(Women’s politically Participation) ya wala term ja vi ayaga yahi Sarama Gupta, Surama Mukherjee, Jyotirmoyee Ganguly (daughter of

answer hoga Kadambini Ganguly), and Hema Prabha Majumdar, who founded
institutions like Malida Karmi Sansad to train rural and destitute women
The anti-partition movement of 1905 marked a turning point for women in nationalist ideologies.
in Bengal, as they emerged from their traditional domestic roles and
began active participation in political and nationalist movements. Women also formed revolutionary groups like Dipali Sangha and Stree
Educated Bengali women, especially from the middle class, had already Sangha during the 1920s, which trained women in armed resistance.
begun engaging with social reform debates in the 19th century, with Leaders like Lila Nag, Renuka Sen, and Pritilata Waddedar emerged from
growing awareness around education and women’s rights. The these organizations. These efforts, though later suppressed by British
nationalist leaders strategically portrayed women as symbols of the bans, reflected the radical turn in women’s nationalism. Gandhian
movements further mobilized women across classes, merging political
nation, linking them with ancient ideals such as Bharat Mata and
consciousness with grassroots activism, especially around khadi and
associating them with divine qualities. This ideological shift encouraged
swaraj.
women to bring their virtues like morality, spirituality, and sacrifice into
public nationalist action. The Partition of Bengal by Lord Curzon sparked In conclusion, the participation of Bengali women in the anti-partition
mass protests, and for the first time, women—both literate and illiterate, and nationalist movements redefined their social and political identity.
elite and rural—participated in direct and indirect ways. They observed They were no longer passive icons of virtue but became active agents of
October 16, 1905, as a "Protest Day" by fasting, tying Rakhi, joining change, challenging colonial power and social patriarchy. Their
public processions, and even walking barefoot to schools as a form of involvement laid the foundation for future women’s activism in Indian
protest. politics, marking the beginning of a transformative era in women’s public
participation.
Activists like Ramendra Sundar Trivedi organized recitation programs in
ancestral homes, creating platforms for women to express dissent.
Participation from women in Khulna, Barishal, and other areas was also
visible in Swadeshi activities like spinning khadi and establishing home
industries such as Lakshmi Bhandar by Sarala Devi Chaudhurani. These
engagements allowed women to enter the political sphere, which had
traditionally excluded them. Revolutionary sentiment further intensified
after the execution of Kanailal Dutta, as women mourned his death and
began actively supporting revolutionaries. British authorities grew fearful
of these women, with even the Daily Telegraph of London
acknowledging their threat to colonial stability.

Women like Paryabala Devi of Barishal, Chinmayee Sen of Dacca, and

Nanigopal Devi of Bali directly aided revolutionaries and were arrested
for their roles. Notably, elite and lower-class women both contributed,
albeit with differing approaches—elite women often worked through
Congress, while working-class women participated in more radical ways.
Basanti Devi, wife of Chittaranjan Das, led a major procession in 1921
and was arrested, triggering a strong national response and inspiring
Gandhi to utilize female participation more prominently in the movement.
She became the President of Bengal Provincial Congress Committee,
highlighting the political ascent of women. Other key figures included

Different Marriage Customs and Women’s Position in 19th Century The age of marriage was typically higher, and Muslim women had legal
Bengal recognition in both personal and family matters.

In 19th-century Bengal, women’s social position was largely determined Tribal and indigenous communities followed distinct marriage customs.
by their marital status. Among upper-caste Hindu families, child marriage Infant marriage was rare, and bridegrooms were often required to
was widely practiced, reducing women’s roles in marriage to that of contribute labor or pay a symbolic bride price. Widow remarriage and
passive participants. Marriage was not considered a union of equals but a even polyandry were occasionally practiced. In some cases, rituals such
transaction transferring a girl from one family to another. Hindu women as the symbolic "splitting of blood" were performed, and there was no
had no legal rights to divorce under traditional law, and once married, dowry system. Women in these communities could divorce and remarry,
they were confined to the antahpur—the inner domestic sphere—living a reflecting a more egalitarian gender ethos compared to Hindu upper
secluded life under purdah. Poor sanitation, non-nutritious diets, and castes.
repeated childbirths led to extremely high female mortality rates. The
social preference for male children further degraded the value placed on Additionally, rare cases of inter-religious and inter-caste marriages were
the girl child. seen in this period. Madhusudan Dutta married Rebecca, a Christian, and
was ostracized by society. Similarly, Kamalomani Banerjee, daughter of
A deeply troubling element of the marriage system was Kulin polygamy, Krishna Mohan Banerjee (a Christian convert), married Gyanendranath
especially prevalent among Brahmins. A report from Hooghly district Tagore. Sarala Devi, a prominent nationalist, married at the age of 33,
documented 33 Kulin Brahmins married to 2,151 women. These defying norms.
marriages, often between young girls and elderly men, resulted in many
child widows. Abandoned by their husbands or widowed without ever In conclusion, marriage customs in 19th-century Bengal reflected the
meeting them, many women were driven into prostitution or suffered deeply entrenched patriarchy of the time. While upper-caste Hindu norms
from depression, abortions, and even suicide. An 1853 report revealed were highly oppressive to women, communities like Muslims and tribals
that among 10,000 prostitutes in Calcutta, a significant number were child allowed for relatively more autonomy. Reformist movements and
widows from Brahmin families. The Widow Remarriage Act of 1856 individual acts of defiance laid the groundwork for changing women’s
aimed to address these injustices, but due to staunch conservative marital rights in Bengal.
opposition, Kulin polygamy continued for decades.

In response to these issues, progressive reformers and Brahmo Samaj

members advocated for civil and inter-caste marriages. A notable
example was the marriage of Prasanna Kumar Sen and Lakshmi Mitra in
1866, which followed Brahmo customs. Leaders like Keshab Chandra
Sen introduced the Native Marriage Bill to legalize civil marriage for
non-Christians. However, due to fierce Hindu orthodox opposition, the
bill was modified to apply only to Brahmos and renamed the Brahmo
Marriage Act. This division caused a split between conservative and
reformist Brahmos. Ultimately, the Special Marriage Act of 1872 was
enacted, allowing monogamous civil marriages with a minimum bride
age of 14, for those willing to renounce orthodox Hindu customs.

Among Muslims in Bengal, marriage functioned more as a civil contract.

Muslim women enjoyed relatively greater rights compared to their Hindu
counterparts—they could inherit property, remarry, and seek divorce.
Polygamy existed but was less rampant than among upper-caste Hindus.
Male Writing of Women in 19th Century Bengal: Sati, Widow idealism. Men like Vidyasagar and later Rabindranath Tagore supported
Remarriage, and Women’s Education girls’ schools, but the curriculum was often restricted to moral instruction
and basic literacy, reinforcing their roles within the home. Literary
The 19th century in Bengal was a transformative period for the discourse representations, such as Bankim Chandra’s novels, portrayed educated
on women, especially through the writings of prominent male reformers women with admiration but also with caution, fearing that education
and intellectuals. This was the time of Bengal Renaissance, a period might lead to defiance of traditional roles. Even in Tagore's more
marked by socio-cultural reawakening led largely by elite, Western- progressive works like Chokher Bali, the educated woman is portrayed as
educated Bengali men. In their writing, women were often represented complex and often tragic, indicating the male anxiety around female
not as autonomous subjects but as symbols of tradition or modernity, and agency.
this had significant implications for key issues like the sati system,
widow remarriage, and women’s education. The most notable voices, In conclusion, the male writing of women in 19th-century Bengal played
such as Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar, Bankim a crucial role in initiating social reform, but it was also limited by its
Chandra Chattopadhyay, and later Rabindranath Tagore, used patriarchal lens. Women were often objects of reform rather than subjects
literature, essays, and reformist tracts to shape the public perception of of agency. While these writings led to landmark changes such as the
"the woman question." abolition of sati, legalization of widow remarriage, and spread of female
education, they seldom included women’s own perspectives. Thus, the
Raja Ram Mohan Roy emerged as a pioneering voice against the sati legacy of this period is both progressive and problematic—it marks the
system, the practice where widows were immolated on the funeral pyres beginning of feminist discourse in India but also highlights the necessity
of their husbands. In his writings, Roy condemned the practice as of listening to women’s voices directly.
inhumane and as a distortion of ancient Hindu texts. His appeals to both
rationality and scripture—crafted in English and Persian for the colonial
government, and Bengali for the native elite—helped garner support for
the abolition of sati in 1829. However, in these writings, women were
often depicted as helpless victims needing rescue, positioning men as
saviors. The emphasis remained on moral reform and religious
reinterpretation rather than on the women's own voices or consent.

In the mid-19th century, Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar took up the cause

of widow remarriage. Through extensive use of religious texts, he
argued that Hindu shastras allowed remarriage and that denying this right
to widows was a result of patriarchal misinterpretation. His Bengali
pamphlets and public campaigns humanized the suffering of widows,
depicting them as tragically confined by social norms. However, even in
his liberal portrayal, women were mostly spoken about rather than
allowed to speak. The suffering widow became a trope in male reformist
writing, symbolizing both the cruelty of orthodoxy and the necessity of
enlightened reform. While Vidyasagar was sincere in his efforts, his
vision too was shaped by a male-centric perspective on what was best for
women.

The debate on women’s education further illustrates this gendered

discourse. Reformers argued that education would make women better
mothers, wives, and homemakers—a utilitarian view rooted in domestic

Emergence of the ‘New Woman’ in 19th Century Bengal and the morally superior Bhadramahila. She became the keeper of the nation’s
Figure of the Bhadramahila (550 words) soul—an icon of chastity, sacrifice, and devotion, as seen in literary
works by authors like Bankim Chandra and Tagore. However, this
The 19th century in Bengal witnessed a remarkable transformation in the construction came at a cost: the New Woman was expected to be modern
condition and perception of women, shaped by colonial modernity, but not free, educated but not independent, visible yet confined.
reform movements, and the broader cultural churning of the Bengal
Renaissance. In this period of intense social and ideological transition, a It is also crucial to recognize that this emerging category was largely
new category of woman began to emerge—commonly referred to as the limited to urban, upper-caste Hindu women. Rural women, Muslim
‘New Woman’ or ‘Bhadramahila’. She was a counterpart to the women, and those from lower castes or tribal groups were excluded from
Bhadralok (respectable middle-class man), occupying a distinct, though this narrative. Furthermore, as the century progressed, some
carefully controlled, space within the reshaped patriarchal order. The Bhadramahilas themselves began to question these limits. Early women
Bhadramahila symbolized modernity, morality, education, and writers like Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain and Swarnakumari Devi began
domesticity—a new feminine ideal constructed through the twin forces of asserting more autonomous voices, subtly subverting the very ideals they
Western education and Hindu social reform. However, her emergence were supposed to embody.
was deeply complex, marked by both empowerment and containment.
In conclusion, the emergence of the New Woman in 19th-century Bengal
The colonial encounter brought new ideas of liberalism, individuality, represented both progress and paradox. The Bhadramahila was a product
and gender reform to India, and the educated Bengali elite—particularly of reformist zeal and nationalist imagination, but she was also a carefully
upper-caste Hindu men—played a central role in adapting these concepts crafted symbol of controlled emancipation. Her rise challenged traditional
to the Indian context. Reformers like Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar patriarchy, yet remained confined within a restructured, modern
campaigned for women’s education and widow remarriage, challenging patriarchy. Only in the early 20th century did cracks begin to widen,
orthodox customs. These efforts, though male-led, laid the groundwork allowing women to assert fuller political and intellectual agency beyond
for a reimagined feminine identity. Education for women began to be the role assigned to them in the 19th-century imagination.
promoted, not to liberate them fully, but to make them better companions
to their educated husbands and better nurturers of nationalist and moral
values within the home. In this context, the Bhadramahila emerged—a
woman who was literate, morally upright, skilled in domestic
management, and yet restrained within the boundaries of respectable
domesticity.

Magazines like Bamabodhini Patrika (established in 1863) became

important platforms for articulating this new ideal of womanhood.
Articles in these publications encouraged women to be educated, pious,
and responsible, while simultaneously warning against the corrupting
influences of excessive Westernization or public exposure. Thus, the
Bhadramahila had to strike a delicate balance: she could read and write,
but she should not speak too loudly in public; she could learn English, but
she must remain culturally ‘pure’ and rooted in Hindu moral codes.

The figure of the New Woman was also entangled in the nationalist
project. As the colonial state increasingly interfered in Indian society,
Indian men sought to preserve cultural sovereignty by relocating
‘tradition’ to the inner domain of the home, now under the control of the
Marginalisation of Women in Bengal – A Historical Reflection (550 working as domestic laborers, sex workers, or agricultural laborers were
words) stigmatised and invisible in the elite reformist and nationalist narratives.

The marginalisation of women in Bengal, especially during the colonial The literary and journalistic worlds of Bengal also reflected this
and pre-independence periods, must be understood within a broader marginalisation. Even though women's journals like Bamabodhini
socio-political and cultural context where gender, caste, class, and Patrika gave limited space for female voices, they largely reinforced
religion intersected to create deeply unequal power structures. Despite the idealised notions of femininity and duty. It was only in the early 20th
Bengal Renaissance and reformist efforts of the 19th century, women's century that women like Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain began to openly
voices remained largely excluded from mainstream public life. Even the critique the structures that silenced them. Rokeya’s Sultana’s Dream and
so-called “emancipation” of women was often scripted and controlled by her writings in The Secluded Ones (Pardanasin) challenged both
male reformers, nationalist leaders, and colonial administrators, thus religious orthodoxy and male reformism, asserting that true
reproducing older forms of patriarchy in a new guise. empowerment must come from women themselves.

Traditional Bengali society was largely patriarchal and caste-bound. In conclusion, the marginalisation of women in Bengal was structural,
Women, particularly in upper-caste Hindu households, were subject to ideological, and deeply embedded in both tradition and the modernising
purdah, child marriage, restrictions on education, and confinement to the agendas of the time. Even as the 19th-century reform movements and
domestic sphere. Their identity and worth were often tied to their roles as nationalist struggles brought women's issues into public discussion, they
daughters, wives, and mothers. While reformers like Raja Rammohan often failed to treat women as independent agents. The historical
Roy and Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar advocated for the abolition of sati trajectory of Bengal shows that while some women gained education and
and widow remarriage, their efforts were mostly limited to upper-caste visibility, the broader female population remained excluded from the
Hindu women and often paternalistic in nature. The agency of women processes of power and representation. Real change only began when
was rarely acknowledged; they were seen as passive recipients of reform women themselves started speaking, writing, and organizing to question
rather than active participants in their own liberation. the systems that confined them.

Moreover, with the rise of nationalism in the late 19th and early 20th
centuries, women were elevated as symbolic bearers of tradition and
culture. As Partha Chatterjee famously argued, the nationalist discourse
created a divide between the material and the spiritual—assigning the
former to the colonisers and the latter to Indian women. Women were
thus glorified as guardians of the home and national identity but
simultaneously excluded from active public participation. This
idealisation often masked their continued marginalisation, as the
bhadramahila (respectable middle-class woman) was expected to
embody moral purity and domestic devotion rather than autonomy or
political agency.

Muslim women, Dalit women, and tribal women were even further
marginalised in this period. The reform movements and educational
initiatives of the time largely ignored them, reinforcing both religious and
caste hierarchies. While upper-caste Hindu women slowly began to
access education and limited public platforms, lower-class women were
viewed as outside the bounds of respectability and morality. Women

Women’s Organisations in 19th and 20th Century Bengal (550 words) marriage and inheritance laws. The ABWU is also notable for including
both elite and middle-class women, which made it more inclusive than
The emergence of women’s organisations in Bengal during the 19th and earlier organisations.
20th centuries marks a significant chapter in the history of social reform
and feminist consciousness in India. These organisations were both a Meanwhile, the Women’s section of the Indian National Congress,
response to the marginalisation of women in traditional and colonial along with local Bengal-based groups, played a significant role in the
society and a product of growing awareness among women about their freedom struggle, particularly during the Civil Disobedience and Quit
rights and roles in the public sphere. The development of these groups India movements. Women like Kamini Roy, Leela Roy, and Pritilata
reflected the transition from male-led reformist agendas to autonomous Waddedar were involved in both nationalist and feminist initiatives,
female activism, particularly in the early 20th century. showing how women’s political activism was expanding beyond purely
social reform.
In the 19th century, the earliest efforts to organise around women's
issues were largely guided by male reformers who believed in improving By the mid-20th century, women’s organisations in Bengal had begun to
the condition of women within the bounds of respectability and tradition. address a broader spectrum of issues, including labor rights, health,
These efforts focused on the abolition of sati, promotion of widow family planning, and political representation. Many of these groups
remarriage, and education for upper-caste Hindu women. Raja maintained links with international feminist movements and began
Rammohan Roy and Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar played critical roles in challenging the deeply patriarchal legal and cultural frameworks of
initiating such reforms. However, women’s own voices were rarely heard Indian society.
in these movements.
In conclusion, women's organisations in Bengal from the 19th to the 20th
The first women’s organisations emerged in the late 19th century, often century evolved from male-led reformist ventures to autonomous,
tied to the broader social reform movements. One of the pioneering politically engaged collectives led by women. These organisations played
institutions was the Banga Mahila Vidyalaya (1873), which later a pivotal role in challenging social injustices, expanding education, and
merged with Bethune School. Though founded under male initiative, it mobilising women into the public sphere. They laid the foundation for the
laid the groundwork for women's education in Bengal. During this time, feminist and civil rights movements that would flourish in Bengal in the
publications like Bamabodhini Patrika (started in 1863) encouraged post-independence era.
educated women to engage with public discourse, morality, and
nationalism.

By the early 20th century, women began to take more direct control of
their own mobilisation. A landmark development was the formation of
the Bharat Stree Mahamandal (1910) by Sarala Devi Chaudhurani, one
of the earliest women-led organisations in India. Though it had a pan-
Indian scope, it had strong roots in Bengal and aimed to promote
women's education and self-reliance across religious and caste lines. The
organisation opened branches throughout Bengal and played an essential
role in awakening women’s political and social consciousness.

The All Bengal Women’s Union (ABWU), established in 1932, marked

a new phase of women’s activism. It was formed by notable women such
as Charulata Mukherjee, Renuka Ray, and Suniti Devi. ABWU focused
on issues such as women’s legal rights, rescue and rehabilitation of
trafficked women, and female education. It also began to address the
exploitation of working-class women and advocated reforms in child
Women and the Productive Economy During the Colonial Period in rights, as their work was viewed as either a moral threat or a temporary
19th Century Bengal (550 words) necessity.

During the colonial period in 19th-century Bengal, women played a In contrast, the upper-caste Hindu bhadramahila was increasingly
significant yet largely unacknowledged role in the productive economy. distanced from productive labor. As part of the ideology of domesticity
While colonial policies and social reform movements often focused on promoted during the Bengal Renaissance and colonial modernity,
women in terms of domesticity, morality, and education, a large number respectable women were confined to the household. Education for women
of women—especially from lower caste, tribal, and Muslim was promoted not to integrate them into the workforce, but to make them
backgrounds—were actively involved in various forms of economic labor. better wives and moral anchors of the family. Thus, women’s productive
However, this participation remained marginalised in official records and roles were increasingly stratified along class and caste lines—where elite
intellectual discourse, as colonial and bhadralok (middle-class elite) women were idealised as homemakers, while poor women labored in
ideologies increasingly pushed women into the private domain of the silence.
home.
It is also important to note that the colonial legal and institutional
In rural Bengal, women were critical to the agrarian economy. They frameworks denied women equal rights in property, wages, or legal
participated in sowing, harvesting, threshing, and processing food grains. protections in the workforce. While men were seen as breadwinners,
In peasant and tenant families, their contribution was vital to the women’s labor—especially unpaid labor within the household—was
household economy, although rarely recognized as “work” in a formal naturalized and excluded from economic consideration.
sense. The British Permanent Settlement of 1793 and the rise of the
zamindari system altered landholding patterns and increased the burden In conclusion, 19th-century Bengal’s colonial economy rested
on peasant families, compelling women to contribute more labor to significantly on the productive labor of women, particularly from the
sustain livelihoods. Despite their extensive participation, colonial lower strata of society. However, their contributions were largely
censuses and land revenue documents did not count women as formal informal, invisible, and undervalued. The colonial state, while
agricultural workers, thereby rendering their labor invisible. modernising institutions and trade, did not offer protections or
recognition to these women. Instead, it deepened gender hierarchies by
In urban and semi-urban Bengal, many poor women engaged in reinforcing the idea that a woman’s primary role was in the domestic
artisanal and informal sectors. Women spun thread, wove mats, made sphere. Understanding this hidden labor economy is essential to
earthenware, processed jute, and rolled tobacco (beedi making). In some reconstructing a more inclusive and accurate history of colonial Bengal.
cases, entire families were involved in proto-industrial household
production. However, colonial economic policies that promoted British
imports and the decline of indigenous crafts disrupted these informal
economies, disproportionately affecting women who relied on them.
Women from marginalised communities often became wage laborers in
jute mills, construction sites, or worked as domestic maids in upper-caste
households.

The jute industry, which expanded rapidly in Bengal during the late 19th
century, employed a considerable number of women and children,
especially in Calcutta and its surrounding areas. These women often
worked in exploitative conditions with minimal wages and no legal
protections. Yet, their labor was crucial to the colonial export economy.
Unfortunately, the colonial administration and emerging nationalist
leadership gave little attention to improving these women’s economic

The Age of Consent Bill, 1891: Controversy and Social Limitations in was dominated by men—both British and Indian—who debated women’s
Bengal (550 words) bodies, sexuality, and rights without allowing women to represent
themselves. This reveals the social limitations of both colonial reform
The Age of Consent Bill of 1891 was a landmark but highly controversial and nationalist politics in Bengal at the time. Even progressive reformers,
piece of colonial legislation that sought to raise the minimum age for the while supporting the bill, often did so within a paternalistic framework,
consummation of marriage for girls from ten to twelve years in British viewing women as dependents in need of protection, rather than as agents
India. While seemingly a progressive reform aimed at protecting young of change.
girls from early sexual violence within marriage, the bill provoked fierce
debate in Bengal, exposing deep tensions between colonial governance, Additionally, the bill had limited practical effect. Though it raised the
indigenous customs, male reformist politics, and emerging nationalist legal age of consent to twelve, enforcement was weak, especially in rural
sentiments. The controversy also highlighted the social limitations of the areas, where child marriage continued with impunity. Moreover, since the
reform process, particularly in terms of gendered agency and cultural law applied only to cases of sexual intercourse deemed “against the will”
identity. of girls under twelve, it still left a loophole for marital rape within the
accepted age.
The immediate backdrop to the bill was the tragic death of Phulmoni
Dasi, an eleven-year-old Bengali girl who died as a result of forced In conclusion, the Age of Consent Bill of 1891 marked a crucial moment
sexual intercourse by her much older husband. The case sparked outrage in colonial Bengal’s socio-legal history. While it aimed to protect young
and concern, prompting reformist voices and colonial officials to push for girls, it also exposed the contradictions of colonial modernity and the
legal intervention. British authorities, influenced by humanitarian and limitations of male-led reform. The controversy around the bill
liberal ideals, framed the Age of Consent Bill as a measure to curb such underscored how women's issues were politicized in the service of
abuses. However, the bill quickly became entangled in a larger debate broader debates about culture, sovereignty, and masculinity—leaving the
about colonial interference in Indian society. actual concerns of women marginalised in both colonial and nationalist
discourse.
In Bengal, which was the intellectual center of the Bengal Renaissance,
reactions to the bill were sharply divided. Reformers like Ishwar
Chandra Vidyasagar, though deceased by the time the bill was
introduced, had long advocated for the upliftment of women, including
widow remarriage and female education. Many later liberal elites and
social reformers supported the bill, seeing it as a necessary step toward
protecting child brides and improving the moral health of society.

However, a vocal conservative opposition emerged, spearheaded by

figures like Rashik Krishna Mallick and other orthodox Hindu leaders
who viewed the bill as a direct attack on Hindu religion, tradition, and
family life. They argued that marriage and sexual relations were governed
by shastric (scriptural) laws, and any attempt by a foreign, Christian
government to regulate them was seen as a violation of cultural
autonomy and national pride. The controversy thus transcended the
immediate issue of child protection and became a symbolic battleground
for questions of tradition versus modernity, colonialism versus
nationalism.

What is striking in this debate is the absence of women’s voices. While

the bill was ostensibly passed for their welfare, the discourse around it