessons Learned” Comments
Legal Comments
Professional Comments
Codetags and TODO Comments
Magic Comments and Source File
Encoding

Docstrings
Type Hints

Using Static Analyzers

Setting Type Hints for Multiple
Types
Setting Type Hints for Lists,
Dictionaries, and More
Backporting Type Hints with
Comments

Summary
CHAPTER 12: ORGANIZING YOUR CODE
PROJECTS WITH GIT
Git Commits and Repos
Using Cookiecutter to Create New Python
Projects
Installing Git
Configuring Your Git Username
and Email
Installing GUI Git Tools

The Git Workflow

How Git Keeps Track of File

Status
Why Stage Files?
Creating a Git Repo on Your Computer

Adding Files for Git to Track

Ignoring Files in the Repo
Committing Changes
Deleting Files from the Repo
Renaming and Moving Files in the
Repo
Viewing the Commit Log
Recovering Old Changes
Undoing Uncommitted Local
Changes
 Unstaging a Staged File
Rolling Back the Most Recent
Commits
Rolling Back to a Specific Commit
for a Single File
Rewriting the Commit History
GitHub and the git push Command
Pushing an Existing Repository to
GitHub
Cloning a Repo from an Existing
GitHub Repo

Summary

CHAPTER 13: MEASURING PERFORMANCE

AND BIG O ALGORITHM ANALYSIS

The timeit Module

The cProfile Profiler
Big O Algorithm Analysis
Big O Orders
A Bookshelf Metaphor for Big O
Orders
Big O Measures the Worst-Case
Scenario
Determining the Big O Order of Your
Code
 Why Lower Orders and
Coefficients Don’t Matter
Big O Analysis Examples
The Big O Order of Common
Function Calls
Analyzing Big O at a Glance
Big O Doesn’t Matter When n Is
Small, and n Is Usually Small
Summary

CHAPTER 14: PRACTICE PROJECTS

The Tower of Hanoi

The Output
The Source Code
Writing the Code
Four-in-a-Row
The Output
The Source Code
Writing the Code
Summary

PART 3: OBJECT-ORIENTED PYTHON

CHAPTER 15: OBJECT-ORIENTED

PROGRAMMING AND CLASSES
 Real-World Analogy: Filling Out a Form
Creating Objects from Classes
Creating a Simple Class: WizCoin

Methods, __init__(), and self

Attributes
Private Attributes and Private
Methods

The type() Function and __qualname__

Attribute
Non-OOP vs. OOP Examples: Tic-Tac-Toe
Designing Classes for the Real World Is
Hard
Summary

CHAPTER 16: OBJECT-ORIENTED

PROGRAMMING AND INHERITANCE

How Inheritance Works

Overriding Methods
The super() Function
Favor Composition Over
Inheritance
Inheritance’s Downside
The isinstance() and issubclass()
Functions
Class Methods
 Class Attributes
Static Methods
When to Use Class and Static Object-
Oriented Features
Object-Oriented Buzzwords
Encapsulation
Polymorphism
When Not to Use Inheritance
Multiple Inheritance
Method Resolution Order
Summary

CHAPTER 17: PYTHONIC OOP:

PROPERTIES AND DUNDER METHODS
Properties

Turning an Attribute into a

Property
Using Setters to Validate Data
Read-Only Properties
When to Use Properties
Python’s Dunder Methods
String Representation Dunder
Methods
Numeric Dunder Methods
 Reflected Numeric Dunder
Methods
In-Place Augmented Assignment
Dunder Methods
Comparison Dunder Methods
Summary

INDEX
BEYOND THE BASIC STUFF
WITH PYTHON

Best Practices for Writing Clean

Code
Al Sweigart

San Francisco
BEYOND THE BASIC STUFF WITH PYTHON. Copyright © 2021 by Al
Sweigart.

All rights reserved. No part of this work may be reproduced or transmitted

in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including
photocopying, recording, or by any information storage or retrieval system,
without the prior written permission of the copyright owner and the
publisher.

ISBN-13: 978-1-59327-966-0 (print)

ISBN-13: 978-1-59327-967-7 (ebook)

Publisher: William Pollock

Executive Editor: Barbara Yien
Production Editor: Maureen Forys, Happenstance Type-O-Rama
Developmental Editor: Frances Saux
Cover Design: Octopod Studios
Interior Design: Octopod Studios
Technical Reviewer: Kenneth Love
Copyeditor: Anne Marie Walker
Compositor: Happenstance Type-O-Rama
Proofreader: Rachel Monaghan
Indexer: Valerie Perry

For information on book distributors or translations, please contact No

Starch Press, Inc. directly:
No Starch Press, Inc.
245 8th Street, San Francisco, CA 94103
phone: 1-415-863-9900; [email protected]
www.nostarch.com
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Sweigart, Al, author.

Title: Beyond the basic stuff with python : best practices for writing
clean code /
Al Sweigart.
Description: San Francisco, CA : No Starch Press, Inc., [2021] |
Includes
index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2020034287 (print) | LCCN 2020034288 (ebook) | ISBN
9781593279660 (paperback) | ISBN 9781593279677 (ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: Python (Computer program language) | Computer
programming.
Classification: LCC QA76.73.P98 S943 2021 (print) | LCC QA76.73.P98
(ebook) | DDC 005.13/3—dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020034287
LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020034288

No Starch Press and the No Starch Press logo are registered trademarks of
No Starch Press, Inc. Other product and company names mentioned herein
may be the trademarks of their respective owners. Rather than use a
trademark symbol with every occurrence of a trademarked name, we are
using the names only in an editorial fashion and to the benefit of the
trademark owner, with no intention of infringement of the trademark.
For my nephew Jack
About the Author
Al Sweigart is a software developer and tech book author living
in Seattle. Python is his favorite programming language, and he
is the developer of several open source modules for it. His other
books are freely available under a Creative Commons license on
his website at https://www.inventwithpython.com/. His cat
Zophie weighs 11 pounds.

About the Technical Reviewer

Kenneth Love is a programmer, teacher, and conference
organizer. He is a Django contributor and PSF Fellow, and
currently works as a tech lead and software engineer for
O’Reilly Media.
 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
It’s misleading to have just my name on the cover. This book
wouldn’t exist without the efforts of many people. I’d like to
thank my publisher, Bill Pollock; and my editors, Frances Saux,
Annie Choi, Meg Sneeringer, and Jan Cash. I’d like to also
thank production editor Maureen Forys, copy editor Anne
Marie Walker, and No Starch Press executive editor Barbara
Yien. Thanks to Josh Ellingson for another great cover
illustration. Thank you to my technical reviewer, Kenneth Love,
and all the other great friends I’ve met in the Python
community.
 INTRODUCTION
Hello again, world! As a teenage
programmer and wannabe hacker in
the late 1990s, I would pore over the latest issues
of 2600: The Hacker Quarterly. One day, I
finally summoned the courage to attend the
magazine’s monthly meetup in my city and was
in awe of how knowledgeable everyone else
seemed. (Later, I’d realize that many of them had
more confidence than actual knowledge.) I spent
the entire meeting nodding along to what others
were saying, trying to keep up with their
conversations. I left that meetup determined to
spend every waking hour studying computing,
programming, and network security so I could
join the discussions at the next month’s meetup.

At the next meetup, I continued to just nod and feel dumb

compared to everyone else. So again I resolved to study and
become “smart enough” to keep up. Month after month, I
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
 The large vessel was apparently a liner about equal in size,[4]
having two funnels which were painted to resemble those of a Union
Castle liner. After running away for a while, the larger steamer, which
turned out to be the Cap Trafalgar (though this was not known for
certain till weeks afterwards), altered course to starboard and
headed more in our direction. She was then steering about south at
what appeared to be full speed, while the Carmania was steaming
16 knots on a sou'-westerly course.
There could no longer be any doubt that she meant to fight, and
the duel now ensued that has been so happily described by a gifted
naval writer, the late Fred T. Jane, as "the Battle of the Haystacks."
To my idea, it appears almost a replica of the frigate actions of
bygone days, and will probably go down in history as a parallel to
the engagement fought between the Chesapeake and Shannon. For
gallantry, pluck and determination it certainly bears comparison with
many of these actions of the past.
About noon she fired a single shot across the enemy's bows at a
range of 8,500 yards, whereupon he immediately opened fire from
his after-gun on the starboard side. This was quickly followed on
both sides by salvoes (all guns firing nearly simultaneously as soon
as their sights came on to the target), so matters at once became
lively.
Curiously enough, the enemy's first few shots fell short,
ricocheting over, and then, as the range decreased, they went clean
over the hull, in consequence of which our rigging, masts, funnels,
derricks, and ventilators all suffered, though the ship's side near the
waterline—the principal anxiety—was so far intact. Some of the
Carmania's first shots, which were fired at a range of 7,500 yards,
were seen to take effect, and she continued to score hits afterwards
with moderate frequency. The port battery was engaging his
starboard guns at this period, so that he was on her port hand, and
a reference to the plan will show that she was ahead on bearing.
The range was rapidly decreasing since they were both on
converging courses, but unfortunately the German ship had the
speed of her, for the Cunarder could only do 16 knots, due largely to
a lack of vacuum in the condensers. As far as could be judged the
Cap Trafalgar was steaming between 17 and 18 knots. (See
Diagram, p. 39.)
At 4,500 yards, two of our broadsides were seen to hit all along
the waterline. As the range decreased to 4,000 yards the shot from
the enemy's pom-poms (machine guns), fired with great rapidity,
began to fall like hail on and all round the ship; this induced Captain
Grant to alter course away with promptitude, thus opening out the
range and bringing the starboard battery into play. The port 4.7-inch
guns—they were all over twenty years old—were by this time
wellnigh red-hot. That the enemy did not apprehend this manœuvre
was demonstrated by his erratic fire at this moment, when the
Britisher was enabled to bring five guns into action to his four
through being able to use both the stern guns. It was now that the
German suffered most heavily, the havoc wrought in such a short
time being very noticeable. He then turned away, which brought the
two ships nearly stern on to one another; two of his steam pipes
were cut by shell, the steam rising into the sky, he was well on fire
forward, and had a list to starboard.
 The Mappa Co. Ltd London

(Diagram of action between 'CARMANIA' and 'CAP TRAFALGAR'.)

One of his shells, however, had passed through the captain's cabin
under the fore bridge, and although it did not burst it started a fire,
which rapidly became worse; unhappily no water was available to
put it out, for the fire main was shot through, while the chemical fire
extinguishers proved of little use. All water had to be carried by
hand, but luckily the fire was prevented from spreading over the ship
by a steel bulkhead, together with an ordinary fire-proof swing door,
which was afterwards found to be all charred on one side.
Nevertheless it got a firm hold of the deck above, which broke into
flame, so the fore-bridge had to be abandoned. The ship had now to
be steered from the stern, and all orders had to be shouted down by
megaphone both to the engine rooms and to this new steering
position in the bowels of the ship, which was connected up and in
operation in fifty-seven seconds! To reduce the effect of the fire the
vessel was kept before the wind, which necessitated turning right
round again, so that the fight resolved itself into a chase.
The action was continued by the gun-layers, the fire-control
position being untenable due to the fire, so each gun had to be
worked and fired independently under the direction of its own
officer. Among the ammunition supply parties there had been several
casualties and the officers, finding it impossible to "spot" the fall of
the shell, owing to the flashes from the enemy's guns obscuring
their view from so low an elevation, lent a hand in carrying the
ammunition from the hoists to the guns. In these big liners the
upper deck, where the guns are mounted, is approximately 70 feet
above the holds, whence the ammunition has to be hoisted and then
carried by hand to the guns—a particularly arduous task.
Crossing, as it were, the enemy was at this time well on the
starboard bow, but firing was continued until the distance was over
9,000 yards, the maximum range of the Carmania's guns. Owing to
his superior speed and a slight divergence between the courses, the
distance was gradually increasing all the time, and at 1.30 he was
out of range. His list had now visibly increased, and his speed began
to diminish, probably on account of the inrush of water through his
coaling ports. It was surmised that there had not been sufficient
time to secure these properly, for he had evidently been coaling at
the time she arrived upon the scene.
 Towards the end the Cap Trafalgar's fire had begun to slacken,
though one of her guns continued to fire to the last, in spite of the
fact that she was out of range. It became patent that she was
doomed, and her every movement was eagerly watched through
field-glasses for some minutes by those not occupied in quenching
the fire. Suddenly the great vessel heeled right over; her funnels
being almost parallel to the surface of the sea, looked just like two
gigantic cannon as they pointed towards the Carmania; an instant
later she went down by the bows, the stern remaining poised in mid-
air for a few seconds, and then she abruptly disappeared out of sight
at 1.50 P.M., the duel having lasted an hour and forty minutes.
There were no two opinions about the good fight she had put up,
and all were loud in their praise of the gallant conduct of the
Germans.
One of the enemy's colliers was observed approaching this scene
of desolation in order to pick up survivors, some of whom had got
away from the sinking ship in her boats. The collier had been flying
the United States ensign, evidently as a ruse, in the hope that the
Carmania might be induced to let her pass without stopping her for
examination. It was, however, impossible to interfere with her owing
to the fire that was still raging in the fore part of the ship. This kept
our men at work trying to get it under, and necessitated keeping the
ship running before the wind, the direction of which did not permit
of approaching the spot in order to attempt to pick up survivors.
Smoke was now seen away to the northward, and the signalman
reported that he thought he could make out the funnels of a cruiser.
As the Cap Trafalgar, before sinking, had been in wireless
communication with some German vessel, it was apprehended that
one might be coming to her assistance. As the Carmania was totally
unfit for further action, it was deemed advisable to avoid the risk of
another engagement, so she steamed off at full speed in a southerly
direction.
As soon as the collier and all that remained of the wreckage of the
Cap Trafalgar was lost to view the gallant Cunarder was turned to
the north-westward in the direction of the anchorage. She was
unseaworthy, nearly all her navigational instruments and all the
communications to the engines were destroyed, making the steering
and navigation of the ship difficult and uncertain. When wireless
touch was established, the Cornwall was called up and asked to
meet and escort her in. But as she had only just started coaling she
asked the Bristol to take her place. The next day the Bristol, which
was in the vicinity, took the Carmania along until relieved the same
night by the Cornwall, which escorted her on to the base, where
temporary repairs were effected.
One of the enemy's shells was found to have passed through
three thicknesses of steel plating without exploding, but in spite of
this it set fire to some bedding which caused the conflagration under
the fore bridge. Where projectiles had struck solid iron, such as a
winch, splinters of the latter were to be seen scattered in all
directions. The ship was hit seventy-nine times, causing no fewer
than 304 holes.
There were 38 casualties. Five men were killed outright, 4
subsequently died from wounds, 5 were seriously wounded and 22
wounded—most of the latter were only slightly injured. All the
casualties occurred on deck, chiefly among the guns' crews and
ammunition supply parties. No one below was touched, but a third
of those employed on deck were hit.

The following remarks may be of interest, and are taken from the
author's letters, written on September 16th, after having been
shown over the Carmania:
"When I went on board this morning, I was greatly struck by the
few fatal casualties considering the number of holes here, there, and
everywhere. Not a single part of the upper deck could be crossed
without finding holes. A remarkable fact was that only one officer,
Lieutenant Murray, R.N.R., was hurt or damaged in any way,
although the officers were in the most exposed positions, and the
enemy's point of aim appeared to be the fore bridge.
 "They had only three active service ratings on board; some of the
gunlayers were old men, pensioners from the Navy.
"One of the senior officers told me that the first few rounds made
him feel 'a bit dickey,' but that after that he took no notice of the
bigger shells, though, curiously enough, he thoroughly objected to
the smaller pom-poms which were 'most irritating.' He added that
the men fought magnificently, and that the firemen worked 'like hell.'
As flames and smoke from the fire on deck descended to the
stokeholds by the ventilators instead of cool air, the states of things
down below may easily be imagined.
"One chronometer was found to be going in spite of the wooden
box which contained it having been burnt.
"The deeds of heroism were many.
"I liked the story of the little bugler boy, who had no more to do
once the action had commenced, so he stood by one of the guns
refusing to go under cover. As the gun fired he shouted: 'That's one
for the blighters!' And again: 'There's another for the beggars—go
it!' smacking the gunshield the while with his hand.
"Again one of the gunlayers, who lost his hand and also one leg
during the engagement, insisted upon being held up when the
German ship sank, so as to be able to cheer. I talked to him, and he
waggled his stump at me quite cheerily and said, 'It was well worth
losing an arm for.'
"It is good to feel that the spirit of our forefathers is still active in
time of need."
 CHAPTER VI
THE ACTION OFF CORONEL

"Then let him roll

His galleons round the little Golden Hynde,
Bring her to bay, if he can, on the high seas,
Ring us about with thousands, we'll not yield,
I and my Golden Hynde, we will go down,
With flag still flying on the last stump left us
And all my cannon spitting the fires
Of everlasting scorn into his face."
—Alfred Noyes (Drake).
The wanderings of the German squadron in the Pacific have been
briefly traced as far as Easter Island, where it arrived on October
12th, 1914, and found the Dresden. The Leipzig, which had been
chased from pillar to post by British and Japanese cruisers, and
succeeded in eluding them, joined up shortly after to the relief of the
German Admiral.
The contractor at Easter Island, an Englishman named Edwards,
who supplied the Germans with fresh meat and vegetables, was a
ranch-owner, and had no idea that war had even been declared. One
of his men, in taking off provisions to the ships, discovered this
amazing fact, which had carefully been kept secret, and informed his
master. The account was not settled in cash, but by a bill made
payable at Valparaiso. The German squadron sailed for Mas-a-Fuera
a week later, so the ranch-owner took the earliest opportunity of
sending in his bill to Valparaiso, where it was duly honoured, vastly
to his astonishment and relief.
For the reasons already adduced, it seemed almost certain that
Admiral von Spee would make his way round South America. That
there was a possibility of his descending upon Vancouver and
attacking the naval dockyard of Esquimalt is acknowledged, but it
was so remote as to be scarcely worthy of serious consideration. The
three Japanese cruisers, Idzuma, Hizen, and Asama, were
understood to be in the eastern Pacific at this time, and this was
probably known to the German Admiral. The risk, too, that he must
inevitably run in attacking a locality known to possess submarines
was quite unjustifiable; besides, he had little to gain and everything
to lose through the delay that must ensue from adopting such a
policy.
The vessels engaged in the action off Coronel, with their
armament, etc., were:[5]
Names Tonnage Armament Speed Completion
Good Hope 14,100 2—9.2" 23.5 1902
16—6"
Monmouth 9,800 14—6" 23.3 1903
Glasgow 4,800 2—6" 25.8 1910
10—4"
Otranto (armed 12,000 8—4.7" 18
1909
liner) gross
Speed of squadron 18 knots.

Names Tonnage Armament Speed Completion

Scharnhorst 11,420 8—8.2" 22.5 1908
6—5.9"
20—3.4"
Gneisenau 11,420 8—8.2" 23.8 1908
6—5.9"
20—3.4"
Leipzig 3,200 10—4.1" 23 1906
Dresden 3,544 12—4.1" 27 1908
4—2.1"
Nürnberg 3,396 10—4.1" 23.5 1908
8—2.1"
Speed of squadron 22.5 knots.

It will be noticed that our two armoured cruisers were respectively

six and five years older than the Germans'. Our armament was much
inferior in size, number, and quality on account of the later designs
of the enemy's artillery. The range of the German 4.1-inch guns was
nearly equal to that of our 6-inch guns. But perhaps the greatest
point in favour of the enemy was the fact that Cradock's ships, with
the exception of the Glasgow, were only commissioned at the
outbreak of war, and had had such continuous steaming that no
really good opportunity for gunnery practices or for testing the
organisation thoroughly had been possible, whilst von Spee's had
been in commission for over two years and had highly trained crews,
accustomed to their ships.
The following account has been compiled from personal
information received from officers who took part, from letters that
have appeared in the Press, from a translation that has been
published of Admiral von Spee's official report, and from the official
report made by Captain Luce of the Glasgow.
Admiral Cradock, as we have seen, joined the remainder of his
little squadron with the exception of the Canopus off the coast of
Chile on October 29th. The latter was following at her best speed.
The squadron proceeded northwards, whilst the Glasgow was
detached to Coronel to send telegrams, a rendezvous being fixed for
her to rejoin at 1 P.M. on November 1st.
No authentic news of the movements of the Germans was
available at this time; in fact, the last time that von Spee's squadron
had been definitely heard of was when it appeared off Papeete and
bombarded the town toward the end of September. That the enemy
might be encountered at any moment was of course fully realised,
but it was hoped that either the Dresden and Leipzig or the main
squadron might be brought to action separately, before they were
able to join forces. Time was everything if this was to be brought
about, so Admiral Cradock pushed on without delay. The anxiety to
obtain news of a reliable character may be imagined, but only the
vaguest of rumours, one contradicting the other, were forthcoming.
Reports showed that the German merchant shipping in the
neighbourhood were exhibiting unwonted signs of energy in loading
coal and stores, but this gave no certain indication of the proximity
of the entire squadron.
Rejoining the British squadron at sea on November 1st, the
Glasgow communicated with the Good Hope. Our ships had recently
been hearing Telefunken[6] signals on their wireless, which was
proof that one or more enemy warships were close at hand. About 2
P.M., therefore, the Admiral signalled the squadron to spread on a
line bearing N.E. by E. from the Good Hope, which steered N.W. by
N. at 10 knots. Ships were ordered to open to a distance of fifteen
miles apart at a speed of 15 knots, the Monmouth being nearest to
the flagship, the Otranto next, and then the Glasgow, which was
thus nearest the coast.

DIAGRAM I. (Enemy sighted) 4.20 p.m.

There was not sufficient time to execute this manœuvre, and

when smoke was suddenly sighted at 4.20 P.M. to the eastward of
the Otranto and Glasgow, these two ships were still close together
and about four miles from the Monmouth. The Glasgow went ahead
to investigate and made out three German warships, which at once
turned towards her. The Admiral was over twenty miles, distant and
out of sight, and had to be informed as soon as possible, so the
Glasgow returned at full speed, warning him by wireless, which the
Germans endeavoured to jam, that the enemy was in sight.
The squadron reformed at full speed on the flagship, who had
altered course to the southward, and by 5.47 P.M. had got into single
line-ahead in the order: Good Hope, Monmouth, Glasgow, and
Otranto. The enemy, in similar formation, was about twelve miles off.
For the better understanding of the movements which follow, it
may be stated that the ideal of a naval artillerist is a good target—
that is, a clear and well defined object which is plainly visible
through the telescopic gunsights; the wind in the right direction,
relative to the engaged side, so that smoke does not blow across the
guns, and no sudden alterations of course, to throw out calculations.
The tactics of a modern naval action are in a large measure based
on these ideals, at any rate according to the view of the gunnery
specialist.
It is evident that it was Admiral Cradock's intention to close in and
force action at short range as quickly as possible, in order that the
enemy might be handicapped by the rays of the lowering sun, which
would have been behind our ships, rendering them a very poor
target for the Germans as the squadrons drew abeam of one
another. He therefore altered course inwards towards the enemy, but
von Spee was either too wary or too wise, for he says in his report
that he turned away to a southerly course after 5.35, thus declining
action, which the superior speed of his squadron enabled him to do
at his pleasure. The wind was south (right ahead), and it was
blowing very fresh, so that a heavy head sea was encountered,
which made all ships—especially the light-cruisers—pitch and roll
considerably. It seems very doubtful whether the Good Hope and
Monmouth were able to use their main deck guns, and it is certain
that they could not have been of any value. This would mean that
these two ships could only fire two 9.2-inch and ten 6-inch guns on
the broadside between them, instead of their whole armament of
two 9.2-inch and seventeen 6-inch guns.

DIAGRAM II 6.40 p.m.

There was little daylight left when Admiral Cradock tried to close
the Germans, hoping that they would accept his challenge in view of
their superior strength.
At 6.18 Admiral Cradock increased speed to 17 knots, making a
wireless message to the Canopus, "I am about to attack enemy
now." Both squadrons were now on parallel courses approximately,
steering south, and about 7½ miles apart. A second light cruiser
joined the German line about this period; according to von Spee's
report the Scharnhorst was leading, followed by the Gneisenau,
Leipzig, and Dresden.
As the sun sank below the horizon (about 6.50 P.M.) the conditions
of light became reversed to our complete disadvantage; our ships
were now lit up by the glow of the sunset, the enemy being
gradually enshrouded in a misty haze as the light waned. Admiral
Cradock's last hope of averting defeat must have vanished as he
watched the enemy turning away; at the best he could only expect
to damage and thus delay the enemy, while it was impossible to
withdraw. He had no choice but to hold on and do his best, trusting
in Providence to aid him. In judging what follows it should be kept in
mind that in the declining light even the outlines of the enemy's
ships rapidly became obliterated, making it quite impossible to see
the fall of our shots in order to correct the range on the gunsights;
on the other hand, our ships showed up sharply against the western
horizon and still provided good targets for the German gunners. Von
Spee in his report says his "guns' crews on the middle decks were
never able to see the sterns of their opponents, and only
occasionally their bows." This certainly implies that the upper deck
gunners could see quite well, whilst we have information from
Captain Luce's report that our ships were unable to see the enemy
early in the action, and were firing at the flashes of his guns.
Accordingly, as soon as the sun disappeared, von Spee lost no
time in approaching our squadron, and opened fire at 7.4 at a range
of 12,000 yards. Our ships at once followed suit with the exception
of the Otranto, whose old guns did not admit of her competing
against men-of-war at this distance. The German Admiral apparently
endeavoured to maintain this range, so as to reap the full advantage
of his newer and heavier armament, for the two 9.2-inch guns in the
Good Hope were the only ones in the whole of our squadron that
were effective at this distance with the possible exception of the two
modern 6-inch guns in the Glasgow. Von Spee had, of course,
calculated this out, and took care not to close until our armoured
cruisers were hors de combat.
 The Germans soon found the range, their fire proving very
accurate, which was to be expected in view of the reputation of the
Scharnhorst and Gneisenau for good shooting—the former had won
the gold medal for the best average. These armoured cruisers
concentrated their fire entirely on our two leading ships, doing
considerable execution. In addition, they had a great stroke of luck,
for in the first ten minutes of the engagement a shell struck the fore
turret of the Good Hope, putting that 9.2-inch out of action. The
Monmouth was apparently hit several times in rapid succession, for
she was forced to haul out of the line to the westward, and her
forecastle was seen to be burning furiously, but she continued to
return the enemy's fire valiantly. This manœuvre caused her to drop
astern, and compelled the Glasgow, who now followed on after the
Good Hope, to ease speed to avoid getting into the zone of fire
intended for the Monmouth.
It was now growing dark, but this did not deter both squadrons
from continuing to blaze away as hard as they could; in fact, the
fight was at its height; the German projectiles were falling all round
and about our ships, causing several fires which lit them up with a
ghostly hue. The heavy artillery of the enemy was doing great
damage, and it was evident that both the Good Hope and Monmouth
were in a bad way; the former sheered over unsteadily towards the
Germans, returning their fire spasmodically, whilst the latter had a
slight list and from her erratic movements gave the impression that
her steering arrangements had been damaged. The results of our
shooting could not be distinguished with accuracy, though von Spee
mentions that the Scharnhorst found a 6-inch shell in one of her
storerooms, which had penetrated the side and caused a deal of
havoc below but did not burst, and also that one funnel was hit. The
Gneisenau had two men wounded, and sustained slight damage.
At 7.50 P.M. a sight of the most appalling splendour arrested
everyone, as if spellbound, in his tussle with death. An enormous
sheet of flame suddenly burst from the Good Hope, lighting up the
whole heavens for miles around. This was accompanied by the noise
of a terrific explosion, which hurled up wreckage and sparks at least
a couple of hundred feet in the air from her after funnels. A lucky
shot had penetrated one of her magazines. "It reminded me of
Vesuvius in eruption," said a seaman in describing this spectacle. It
was now pitch dark, making it impossible for the opposing vessels to
distinguish one another. The Good Hope was never heard to fire her
guns again, and could not have long survived such a terrible
explosion, though no one saw her founder.
The moon had risen about 6.30 P.M. and was now well up, but it
was too overcast to see much. According to von Spee the squadrons
had closed in to about 5,400 yards, which caused him to sheer off,
fearing torpedo attack. It seems certain that although firing was
continued it could not have been effective, for three minutes after
the Good Hope blew up the Germans ceased fire altogether. Shortly
afterwards von Spee ordered the Leipzig, Dresden, and Nürnberg—
the last-named having joined the squadron during the action—to
make a torpedo attack.
The Monmouth ceased firing just before the explosion on board
the Good Hope, and was then steering roughly N.W. It was clear she
was on her last legs, as her list had increased and she was down by
the bows. She now suddenly altered course to the N.E. in the
direction of the oncoming enemy. Captain Luce was senior naval
officer, being senior to Captain Brandt, of the Monmouth. He saw the
Germans approaching and signalled the Monmouth at 8.30, "Enemy
following us," but received no reply. Clearly there was no alternative
left him but to save his ship, if he was not to make a needless
sacrifice of his men, as it was obvious that he could be of no further
assistance to his doomed consort. In addition, it was essential that
the Canopus should be warned in time to avert a further calamity, a
task not so simple as it sounds, for the Germans were jamming our
wireless messages. It is said that when last seen the gallant
Monmouth turned and made straight for the enemy in a heroic
attempt to ram one of their ships. Von Spee reports that the
Nürnberg sank the Monmouth at 9.28 P.M. by bombardment at point-
blank range; this accounts for the seventy-five flashes of gunfire as
well as the play of the beams of a search-light, which were observed
by the Glasgow after leaving the scene of action. It must have been
brutal work.
Thus perished Admiral Cradock together with 1,600 gallant officers
and men. In fairness to the Germans it should be stated that our
own officers considered it too rough for boats to be lowered with
any safety.
The Glasgow had been subjected to the combined fire of the
Leipzig and Dresden, whose gunnery was fortunately not very
effective owing to the long range maintained between the two
squadrons before the light failed. That she had withstood this
combined onslaught for fifty-two minutes (von Spee's report) was
remarkable, but that she had suffered no material damage was little
short of a miracle. Her casualties amounted to four men slightly
wounded. She was hit five times, on or near the water line, but not
in vital places. The protection afforded by the coal in her bunkers
saved her on three occasions, as otherwise in the nasty sea running
at the time she would have found herself in a very precarious
position. Of the remaining two hits, one penetrated the deck but did
not explode, while the other wrecked the captain's pantry and cabin.
There was one large hole, which luckily did not prevent her eluding
her pursuers at high speed by steering out to the W.N.W., and
thence in a wide circle to the southward to the Magellan Straits,
finally arriving at Port Stanley in the Falkland Islands.
At the outset of the engagement the Good Hope made a signal
down the line to the Otranto, the only words received being,
"Leaving Otranto." The latter, therefore, hauled out to endeavour to
get this signal direct from the flagship, but as the Good Hope had
been badly hit, nothing further was received. As projectiles were
falling all round her, and it was realised that the Otranto, being a
large ship, would be used by the enemy as a rangefinder to enable
him to calculate the distance of the Glasgow, she hauled out still
farther to upset the accuracy of his gun-fire. The enemy proceeded
to carry this method of ranging into effect; the first salvo passed
over the Otranto's bridge, the second missed the bows by 50 yards,
the third fell 150 yards astern, while others which followed fell, some
over, some short. By this time she had worked out of the line about
1,200 yards, so turned to the same course, as far as could be
judged, as the remainder of the squadron. She was now out of
range. The Otranto ran the gauntlet of the enemy's most
successfully, since she emerged from this storm of shell quite
unscathed, but it must have been touch and go. Moreover—and
hardest of all—she had to submit to this treatment without being in
a position to retaliate. After the flagship blew up, nothing was seen
of the Monmouth; subsequently the Glasgow was reported crossing
her stern. Seeing that she could be of no assistance, the Otranto
dodged her opponents by straining full speed to the westward for
200 miles, and thence to the southward. Rounding Cape Horn, she
passed between the Falklands and the mainland and arrived at
Montevideo. Both she and the Glasgow must have accounted
themselves most fortunate in escaping safely from this unequal
contest.
The Canopus, which had been steaming northward with two
colliers, intercepted a wireless message from the Glasgow to the
Good Hope reporting the enemy in sight. She immediately increased
to her full speed, dispatching the colliers to Juan Fernandez, and
proceeded on her course northward in the hope that she would
arrive in time to engage the enemy. About 9 P.M. she received a
signal from the Glasgow that it was feared the Good Hope and
Monmouth had been sunk, and that the squadron was scattered.
Seeing the hopelessness of continuing on her course, the Canopus
turned round, picked up her colliers, and made for the Magellan
Straits via Smyth's Channel, the successful navigation of which
reflects great credit, since she was probably the first battleship ever
to make use of it. By this means she succeeded in reaching Port
Stanley without molestation, although the German ships were
constantly in close proximity.
Admiral Cradock appears to have had definite orders to prevent
the enemy coming round to the east coast of America. The Canopus
was only 120 miles away when he met the enemy. But had the
Admiral waited for her the Germans might have slipped past him
during the night, and, moreover, her slow speed would have
seriously hampered the mobility of his squadron. Speaking of
Admiral Cradock, Sir Henry Newbolt[7] says, "He had asked for
reinforcements, and the Admiralty had sent him what they thought
sufficient. It was not for him to hold back."
The advantages of speed and modern guns of superior range were
perhaps the outstanding features of the Coronel action. It was not
the vain sacrifice which at first sight it might appear to be, as it
probably saved our ships operating on the east coast of South
America from a similar fate.
Admiral Cradock carried out unflinchingly his search for a force
which he knew would almost certainly be superior to his own. His
unhesitating acceptance of the action and the gallantry of the fight
uphold the finest traditions of the Royal Navy, and will always be
recalled by it with pride. Surely, before God and man, such deeds of
heroism go far to mitigate the infamy of war.
"At set of sun,
Even as below the sea-line the broad disc
Sank like a red-hot cannon-ball through surf
Of seething molten lead, the Santa Maria,
Uttering one cry that split the heart of heaven,
Went down with all hands, roaring into the dark."
Alfred Noyes (Drake).
 CHAPTER VII
CONCENTRATION

"And Drake growled, ...

... 'So, lest they are not too slow
To catch us, clear the decks. God, I would like
To fight them!'"
—Alfred Noyes (Drake).
Several disquieting wireless messages were received by the British
warships on the east coast of South America, giving garbled and
unreliable accounts of the Coronel action. It was not till November
5th that a statement which appeared to be fairly authoritative, in
spite of its German origin, was received from Valparaiso. It said that
the Monmouth was sunk and that the Good Hope had probably
shared her fate; no mention was made of the Canopus, Glasgow, or
Otranto.
The command in these waters now devolved upon Rear-Admiral
Stoddart (flying his flag in the Carnarvon), who was still busily
engaged in the search for the Karlsruhe. His ships had been
operating over a wide area extending from the neighbourhood of Rio
de Janeiro to the northward of St. Paul's Rocks and the Rocas, and
thence to the westward along the north coast of South America. This
otherwise fruitless search achieved one notable result in compelling
the Karlsruhe to abandon her system of obtaining supplies through
German storeships coming from Pernambuco, as that port was kept
under rigid observation. She was thus forced to leave the trade route
between Great Britain and South America for longer periods in order
to meet her consort, the armed liner Kronprinz Wilhelm, who now
became a link between her and her sources of supply in Central
America. There was, in consequence, a marked falling off at this
period in the number of her captures.
 Assuming that the worst had happened, and that the German
squadron was now on its way round to the east coast, it became
imperative to unite our remaining ships into one squadron as quickly
as possible. It was obvious that with the Australian and Japanese
ships behind them, the Germans could not afford to linger where
they were; moreover, they had learned at Valparaiso that we had no
naval force of any preponderance with which to oppose them.
Flushed with their recent victory, it seemed probable that if they
were not much damaged they would most likely hasten their
movements in the hope of meeting our ships before we had had
time to unite or to gather reinforcements.
The German squadron would not be able to separate with any
safety once we had succeeded in joining together our scattered
forces, so that the damage they might do to our commerce would be
thereby reduced to a minimum.
For these reasons it will be seen that the River Plate was
admirably situated for the rendezvous of our ships that had escaped
from Coronel to the Falklands, and of the northern squadron. Again,
it was possible to coal there without infringing territorial rights, as
there is an excellent anchorage well outside the three mile limit from
the foreshore.
The following calculations, written on November 6th, 1914, were
made by the author:
"The German Admiral will expect us to get reinforcements out
from England, so that it seems probable that he will lose no time in
coming round to the east coast.
"He arrived at Valparaiso on November 3rd. Supposing he coals
there and leaves at earliest on November 4th, the distance from
Valparaiso to the Plate is roughly 2,600 miles, or nine days at 12
knots; therefore, allowing one day for coaling en route, the earliest
that he could be off the Plate would be the 13th, more likely not
before November 15th."
 The strategical aspect in this sphere of operations was completely
changed by the success of the German squadron off Cape Coronel,
and necessitated not only a complete change of plans, but also an
entire redistribution of our ships. These consisted of the Carnarvon,
Cornwall, Bristol, Macedonia, and Edinburgh Castle, also the Defence
and Orama, who were near Montevideo, and the Canopus, Glasgow,
and Otranto.
Admiral Stoddart, therefore, decided to go south to Montevideo at
once in order to meet the remainder of our scattered ships. The
Bristol, Macedonia, and Edinburgh Castle were left to continue the
search for the Karlsruhe, although as a matter of fact she had blown
up on November 4th. Colliers were sent down south to Montevideo
to be in readiness for our ships, and were ordered to sail at twelve-
hour intervals to diminish the chance of capture.
The Carnarvon and Cornwall left the base on November 6th, the
former calling at Rio de Janeiro on the way for telegrams. Arriving at
the Plate on the 10th, where we found the Defence and Orama, the
Admiral immediately transferred his flag to the former ship, which
was the newest and most powerful of our cruisers. All ships filled up
with coal and awaited the arrival of the Glasgow and Otranto;
meanwhile, patrols were constantly maintained at the mouth of the
river.
The following evening the Glasgow arrived amidst congratulations
from us all; she had put in to the Falkland Islands to coal, in which
assistance was provided by volunteers from amongst the
inhabitants. After coaling, she was detached to Rio de Janeiro to go
into dry dock, so that the damage to her side might be properly
repaired. The same day the Orama, whilst patrolling, met and sank
the German storeship Navarra which was set on fire by the Germans
when escape was seen to be impossible. We also got the cheering
news that the Emden had been sunk and that the Königsberg had
been bottled up, tidings which augured well for the future.
The Admiralty seem to have had a premonition that the Germans
intended to attack the Falklands for the Canopus, although on her
way north to Montevideo, was ordered back to the Falkland Islands
in order to fortify and arm the harbour of Port Stanley in co-
operation with the local volunteers, converting herself into a floating
fort.
The possibility of our encountering and having to fight von Spee
was the subject uppermost in all minds at this time, and led to a
great deal of discussion. The outstanding feature in the situation
was the extraordinary lack of homogeneity of the composition of our
squadron. It consisted of three armoured cruisers of entirely
different classes, each carrying a different armament, one light
cruiser and four armed merchantmen. The latter could not, of
course, be pitted against warships even of the light-cruiser type, and
therefore had to be left out of the reckoning. Amongst the four
fighting ships there were four descriptions of guns, viz. two 9.2-inch,
fourteen 7.5-inch, twenty-two 6-inch, and ten 4-inch, while the
German squadron had only three descriptions, viz. sixteen 8.2-inch,
twelve 5.9-inch, and thirty-two 4.1-inch. A prominent question,
therefore, was what range we should endeavour to maintain during
an action; the answer to which was very varied, preference being
given to ranges from 14,000 yards downwards. From the gunnery
point of view the enemy undoubtedly held an advantage, as not only
was his squadron more homogeneous, having only two classes of
ships, but also the range of his guns was greater. As regards speed,
there was nothing to choose between the two squadrons, who were
evenly matched in this respect. Much would depend upon whether
he would choose to keep his squadron together for the purpose of
an action or to disperse them on reaching the east coast. Opinions
on this and on many other points were divided. All were agreed,
however, that we ought to give a good account of ourselves.
The wildest reports about von Spee's movements were constantly
received from Chilean and other sources. Whilst at Montevideo
rumours were circulated that the German ships had been seen
coming round Cape Horn.
 The Admiralty now informed Admiral Stoddart that reinforcements
were being sent out from England at once; they had actually started
just after our arrival at the Plate. The secret of this news was well
kept, not an inkling leaking out at home or abroad—a fact which
contributed very largely to our subsequent victory. It was decided,
therefore, to return northwards in order to effect a junction with the
two battle-cruisers that were on their way out. The squadron sailed
on November 12th, spread out in line abreast, and put in some
useful exercises on the way. Arriving at the base five days later, we
found the Kent, which was expected as we had heard that she was
being sent out to reinforce us; she had brought a mail, which made
her doubly welcome. The Bristol and Edinburgh Castle rejoined, but
the latter was ordered off northwards on other service, and sailed on
November 19th, taking a mail for England. It was blazing hot, but
the next few days passed quickly enough in carrying out gunnery
practices, patrolling, and coaling ship, during which the Glasgow
returned from Rio, spick and span.
Most of November was a time of some suspense for our ships, as
we were hourly expecting an encounter with the enemy, and it was
with mixed feelings that we learned of the nature of the
reinforcements that were coming out with such despatch. Our
feelings of relief were also tempered with regret at not having been
afforded an opportunity to prove our mettle. Further, there was an
awful and terrible thought that it might be considered necessary to
leave one of us cruisers behind to guard the base.
Most of our ships had had steam on their main engines incessantly
since war broke out, and a rest to let fires out so as to make
necessary adjustments was badly needed, but was quite impossible
near a neutral coast.
On November 26th our hearts were gladdened by the sight of the
Invincible, bearing the flag of Vice-Admiral Sturdee, and the
Inflexible; these two formidable-looking ships had come out from
England at a mean speed of over 18 knots for fifteen days. Truly a
fine performance!
 CHAPTER VIII
POSSIBILITIES AND PROBABILITIES

The various possible courses open to Admiral Count von Spee, both
before and after Coronel, have already been discussed, but the
movements of his squadron have not been subjected to examination
in the light that they bear on the policy which he adopted, nor have
the results of that action been considered from his point of view.
The German squadron sailed from Mas-a-Fuera on October 27th,
and three days later arrived about noon at a position some fifty
miles to the westward of Valparaiso, where it remained for upwards
of twenty-four hours. On October 31st—the same day that the
Glasgow went into Coronel with telegrams and the day before that
action was fought—the squadron steamed off south, leaving the
Nürnberg to wait off Valparaiso for a few hours and probably to get
information of importance. The German Admiral undoubtedly went
to the neighbourhood of Valparaiso with the express intention of
obtaining news and was in communication with the shore, for he
begins his official report on the action fought off Coronel by saying
that his three light cruisers reached on November 1st a point about
twenty "sea miles from the Chilean coast, in order to attack a British
cruiser (Glasgow), which, according to trustworthy information, had
reached the locality on the previous evening."
It is, of course, impossible to know what were von Spee's
intentions at this moment; they can only be surmised from a general
survey of the situation and the means that he had of obtaining
information. The latter was acquired by an organised system, for
there were German agents in every South American port. It may be
taken as certain that any ship calling at or passing Punta Arenas
(Magellan Straits) would be reported to him, and that the names of
the ships and certain of their movements on the south-east coast
would also be known to him.
 Easter Island—which was von Spee's original base—is
approximately 2,300 miles from Valparaiso, and therefore out of
range of wireless communication, although it is possible he might
occasionally be able to take in a message under favourable
conditions. However, it is known from an officer survivor of the
Gneisenau that on October 19th the German Admiral received a
message—possibly through a German supply ship—stating that a
British Squadron consisting of "Good Hope, Monmouth, and Glasgow
was to the south." Now we know that this squadron was at Punta
Arenas on September 28th, and leaving on that date was employed
searching inlets and bays round Tierra del Fuego for some days. The
Good Hope then returned to the Falklands, finally leaving them on
October 22nd, whilst the others went on to the coast of Chile and
were there from October 11th onwards, making use of a
sequestered spot as a base. The Glasgow was at Coronel on October
14th and at Valparaiso the day following, so the fact of a British
Squadron being "south" was well known, though the information did
not reach von Spee till the 19th.
On receiving this news von Spee sailed immediately. He knew he
was in superior force to Cradock's squadron, and the presumption is
that he went over to prospect and, if possible, to force an action. He
went straight to Mas-a-Fuera, only remained two days to coal, and
then on to a position off Valparaiso to pick up further information.
Immediately on hearing that the Glasgow was at Coronel on the
31st, he proceeded south to cut her off, and, as was likely to be the
case, to meet Cradock. He must have judged that the rest of the
squadron could not be far behind the Glasgow. The probability was
that he received information of the Good Hope passing through the
Straits about the 24th or 25th, and he might also have heard of the
Canopus doing so a day or two later, in which case he would have
calculated that the latter could scarcely be so far north by this time.
There is no indication that by this date von Spee had made up his
mind to quit the South Pacific. He had hardly had time to make his
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