ANCIENT

SHIPS
 Sonton: C. J. CLAY AND SONS,
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 ANCIENT

SHIPS

BY CECIL TORR, M.A.

ILLUSTRATED
*7

CAMBRIDGE
UNIVERSITY PRESS
1895

[All Rights reserved.}

 Viv !

PRINTED BY J. & C. F. CLAY,

AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.
 PREFACE.

some while have been at work upon a history of

I

FORancient shipping; and the following pages are meant

to form a portion of that history. Assuming that ancient

shipping means shipping in the Mediterranean between

IOOOB.C. and 1000 A.D., and that a history of shipping should
deal with everything connected with ships, I find that I have

upon my hands a task of no small magnitude and I do not ;

quite know when this task will be accomplished. That being

so, I am bringing out this portion of the work before the rest ;

this portion being tolerably complete already, and dealing

with a question that may conveniently be discussed apart
from any other, namely, the character of the ships them-
selves.

Ancient ships have already formed the subject of dozens

of books and pamphlets and I necessarily have made myself
;

acquainted with the bulk of this literature, from Dr Assmann's

latest article in the Archaologisches Jahrbuch back to the
treatise De Re Navail published by L. de Baif in 1536. I do
not wish to underrate obligations to previous writers on
my
the subject, for they have informed me of many things that
I was not at all likely to discover for myself. But, taking
them altogether, I have found their works more voluminous
than valuable. As a rule, they have relied too much upon
their predecessors. A
great many of their works are nothing
more than careless compilations from those of earlier date ;
and hardly any of them fail to repeat a few exploded
T. B
vi PREFACE.

blunders. And then a great deal of energy has been mis-

directed. Author after author has written as though the

question was simply how he would set to work, if he were

called upon to build a trireme; and accordingly there has
been a crop of so-called restorations, which are principally
works of the imagination, and do not always agree with the
evidence on the few points that happen to be known for
certain. And of the writers on the subject have
while many
thus contented themselves with a very slender knowledge of
the evidence available, nearly all of them have shewn more
zeal in collecting evidence than in sifting it sufficiently to
ascertain its value.
The best of the written evidence comes from inscriptions.
In digging the foundations for a building at the Peiraeus in

1834, the workmen came upon a Roman or Byzantine drain,

and found that it was lined with slabs of marble covered with
inscriptions. These were some of the inventories of the
Athenian dockyards, and a few others have come to light
them dating from 373 and the
since then, the earliest of latest
from 323 B.C. or thereabouts. Unhappily, these inscriptions
are shattered and defaced in many places but where the
;

reading is clear, their testimony is conclusive*.

Next in importance are the statements that occur in
ancient literature but, unfortunately, very few of these are
:

more than passing and the only one that enters

allusions ;

into details is open to suspicion. This is the account that

Athenaeos gives of some stupendous ships that were built
about 400 years before his time. In my opinion, this account
is not to be
accepted as a description of those particular
ships but I imagine that its authors based their statements
:

on what they knew of ships in general so that, with due ;

allowance for exaggerations and anachronisms, every detail is

All these inscriptions are printed in the Corpus

Inscriptionum Atticarum,
vol. ii,nos. 789812. The original set were edited by August Bockh in 1840
from copies by Ludwig Ross.
 PREFACE. vii

admissible as evidence in dealing with the ships of ancient

b
times Of course, the literary evidence has all to be sub-
.

jected to the ordinary tests, each statement being estimated

by the value that we put upon its author and his means
of information about the matter in hand. And peculiar
difficulties arise when a thing
mentioned only once in
is

literature, the question being whether this is due to chance,

or must be taken to imply that the thing was not in vogue
for any length of time. But that conclusion is not inevitable,
even when a thing is mentioned several times by authors of
one period and never once by those of earlier or later date ;

for those authors may only be repeating a simile or illustra-

tion that had struck the fancy of their generation. And,

conversely, authors might go on repeating phrases that were
no longer applicable ; just as Plutarch and Lucian talk about
akatiansails, although these sails had probably gone out of

use some centuries before the explanation being that the

:

akatians were mentioned in a famous saying of Epicures .

There are also the statements of the scholiasts and lexico-

graphers : but their evidence may be rejected altogether. So
matters that admit of proof,
far as their assertions relate to

they are oftener wrong than right and there is no reason for
;

supposing that they were any better informed on matters

that do not admit of proof. Such people felt bound to find
a meaning for every word or phrase that came within their

range and if they did not happen to know, they simply had
;

to guess.
The evidence from written sources is supplemented by

evidence from material sources. There are the ruins of the

docks at Athens to give a notion of the dimensions and
proportions of the war-ships : and there are some rams and

b
Athenseos, v. 39, quoting Callixenos, and v. 40
37 44, quoting Moschion.
See especially pp. 10 and 77 to 29 as to the reasons for suspecting these
9,

descriptions; and also note 118 on p. 50 for an example of the mode of dealing
c
with such evidence. See p. 86 as to this.
viii PREFACE.

figure-heads and anchors, but practically no other remnants

of the ships themselves. few models have been found: A
but these are all too rough to be instructive ;
and the chances
are against our finding the splendid model that Lysander
placed at Delphi a trireme, three feet long, and made of
d
ivory and gold There are plenty of pictures of the ships on
.

painted vases and in frescos and mosaics, and figures of them

on reliefs and coins and gems and works of art of every class ;

forthey were constantly in favour with the artists of antiquity.

But these works of art must all be taken at a discount. In
dealing with so large a subject as a ship, an ancient artist
would seize upon some and give prominence
characteristics,
to these by suppressing other features; and then would
modify the whole design to suit the space at his disposal.
Moreover, the treatment would vary with the form of art,

paintersand sculptors seeing things from different points of

view; and it would vary also with the period, as art went
through its phases. So, works of art may easily be taken to
imply a difference in the ships themselves, when the difference
is only in the mode of representing them.
The greatest caution
necessary in getting this evidence
is

at second hand from books. If a restorer has handled the

original relief or painting, his mistakes are sure to be em-

bodied in the copy and generally some fresh mistakes are
;

introduced by draughtsmen and engravers and the people

who touch up photographs. The result is that very few of the

published copies are trustworthy in every detail, while many

of them might rank as caricatures and yet those copies :

are handed on from book to book, and quoted as autho-

rities. But obviously the authors of these books have never
made a search for the originals, for then they would have
discovered that not a few of these supposed copies have
6
no originals at all .

d
Plutarch, Lysander, 18. 2, T/H^/WJS, Sid xpixrou Treiroir)fj,^vr) KO! IX^curos, dvelv
 PREFACE. IX

The evidence from all sources falls short of what is

needed for a complete description of the ships for although ;

our information on certain points is ample and conclusive,

there are many points on which we have no information
whatever. Practically, this not a matter of importance, as
is

nobody is likely to resuscitate the ancient style of ship-

building and hitherto no attention has been

in its entirety;

given to devices that might still be serviceable. Thus,

for

example, the ancients saw their way to supplement a square-

sailby a triangular topsail with its base along the yard and
itsapex at the top of the mast, so that no additional yard
was needed and to reinforce the ram by a series of auxiliary
;

rams above, which not only increased the damage to an

e
For example, in the last edition of Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman
Antiquities , vol. ii,
an ancient anchor with flukes to
p. 218, there is a picture of
its arms and no stock. A note says that the picture is taken from Baumeister. It
occurs on p. 1614 in vol. iii of Baumeister's Denkmdler des klassischen Altcrtums;
and there the statement is that the picture is taken from Kekule, and that the
original may be seen upon the balustrade
round the temple of Athena Nike at
Athens. But in Kekule's Reliefs an der Balustrade der Athena Nike the picture
is given on p. 12 the Ergiinzungsskizzen, merely as a suggestion of what
among
might have a vacant place; and on the balustrade itself there is not the
filled

slightest trace of any anchor at all. Again, in Smith's Dictionary, vol. i, p. 361, a
picture of a boat, or coracle, is introduced with these remarks : "The illustration,
given both by Rich and Saglio, is taken from Scheffer, De Militia Navali

Veteruniy who describes it as from an ancient MS. of Vitruvius (Polenus,

Supplemmtum ad Grccvium et Gronovium, v. p. 831)." Saglio gives the picture

on p. 915 of vol. i of Daremberg and Saglio's Dictionnaire des Antiquites Grecques
et Romaines, saying that he tookfrom Scheffer, who took it from a MS. of
it

Vitruvius, and that Rich had given it before. Rich gives it on p. 117 of his
Dictionary of Roman and Greek Antiquities, third edition, saying that he took it
from Scheffer, who took it from a MS. of Vitruvius. But Scheffer himself, p. 81
and Polenus reprints him rightly says that he took it from a MS. of Vegetius.
As a matter of fact, he did not take it from Vitruvius or Vegetius or from
any MS. at all. An edition of Vegetius, De Re Militari, was printed at
Paris in August, 1532. An edition of Robertus Valturius, De Re Military had
been printed at the same press in July. And as the volumes were uniform, they
generally were bound up together. Scheffer took the picture from an engraving on
p. 316 of the treatise by Valturius. The engravings in this edition of Valturius
are copied from the engravings in the original edition printed at Verona in

1472, and refer to matters of that period. This sort of thing is not at all
uncommon.
X PREFACE.

enemy, but also protected the stem from being crushed

against her sides. Such devices as these, which proved of
service in antiquity, would certainly be worth a trial on
modern ships.
I must warn the reader that in the passages quoted in the
notes have silently omitted any subordinate clauses that do
I

not bear upon the matter in hand. And also that I have
made a rough use of round numbers in dating Egyptian
monuments my opinion being that the evidence does not
;

justify the popular system of chronology.

The illustrations in plates I to 7 are by Mr J. A. Burt and
those in 8 by Mr H. W. Bennett. I have never seen the

originals of fgs. 10, n, 29 to 31, and 40; but I can guarantee

the accuracy of all the rest in every point on which I cite
them as Unfortunately, the illustrations were
authorities.

arranged some while ago, before the book had assumed its
present form and they fall short of what would be desirable.
;

But I hope that the complete work will contain a satisfactory

copy of every monument that can elucidate the subject.

C. T.
 TABLE OF CONTENTS.

lips with oars .....

the oars arranged in banks .
i
PAGE
20.

3-

number of oars in each bank . IO.

auxiliary oars on sailing-ships 20.

>imensions of the ships 20 25.

'onnage of the ships .... 2531.

[aterials for ship-building .
31-38.
timber
tar, paint, wax, etc. .
34-
metal 37-

Structure of the hull ....

keel, ribs, skin, waling-pieces -
39-
cables for strengthening the sides 41.
port-holes in the sides .
43-
beams, etc, in the interior 45-

superstructure and upper decking 49.

lower decks, forecastle and poop 54-
deck-houses and turrets .
58.
ballast and bilge 60.
the ram and its auxiliaries . . 62.

figure-heads, etc. 65.

Anchors and cables 69-74.

Steering-gear 74-78.
Xll TABLE OF CONTENTS.
 ANCIENT SHIPS.

THE Mediterranean is a sea where a vessel with sails may

liebecalmed for days together, while a vessel with oars could
easily be traversing the smooth waters, with coasts and
islands everywhere at hand to give her shelter in case of
storm. In that sea, therefore, oars became the characteristic
instruments of navigation and the arrangement of oars, the
;

chiefproblem And so long as the Mediter-

in shipbuilding.
ranean nations dominated Western Europe, vessels of the
southern type were built upon the northern coasts, though
there generally was wind enough here for sails and too much
wave But afterwards the nations of Western Europe
for oars.
filled the Mediterranean with sailing-vessels of the types they

had devised for voyages on the Ocean and oars finally gave
;

place to sails. Yet, only a few years before sails began in

their turn to give place to steam, oars were still employed
on vessels of considerable size that were intended for the
Mediterranean alone; and probably would have been more
generally employed there, had there still been an adequate
supply of galley-slaves. In the ancient world, however, thej/
rower was not usually a slave and it is a strange fact that
:

Athenian citizens in the age of Pericles, who were in no wise

unconscious of their own transcendent gifts, willingly laboured
at the oar to generate a mechanical force that was directed
by the intelligence of others.
T. a
2 THE EARLIEST SHIPS WITH OARS,
The art of rowing can first be discerned upon the Nile.
Boats with oars, as in fg. 2, are represented in the earliest

pictorial monuments of Egypt, dating from about 2500 B.C.:

and although some crews are paddling with their faces
towards the bow, others are rowing with their faces towards
the stern. The paddling is certainly the older practice ;
for
the hieroglyph chen depicts two arms grasping an oar in the
attitude of paddling, and the hieroglyphs were invented in
the earliest ages. And that practice may really have ceased
before 2500 B.C., despite the testimony of monuments of that
date; for in monuments dating from about 1250 B.C. crews
are represented unmistakably rowing with their faces towards
the stern and yet grasping their oars in the attitude of
paddling, as in fgs. 3 and 5, so that even then Egyptian
artists mechanically followed the turn of the hieroglyph to
which theirhands were accustomed. In these reliefs there
are twenty rowers on the boats on the Nile, as in fg. 3, and
thirty on the ships on the Red Sea, as in fg. 5 but in the ;

earliest reliefs, as in fg. 2, the number varies considerably and

seems dependent on the amount of space at the sculptor's
disposal. In the contemporary relief representing a battle
fought in the Mediterranean about 1000 B.C. the Egyptian
war-ships, as in fg. 6, have from twelve to twenty-two rowers
apiece according to the requirements of the sculptor, while
the Asiatic war-ships, as in fgs. 7 and 8, have not any rowers
at all.

Among the Greeks the oars of a ship were collectively

termed tarsos, and among the Hebrews ships of a certain
type were known as ships of tarHs\ and Tarsos and Tarsis
1
Iliad, i.
308, 309, 'ArpelSifjs 5' dpa vrja. doty a\aSe Trpotpv<r<rev, \
es 5' ep^ras
1

tKpivev telKOffiv. xvi. 168 170, Trevr'qKovT rjaav vijes Ooai, ri<nv 'A%tXXe()s |
^s

Tpol-rjv rjye'iTO Ad <j>l\of ev 5' ap' e^dcrr^ |

irevT^Kovr'' 2aav avdpes tiri K\-rfiaiv

ercupot. But this last line is clearly an interpolation : the icXrjides are not
mentioned elsewhere in the Iliad though often mentioned in the Odyssey
see note no on p. 46 and the number of rowers is unparalleled in the Iliad
outside the Catalogue, while the number of the ships according to the Cata-
logue, ii.
685, would incite an interpolator to repetition.
2
Iliad, i. 402 404, u>x' tKarbyxetpov /coX^cracr' s [JLaKpbv *0\v[ji.7rov, \
&v
aXtovffi 6eol, avdpes 8 re Trdvres
Atyatuva. \

3
The story of the Minyse, for example, as narrated by Herodotos, iv. 148.
 AND THE OARS USED ON THEM. 3

were the Greek and Hebrew names for Tarsus in Cilicia.

The coincidence suggests that this city was pre-eminent in'

furthering the use of oars upon the Mediterranean. But of
this there are no records. The early progress of the Phoeni-
cians and their neighbours must be divined from the progress
of their disciples, the Greeks. In the Iliad, apart from the^x
1
Catalogue, the Greeks have ships with twenty rowers but the :

allusion to Briareos, the hundred-handed giant of the ^Egean,

indicates some knowledge of the fifty-oared ship which forms
so essential a feature in legends of somewhat later date, such
as those of the fifty daughters of Danaos or the fifty comrades
2
of Jason . The thirty-oared ship belongs to legends of far
3
laterdate . In the Odyssey the Greeks still have ships with
twenty^ rowers, while the Phaeacians at Corfu have a ship
with fifty
4
An advance from twenty to fifty oars, without'
.

intermediate steps, seems hardly possible unless a nation was

adopting the discoveries of another and a greater advance, :

again at a single step,

may in the Catalogue of the be traced
Ships, which mentions ships with fifty rowers and ships with
5
a hundred and eighteen Ships could not be indefinitely] .

lengthened to accommodate an increasing number of rowers ;L

and consequently the oars began to be arranged in two andj
then in three banks one above another. These ships with a
hundred and eighteen rowers must have been two-banked
ships formed by inserting ports for eight and fifty oars in the
intervals between the tholes on ships of sixty oars. Yet the
Greeks never employed sixty-oared ships, and apparently
never knew that such existed, for they had no name for
them : so the invention was not theirs.

4
Odyssey, i. 280, vtf apo-as prri<nv IdKoaiv. iv.
669, dXX' dye fj.ot 56re 1/770,

6or]v Kal efaocr' eratpovs. ix. 322, offffov 6* Ivrbv 1/7765 tKO<r6poio /u.e\aivijs.

viii. 34 36, dXX' 076 vya /-cAcui/aj/ ep6<r<rotJ.ev eh a\a diav \ irpurbirXoov, Kotpw d
5i5w Kal irfVT^KovTd \
These fifty-two men would include
Kpivdcr6wv Kara drj/j-ov.

KeXeii<TT7^s and Kv^epvrjTTjs, leaving fifty to row with one to mark time and one to
steer ;for they are described as Kovpoi, not eptrai or eraipot, as otherwise was

customary.
5
Iliad, ii.
719, 720, eTrra vewv eptrai 5' ev eKdarr) irevr^KOVTa | e/u^/Saaai'.
509, 510, rCov fj.kv TTfvr^KOVTa i^es Klov ev 5t eicdoTfl | Kovpoi BOIWTUV Karbv Kal
fialvov. These hundred and twenty men, Kovpoi, would likewise include
and
 4 INCREASE OF THE BANKS OF OARS

There is nothing to shew when or where the ancients first

with a single bank of oars 6 But two-banked .

bmjtj wflr-shios
war-ships were certainly in use in Phoenicia about 700 B.C.,
for Phoenician war-ships are represented with two banks of
oars in Assyrian sculpture of that date, as in fgs. 10 and 11 :

and if three-banked war-ships were built in Egypt about

600 B.C., as Herodotos relates, they probably were in use
7
in Phoenicia at a somewhat earlier date .
According to
Thucydides, the first ships that were built by the Greeks for
use in warfare, were built about 700 B.C. at Corinth and at
Samos and the first three-banked war-ships that were built
;

for Greek fleets, were also built at Corinth but vessels of ;

that type were not built in large numbers by the Greeks until
8
V)
a little before 500 B.C., and then chiefly in Skily and Corfu .

6
Various traditions about them are quoted, or misquoted, by Pliny, vii. 57,
longa nave lasonem primum navigasse Philostephanus auctor est, Hegesias Para-
lum, Ctesias Semiramim, Archemachus ALgaonem ; biremem Damastes Erythraos
triremem Thucydides Aminoclem Corinthium, qiiadriremem Aristoteles
fecisse,

Carthaginienses, quinqrieremem Mnesigiton Salaminios, sex ordinum Xenagoras

Syracusios, ab ad decemremem Mnesigiton Alexandrum Magnum^ ad XII
ea
ordines Philostephanus Ptolemaum Soterem, ad xv Demetrium Antigoni, ad xxx
Ptolemaum Philadelphum, ad XL Ptolemaum Philopatorem .

7
Herodotos, ii.
159, Tra.vffdfji.fvos 5e rrjs diupvxos 6 Ne/ccbs erpdirero irpbs

<rrparT]tas, Kal rpnjpees at /te> eiri rrj fSopylri 6a\d(T0"r) ^TroLTjdrjffav, at 5' ev T

'Apa/Sty K6\ir(f}' Kal ratr-gal re exparo ev r dVoj/rt, K.r.X. Nekau reigned from
610 to 594 B.C., or thereabouts. Clemens Alexandrinus, stromateis, i. 16. 76,
TOJ^S re ^iSuivlovs (Trpwrous dicnK6afJi,v) rplKporov vavv KaraffKevdo-ai.
8
Thucydides, i.
13, vavTiicd re e77/>rtfero r) 'EXXas /cat TTJS da\da<rr)S fj.a\\ov
avrelxovTo. Trpuroi 5e Kopivdioi \yovrai eyytirara rou vvv rpbirov yueraxetp/crat
TO. Trepl ras vavs, Kal rpt^pets Trpurov ev KopLvdy T^S 'EXXaSos vavTnfjyr}67Jvai.
'

<t>alveTa.L de Kal Sabots 'A/ietvoicX^s ~K.opii>0tos vavn-rjybs vavs -rrot^ffas recraapas

07 5' earl yuaXtcrra rpiafc6(rta es TTJV T\evrT]v rovde rod TroX^tiou ore 'A/xetvo/cX^s

Sa^t^ots TjXflep.14, 6X^70^ re irpb rCjv M^St/cwv ai rou Aapeiov davdrov rpiripeis

ireplre 2iiKe\iav rots rvpavvois es TrX^os eyevovro Kal Kepxvpaiois' raOra yap
reXeurata irpb rfjs S^p^ou trrparetas vavriKa di6\oya iv rr\ 'EXXaSt Ka.re<STt].
AlyiVTJrai yap Kal 'A0r)vaioi Kal et rives aXXot jSpax^a e/c^/cr^i/ro, Kal rotrwv ra
TroXXa irevTT]Kovr6povs. cf. Diodoros, xiv. 42, aKotiuv yap 6 Aiovuaios ev Kopivdy
vavTrrjyrjdTJvaL rpi-f]pr) -rrpurov, /c.r.X. But while Diodoros says irp&rov ev KopLvdy,
Thucydides takes care to say -rrpurov ev KopLvdy TTJS 'EXXtiSos to save the priority
of the Thucydides can hardly mean that the Corinthians were
Phoenicians.

building three-banked ships three centuries before the peace of 404 B.C. The
allusion to their three-banked
ships is parenthetical. His meaning must be that
they were only then beginning to build war-ships of any sort. But, as to their
priority in this, see Herodotos, i.
163, oi 5e" ^w/cat^es oSrot vavri\iyffi /xa/cp^<rt
 FROM TWO UP TO SEVEN. 5

For more than two hundred years the three-banded ships

were the largest war-ships afloat but at length the system :

of successive banks was tested thoroughly. The extant

fragments of the inventories of the Athenian dockyards merely
shew 9 that ships of four banks were first built there shortly
before 330 B.C. and ships of five banks in 325 B.C. But
10
according to Diodoros ships of four and five banks were
built the Syracusan fleet in 398 B.C., five-banked ships
for
11
being then built for the first time and according to ^Elian ;

there were ships of five and six banks in that fleet forty years
later. Pliny states that ships of four and five and six banks'
were built at Chalcedon and Salamis and Syracuse respec-J
first
j

tively and then Alexander the Great made the advance to

;

ten banks
12
A whole fleet of seven-banked ships was built by
.

'

Trpiirot 'EXXrjvuv CXP 7?' ai ro '

>
KC" T ^v T 'ASpiijj/ Kal TTJV Tvpff-rjvi-rjv Kal TT\V
'
Kal rbv TiapTrjffbv OVTOI etVt ol Karade^avres eva\)Ti\\ovro Be ov ffTpoyyti\ri<ri
dXXa TrevTrjKovTepoitri. Herodotos, however, may only mean that the Phocaeans
were the first Greeks to employ these war-ships on trading voyages and thus defy
the piracy in the Western Mediterranean.
y
Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 807, col. b, 11. 76 79, rerp^peis
d' fa fiev rots

vewpiois Trapedo/j-ev Pill, fa ir\$ de A 'Apt<TTO<t>uvTos apxovros, 330/329 B.C.:

no. 809, col. d, 11. 87 91, rcrpripeis 5' fa pv rots vewpLois Tra.ptdofJ.ev AAAAUI
'

Kal Trevrripeis PI fa TrXy PI

I, rerpripeis AVTIK\COVS dpxovros, 325/324 B.C.
5' I

Ships of four and five banks are not previously mentioned in these lists. There
is a list for the year before 325/324, no. 808, col. d, 11. 22
39 but none at present ;

for the years immediately before 330/329. The first eighteen four-banked ships
probably were built in two or three years, as the next thirty-two were built in five
years besides seven five-banked ships ; so the Athenians probably built their first

four-banked ship in 331 or 332 B.C.

10
Diodoros, xiv. 42, rfp^aro de (Atoi'i/crios) vavTrrjyeiaOai rerpTjpeis Kal TrevTrjpiKa
0"K(i0?7, TrpcDros Tavrrjv TT]V KaracrKev^v rdov ve&v e7rt^o^o"as. cf. 41, Siepoetro yap
KO.Ta.ffKeva.aai vaCs rerpripeis Kal TrevrTjpets, ovdtirft) /car' eKeivovs roi)s Xp6?OUS (Txd^OV>
wevTTjpiKOv vevavTnjyrj/ji.frov. 44, aTr^aretXei' irevrrip'ri, wpurov vevavTnjyrj/ji.&rji'.
11
/Elian, variae historic^, vi. 12, vavs fj.ev eK^KTrjTo (Aiovtifftos 6 detirepos) OVK
^Xdrrous TUV TerpaKOfflw, e^/oets Kal Tre^r^pets '
ireG)v de 5vvajj.iv els 5^/ca /ii/ptdSas,

iTTTrets 5e cf^ea/ctcrxtX/ous. Diodoros, xvi. mentions these forces in narrating the

9,
events of 357 B.C., so /Elian is probably referring to that date but Diodoros says :

nothing about the size of the ships.

12
Pliny, vii. 57, already quoted in note 6. cf. Clemens Alexandrinus, stro-

mateis, i. 16. 75, Ka/)xrj56ftot 6e TrpcDroi rerpripr] KaTecrKei>a<rav, evavTrriyTjffe d

avrrjv B6cnropos, where the allusion Bosporos shews that Chalcedon is meant,
to
not Carchedon or Carthage. The common spelling, Calchedon for Chalcedon,
would induce the error.
6 INCREASE OF THE BANKS OF OARS

Alexander on the Euphrates in 323 B.C., according to Quintus

Curtius : but the other biographers of Alexander nowhere

13
mention ships of more than five banks According to .

Diodoros, there were ships of six and seven banks in the

fleet of Demetrios Poliorcetes at the battle off Cyprus in

306 B.C., banks in the fleet of his

but none of more than five

opponent, Ptolemy Soter; while there had been a few ships

of nine and ten banks in a fleet formed in 314 B.C. by
Antigonos, the father of Demetrios, though apparently no
14
other ships in that fleet were of more than five banks .

Pliny states that ships of twelve and fifteen banks were built
by Ptolemy and Demetrios respectively and a fifteen-banked :

ship is ascribed to Ptolemy by Pollux

15
An eleven-banked .

13
Quintus Curtius, x. i. 19, igitur Mesopotamia pratoribus imperavit (Alex-
ander] materia in Libano monte casa devectaque ad urbem Syria "J'hapsacum,
septingentarum carinas navium ponere: septiremes omnes esse, deducique Baby-
loniam. Cypriorum regibus imperatum, ut ccs stuppamque et vela praberent.
The statements of Aristobulos, who was present, are cited by Arrian, anabasis,
/cat TO vavn-
vii. 19, /carAajSe 5e ('AX^avdpos) ev Ba/3uXu)j>t, cos Xe^et 'AptaT6/3ovXos,
'
KOV TO fj.j> /card Tbv Ev^pdTrjv iroTafWV dvaTre-rrXevKOS CLTTO 0a\d<rar]S TTJS IIepo-i/c?}s'

r6 5e e/c foa^/CTjs dpa/ce/coyiucr/xeVoj', TrepT^pets /u,ei>

duo r&v e/c $>oivlKdov, rerp^peis 5e
'

rpets, rpi77pets 5e 5w5exa, Tpia.KOVT6povs 5e e's

Tptd/covra rairras ^WT/j.ijdeia'as KO/JU-

iirl TOV EvcppaTyv TTOTa/j.6v e/c QoiViKys e's

Q6.\^a.KOV irb\iv, e/ce? 5^ ^v/j.Trrjxdeio'as
Kara7rXeO(rai Ba/SiAwva.
e's X^ei 5e 6'rt /cai aXXos aury evavTrrjyeiTO oroXos
rds Tas iv TT/ Ba/3uXw^t{t. Also by Strabo, xvi. i. n, rd TrXota
KV7rctpi<r<rovs

K^Trpy vavjr^ rio'd[j.evov didXvTa re /cai yo/x,0wra., a KO/M-

<
v QoiviKr] re /cat /

eis Qd^atfov ffTad^ols eTrrd elra r<y Trora/uy /cara/co/iKT^^at jJ^XP 1 Ba/SuXw^os,
rd 5' tv Ty Ba/3vXwi//a av^-r^a.^f.vov TUV ev TOLS d'Xcrea-i /cat rots 7rapa5ecrois KVTrapiT-

TUV. And probably also by Plutarch, Alexander, 68, /cat TrXota TravTodaTrd irepi

Qd\l/aKov ew^yuvTo. These statements shew that Curtius has confounded the ships
that were built on the Euphrates with those other ships that were brought over in
sections from Phoenicia; and sufficiently disprove his assertion that this fleet
consisted entirely of seven-banked ships. But possibly the word septiremes stands
for some word like solutiles denoting that the ships were in sections.
14
Diodoros, xx. 49, el^e 5e (UroXe/xatos) rds Trdcras ^aCs jua/cpds e/caroi' /cat

rerrapd/coi'Ta TOIJTWV 5' TJV i) /meylffTf] TrevTrjpijs, i] 5' eXa^tor?; rerpTyp^s. 50, ai)ros
5e (A?;/i?7Tptos) e/crd|as rds ^aus diryvTa rots TroXe/xiots, ^x wv T ^ s <*7rd(ras 6/crco irXelovs
r&v Ka.TOv crijv rats TrXT/pw^etcrats e/c TU>V ^wp/wj' T&V XrjtydfVTW '
TOVTUV 5' TJ<rai> at

^yi.ffTa.1 fj.ev eTTTTypets, at TrXetarat 5e Trevr^pets. Kal r6 fJL^v evwvv/mov /ce'pas eTretxoi'
'

eTTT^petj p.V eTrrd ^ou/t/cwi', rerpTjpets 5e rptd/coj/ra TWV A^Tjj/atwj/ ewLirXovs Se

TOVTOLS%Taev e^pets 5^/ca /cai Trej/TTjpets dXXas rocrairras, K.T.\. Speaking of the
two hundred and forty war-ships collected by Antigonos, he says, xix. 62, TOVTUV
5' r)<rav rerp^pets yitej/ evevrjK.ot'Tu,, vrej/r^pets 5e 5e/ca, evvrjpeis 5e rpets, 5eM7pets 5e 5^/ca.

&(ppaKToi. 5e rptd/coj/ra. The rest presumably had the normal three banks.
 FROM SEVEN UP TO SIXTEEN.

ship unquestionably was built by Demctrios, for the fact is

mentioned by Theophrastos, a contemporary whose position

16
secured him most trustworthy information She was built .

in Cyprus and therefore after the naval victory in 306 B.C.,

;

which made Demetrios master of the island and its timber.

17
According to Plutarch Demetrios had a thirteen-banked ,

ship in 301 B.C., and built ships of fifteen and sixteen banks
in 288 B.C. And there certainly was a ship of sixteen banks
in the Macedonian fleet a century afterwards. She was
expressly mentioned in the treaty with the Romans in
197 B.C. her arrival in the Tiber in 167 B.C. was a memor-
:

able event and she afterwards gave her name to one of the
;

docks at Rome 18
.

15
Pliny, vii. 57, already quoted in note 6. Pollux, i.
83, /cat
'

vavs, Trei'TeKai.deKrjpTjs' Kal Kvnybvov, Tpidp/j.evos. For the meaning of

see note 124 on p. 54.
16
Theophrastos, historia plantarum, v. 8. i, tv Kinrpt^ yovv OVK trep-vov ol

/SaatXetj (TO, devdpa) d/xa jj,ev rypovvres Kal rap.Levbp.evoi. d/xa de /cat did rb

dv<TK6/Ju.ffrov elvai. fATJKOS /j.ev riv rCjv ets TT\V evdeKrjpr) rr\v Arjfj^rjrpLov rfJLf]6ivrwv

rpiffKaideKadpyviov, avra de rd tfXa ry yu.7y/cei 6avfj,a<rrd Kal d'oa Kal Xeta. This is

repeated by Pliny, xvi. 76, with some exaggerations.

17
Plutarch, Demetrius, 31, 6 yovv Aj^rptos rbre trpoaeire^e rots 'A.dr)vaiois
iyKoXuv ^erptws, a&uv 5e ras vavs airoXafidv, ev als rjv Kal i] Tpt<TKaideKr)p-r]S. cf. 30,
Kal yap Kal vavs e/cet Kal xp^ara Kal yvvaiKa Myxave /caraXeXotTrws. 32, irpdrepov
ULCV 2Aei;/cos e<TTid<ras twl (TKrjvrjs iv T^ o-rparoTr^Sy A^^rptoj', avdis 5e ATj^rptos
y TpurKaideKripei Se^d/ievos. 43, crroXov 5e ve&v a/j,a wevTaKocrluv Kara-
rds fj^v ev Heipaiei rpbireis ^ero, rds de ev Koplvdy, rds 5e iv XaX/dfo,
rds de wepl lltXXav, avrbs iiriuv e/cao-rax^cre Kal Si.8a<iKuv a. XPV Kal <rvvTexvu/j.vos,
eKTrXrjTTOfj.evuv airavruv ov rd irX^d-r) phvov dXXd Kal ra peyid-rj TUV tpywv ovdels

yap elder avdp&Trwv afire TrevTeKaLdeKrjpT) vavv irpbrepov ovre eKKaideK'rjpTj. cf.

20, KCU rds fj-ev KKai5(Kr)peis avrov Kal rds Tre^Te/catSe/fTypets idav^a^ov eorwres ol
iroXt/juoi irapa TT\V yrjv avr&v irXeovffas, K.r.X.
18
This treaty is cited by Polybios, xviii. 27, rd 5' at'xAtdXcora /cat TOUS auro/i6Xoi;s
dVa^ras d7roKarao-r?7(rat $l\nrirov 'Pw/xatots iv rots ai)rots \p^ vo ^
'
ofJ-olus dt Kal rds

KarafipaKTOVs vavs, ir\T]t> irivre aKa<puv Kal rrjs e/c/cat5e/c??pous, and by Livy, xxxiii.

30, captivos transfugasque reddere Philippum Komanis, et naves omnes tectas

tradere prater quinque et regiam unam inhabilis prope

magnitudinis, quam
sexdedm versus remorum agebant. The arrival in the Tiber is described by

Plutarch, yEmilius Paulus, 30, avir\L rbv Quj3pii> irora^bv iirl rijs /Sao-tXt/c^s

CKKaideKrjpovs KareffKevaa-^vTjs ets K6ff/J.ov oVXois at'x/iaXwrots Kal (poiviKiffi Kal

irop<pupais, d?s Kal Travrjyvplfav Qudev Kaddirep ets rtva dpiafifiiKijs diav
Kal irpoairoXaveLv roi>s 'Pw/xatows ry podiy crxtdTjv virdyovn TT]V vavv avrL
701/ras, and also by Livy, 35, Paulus ipse post dies paucos regia nave
xlv.

ingentis magnitudinis quam sexdedm -versus remorum agebant, ornata Mace*

>
 8 INCREASE OF THE BANKS OF OARS

War-ships of still greater size are ascribed to Ptolemy

Philadelphos and Ptolemy Philopator, who ruled Egypt from
285 to 247 B.C. and from 222 to 204 B.C. respectively. Athe-
naeos states that, besides various ships of thirteen banks or
less, Philadelphos had one ship of twenty banks and two of

thirty banks, while Philopator built a ship of forty banks;

and he quotes a long account of this ship from Callixenos of
Rhodes 19 Plutarch states that Philopator built a ship of
.

forty banks, and then describes her in the phrases employed

20
by Athenaeos, so that he is also quoting from Callixenos .

Pliny states independently, on the authority of Philostephanos

of Cyrene, that Philadelphos and Philopator built ships of

thirty and forty banks respectively

21
And these amazing .

statements have partly been confirmed by an inscription that

was unearthed a few years ago in the temple of Aphrodite
at Paphos in Cyprus, namely, a dedication by the reigning

donicis spoliis 11011

insignium tantum armorum sed etiam regiorum textiliiiin,
adverso Tiberi ad urbem est subvectus, completis ripis obviam
effusa multitudine,
both authors doubtless copying the lost description by Polybios, who was in
Rome soon afterwards and knew Paulus intimately, cf. Eutropius, iv. 8, Roinani
cum ingenti pompa rediit (Paulus) in nave Persei, qu<z inusitat<z uiagnitudinis
fttisse traditur, adeo ut sexdeciin ordines dicatur habuisse remorum. The dock is

mentioned by Polybios, xxxvi. 3, 81 o3 TrapaKOfjucrOcvTes d<r0aXws ets Trjv 'Pw/^i/,

avveK\dffdr)<rav 6/J.ov Trdvrcs ei's r6 7-775 e/c/cat5e/c?jpous veupiov.
19
Athenaeos, v. 36, TroXXtDv 5' 6 ^tXdSeX^os irXoiJTy Ste^epe, Kal Trepi
/ScurtXe'aw
iravra e'cTTTOfo'd/cet TO, /caratr/cevdo-yuara 0tXo-riyUa>s, wore Kal -rrXoiuv Tr\r]6ei iravras

u7repe'/3aXXe. rd 701?*' ^te^tcrra T&V ir\oi(av rjv Trap' ai)ry TpiaKOvrripeiS 8vo, eiKoarjpijs

fj^ia, r^crcrapes TpLffKaideKrjpeis, dajdeicfjpeis dvo, eitdeicrjpeis TeeffapeaKaideKa, evvrjpeis

rpidKovra, /c.r.X. 37, Irrel 8e Trepi ve&v KaraaKevrjs elpr^KafJiev , (pep" dirw^v /cat TO,

v-rrb TOU $tXo7rdro/)os /fa(TiX^ws KareffKeuacr^va GK&tyt} '

uv 6 auros KaXXi^evos
irepl

iffTOpel iv T<#7rpt6ry Hepi 'A\e%av8peias ourwcrt Xeywv rrjv TecrcrapaKovTripr) vavv

KareffKeva&ev 6 ^tXoTrdrw/), /c.r.X. The date of Callixenos cannot be fixed. A
certain Callixenos held some high office at Rhodes about 100 B.C., for his name is

found on Rhodian coins of that period : but there is nothing to shew that he was
the historian.
20
Plutarch, Demetrius, 43, dXX' varepov TcaaapaKOVTrip-r] IlroXe/Aatos 6 <iXo7rdrw/>
evavTrrjyrjcraTO, fj-rJKOS 5iaKO<riwv oydorjKoi'Ta rrrjx&v, v\f/os 5e ^a?s aKpotrroXLov Trevr^-

Kovra dvew dedvTUV, vaurais 5 xwpis epeT&v e^rjpTv/Jievrjv rerpaKoaiots, ^peYcus 5e

X W P' S ^^ TOVTUV OTrXiras dexo[jiei>T)v iiri re rdv TrapoSuv /cat row
rerpa/ctaxtXtots,

Karao-TpufMTOS oXiyy rpto-xtXtwj/ aTrodtovras. cf. Athenseos, v. 37, TO /JITJKOS fyovcraj'

diaKO<riuv oydoTjKOvra Trrjxu>i>...ij^QS 5 eus d/cpocrroXiou TeaaapaKovra OKTCJ Trrjx^v...

ed^aro eperas TrXeiovs T&V rer/)a/ct(rxtXtw^, ets 5e rds vTnjpeffias TerpaKoaiovs '
els 5e
r6 KaTaaTpufj.a eTrt/Sdras T/HcrxiXtous, aTroS^o^ras e/caroi' /cat Trej/
 TO TWENTY AND THIRTY OR FORTY. 9

)lemy of the statue of a man who is there described as the

hitect of the thirty-banked ship
22
There may have been a .

ty-banked ship but Callixenos seems quite untrustworthy

:

23
in his According to Diodoros
account of her. Sesostris ,

ilt a sacred barge upon the Nile two hundred and eighty

cubits in length and numerous representations shew, as in

:

fg. 3, that these sacred barges

were vessels of light draught
with curiously elevated stems and sterns. Now, according to
Callixenos, the length of the forty-banked ship was two
hundred and eighty cubits, the draught was under four cubits,
and the height of the terminal ornaments at the stem and
24
the stern was forty-eight and fifty-three cubits respectively .

These measurements must belong to one of those sacred

barges, probably to the one mentioned by Diodoros and :

such a barge could not possibly have forty banks of oars.

31
Pliny, vii. 57, already quoted in note 6. Athenaeos says that Philoste-

phanos was a friend or follower of Callimachos, viii. 3, KaXXt/udxou 5 yvupi^os,

and Callimachos died about 240 B.C.
-2 vol.
This inscription is printed in the Journal of Hellenic Studies, ix, p.

255 :
B]acrtXei>s llroXe/^atos Hvpy]oTt\Tjv ZUTJTOS dpx<-TeKTOvr]<r[ai>Ta TTJV rpiaKov-
|
\

rrjp-r)
Kail ei/e[ocr?7/3?7. The term dpx^KTwv was often applied to naval-architects :

5' apx^KTovas 6 STJ/AOS ewl rds

Aristotle, res publica Atheniensium, 46, xetpoTOpei
vavs, cf. Athenoeos, v. 40, Diodoros, iv. 41.
23 TT\OLOV KtSpivov rb
Diodoros, i.
57, evavjrrjyrjvaTO 5t (Secr6wcris) /cat ptv JJLTJKOS

TTTJXWJ' SiaKOffluv /ecu dydorjKOVTa, rr)v 5' irL<pdi>ei.av %x oit T V t^ v w0/ iirixpvffov ,

TT]v 8' Zvdodev KaT^yvpufj^v^v /ecu TOUTO fJ.ev av^drfKe T$ 0e ry /u-ctXicrra iv Qrifiais

TifMu/jifry, /c.r.X. This statement is not incredible. According to the Harris

papyrus plate 7, line 5, in Birch's facsimile Ramessu III provided the great

god at Thebes with a vessel of cedar- wood, decorated with bronze and gold,
and a hundred and thirty cubits in length.
a4
Athenseos, v. 37, rr\v Teaa-apaKOVT-rjpri vavv /carecr/ceyacre^ 6 4>iXo7raTa;/>, rb
^x ova av SiaKoaiwv dydorjKovra Trrix&v, (J/cra; 5^ Kal rpiaKovra airb irap6dov
'

/J.TJKOS

O/CTW Trrjx&v, airb 5e TUV

e-rri
TrdpoSo?/, if^oj 5^ ^ws d/cpocrroX/oi; recrcra/act/fOJ/ra

d(f)\dcrTuv eiri rb wpbs ry daXdwr] (Mtpos avrijs rpets irpbs TO?S

irpv/JLvriTi.Kui>

TrevTrjKovTa 7ri7X ets vcrrepov de rdv dirb ^OLvlKrjs rts eTrei>6ri<re TT]V Ka.do\Krjv,

rd(f)pov inroffT^crd^evos tvrjv TTJ vijl /caret /XTJ/COS, r\v ir\r](rlot> TOV Xi/x^os upve.
TOI>S de/j.e\iovs /car(f>/co56^7;cre Xtc^y crrepe^ irpbs irtvre 7nJx ets T ^ fiddos,
did TOVTWV (pd\ayyas eTri/capcrias /card TrXdros TTJS rdfppov Stwcras <rvvX&,
s /3dc?os T&iroj> aTroXiTroi/cras. /cat Troikas efopovv dirb TTJS 6a\dffarjy

tvewXrjaev aur^s Trd^ra rbv opvxd^ra rd-rrov, eis 8v paStws dirb TUV TVX^VTUV
dvdpuv elo-rjyaye TTJV vavv. As the ship was floated into the dock, and the dock
was only four cubits in depth, the ship must have drawn less than four cubits of
water.
 10 SIZE AND WEIGHT OF THE OARS.

According to Callixenos, the longest oars on the alleged

forty-banked ship were thirty-eight ciitSTs in length, the
extreme breadth of the ship also being thirty-eight cubits, or
v ^

fifty-seven feet. And he adds that they were weighted with

inboard to balance the excessive length outboard but :

this may safely be referred to the sacred barge

statement
from which he has evolved his ship, as some such weights
are represented on the steering-oars of the sacred barge in

fg. 3, and none are elsewhere

ascribed to any ancient war-
25
ship' The oars of a three-banked ship must all have been
.

of very moderate size and weight for a crew could make a ;

forced march when each man was carrying his oar and its
26
appurtenances In war-ships there were always as many
.

growers as oars : but in some smaller vessels the oars were

27
light enough to be sculled in pairs .

Of the two hundred oars 28 which an Athenian three-banked

ship carried for her crew of two hundred men, a hundred and
seventy belonged to the three banks, while the remaining
thirty VfQTZ perinedi a term which also denoted the men who
29
did not row in the banks . These thirty men must have
worked these thirty oars from above the upper decking, for
25
Athenseos, v. 37, Tr^SdXta 5' el^e r^rrapa rpta/covraTnfo;?;, /cwTras 5 0pai>m/cds
6/crd; /cat TpidKovra irrix&v rds fj-eyiaras, at, 5td rb fj.6\vpdov 2x LV e(/ T0 ' s 7x;eipt5iois
/cat yeyovtvai \iav etcrw /Sapetat /card TT\V ^vyuffiv, evr/peis VTrrjpxov eirl TTJS %petas.
The extreme breadth of the ship is determined by the words already quoted in
note 24, 6/crtb 5^ /cai rptd/covra (TT^UJJ') dirb irap68ov eVi irdpodov.
~6
Thucydides, ii.
93, e56/cet 6 \afibvTa r&v VOLVT&V e/cacrroi' TTJV KUTT-^V /cat

rb VTrrjptatov /cat rbv TpoiruTTjpa ire^y ttvcu e'/c

KopivQov eVt rty irpbs 'A6rjvas
6d\a(r<rai>, /cat d<j>iKOfj.tvovs Kara raxes es M^apa, Ka9e\KixravTas e'/c Ntaa/as rou
vewpiov O.VTUV reaa-apaKovra va.vs at ZTVXOV avrbdi o?Vat, TrXei/crat ev6vs eVt rbv

Iletpata.
27
Thucydides, iv. 67, a/carto? dfj.^pLKbv ws X^crrat eiw6ecrav eirl d/tid^u 5td rfjs

rd<ppov KaraKO/jiifeiv rvjs WKrbs iiri rty 6d\aa<rav /cat e/CTrXetJ', cf. Leonidas of
Tarentum, in the Anthology, vi. 4. 6, /cat roi>s e d/cdrwi' dixdadiovs e/^ras.
Lucian, Charon, i, eyu d irpea'^VT'rjs <Jov TIJV diKwiriav ep^rru //,6vos. Aristo-

phanes, ecclesiazusse, 1091, TTWS oftv 8iKUTreti> d^orepas 5w?j<ro/xai ; Synesios,

epistolse, p. /ceX^ou Stcr/cdX/iou. Cicero, de oratore, i. 38, citius
165, riKev iiri

hercule is, qui duorum scalmorum naviculam in portu everterit> in Euxino ponto

Argonautarum navem gubernarit. Livy, xxiv. 40, legati venerunt nuntiantes

Philippum priinum Apolloniam tentasse, lembis biremibus centum viginti flumine
adverse subvecium, deinde etc., cf. Virgil, georgics, i. 201, 202, qui adverso vix
flumine lembum \ remigiis subigit.
 OARS FOR SHIPS OF THREE BANKS. II

ere certainly was not any space for them below. As

for theother hundred and seventy oars, sixty-two of these
belonged to the upper bank, and fifty-four to each of the
lower banks yet fifty-eight, as the mean between fifty-four
:

and sixty-two, would naturally be the number of oars for the

middle bank. In the earliest two-banked ships with a hundred
30
and eighteen rowers there clearly were fifty-eight in the
lower bank and sixty in the upper bank, the lower oars being
inserted in the spaces between the tholes on a sixty-oared

ship. Apparently two oars were added, whereby the upper

bank obtained four oars more than the bank below, and then
a third bank was added with four oars less than the bank
above a three-banked ship therefore requiring a hundred
;

and seventy-four rowers. And the Athenians perhaps found

afterwards thatmore hands were needed for other purposes,
and diminished the number of rowers rather than increase the
crew and thereby complicate their estimates for pay; for with
a crew of exactly two hundred men a talent a month a ship
gave a drachm a day a man, thirty mnas a month a ship gave
31
three obols a day a man, and so forth .

28 no. 797, col. a, 11. 17 6

Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, 24, col. b, 11. 13,
11. 10 18
24 31, col. c, 11.
39 46, no. 798, col. a, 17, 27 34, col. b, 11. 25,
no. 800, col. a, 11.
52 59, giving a total of two hundred oars in the last seven

instances, KUTTCU QpavLrides RAN, firyuu FINN, 0aXci/uai Flllll, Trepivey AAA,
and doubtless in the first instance also, although the mason has there cut FlAIIII
for RAII, presumably by repetition of the III from the ends of the adjacent I

lines. The full numbers occur elsewhere in the extant fragments of the in-
ventories, but not in groups that give a total. Lower numbers often occur, as
many oars were missing.
- !)
Thucydides, i. 10, avreperat. 5e OTI rjffav Kal /xd%t/xoi iravTts, iv rats $I\OKTTITOV
vaval ("O/XT/pos) dedrjXwKev ro6ras yap iravras TreTrofy/ce TOVS TrpoffKibirovs.
'

ireplveus
8 OVK et/cos 7roXXoi)s l;Vfj.Tr\eiv w r&v fiaaiXtuv Kai r&v /idXiOTa iv r^Xei. cf. .

Procopios, de bello Vandalico, i. n, quoted in note 45 on p. 17. Dion Cassius,

xlix. i, Kal TOVS 5ou\ovs TOVS TpiypLras fjXevd^puae, TOVS re Treplveus es TO TOV

'AvTuviov vavTiKbv dXiyavdpovv /car^rae'.

M
'

on
Iliad, ii.
509, 510, already quoted in note 5 p. 3.
31 r
Thucydides, vi. 31, TOV ptv 5-rj^oaiov dpa.xfJ>-W TTJS i]/j.tpas vctirrfl Ka<TT(f
diSovTos Kal vavs Trapaax^TOS Kaivas e^-fjKOVTa. Taxdas TeaffapaKovTa dt OTrXira-
fjLtv

7uryous, cf. 8, e^Kovra rdXafra a<rr)(J.ov dpyvpLov us es e^KOVTa va.vs fj.t]t>6s nurdbv.
Xenophon, Hellenica, i.
5. 5 7, 6 5 (K0/>os) KciXcDs p.tv tyy avTous \eyetv, ov
5' tlvai irap a /3a(TtXei)s eV^a'TeiXei' ayry AXXa irotflv. elvat 5t Kal ras
 12 OARS FOR SHIPS OF FOUR BANKS

The number of oars in the four-banked ships is nowhere

recorded : but in the inventories of the Athenian dockyards a

complete set is valued at six hundred and sixty-five drachms.
If every bank was intended to contain four oars more than
the bank below, a four-banked ship could carry sixty-six oars
in her upper bank and, including thirty perineoi, would thus
;

have two hundred and sixty-six altogether. This number

gives exactly two drachms and a half for each oar, while the
neighbouring numbers give improbably complicated prices :

and that price seems highly probable, for condemned oars

were then being sold for two drachms apiece, and timbers
32
bought for three drachms apiece to make new oars The .

five-banked ships in the Roman and Carthaginian fleets in

256 B.C. each carried three hundred rowers besides the com-
1
33
batants With fifty-four oars in the lowest bank and four
.

more in each succeeding bank, a five-banked ship would have

three hundred and ten oars in the banks, and therefore three
hundred rowers approximately or perhaps exactly, if here

(rvi>9r)Kas cirrus e%otf(ras, TpidKovra e/cd<rr77 rov 07r6<ras av

ju.t>as vrjl ft-rjvbs did6vat,
rptcpeiv Aa.Kedaifji,6i>ioi. 6 5 Ati<rav5pos r6re ^ev eaiuirricre' yuerd 5 rb
tirei aur Trpo-rriuv o Kvpos -fjpfro rl av /xaXiora xa/x'^otTO TTOIWJ', elirev

OTI Et Trpos rbv luaQbv e/cd<rry j/atfrT? ofioKbv irpoffdei^. K 5^ Totirov Ttrrapes 6/3oXoi
rfv 6 fju<r66s, Trpbrepov 5^ jpLuftoXov.
32
Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 809, col. c, 11. 210 214, wapa,

rappov TerprjpiTiKOv aireKa^o^v FHRAP, 8v ?\a(3ev eiri

Zpyov, 11.
215 225, Trapa Avvaviov 2owt^ws...rappou apyov, 5v OVK
v, & ^X^ v &v A-rj/Midrjt eiffeirpiaTO, a.Tre\dpo/j.v> HHHHAP,
cf. col. b, 11. 115, 116, rappovs rer^petj, oOs A^yttdS^s dffeTrplaro.
etri The first
payment is
apparently in full ; but the second must be merely on account, the
round sum of 250 drachms remaining due, for the oars would be worth more than
415 drachms, even when condemned. Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 803, col. c,
11.
129139, E00wos Aa^Trrpei/s, ra/itas yevbpevos TpiypoTroiKuv eiri 'Apxiov apxov-
TOJ, XXXI Hj aTroXa^Swj' /ca-Tras trap rj/u^uv e/c roO vewpiov rCjv ira.paode(.a'G)v, u>v

avrbs clfffyeyKei', d5o/c^ous x ^'as 6/cra/cocrias, no. 122

i
811, col. c, 11. 128, roi)j
TWJ/ j/ew/otwj/ e'Tri/AeX^rds TOVS
e0' 'Ryr)<riov apxovros dvaypdij/ai SwTroXtj/ a7ro5e5w/c6ra
TUV Kuirtwv e/cdo-rou hhh 5/oax/ids rwv dffevfjvey^vwv aury et's r6 veupiov. These
KWTrets were the rough.
KUTTO.I in
13
Poly bios states that 330 Roman ships fought 350 Carthaginian ships at
the battle of Ecnomos in 256 B.C., and that these were five-banked
ships,
i. 25, 'Pw/wuoi fiev TpidKovra /cat TptaKOffLais /xa/cpcus vav<rl /cara0/jd/crots,
 AND FIVE BANKS AND EIGHT BANKS. 13

rain some of the banks were not fully manned. Subse-

juently the rowers in such five-banked ships were reckoned
34
roughly at four hundred And an increase in the number .

of oars was certainly to be expected for under that system :

of constructing every bank for four oars more than the bank
below, the lower banks would prove disproportionately short
in ships of ten or sixteenbanks so that some new system ;

rould be devised for these larger ships, and then applied in

course of time to the five-banked ships and possibly to the
three-banked ships themselves. Nothing is known for certain
about the number or arrangement of the oars in ships of more
than five that as early as 280 B.C. there was
banks. It is said

an eight-banked ship in the fleet of Heracleia on the Black

Sea with a hundred rowers in each file, and consequently
eight hundred on each side, or sixteen hundred altogether.
Thus, at least, Photios transcribes Memnon but the multi- :

plication of the numbers reads like a gloss of his own and ;

these files must be the banks themselves, not the lines of

SOVLOI 8 irevr^KovTO. Ka.1 rpiaKocrlais vaval Kara0pd/crotj, i.

63, jjuKpip \dirovcr w
eTrTaKoatois cr/cd0e<rt irevTTjpiKois ^vav^d^ffav irpbs dXX^Xous. He calculates that
the Romans had about 140,000 men afloat, reckoning 300 rowers and 120
combatants for each ship, i. 26, KO! rb ^v rjv a-rpdrev/jia TOVTUV TTJS
(njfj.irav

vavTtKTjs Swaged)? irepl Turret/Das Kal 5^/ca fj.vpid8as' ws av eKdcrrrjs tdiqi ve&s

Xa/A/3aj>oi5(T77y eptras pev TpiaKoaiovs, ^7n/3dras 5e e/carcV IKO<TI. And he estimates

that the Carthaginians had over 150,000 men afloat, judging by the number
of their ships, i. 26, r6 ye /J.T]V Tr\rj9os avrCsv Jjv inrep TrevreKatdeKa /ut,vpiddas,
/caret rbv T&V ve&v \6yov. He therefore reckons a Carthaginian crew at practically
the same figure as a Roman crew.
34
Pliny, xxxii. i, cum <? tota classe quinqueremis sola non proficeret, exsilientibus
protinus qui qucererent circa navem, invenere (auspicalem piscicuhim} adhczrentem
gubernaculo, ostendenmtque Gaio, indignanti hoc fuisse quod se revocaret, quad-
ringentortimque remigum obsequio contra se intercederet. cf. Silius Italicus, xiv.

384 388, medias inter sublimior ibat terribilis visit puppis, qua nulla per
|

omne egressa est Libycis maior navalibus ovum : nam quater hcec centum
| \

mimeroso remige pontum pulsabat tonsis. Silius and Pliny were contemporary
|
:

but Pliny is speaking of a ship of 40 A.D., and Silius of a ship of 212 B.C. The
Romans captured a seven-banked ship from the Carthaginians at the battle of
Mylse in 260 B.C. and Silius must have known this, for the capture is recorded on
;

the Columna Rostrata of Duilius: see Corp. Inscr. Latin, vol. i, no. 195. Silius
is therefore
allowing 400 rowers for a ship of seven banks at least and this allow- :

ance seems too small, seeing that there were then 300 rowers on a ship of five

banks.
14 OARS ON TRANSPORTS FOR CAVALRY.
35
rowers, for a bank of two hundred oars is beyond belief .

On the forty-banked ship, if Callixenos may be believed,

there were about four thousand rowers and therefore upon ;

36
the average a hundred rowers for every bank of oars In .

both these cases the total seems to be deduced from a state-

ment that there were a hundred oars in every bank and :

such statements might not be strictly true, for ships of a

single bank were sometimes said grandiloquently to have
a hundred oars, although they never had more than fifty or
37
sixty .

The two hundred oars of an Athenian three-banked ship

were reduced to sixty when she was employed as a transport
for cavalry. She then carried thirty horses; or a horse for
each of the thirty spaces between the tholes of the upper
bank 38 hold being now required for the horses, the
. The
oars in the banks could not be worked for want of space,
and the oars above the upper decking would alone be avail-

35
Memnon, Fr. 13, apud Photium, p. 2-26, rjcrav 5' ev airrcus aXXat re Kal TTJS

HpaK\das at /leraVeyUTTTOi, e^jypets re Kal Trevriypets Kal a0/m/croi, Kal d/mypT/s ju.la i)

AeovTO(f)6pos KaXou/ieV?;, fj.ey8ovs eW/ca Kal Kd\\ovs TjKOV(ra eis 6av/u.a' v ra^Tfj yap
Ka.rbv jj-kv avdpes IZKOLCFTOV aroi^ov TjperTOV, cos dxraKOffiovs etc
dartpov /x.e'/oous yevtadai,
e*
Kar^p(i}v 5e xtXtous /cat e^aKOcrtovs, ol 5e aTrb rCov KaraaTpw^arwv y aa%77cr6 u.evot
/

X^Xtot Kal 5ta/c6<rtot, Kal Kvj3epi>7jrai 8to. The sixteenth book of Memnon's history
ended with 46 B.C., and that book was not the last, cf. Photios, pp. 239, 240; so
he probably lived some generations later. Photios made his transcript about
850 A.D. He clearly takes 0To?%os to mean a line of rowers ; but in the
passage quoted in note 43 on p. 16, Aristeides uses o-rotxos to denote a bank
of oars, and he was probably a contemporary of Memnon. The credi-
bility of the figures is not enhanced by the statement about the combatants. A
ship of eight banks would hardly carry 1200 at a time when ships of five banks
carried only 120: see note 33.
38
Athenaeos, v. 37, and Plutarch, Demetrius, 43, both quoted already in note
20 on p. 8.
37
Pollux, i. 82, fKardvTopos, TrevrTjKdi'Topos, rpta/c6^ropo?, et/c6cropos. The term
eKarbyTopos must refer, like the rest, to ships of a single bank: but there is no
ground for thinking that such ships ever had an hundred oars.
38
Thucydides, vi. 43, Kal iTnraywy^ /up rptd/covra ayoto-r] 'unrtas. This was in
415 B.C. The same arrangement may perhaps be traced in the navy of the kings
of Pergamos in 168 B.C. Livy, xliv. 28, mentions qiiinque et triginta naves, quas
hippagogos vocant, cum equitibus Gallis equisque, and then says octingenti ferme
Gallorum occisi, ducenti vivi capti, clearly meaning that they were all killed or
captured. He therefore reckons them roughly as a thousand and they would :

have numbered a thousand and fifty, if those thirty-five ships carried thirty apiece.
 SHIPS OF ONE BANK AND A HALF. 15

able so \.\\Q perineoi oars must have been doubled in number,

:

89
while the rest were withdrawn Superannuated three-banked .

ships were first utilized as cavalry-transports at Athens in

430 B.C. transports having previously been expressly built
;

40
for cavalry .

Some anomalous
ships termed hemioliai and triemioliai
are first mentioned about 350 B.C., and thereafter frequently.
These would technically be ships of a bank and a half, but
must really be two-banked ships of an abnormal type. In
the contemporary three-banked ships the men described as

perineoi rowed an additional half-bank of oars from above

the upper decking, and could presumably do likewise in two-
banked ships of the same build but if the build made this :

impossible, they would have to man half an ordinary bank ;

and their oars would not count in numbering the banks, since

they were perineoi. Thus, as three practically meant three

and a half, one and a half would practically mean two 41 .

39 Inscr. Attic, vol. no. col. 11.

Corp. ii, 807, b, 42 66, rpnypets

^s, . . .
YVW/J-TJ KWTras PAv .-' A(TK\r}irids /cciTras PA, . . .
KaXXi^pa /

PA, no. 808, col. b, 11. 8, 9, Kal 'nrirrjy&v rpc&v rap'p'otfs, KUTTCIS e/aioTTjs PA.
40
Thucydides, ii. 56, 7776 5 (ITept/cX^s) M
r&v ve&v bir\lras ABr/valuv rerpa-
'

KurxiMovs, Kal iTTTT^as TpiOLKOviowi ev vavdv 'nnraywyois Trp&rov r6re etc r&v Tra\aiuv
veuv Tronjdelo-ais. Herodotos, vi. 95, Trapeytvovro 8 Kal al iiriraywyol i^es, ras r$
rrportpv tret irpoeiirc roiffi ewurou daa-/Jio<p6poi<ri Aapetos erot/idfetv, cf. 48, KeKeuwv
vtas re [taKpas Kal 'nnrayuya 7r\o?a iroieeadai.
41
Theophrastos, characteres, 25. i; Arrian, anabasis, iii. i. 4, vi. i. i, 18. 3;
Diodoros, xvi. 61. 4, xix. 65. 2, xx. 93. 3; Polybios, v. 101. 2, xvi. 2. 10, 3. 4,
3. 14, 7. r, 7. 3; Appian, de rebus Punicis, 75, de bello Mithridatico, 92; etc.
The term i)/j.io\ia rightly describes one and a half as a whole and a half: but the
term Tptrjfj.io\la seems formed on false analogy with words like rpir)/juTr65ioi>, which
describe one and a half as three halves, the 6X in rpirj/jnoXla being thus ignored.
The form rptTjp^/uoXfas occurs in Athenseos, v. 36, ra 5* airb rerpripovs H^XP1
but is plainly a corruption from rpt^pets and ^LuoXfas which occur in
Tpnjpr)/j.io\la$,
the parallel passage, Appian, prcefatio, 10, rpt^peis 5' airb r)fj.io\las nfypi Trevri/ipovs,
where rpnypeis is used as a generic term for war-ships. The existence of three
banks of oars on the r/HTj/aoXtai is not to be inferred from Polybios, xvi. 3,
vTro7Tiro6a"r}s yap avrrf (rrf deKTjpei) ravrrj dov<ra TrX^yrj^ /3ialav Kara
rpiiy/xioXfas,
/j.t<rov rb /euros virb rbv dpavirriv o-/coXyu6v, ^5^?;, TOU Kvfiepvrjrov rrjV op/^V r^s
vecisOVKTI Swydfrros ava\afiv. The expression dpavLrrjs <r/caX/i6s would certainly
refer to the upper bank on a three-banked ship but it would also refer to the :

upper bank in any ship with more than one. Thus Athenoeos speaks of the
longest oars in the forty-banked ship as /cunra? OpavtriKas, v. 37.
16 THE LIBURNIANS AND DROMONS
The Liburnians used to build very handy two-banked ships
for their irregular warfare in the Adriatic and soon after ;

50 B.C. the Romans took these as models for their own two-
banked ships 42 This type may perhaps be recognized in the
.

Roman two-banked ship in fg. 25. The Greeks had made

43
trieres^ a three-banked ship, a generic term for war-ships ,

'though some had more banks than three and some had less.
And in course of time the Romans made liburna, a two-banked
ship, a similar generic term applying it indiscriminately ;

about 400 A.D. to war-ships of every rate from those of one

bank to those of five banks for apparently they still had such
ships in the West, though in the East their largest war-ships
44
were merely of two banks . But about 500 A.D. the Byzan-
42
Appian, de rebus Illyricis, 3, Kal vavrtKol ftev iirl TOW 'Ap&afois iytvovro

Ai/3vpj>ol,yfros frepov 'IXXupttDv, ot rbv 'I6t>i.ov Kal ras vfivovs \rf(rrevov vavcrlv
WKelais re Kal Kotf0cus. odev rt vvv 'Pw/iatoi ra /co00a Kal 6&a SLKpora Ai.pvpi>i8as

Trpocrayopeijovcriv. See also note on lembi on p. 115 as to the style of shipbuilding

adopted in Illyria. The employment of Liburnian ships in Roman fleets is
mentioned by Caesar, de bello civili, iii. 5, 9, in 48 B.C. and by Horace,
epodes, i. i, in 31 B.C. ; and subsequently by Lucan, iii. 534, with reference
to 49 B. c. These ships never had ten banks of oars the reading deceris is :

merely a foolish emendation for de cedris in Suetonius, Caligula, 37, fabricavit

et de cedris Liburnicas gemmatis puppibus, versicoloribus velis, etc. There were
only two banks, Lucan, iii. 529 536, cornua Romance classis, validceque
triremes, \ quasque quater surgens exstructi remigis ordo commovet, et plures \

qua mergunt aquore pinus, multiplies cinxere rates,

\
hoc robur aperto op- \

positum pelago. lunata fronte recedunt ordine contents gemino crevisse

\

Liburna. celsior at cunctis Bruti pratoria puppis

\ \
verberibus senis agitur.
Thus in inscriptions the Romans described ships as six-banked, five-banked,
four-banked, three-banked, and Liburnian see Corp. Inscr. Latin, vol. x,
:

index, p. 1128, naves.

43
Appian, prsefatio, ro, rpt^pets 3 awo fyuioXtas fttxP 1 irevT-fipovs. ^Elius
Aristeides, Rhodiaca, p. 341, rprfpeis 5' tiri TOI^TOIS VTTTJPXCV tdelv diKp6rovs Kal

rpiKpdrovs Kal cZs etrra Kal ets fvvta. ffTO^xavt.

44
Vegetius, iv. 37, qtiod ad magnitudinem pertinet, minima liburna; remorttm
habent singulos ordines, paulo maiores binos, idonece. mensurce ternos vel quaternos
interdum quinos sortiuntur remigio gradus. nee hoc cuiquam enorme videatur,
cum in Actiaco prcelio longe maiora referanttir concurrisse navigia, ^^t senorum

etiam vel iiltra ordinum fuerint. But this usage is not adopted by his con-
temporary, Zosimos, v. 20, ^Tre/j.e\iTO d (3>paovtToz) Kal TOV vavriKov' 7r\o?a yap
T]v atrip irpbs vav [taxi-ay apKovvra, Alfiepva raura /caXoy/teva, air6 rtvos ?r6Xews ev

'IraXfy Keifdvys 6voiJ.a<TdtvTa, Kad' yv e apxrjs rotiruv ruv irXolwv rb eWos

jr^yfidrj. doKovai 5 TTWJ ra TrXoIa raura raxwavre'icrdai TrevTyKovrbpuv oi>x
Kara Tro\f> ruv TpnjpiKuv tXarTotfjieva, TrXe^rots freer* rrjs TOIJTUV eK\iiro6cn
 OF THE ROMANS AND BYZANTINES.

tines introduced dromon as a generic term for war-ships,

calling them racers in allusion to their superiority to mer-

chant-ships in speed. In the Byzantine fleet at this time

they were ships of a single bank, but those built in Italy for
46
the fleet at Ravenna were three-banked ships Unfortu- .

nately, the contemporary mosaic at Ravenna in fg. 39 repre-

sents the fleet in the harbour there very unintelligently.
The arrangement of the oars in Byzantine war-ships is

clearly described in a treatise attributed by tradition to Leo

VI., but apparently reduced to its present form during the

reign of his son and successor Constantine VII. No ship had

more than two banks of oars. Every two-banked ship had at
least twenty-five oars on each side of each bank, or a hundred

drj/j-tovpylas, el Kal IIoAtf/Sios 6 criy7pa0e!}j iKrideadaL TTOJS 5oe rQiv e&piKtov ir\ot(t)v
TO, /u^rpa, ofs (paivovrai 7roXXd/as 'Paj/ucuoi /cat KapXTjWptoi TroXeyU.^o'ai'res Trpds
aXXTjXous. Zosimos obviouslydescribing two-banked ships as TrXota Aiftepva,
is

just as he describes three-banked ships as TrXota rptT/pt/ca and ships of a single bank
as TrevT'r)K6i>Topoi, his notion being simply that ships of two banks are superior to

ships of one bank but inferior to ships of three banks. The vague usage is

sanctioned by Tacitus, Germania, sigmim ipsum in modum liburnce Jiguratum^

9,
i.e. Isidis navigium. And by Pliny, ix. 5, ceu Uburnicarum rostris fodiunt ix. 47, ,

Uburnicarum ludens imagine^ x. 32, liburnicarum modo, rostrato impetu fcrimtiir,

xvi. 17, Uburnicarum ad usus. Tacitus and Pliny clearly are treating the
Liburnians as a representative class of ships ; for in these comparisons nothing
turns on any peculiarity in the build.
45
Procopios, de bello Vandalico, i. i r, rjffav d aurots Kail TrXota paKpd, o5$ es

vav/j.a.'x.iav wapeffKevaff^va, evev^KOvra, 6Yo, fj-ov/jp-rj IJ.&TOL KO! 6po0as Virepdev ^%ovra,
OTTWS ot raOra ep^acrovre? Trpos T<2v troKe^Luv cos rfKLcrra /3d\\oiVTO. 5p6/m(>t}vas /caXoOcrt
'
TO. Tr\oia raOra ot vvv dvdpwTTOL TrXew yelp /cara rdxos dtivavTai yuaXitrra. iv TOVTOLS
'
drj ~Bvdt>Tioi Stcrxt'Xtot ZirXeov, ai^rep^rat iravres Trepiveus yap rjv ev TOI^TOIS oi)5e/s.
This certainly does not imply that these ninety-two ships carried only two thousand
rowers altogether, or hardly more than twenty rowers apiece. The point is that
the two thousand Byzantines helped to row the ships, though normally exempted
from this drudgery as combatants. Leo, tactica, xix. i, iirl 6a\d<ra"ris /mdxe(r6ai
5td rlJov Trore Xeyojitvwv vvv
Spon&vuv KaKov^vwv.
rpnfjpwv, 8
Cassiodorus,
epistolse varise, v. 16, cum nostrum igitur animum frequens cura pulsaret naves
Italiam non habere, decrevimus mille interim dromones fabricandos assumere.

17, renuntias illico completum quod vix credi poterat inchoattim. obtulisti oculis
nostris subito classeam silvam hominum, domos aquatiles, exercituales pedes: trireme
vehiculum, remorum tantum numerum prodens sed hominum fades diligenter
abscondens hoc primum instituisse legimus Argonautas .ad tirbem Ravennatam . .

congregatio navium c^mcta conveniat. Both those despatches are from Theodoric
to Abundantius. For the expression trireme vehiculum , cf. Paulinus Nolanus,
poemata, xxiv. 72, quadriremis machina.

T. b
1 8 NUMBER AND POSITION OF THE OARS

altogether and each oar was worked by one man. The two-
;

banked ships were of two sizes. The smaller carried at least

a hundred men for rowing and fighting. The larger carried
at least two hundred men and in action fifty rowed in the ;

lower bank, while a hundred and fifty fought above 46 Ships .

of this type were employed by Constantine VII. for an attack

on Crete in 949 A.D. The smaller had a company of a
hundred and eight or ten men and the larger had a double ;

company of two hundred and twenty men with one hundred

and twenty oars. But ships of another type were also em-
ployed the smaller carrying a hundred and twenty men, and
:

47
the larger a hundred and fifty As a hundred men sufficed .

for two banks of oars, these ships presumably were also of two
banks. Ten men more were carried on the ships of this type
that were employed by Leo VI. for an attack on Crete about

906 A.D.; or a hundred and thirty in the smaller, and a

hundred and sixty in the larger. The larger ships of the
other type were also employed, but not the smaller. They
also carried ten men more at that time, or two hundred and

46
Leo, tactica, xix. 7, eVacrros de TV dpo/Jiuvwv etifjLrjKys &TTW Kal c^/u/ierpos,
Tas \eyoutvas e\a<rlas dtio, T-fjv re KOLTU Kal rr/v avu. 8, eKdcrr) de IX^TU
i>s rb eXd%i<TT(H' irevTe Kal efaofftv, ev ols ol Kwirr^arai. Kadrdr)<rovTai. us elvat
i)? TOUS cnravTas KCLTM fjiev eiKoai Kal irevTe, dvw de o/xo/ws eiKoai Kal Trevre, O/JLOV

TrevTTjKoi'Ta Kad' eva 5t a\>T&v dto Kade&aduaav ol KUTrrjXaTovvTes, els fj.ev Seid, els

Se dpia-repd. cl>s elvai TOUS aTravras /cwTrr/Xdras 6/xou (/cai roi>s avroi/s

roiJs re ova Kal TOI>S Kano avSpas e/carov. 9, Kal erepoi de dpopuves
dwcrdv ffoi rotrwv /j.eioi>es, airb SiaKOfflwv -xj^povvTes dvdpuv (TJ TrXe/a; rotiruv T)
'
eXdrrw Kara rr\v -%P Lav r ^l v S^ovaav eirl Kaipov Kara r&v ivavrlwv) u>v ol per
TTfVT-fjKovTa TT)J/ Acdrw eXacrlav inrovpYfarovfftv, ol de eKarbv irevT-fjKovTa avid ea-rwrej
airavres 'evoir\oi yuax^crovrat rots TroXe/utots.
47
Porphyrogenitos, de caerimoniis, ii. 45, p. 384, 6 crTpaTrjybs rov Alyalov
ire\dyovs /j.erd %eXaz>5/w?' ira^rjXuv S"' dva avdpuv pK Kal -^eKavoiwv ovaiaK&v d' dva
'

dvdpwv prj' KaTe\et(f>0T) d Kal [tla oti<rla els rb Kb\l/at. rrjv TTJS oyddys IVOIKT'IOVOS %v\-f}v.
o (TTpaTrjybs TTJS 2d/xou pera x e^ a vo ' ^v tra/j.^\(av 5" dva dvbp&v pv Kal xeXavfoW
ov<naK&v S"' dvd dvdpwv p-rf' aTreaTdXtjcrav 5e //era roO TrpuTOfnradapiov 'Iwdvvov Kal
d<Tr)Kp-r)Tr)S iv 'A<pi/cT
y Kal dphpoves d' dva dvdpdv CTK. 6 crrparriybs
xeXd^Sta
KipvppaiWT&v /j.erd xe\avdl<av Tra/^Xwj/ S"' dva dvftp&v pv Kal x
S"' dva dvdp&v pi
'
KaTeXeitfrdr) de Kal els <pt\aiv roO dep-aros TrdyU^iAot /3',
'
5' /careXe/00?7 de Kal eis TO Kbtyai ryv TTJS dyddrjs IvdiKTtovos ^vXyv ovaiat '

(3'

KaTe\ei<j>6-r) oe Kal els (f>ij\a!;tv TOV Kvpov Sre^dvou rou yvvaiKade\<j>ov TOV fiaaiXeus ev
ovffla a' Kal dpou6vuv d' dvd dvdp&v <TK'. An ovcria was a company, and the
ova-iaKa were ships carrying a company apiece. They carried 108 or no
 ON THE DROMONS AND THE GALLEYS. 19

seventy others for fighting only and not for

thirty, besides
rowing and therefore carried three hundred altogether
;
48
As .

"*"
there were more rowers than oars in many of these ships,
though every oar was managed by one man, these rowers
must have worked by turns.

Thus, after a lapse of sixteen centuries, the system of

successive banks was again restricted to two-banked ships
with a hundred and twenty oars at most; and soon afterwards
it was abandoned. The term ralea^
was p,! ready Applied to _

yi
49
war-ships of a single bank but those new systems were not
:

yet devised, which made the single bank of the mediaeval

galleys as effective as the numerous banks of the ancient war-
ships. One of these new systems increased the number of
oarsby placing them at shorter intervals along the bank, and

making them of several different lengths inboard, the rowers

being arranged in several lines along the deck; while the

other maintained the number of oars at fifty or sixty, but
increased their size and strength, several rowers working
50
together at every oar .

men ; so the eight dromons, which each carried 220 men, each carried two

companies. Twenty other dromons are explicitly credited with two companies
apiece, p. 384, 5pbfj.oves K ava ovai&v {$'
'
ofxrlat //,'.
Each therefore carried 220
r '
men: TUV K twirla ava pK
yet only 120 oars, p. 388, ei's e6irXt<ru> dpo/jioviwv

6/xoD ,/Su'.
48 rou Alyalov
Porphyrogenitos, de cserimoniis, ii. 44, p. 377, Sia rou 0<^aros
'
o*X' Kal ava, TroXe/ucrrcDj' o
ire\dyovs. 8p6[ji.oves f ^%ovres ava dvdp&v KWirrfkarCov

f ^xoj/res ot ptv y' ava avdpuv p 01 8k ^repoi 5' ava dvdpwv

Ofjiov ftp. Trdfj.(pv\oi ,

p\'- o/J-ov a. 6/j,ov TO irav dta rov dfyaTOS rov Alyaiov ire\dyovs ,yp. cf. ii. 45,

p. 387, 6 8p6fji.uv 6(j>el\ei ^iv avdpas r, ot ^v cr\' 7rX6t/ioi /cwTTT/Xdrat ^roi Kal
Kal oi Zrepoi o That refers to 949 A.D. : but the
Tro\fj.i<rTat, avdpes TroXefj-iffral.

o, pp. 386, 387, differs materially from the e67rXi<ris

r&v K
%6ir\iffis dpfyovos

, pp. 387, 388, so this dromon had now become anomalous.

49
Leo, tactica, xix. 10, Kal ZTL de Karaa-Kevdo-eis dp6/j,uvas Adrrovs Spofu-

rdrovs, olovel ya\atas TJ fiov/ipas \eyo/j.tvovs. The forms ya\aiai and 7aX<?cu were
used indifferently at this period.
50 oars were
According to Pantero Pantera, armata navale, i. 15, the big
known as remi di scaloccio, and were worked by two or three men apiece on the
gakotte, three or four and sometimes by five or six on the galee, and by as
by
many more on the galeazze. The big oars were superseding the
as eight or even
small oars. These were known as remi ft zenzile, and had usually been worked in
groups of three or four or five, with one man for every oar. Pantera was captain
of the Papal galleys, and published his work at Rome in 1614.
 20 AUXILIARY OARS ON MERCHANT-SHIPS.

y Merchant-shigs
were generally too bulky to be propelled
61
by Nevertheless
oars. they carried a few, very often twenty :

ancTthese probably sufficed for bringing the ship's head round j

and other such purposes, though hardly numerous enough for

driving the ship along. Thus, a merchant-ship trying to
make some headway with her is compared by Aristotle oars
to an insect feebly buzzing along on wings too small for its
body, after the manner of cockchafers and bees whereas a :

war-ship under way, rhythmically dipping her vast mass of

52
oars, was commonly compared to a bird upon its flight .

The banks of oars were so arranged that the largest war-

fc s ships were of no great height. To shew the size of the great
ships in Antony's fleet at the battle of Actium in 31 B.C., Orosius
remarks that they actually were ten feet in height above the

51
Odyssey, ix. 322 324, ovvov 0' iffrbv vrjbs eeiKoa6pOiO fjL\atvr)s, | 0opr5os,
evpeirjs, r]r eKirepdq fieya AcuTyiia* |
r6caov e-r\v fAiJKOS, rt><T<rov irdxos elcropdaadai.
Demosthenes, in Lacritum, 18, rd de rptcrxiXia /cepdyiua aye<rdai ravra els rbv
K6vroi> ev rri elKoabpy rjv 'T/JXifa-ios evavK\7jpei. Athenseos, v. 41, rjv 5' rj vavs

rrj i*ev KaraffKevrj etV6(ropos, K.r.X., cf. 40, TrXota crtrriyd KaraffKevafi/uLevos, Civ evbs

rrjs KaraffKevys fj.vrjffdriaofJ.aL.

52 de animalium incessu, ru>v oKoirrtpuv effrl
Aristotle, 10, (3pa8eia 5' ^ 7rr7}(rts

Kal do'dev'rjs Sici, rb \jJr\

Kara, \6yov x eiv T^l v r & v irTep&v (j)ti(nv Trpbs rb rou (rc6/xaros

/Sdpos, dXAd rb fjt,ev TroXtf, rd 5e fj,iKpd Kal avdevri' uxnrep av ovv el 6\Ka5iKbv TT\<HOV

eiri'x.eipoi'r]
fcc^Trats TroLelaQaiL rbv TT\OVV, ourw raOra rrf Trr^crei %p?)rai. virevavrlws 5'

%-)(o vfft- v '

ftpvides rots oKoirrepois TTJV rGiv irrepuiv <pv<nv, fc.r.X. The metaphor about
the birds occurs frequently. Odyssey, xi. 124, 125, ou5' apa roiy' t<ra<n veas <f)ocviKo-
irapriovs, \
ovd' ev-fipe' eper/xd, rare Trrepd vijvcrl irt\ovrai. Euripides, Troades,
1085, 1086, efj-k 5e Trbvriov VKaQos \
diff<rov Trrepoiffi 7ropei5<rei. ^ischylos, Agamem-
non, 52, TTTeptiyuv eperfjioiffiv epevabfJievoi, sc. alyiJTriot. Polybios, i.
46, oil de vijes

7rer%oi', etrrep&Kvlai irpbs rr\v e^oKriv. Plutarch, Antonius, 63, rous 82 rapcrotis
ruv ve&v cyelpas Kal Trrepwcras eKarepwdev. Moschos, ii.
59, 60, 6pm, dya\\6fj.ei>os

irTeptyuv iro\vav6ei xpotT?, | raped 5' dvaTr\ic<ras, &<rei re ris cJ/ctfaXos vrjvs. Also in
Latin. Virgil, ^Eneid, 300, 301, volat ille per aera magnum
i.
remigio alarum. |

Propertius, iv. 6. 47, 48, nee te, quod classis centenis remigat a/is, terreat. But \

this does not please Quintilian, viii. 6. 18.

53
Orosius, vi. 19, classis Antonii centum septuaginta navium /Ttit, quantum
numero cedens tantum magnitudine prtecellens, nam decent pedum altitudine a
mari aberant. This definite statement deserves more attention than the grotesque

exaggerations of Virgil, yneid, viii. 691, 692, pelago credas innare revulsas \

Cycladas, aut monies concurrere montibtis altos. The notion of an encounter with
islands is neatly parodied by Lucian, verse historiae, i. 40 42 ;
but is adopted
with some apology by Dion Cassius, 1. 33, e'iKaaev av ris id&v rd yiyv6/j.eva, ws

(Ji.eyd\ois o/xoiwcrcu, refyecri ri<riv r)

Kal vrj<rois 7roXXa?s Kal TTVKvaTs eK 6a\d(ra"r)S
 THE DIMENSIONS OF THE WAR-SHIPS.
53
water-line and these great ships were ofjen banks 54
: He .

therefore allows a foot of freeboard for each bank of oars ;

and thus would make a sixteen-banked ship only sixteen feet

in height above the water-line. And practically there never
more than sixteen banks on a sea-going ship.
A
f:re ship
of a single_bank, which was preserved at Rome as ,

a relic of yneas, was a hundred and twenty feet in length 55 :,

1

and as she probably was a fifty-oared ship, there probably

were twenty-five oars on each side, and therefore twenty-four
spaces between the tholes, or one such space for every five
feet of her length. And this relation would not be fortuitous;
for in ancient ships all the dimensions were related to the
interval between the tholes
56
A thirty-oared ship, with .

fourteen such spaces, would thus be seventy feet in length;

iro\iopKovfjiti>a.is. The tamer notion of an encounter with forts seems due to

Plutarch, Antonius, 66, where he compares the battle to a Teixouaxl-a, apparently
in imitation of the common-place in Latin that war-ships were like walled towns.

Thus, the expression urbis instar is applied to a four-banked ship by Cicero, in

Verrem, ii. v. 34, and the expression urbis opus to a three-banked ship by Virgil,

^Eneid, v. 119.
54
Plutarch, Antonius, 64, ws 5 vav^ax^v ededoKro, ras ph &\\as evewprja-e
vavs 7r\V e^rjKovra rdov AlyvirrLuv ras 5e dpi<rras /cat /meyiffras dtrb rpir)povs

HtXP L Sexypovs CTrXypov. Dion Cassius, 1.

23, rpiypeis ^v yap oXiyas, rerpripeis
de /cat deKripeis /cat ra XOITTO, ra dca [tecrov wdvra Qtirolriffev. Strabo, vii. 7. 6,
Kal&ap deKavaiav aKpodiviov airb fj.ovoKp6rov /J^XP L SeKiypofS.
TT\V
55
Procopios, de bello Gothico, iv. 22, rt /m^vroi KO.I 6Va /u^/xeia rov ytvovs
^rt, ev rots /cat TJ vavs AtVet'ou, rou rrjs 7r6Xews ot/ct(TToO, /cat et's r65e /cetrat,
TravreXcDs &viffrov, ve&Gouiov yap Tronj<rd/u.evoL iv /Ji^ffrj rrj 7r6Xet irapa rrjv rov
^V, evravdd re avrriv /cara^^/ttei'ot, e| t/cetVou Typovviv. tfirep oiroia TTOT

eariv avrbs deaffapevos epuv fyxoftai. fjiovrjprjs

5 ij vavs ijde Kal Tre/HjioJ/cTjs ayav
Tvyxdvei ovaa, fj.iJKOS [itv irod&v eiKoai /cat Kar6v, evpos d irevre Kal ef/coat, rb o ye
v\//os TOffavri) ecTTiJf ocrov avTTjv epeaaeffdai. /&?) ddvvara elvai.
56 uti in hominis corpore e ciibito pede
Vitruvius, i. 2. 4, palmo digito ceterisque

particulis symmetros est eurythmia; qualitas, sic est in operum perfectionibus et

:

primuin in cedibus sacris aut e columnarum crassitudinibus aut triglypho aut ctiani
emba/e, sed et ballista e foramine, quod Gr&ci PERITRETON vocitant, navis inter-
scalmio,quod DIPHECIACA dicitur, item ceterorum operum e membris invenitur

symmetriarum ratiodnatio. The letters DIPHECIACA seem intended for some

Greek word and the word
; 5t7r7?xat/c77 has been invented for the occasion. If this

word had any meaning, it would mean that the interval between the tholes
amounted to two cubits, and was therefore a fixed distance but the distance :

certainly was variable, since it formed the unit for calculating

the dimensions of
a ship, and all ships were not alike.
22 THE DIMENSIONS OF THE WAR-SHIPS
and a three-banked ship, with thirty such spaces in the upper
bank, a hundred and fifty feet in length. These dimensions
certainly appear excessive. Yet the oars could hardly have
been worked, had the interval between the tholes been less
than three feet so the distance from the first thole to the
;

last must have been at least forty-two feet on a thirty-oared

ship, seventy-two feet on a fifty-oared ship, and ninety feet

on a three-banked ship and this distance seems little more
:

than three-fifths of the extreme length in most of the ships

depicted by the ancients. Moreover, these ships look as
though they were clear of the water for fully a fifth of their
length by reason of the overhanging stern and the elevated
ram. The ship of .^Eneas was twenty-five feet broad, or more
than a fifth of her length in beam but the Greek war-ships :

were considerably narrower. of the Athenian The remains

docks in the harbour of Zea shew that originally they were
quite a hundred and fifty feet in length but only twentyjeet in
57
Plans and measurements of the docks at Zea in the Hpa/crt/co, 7775 ev' Kd-f)vou.$

dpxa.io\oyiKrjs eraipias for 1885, plates 2 and 3, cf. pp. 63 71. The docks
themselves are about 19 breadth, or twenty feet by ancient Greek
ft. 5 in. in
measurement and they are divided by partitions which are about i ft. 1 1 in. in
;

breadth, so that the distance from centre to centre is about 21 ft. 4 in. In the
ruins of the docks at Munychia this distance is about loin, less but possibly the
:

partitions were narrower. All the docks at Zea are in ruins at the lower end :

yet some of them are still 144 ft. in length. They certainly were not meant
to take two ships apiece, one behind another: there never were double docks,

vetipia, though sometimes there were double sheds above the docks, vewaocKoi.

Diodoros, xiv. 42, y/coSo/iei 5 (Aiovticrios) /ecu vew<ro//cous TroXureAets e/carov e^/cwra,
TOI)S TrXelarovs dto vavs dexopfrovs, Plato, Critias, p. 116, rtfj-vovres de a/j,a d-Treipyd-
ovro vebHTo'iKovs KoiXovs SiTrAoGs evr6s, KaTTjperfte'is avrrj rrj irtrpq.. There are lines
of columns between the docks at Zea ; and these columns are spaced differently in
alternate lines, as if to carry different weights. So these docks undoubtedly were
roofed in pairs : but in no other sense were they double.
Athenseos, v. 37, already quoted in note 24 on p. 9. A ship of this length
58

would have 170 oars in the uppermost bank, with 84 spaces between the tholes on
either side, if she had one such space for every five feet of her length and if each :

bank held four oars more than the bank below, and there were 54 in the lowest
bank see pp. 1 1 ff. there would be 1 70 in the uppermost bank on a ship of
thirty banks. The coincidence is curious.
59
This usage of /xax-pd and longa occurs frequently, e.g. Polybios, xxii. 26, cbroStfra;
S Kal ray vaus ras /maKpas Kal rot, e/c TO^TUV
a/j/xe^a Kal ra <r/cei577
= Livy, xxxviii. 38,
armamentaque earum, both authors quoting from the treaty
tradito et naves longas
under which Antiochos surrendered his navy to the Romans in 189 B.C. There
 AND OF SHIPS OF OTHER CLASSES. 23
57
breadth These docks presumably were not much longer
.

than the ships for w"mch they were designed, and the ships
certainly were not broader than the docks; ,so these ships
hardly have exceeded two-fifteenths of their length in
im. And this is approximately the ratio of length to
adth which Callixenos ascribes to the alleged forty-banked
Eild
p, the length being four hundred and twenty feet and the
58
breadth fifty-seven .

The regular war-ships differed so strikingly from

merchant-)
ships in their proportions that they were generally known as/
59
the long^ships, while these were known as the round ships .

But ships sometimes were constructed on an intermediate

system of proportion, and consequently could not thus be
classed as long or round 60 . And the round ships were
themselves of several different types ;
while a multitude of
types prevailed among the vessels that were not large
61
enough to rank as ships .

was a corresponding usage of o-rpoyyvXTj. Athenseos, viii. 42, epurrjdds de (Lrparb-

vtKos) virb TWOS, riva rCjv irXoiuv aff^aXearara eo~rl ;
ra /-ta/cpd, rj
ra crrpoyyvXa ; ra
vevewXKij/jieva, elirev. Theophrastos, historia plantarum, v. 7. i, rets pen, yap
rpir/peis Kal ra paKpa TrXcua eXdriva TrotoDcrt 5ta Kovfioryra, ra de arpoyyvXa wevKiva
did TO daa-rres. Xenophon, Hellenica, v. i. 21, Kal Karadveiv /j.ev OVK eta <rrpoyyu\ov
'
TrXoiov ovde \vu,aivecrdaL rats eavr&v vavffiv eide irov rpiripr) idoiev op/Aovo'ai', ravrrjv

ireipdadai dirXovv iroLelv. cf. Herodotos, i. 163, already quoted in note 8 on p. 4.

But usage was not adopted in Latin; and navis longa is opposed to navis
this

oneraria, just as vavs ytia/cpd is sometimes opposed to 6X/cd$. Csesar, de bello Gallico,
iv. 22, navibus circiter octoginta onerariis coactis contractisque, quot satis esse ad duas

transportandas legiones existimabat, quicquid praterea navium longarum habebat,

quastori legatis prcefectisque distribtiit. Appian, de bellis civilibus, ii. 54, /cat ovo
'
dXXcoi/ iire\dbvrwv, ode Kal rdde TrpocrXa^iov dvrtyero x^tAtwi/os eirl oXKaduv ai

* rjcrav
60
avrt^ vrjes oXiyai yaa/cpat,
Athenaeos, v.
2ap5w /cat

38, quoting Callixenos, rb de vx^f*

2t/ceX/av e(f>povpovv.

avrTjs ovre rais

vavcrlv ovre rats vrpoyyvXais eot/c6s, dXXd irapri\\ayp.evov re Kal -rrpbs rrjv ^peii
irorau.ov rb ftddos. Arrian, Fr. 19, apud Suidam, s. v. vavs :
etxe 5 rj vavs

fj.ev Kara rpLrjp-rj /xaXtcrra, evpos de Kal pddos Kaff 6X/cd5a, o<rov fj,eyLffrr) Nt/co/njSts $

Aiyv-rrrla. Both these vessels were designed for rivers ;

the former for the Nile
under Ptolemy Philopator, the latter apparently for the Tigris under Trajan.
Appian, de bellis civilibus, v. 95, eduprjcraro de Kal'OKraovta rbv ddeX(f>6v, airrjo-ava
Trap' 'Avruvlov, deKa (paarjXois rpnjperiKots, eTTt/i^/crots &c re (poprlouv ve&v Kal u.aKpuv.
See note on /j-voirdpuves on p. 108 for a further account of these ships.
61
See note on actuaries on p. 105, and subsequent notes in the Appendix.
round class would include the 7aDXot and the tWoi, the corbitae and the
'
The '

, and perhaps the Kdvdapoi and the KVKVOI and also the pontones.
 24 THE DIMENSIONS AND TONNAGE
The dimensions
of one of the great merchant-ships em-
ployed carrying corn
in from Egypt to Italy about 150 A.D.
'' have fortunately been put on record. According to Luciai
her length was a hundred and eighty feet, while her breadtl
was slightly more than a fourth of her length, and her deptl
was forty-three feet and a half, reckoning from the upp<
deck to the bottom of the hold so that, including the keel, ;

62
her depth must have been about the same as her breadth .

The well-known dimensions in the Hebrew version of th<

legend of the Flood, four hundred and fifty feet of lengtl

seventy-five of breadth, and forty-five feet of deptl

feet

apparently belong to the ark that has been introduced thei

under Egyptian influence, and not to the ship that has beei
implicitly retained there with other features of the Babyloniai
versions. The
earlier Babylonian version in the inscriptions
states that the depth of the ship was the same as the breadth,
63
but is illegible in its statement of the measurements The .

extant copies of the later Babylonian version recorded by

Berosos state that the length of the ship was either five or
fifteen stades, and the breadth two stades 64 . In this equality

62
Lucian, navigium, I, rl yhp 5et /cal Troieiv, w Au/etve, o"x^V cLyovra,
Trvd6fj.i>ov ourws virep/uieytdT) vavv /cat irpa rov fj-trpov els rbv Hetpaia /caraTreTrXei;-
KVOU /j.iav T&V air' Alyvirrov et's 'IraXiav ffiraywyuv ; 5, dXXa /-terai} \oywv, r/XiKr)

vavs, eif/cocrt /cat e/carov 7r?7xewp IXe-ye rb /j-rjitos 6 vavTryyos, edpos 5e virtp rb reraprov

/mXtcrra TO^TOU, /cat euro TOV /caracrrpc6/iaros es rbv Trvd/J-eva, rj fiadiiTaTOV Kara rbv
&VT\OI>, tvvta. irpbs rots el'/cocr:.

63
Rawlinson, Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, vol. iv, pi. 50, col. i,

11. 25, 16
= pi. 43, col. i, 11.
27, 28, in the new edition. I am indebted to Dr
Budge, of the British Museum, for verifying the statement in the text.
64
Berosos, Fr. 7, p. 30, <r/cct0os, rb ^kv /J.TJKOS 0-radiuv irtvre,
apud Syncellum,
rb 5 but the length is estimated at fifteen stades instead of
TrXctros <rradiwv dvo,

five in the corresponding extract from Berosos in the first book of the Chronica of

Eusebios, as retranslated from the Armenian edition. If these were common

stades of a hundred fathoms each, the length of the ship would be either 3000 ft.

or 9000 ft., and the breadth 1200 ft. so the reading must be corrupt.
:

65
Genesis, vi. 15, jcol.ourw 7roi?7<reiS TT\V Kifiurov' rpiaKoaiwv irrfx.e(av rb /J.TJKOS

r?7S /ftjSwroO, KO.I TrevrrfKovra Trr)x e<JI}V r & TrXaros, /cat rpiaicovra TrrjX WV r ^ fyos avrijs.
The word seems to have puzzled Philo Judseus, for he speaks vaguely of a wooden
structure without a hint about its shape, vita Moysis, ii. n, %6\ivov 5r)fjuovpyri(ras
Zpyov fttyiffTov ets Trrjxets rpiaKocrlovs fJtijKOS, /c.r.X. cf. 12, irpbfKnv e/c rou v\lvov
/caracr/ceuao-yaaros. In the Greek version of the legend, with Deucalion as hero,
the vessel is termed a box, \dpva.
 OF THE LARGEST MERCHANT-SHIPS. 25

of breadth and depth the legendary vessel resembles the

merchant-ship just mentioned; and in a possible ratio of
breadth to length she resembles the war-ships for which the
ks at Zea were constructed but in none of her proportions :

es she resemble the ark. of the Septuagint The authors

d every means of ascertaining the exact sense of the word
'ball, or ark, since it was of Egyptian origin and they
;

translated it by the word kibotos, or chest. This was an

epithet of Apameia in Phrygia and upon coins of that city :

65
the ark of Noah is represented as a rectangular chest .

The tonnage of ancjent ships cannot safely be deducedl^/^ .

from their dimensions, as so little is known about their form.

But the amount of cargo carried by various merchant-ships
is here and mere recorded, this amount being generally
computed by the talent or the amphora, which each weighed^*
about a fortieth part of a ton 66 And the largest merchant- .

ships are always described as carrying ten thousand talents,

or 250 tons, though they may really have carried rather more,
67
f.ten thousand being a round number of the vaguest sort The .

tonnage of such ships would be roughly 150, register.

66
Herodotos, i.
194* iroiterai Se Kai Kapra ueydXa ravra ra TrXola Kai e'Xdcrtrw

r\c raOra irXrjdei TroXXd, /ecu ayei efj/ta TroXXas x 1 ^' ^ 015 raXdvrwv, the former on
tV.0
the and the latter on the Nile.
Euphrates Athenaeos, v. 43, K^pKovpos, T/3i<T%iXia
rdXavra Se'xeo'flcu dvvduevos. Livy, xxi. 63, citing a law enacted at Rome shortly
before 220 B.C., ne quis senator, cuive senatorius pater fuisset, maritimam navem,

-i
"" plus quani trecentarum ainphoranim esset, haberet : id satis habittitn ad
~tus ex agris vectandos : qu&stiis omnis Palribus indecorus visus est. Cicero,
ft familiares, xii. 15. 2, naves onerarias, quarum minor milla erat duuni inillium

aniphorum. Pliny, vi. 24, magnittido (navitifn) ad terna millia aiuphorum. As

the talent and the amphora each represented a cubic foot of water, and a Greek or
Roman foot measured about '97 of an English foot, the talent and the amphora
each weighed very nearly 57 Ibs.
67
Ctesias, Fr. 57. 6, apud Photium, p. 45, r6 u^os, 6crov /jt,vpio(f>6pov pews
urr6s. Thucydides, vii. 25, irpo<rayay6i>Tes yap vavv /j.vpLO(f>6pov t /c.r.X. Pollux, iv.

165, fj.vpio<f>6pos, cus QOVK vdldys ws 5e Aeh'ctpxos, fjivpiaywyovffa. cf. Philo Judoeus,
de plantatione Noe, 6, (jt-vpiayuya <r/cct$77, de incorruptibilitate mundi, 26, pvpio-
<f>6pois vavffiv. Strabo, iii.
3. r, 6 5 TCIYOS /cat rb TrXctros ^x et T0 ^ o"7-6/4aro$ ftKoai

irov (TTadtuv Kai TO /3a0os /J.tya, w<rre pvpiaywyo'is dvair\ei<rdai, xvii. i. 26, irXdros
5' e'x 64 TTT/X^" fKarbv i) 5iupv%, fiddos 5' 8<rov dpKeiv fjivpio(p6p(^ v-r\l. Heliodoros,
^Ethiopica, iv. 16, ZXeyov 5ij ovv elvai. <l>otVi/ces Tupioi, r^x v "n v & fyiropoi, TrXeiv
5' eTrt Kapxrjdova TT\V AtjS^wi/, 6X/cd5a fj.vpiO(p6pov 'Ivducuv re Kai M6i.oTri.KC3v Kai T&V
26 SHIPS FOR CARRYING THE OBELISKS,

Larger ships were built for special purposes. About 40 A.]

the Vatican obelisk and its pedestal were brought from Eg]
to Italy in a ship which Pliny describes as the most wonderful
vessel that ever was beheld upon the sea evidently meaning ;

that she was the largest, for he comments on her length and
her capacity and the size of her mast, but says nothing about
any peculiarity in design. The obelisk and pedestal together
weigh between 496 and 497 tons and about 800 tons of ;

68
lentils were stowed on board to keep them steady There- .

fore, unless there is some error about the quantity of lentils,

the ship carried fully 1,300 tons, or more than five times the
load of the largest merchant-ships afloat. This ship was

CK $oivticr)$ dyuylfjMv (ptpovres. Themistios, oratio xvi, p. 212, real v\>v

fHi> airaaa ijirfLpos, yrf 5 Kal fldXarra roi)s Tr/aocrraTas ffTe<j>avov(ri.v, 77 5 dp-%7)

KaOdtrep t>avs /j,vpio<f>6pos TroXXa 5?) Trovydeiffa vtrb xetyu.wj'os Kal rpt/ciy-u'as dva\a/j.(3dvet
Kal dxvpovrai. Himerios, oratio xiv, p. 622, TrXet TTOT^ Kal fj.vpib<popTos 6X/cds, iro\vv

fj.t> xp vot/ Xtpvttovcra, OTI fjirj TrAayos TOVOVTOV evpiffKe (3a6ijTr)Ti, uxrre Kal \v<rai ra
Treia/j-aTa. Automedon, in the Anthology, x. 23. 5, vavs are /j.vpi6(f)opTos. Manasses,
4886, 4887, Kal TOUT' elir&v ex^Xewe yvddois Trvpbs Tra/j.<f>dyov Tr)v vavv rty fj.vpib-
\

(poprov avrtxpoprov fipudyvai.

68
Pliny, xvi. 76, abies admirationis pr&cipua visa est in nave, qtia ex ALgypto
Gaii principis iussu obdiscum in Vaticano Circo statutum quattuorque truncos
lapidis eiusdem ad sustinendum eum adduxit, qua nave nihil admirabilius visum
in mari certum est. cxx M modiorum lentis pro saburra el fuere. longitudo
spatium obtinuit magna ex parte Ostiensis portus latere Icevo : ibi namque demersa
est a Claudio principe cum tribus molibus turrium altitudine in ea cxcedificatis

obiter Puteolano pulvere advectisque. arboris eius crassitudo quattuor hominum

ulnas complectenliitm implebat. A
modius was equivalent to the third part of a
cubic foot, so that 120,000 modii would occupy a space of 40.000 cubic feet and :

the weight would be nearly 46 Ibs. for every cubic foot, as Egyptian lentils weigh
about 50 Ibs. per cubic English foot, when closely packed. According to Fontana,
Delia trasportatione dell' obelisco Vaticano, pp. 9, 23, the obelisk itself weighs
963)537 Ibs., while the four blocks of the pedestal weigh 165,464 and 67,510 and

179,826 and 110,778 Ibs. respectively and a ton contains about 2,996 Ibs. of this
:

measure. Fontana replaced the obelisk upon the original pedestal after its removal
from the Circus in 1586.
59
Pliny, xxxvi. i, navesque marmorum causa fiunt> ac per fluctus, sczvissimam
rerum natures partem, hue illuc portantur iuga.
70
Pliny, xxxvi. 14, super omnia accessit dijficultas mari Romam (obeliscos)
devehendi, spectatis admodtim navibus. divus Augustus priorem advexerat, mira-
culique gratia Puteolis navalibus perpetuis dicaverat ; sed incendio consumpta est.
divus Claudius aliquot per annos asservatam, quam Gaius Ctesar importaverat,
omnibus quae unquam in mari visa sunt mirabiliorem, in ipsa turribus Puteolis e

pulvere exadificatis, perductam Ostiam portus gratia mersit.

 AND OTHER SHIPS OF HIGH TONNAGE.

doubtless of the class that the Romans built expressly for

69
transporting marble Pliny says plainly that she was larger
.

than the ship which had performed the somewhat easier task
)f carrying the Flaminian obelisk from Egypt to Italy fifty
70
rears before yet that ship was afterwards reputed to have
:

a quantity of pepper and linen and v

rried 2,700 tons of corn,

per and glass, and also fourteen hundred men, besides the ''
71
belisk and its pedestal The tale is absurd and so also is . :

c tale that 2,400 tons of corn,

250 tons of salted fish, 500
ns of wool, and 500 tons of miscellaneous cargo were put
n board a ship that Hieron built at Syracuse and afterwards
72
to Ptolemy on finding her too large for use . Athenseos
71
Cedren, p. 172, eVi 5e TTJS /JacrtXetas AvyovffTov Katcrapos etcr7?X0e TrXotov dirb

^avdpelas ets TTJV irbpTav 'Pw/tt^s, eTri.<pep6/j.evov crt'rou fiodiwv x i ^' a 5as u', eVtjSdras

pairras o"', TreVept, bdovas, x a P Tr v v\ia, Kal Tbv fji^yav 6/3eX<r/coj> /uerd roO
l )

r
nX^ws, aur6i' re earuJra & ry fAeyd\i{) iTTTTt/cy, e'xovra os T^'Sas TT' TJ/J.HTVV.^
or roD ^acrtXe'ujs read TT;S /3d<reo>s. Another version is printed by Mommsen,
Feber den Chronographen vom Jahre 354, at p. 646, hoc imp. navis Alexandrina
imum in portn Romano inlroivit nomine Acatus, qui attulit frumenti modios

:cc, vectores MCC, piper, linteamen, carta, vitria, et opoliscum cum sua sibi base,
li est in Circo Maximo altum pedes LXXXVIIS. A modius being equivalent to
third part of a cubic foot, 400,000 modii would occupy a space of 133,333
ibic feet : and the weight would be about 45 every cubic foot, since corn
Ibs. for

jighs rather more than 49 Ibs. per cubic English foot. According to Fontana,
r., p. 75, the Flaminian obelisk weighs 702,276 Ibs. and its pedestal 497, 187 Ibs. ;

altogether 287,652^5. less than the Vatican obelisk and pedestal.

72
Athenaeos, v. 40, irepi 5e TTJS virb 'lepuvos TOV Zupa/coo'foi'
?, TJS Kal 'ApX'M 7?^^? TJV 6 yeio^Tpr/s tirbirTris, OVK a%t.ov elvai Kplvw
Ypau/ma Kd6vTOS Mocrx^wpos TLVOS, y ov Traptpyws VTVXOV vrroyviws. ypd(pei ovv
OVTUS, /c.r.X. 44, O~ITOV oe evefiaXKovTO ets TT\V vavv uvpiddes

~pdut.a (j,vpia, epe&v rdXa^ra difffj-vpia, Kal eVe/ra 5e 0opn

jpis de TOVTdJV 6 e7rt(Ttrt(r/x6s TJV T&V e/j,Tr\OVT(i)v. 6 5' 'Itpwv, e?ret Trdiras TOVS

ifievas -fJKOve, TOVS uev us ov ovvaToi et'<rt TTJV vavv dexecrdai, TOVS 5e Kal eiriKivduvovs
'
>, 8iyvw b&pov avTT)v aTrooretXat IlToXe//,aty T< ^SatrtXet ets 'AXe^dvdpeiav
it
yap TJV ffirdvis CTLTOV /card TTJV AiyvirTOv. Kal OVTUS eTroiTjcrc' Kal TJvavs /car^x^ 7?

lypaufj-aTdiv TronjTT]v, ypd\f/avTa ets TTJV vavv e7rLypau/J.a, xtXfots irvp&v peStuvois,
/cat 7rap7T/j.\j/ev tSt'ots daTravrjuacriv ets TOV Heipaia, eYt/x.rjcrei'. The corn would
11 be measured by the medimnos, as was customary and a medimnos was :

mivalent to two cubic feet. So the 60,000 measures of corn would occupy a
of 120,000 cubic feet. A was presumably an amphora; and a
Kepdutov
opTiov the equivalent of a talent or an amphora, as that meaning is implied in
upi6(j>opTos : see note 67. It is clear that nothing was known of Moschion even

ten, else Athenseos would not speak of him as Moaxt'wi'os r'6s.

 28 SHIPS FOR CARRYING THE OBELISKS,

quotes this tale from Moschion, and Moschion cites an

epigram by Archimelos but nothing whatever is known of :

Archimelos or of Moschion and Athenaeos did not write ;

until 200 A.D., while Hieron died before 200 B.C. The
epigram celebrates a ship that brought some gifts of corn
from Hieron to the Greeks, and declares her size by saying
that the hull rivalled Etna in its bulk, the mast touched the
73
stars, and so forth but such language seems hardly more :

appropriate if the ship carried 3,650 tons, than if she carried

a half or a quarter or an eighth of that load and a ship ;

might fairly be deemed a monster, if she carried even 500

tons at a time when others could not carry more than 250.
In his narrative Moschion says that Archimedes succeeded
in launching this huge ship by means of some mechanical
contrivance of his yet Plutarch tells sub- own invention :

stantially the same story about Archimedes without a hint

73
Athenseos, v. 44, %et 5' OVTWS rb eTriypafji,/j.a : ris r6de cre\fj.a ire\b)pov
eiffa.ro ;
TOKOS | Kolpavos d/ca/idrots Treta/mao'Lv r/ydyero ; |
TTWS 5e Kara
ffavis ; f) rlvi ybfj.<j>oi \ rarjd^vres TreX^/cet TOUT' e'Ka/j.ov TO KI;TOS, | 77

Atrvas Trapiffovfjievov, rj nvt vd<rwv, \

as Alyacov tidwp Ku/cXd8as evdederai, \

dfj.(f>orepwdei> iVoTrXaT^s; rj pa Tiyavres \

TOVTO Trpos ovpavlas ^eaav drpairiTOiJS. \

&<Trpwv yap \f/atiei Kapxr](ria, /cat rpieXiKTOvs \ ^cipa/cas [J.eyd\ii)i> evrbs ^%et vefiewv. \

ireifffj.affiv dyKvpas aTrepeiderai, olaiv 'A(3ti8ov \ SJep^s /cal Sy/tTToO dicrabv

irbpov. |
/jiavvei crTijSapas /CO.T' eTrw/^t'Sos dpnxdpaKrov \ ypd/u,/u,a, ris K %^/xrou
eKV\i<re rpb-mV | (parl yap d>s "'lepwi/ 'lepo/cX^os 'EXXdSt Trdcra |
/ecu /d(rots

iriova. 5wpo06po^ |
2t/ceXtas (T/caTTToOxos 6 Awpt/c6s." dXXd, H6<rei5ov, crcDfe Kara \

yXavK&v (rA^a T65e poQlwv. A certain Archimedes is the author of the epigram in
the Anthology, vii. 50, the manuscript distinctly naming 'Apxi u?75oi;s, though /

editors have printed this as 'Apxi/^Xou to match the name in Athenaeos. Nothing
is known of this Archimelos.
74
Athenseos, v. 40, o?s e irepl rbv KaSe\KV<riJibv avrov rbv eis rr\v 6d\a<rffav

iro\\rt riTT]ffLS TJV, 'Apx^Tj^T/s 6 //.77x<m/c6s fJibvos avrb Karrjyaye di b\iyuv ffw^druv.
Kara&Kevdaas yap 'e\iKa, rb rr)\iKovTOv (T/cd0os els rr\v 6d\aaaav Karyyaye. jrpuiros
'

5' ApxifjLrjdris evpe rr\v rrjs ^Xt/cos KaraffKevrjv. Plutarch, Marcellus, 14, davfjidaavros
dt rov 'I^pwi'os /cat deydfrros ets Zpyov ei-ayayew rb Trp6j3\r}/j.a
Kal 5et%al n r&v
jj.eyd\uv Kivotipevov virb cr/ii/cpas dwduews, b\Kdda rpi.dpfj.evov r&v /3ao"iXt/ccDf Trbv(f

fteydXy Kal % et / ToXXf vew\Kr]de'i<Taj>, e/uLpd\uv ('Apxt/x^S^s) dvOpuirovs re 7roXXoi)s

Kal rbv crvvrjdri (poprov, avrbs airwdev Ka6r//j,evos, ov fj-era ffirovoris dXXd r/pt/j,a r-fj

X^'pi fftiwv dpx^v riva Tro\va7rd<rTov, irpo<rriydyero Xetws Kal dirraiarus Kal ucnrep
did 6a\drrr)s e-mdeovvav. eKirXayels oSv b /SacriXei/s, /c.T.X. For the meaning of
rpidpfj-evos, see note 124 on p. 54. The term Tro\iL)(nraffrov denotes a combination of
ropes and pulleys, cf. Vitruvius, x. 2. ro: and the term ?Xt
may well denote the
same machine, for it
conveys the notion of some sort of twisting, and the ropes
 AND OTHER SHIPS OF HIGH TONNAGE. 29

that the ship was of abnormal size

74
. And then Moschion
dilates upon the luxury of the cabins and the baths and the
covered walks on deck, shaded by vines and whole gardens of
>lants in pots while Suetonius describes the very same
;

lisplay of luxury on board Caligula's yachts : and Caligula

75
the emperor who built the great ship for the obelisk .

'hus, in all probability, Moschion has blended some of the

iracteristics of that great ship and those luxurious yachts

a vessel of ideal size and splendour; and then endeavoured

give reality to his idea by associating it with some vessel
lat Hieron sent to Ptolemy.
Caligula perhaps was rivalled or surpassed in shipbuild-
ig by some of his successors but there is no proof of this. :

great ship was built by Constantine for the Lateran

>belisk, the largest obelisk of all, and weighs between

which is

.1 and 442 tons 76 but the Vatican obelisk came over with
:

here twisted round the pulleys. Archimedes' screw was termed KoxXt'as, and
obviously has nothing to do with this 2Xt. The story is subsequently told by
roclos, in Euclidem, p. 18, olov 5r? Kal "lepwv 6 ZvpaKofatos etireiv \tyerai irepl

j%i/ji.'r]8ovs, 6're TTJV rpidpfj-evov /caretr/ce^ao'e vavv, yv irapeffKtvafcTO iriinrf.iv IlToXe-

(3acri\ei ry Alyvwrltpi iravTuv yap aiJ.a ^vpaKoval^v e\Kvvai. rr\v vavv

, 'ApxiyU/jJS^s rbv 'lepajva [j.6vov avrrjv Karayayew eirolycrev. KaTawXayeis

s, K.r.X. And again by Tzetzes, chiliades, ii. 103 108, 6 'Apx^^s 6

!>6s, yu.'^xai'T/TTjs e/cetj>os, r yevei Supa/coi/(Ttos fjv, ytpdov yeufi^Tprfs, XP& VOV S T
| |

Kal irivre wapeXa^vuv, |

oaris eipy6.aa.TO TroXXas (J/TIXO-VLKO.^ dvvd[j.eis, |

rrj Tpi<nrd(rTi{} fj.rjx -^ X L

P'-
Xcu Kal fJ.6vy | TrevTefJ.vpLOp.e8iiJ.vov K0.6ei\KV<rev

There is a variant e-rrTafj.vpLo/j.edi.fJi.voi' for 7TVTe/j.vpiofjidL/jLvov in the last

ic.

42, both quoted in note 133

75 on
Suetonius, Caligula, 37, and Athenaeos, v. 41,

>
58, 59-
76
Ammianus, xvii. 4. 13, quo (obettsco) convecto per alveum Nili^ proiectoque
llexandri<z, navis amplitudinis antehac inusitatcz cedificata est, stib trecentis re-

ligibus agitanda. 14, quibus ita provisis, digressoque vita principe memorato
Constantino}, urgens effectus intepuit : tandemque sero impositus navi per
laria fluentaque Tybridis, vehit paventis ne quod pane ignotus miserat Nilus,
parum sub meatus sui discrimine mcenibus alumnis inferret, defertur in vicum
llexandri, tertio lapide ab tirbe seittnctum ; unde chamulcis impositus, tractusqtie

tus, per Ostiensem portam pisdnamqiie publicam Circo illatits est Maximo.
le oars must have been auxiliary see p. 20 for three hundred rowers would

ive little service in propelling a ship of that size.

been of According to Fontana,
trasportatione dell' obelisco Vaticano, p. 70, the Lateran obelisk weighs
blla

[,322,938 Ibs. and a ton contains about 2,996 Ibs. of this measure. The existing
:

lestal was constructed by Fontana in 1588.

 30 THE TONNAGE OF THE WAR-SHIPS.
its pedestal, whereas this and Caligula's ship thu<had none ;

took a heavier load than Constantine's. The merchant^]

employed as transports with Justinian's fleet in 533 A.D. must
it have carried from 1 20 to 200 tons apiece, and not from 1 20 t(
/ 2,000, as stated in the current reading of Procopios. Thei
were five hundred of them; and if they carried 160 torn
upon the average, they carried 80,000 tons altogether, an<
thus afforded ample transport for an army of only sixteei
thousand men whereas the army would have had far mon
:

transport than it needed, if the largest of the ships ha(

carried 2,000 tons apiece",
-v^ War-ships were relatively of very little burden for the] ;

were not meant to keep the sea, and consequently had hardb
anything to carry except their crew. Thus the Tiber was still
navigable as far as Rome for ten-banked war-ships at a tim<
when any merchant-ship carrying more than three thousan<
78
talents was compelled to anchor at the mouth Therefore, .

unless war-ships were relatively of lighter draught th;

77
Procopios, de bello Vandalico, i. u, -fjd-r] d iV airroij Kal rty ts

arparelav ev irapacKevrj el^e, 7reot)s /mev ffrparubras fj.vptovs, linreas 5

XtXfoi'S K re <rrpartwr&t> Kal (poiSepdruv ^vvei\eyiJ,evov^...e'iirovro 5 airro?s "EpoiAc

TerpaK6ffioi, Kal tf/z//,axoi f3dp[3apoi ea/c6<rtot /xdXtcrra etc rov ^/[aaffayerCov edvoi

t7r7roTo6rcu irdi>T5...va.vs d r/ ^fj.irao'a crrparta TrevraKocrtas ij'ye, Kal atirCov ovde/mla

TT\OV rj Kara fjivptddas Trtvre fjt.edifj.vajj> <ppeii> ol'a re yv, ov /j,rjv ovd ZXaavov 17 Kara
rptax^ovs. vavrai 5 diff/jujpioi eireTrXeov airacrats. A great number of these
sailors must have been employed as rowers on the war-ships: see note 45 on p. 17.
As the medimnos was primarily a measure for corn, the load was probably about
90 Ibs. for every medimnos for a medimnos was equivalent to two cubic feet, and
:

the weight would be about 45 Ibs. for every cubic foot, since corn weighs rather
more than 49 Ibs. per cubic English foot. The emendation is necessarily x'^'^as
for ftvpidSas.
78
Dionysios of Halicarnassos, iii.
44, al /jv o$v eiriKuiroi vrjes OTT^XI'KCU TTOT'
&v oucrcu rtixuffi, Kal TU>V 6\Kddw al ^xpi rpi(rxtX<o06/)ajj', dcrdyov<ri re Sia rou
(7T6/tTos avrov Kal /JitxP 1- T W 'Pci^s dpecria Kal pt/uiacri irapeXKb^vai. Ko^ovraL
'

al d ftelfovs irpb rov <Tr6fJ.aros eir' dyKvpwv <ra\ei5oi(rai rats TroTa/i^yots airoye[j.iovral

re Kal dvTKpoprifovraL (7/cd,0ats. Dionysios was at Rome from 30 to 8 B.C., working

at his history, and ten-banked ships presumably were the largest war-ships then
afloat, as they were the largest that fought at Actium in 31 B.C.: see note 54
on p. 21.
79
Thucydides, iv. 118, citing the treaty of 423 B.C., AaKedai/Aoviovs Kal rot)s

j-vjj,fj.dxovs TrXetV /AT; /*a/c/3$ vrji, dXXy 8 K^Trr/pet rrXotip es TrevraKlxna rd\avra ayovri
 THE TIMBER FOR SHIP-BUILDING. 31

merchant-ships on account of some difference in design, a

war-ship of ten banks did not carry more than three thousand
talents, or 75 tons and that would be the weight of a crew of
;

a thousand men, weighing twelve stone apiece upon the

average. At this rate a war-ship of three banks, with a crew
of two hundred men, carried only six hundred talents, or 15
>ns and in a treaty concluded at a time when war-ships
:

normally of three banks, a prohibition against war-ships

backed by a prohibition against any other ships propelled
oars, if they carried more than five hundred talents ;

parently, just to preclude the construction of vessels that

79
>uld be converted into war-ships on emergency .

The hull, as a whole, generally was built of pine on ""

^~**<
erchant-ships and fir on war-ships; though pine and cypress ,

and cedar were also used for war-ships, the practice varying / !

in different districts according to the nature of the timber

80
that they produced . The timber for the keels was selected
with especial care 81 . All the larger merchant-ships had keels

!0
Theophrastos, historia plantarum, v. 7. i, ^Xdrrj ntv ovv Kal treti/cr] Kal
I KtSpOS ws dTrXws elireiv, vavTnjy^ffi/JLa. rds ^ev yap rpir/peis Kal ra ftaKpa 7rXo?a
e\a.TLi> irotovo'i dia Kov<p6TT)Ta, ra 5 <rrpoyyti\a TretiKiva 8ia rb affaires Zvioi d Kal
rds rpnfjpeis dia rb /Ji-rj einropeiv Adr^s. oi 5 Kara 2vplav Kal QoivlKyv K K^Spov
ffiravl^ovffi yap Kal ir&jKrjs. ol 5' ev K^TT/JC^ Trtrvos' ratinjv yap 17 VTJCTOS x ei >
Ka-i
8oKi KpeirTUv elvai TTJS TreijK'rjs. Plutarch, qusestiones convivales, v. 3. r, ov ^v
dXXd /car' Idtav ry Ho(rei5<3in (frai-r) TIS av TTJV TTLTVV wpoff^Ketv dia rds vav-rryylas
Kal yap avrrj Kal ra d5eX0d dtvdpa, TreG/cai Kal <rrp6jStXoi, rCav re ^{i\wv
ra TrXotyttcirara, /c.r.X. This <rrp6/3tXoj is presumably the tibulus which
iny mentions as a species of the pinus silvestris growing in Italy, and used there
shipbuilding, xvi. 17, Iiburnicarj4m ad usus. Plato, leges, p. 705 c, ri 8 drf;
Trr)yr)<rlfj.7]S v\rjs 6 TO'TTOS i]fui> r^s x^P as ^us x i '>
^ K ^ffTtv otire rts eXdr?; X67ou
a otir a5 7retf/O7, 34, ex cttpresso igitur et
KvirdpiTT6s re ov TroXXr/. Vegetius, iv.

imt domestica sive silvestri et abiete pracipue liburna contexitur.

81
Theophrastos, historia plantarum, v. 7. 2, TTJV 5e rpbinv Tpirjpei ptv dpvlvrjv
tva. dvr^xv irpbs rds veuXKias, rat's 5^ b\Ka<n irevKlvrjv btroTidta(ri 5' ?rt Kal

dpvivyv iirav j'ewX/cwo't ra?s 8k eXdrrocrti' d^vivrjv Kal 6'Xws K roirrou ro

cf. v. 8. 3, i] 8t TUV Aarlvwv ^0u5pos iraffa' Kal ij ptv TreSeivT] 8a<j)vi]v

pvpoivovi Kal 6^6rjv davfJLaaTrjv, TrjXiKavra yap rd ,1177/07 T^/j,vovfft U>OT elvai
TUV IvfiprjviSuv v-jrb rr)v rpbirw 77 5^ 6peii>Tj irevKyv Kal Adr^i/. In the former
passage Theophrastos says that the x^cr/uct was usually of beech, and in the
latter he speaks of beech-wood virb rty rpbiriv so these passages may justify the :

assertion of Pollux, i. 86, rb 5' inrb rty rpbirw TeXevTatov TrpoyrjKo^fjLfvov^ roO JJLT)

rr\v rpbiriv, xAiytr/xa /caXeirai.

32 THE VARIOUS KINDS OF TIMBER

of pirier-but were provided with false-keels of oak, if they

were going to be hauled up ashore or set upon one of those
ship-tramways which ran from sea to sea at Corinth and
some other places and the war-ships always had keels of
;

oak, as they used to be hauled up ashore almost every day.

Ships of any size generally had false-keels of beech and ;

the keel itself was made of beech in smaller vessels. Pine

'
82
Theophrastos, historia plantarum, v. 7. 3, TJ de ropveia rots fj.ev

ylverai avKa/Jiivov, /ieXi'as, TrreX^as, irXardvov y\ia"%pb 1"n Ta yap fyeiv Bet Kal iaytiv. -

77 rrjs ir\ardvov' ra%i) yap cr^Trerat. rcus de Tprfpeffiv evioi Kal Trirvtvas
vaL did rb e\a<f>p6v. rb de crrep^w/xa, irpbs y rb x^Xua/ia Kal rds ^Trwrt'Sas, yiteXtas

lax v P a 7<V
1

avKaplvov Kal TrreX^as dei ravr elvai. v. 7. 5, (piXvpa 8e irpbs ra

ir\oiwv. note for %Aw/u.cc, and note 141 on p. 62 for
See last

The oaviduna must be some sort of planking, and the arep^^a. some
sort of backing. The ropveia would be timber cut to shape by carpenters but ;

possibly i) d ropvela should be read TJ 5' evrepbveia, cf. Aristophanes, equites, 1185,
eis ras Tpir/peis evrephveia, Livy xxviii. 45, interamenta naviiim. Plato, leges,
p. 705 C, irlrvv T ct5 Kal ir\a,TO.vov 6\iyr)v av evpot rtj, ofs 5^ Trpbs TO, &TOS rCov
jrXoiuv fJ.pir) avayKalov roi? vavirtiyoLS xpTJadai e/cdcrrore. Theophrastos, historia
plantarum, iv. 2. 8, Kal tv rats vavirriyiaL^ xptovTai irpbs ra eyKoiXia atiry, sc.

aKdvdri. Theophrastos is describing the Egyptian acacia, or mimosa: and

Herodotos, ii. 96, remarks that the trading-vessels on the Nile were built entirely
of this. For eyKoL\ta see note 95 on p. 39.
83 ore TIS 8pvs
Iliad, xvi. 482 484, Ijpiire 5', u>s rfpi-irev, T) d%epa?i's, |
rj TTi'ri/j

fiXwdp-f), rty T oO'pecri Throve* avdpes \ e^ra/Jiov ire\tK(crffi verjKeffi, vfjiov elvai.

Odyssey, v. 239, 240, K\-rj9p-r]

T' atyeipds T, d\drr) T fjv ovpavofj.'/iK'rjs, \
ova TrdXat,

7TpiK7)\a,ra ol TrXuocev Aa^pws. Thus, besides pine and fir, there are here two
kinds of poplar, d%e/3ws and atyeipos, and also oak and alder. Alder was so
generally employed for shipbuilding in Italy that the Roman poets use alnus like
abies and pinus Virgil, georgics, i. 136, tune alnos primum
to denote a ship.

fluvii sensere cavatas, 451, torrentem ttndam levis innatat almis, cf. yEneid,
ii.

viii. 91, abies, x. 206,

pinus. Lucan, iii. 520, emeritas repetunt navalibtis alnos.
Silius, xii. 522, transmittunt alno vada. But they do not use quercus in this sense.
Valerius Flaccus, v. 66, is referring to the piece of Dodona oak in the bows of
the Argo. Theophrastos, historia plantarum, v. 4. 3, 5o/ce? yap (8pvs) 6'Xws affaires
'
flvai di' 5 Kal els TOI)S 7rora/xoi)s Kal els ras \iuvas eK TOVTWV ev de rfj
vavTryyovcriv
dakdrrri (njVerai. But sea-going ships are described by Csesar, de bello Gallico,
iii.
13, naves ex robore ad quamvis vim et contiimeliam perferendam : and
totce factcz

Strabo here translates ex robore by dpvivTjs vXrjs, iv. 4. i. These ships, however,
were peculiar to the Bay of Biscay. Claudian names beech with alder as a
wood for shipbuilding, de raptu Proserpinae, iii. 365, J'ago>s metitur et alnos : but
the beech, like the oak, probably was wanted for the keel. Theophrastos,
historia plantarum, iv. 2. 6, lax^pov Kal els &\\a re xP n ffi fJLOV
r
tfXcw 5<: (/3aXdj/oi>)
Kal ds TOLS vaviryytas. Theophrastos is
describing the Egyptian moringa, the tree
that produces oil of ben.
 EMPLOYED IN SHIP-BUILDING. 33

and plane, elm and ash, mulberry and lime and acacia, were
all employed in the interior of the hull
82
And alder and .

poplar and the timber of a balsam-tree are also named among

83
the kinds of wood in use in shipbuilding But in some .

outlandish districts the sides of the ships were formed of

84
^'leather instead of wood The masts and yards were made .

f fir, or else of pine and so also were the oars 85 ;

.

84
Caesar, de bello civili, i.
54, imperat militibus Casar ut naves faciant, cuius
eum superioribus annis usus Britannia docuerat. carina primum ac
tumina levi materia fiebant: reliquum corpus navium viminibus contextum
Us integebatur. Lucan, iv. 131 135, primum cana salix madefacto vimine
im texitur in puppim, casoque inducta iuvenco vectoris patiens tumidum \
|

itat amnem. \
Venetus stagnante Pado, fusoque Britannus navigat
sic \

57, etiam nunc in Britannico oceano (naves}

vii. vitiles corio
Pliny,
cumsuta fiunt. Dion Cassius, xlviii. 18, depudnva TrXotct /card rous iv r<

v<$ TrX^oj/ras iKTroiijcrai ^Trexet'pTjo'ei', frdodev uv pd/35ots aura Koti(pais 8ia\au^d-

a>0ev 5 dtpua uubv Is dvirLdos /cu/cXorepoCs rpbtrov irepiretvuv.
/Sods cf. 19,

irXotdpta fivpo-iva. Antiphilos, in the Anthology, ix. 306, v\or6uoi irafoacrQe ve&v
Xdptp. oiWri iretiKf) Ktuaros, dXX' -fjd-r] pivbs ^rirpoxdet. Strabo speaks of similar
\

vessels on the north coast of Spain, iii.

3. 7, dupdeplvois TrXofots, and also in the

Red Sea, xvi. 4. 19, depuarivois TrXofots. Herodotos describes the practice in
Assyria, i.
194, ^Tredv yap voutas Ire?)? raubuevoi, TronycrwpTat, Trepireivovffi roirrotcrt

dupdtpas <TTeya<rTpi8as Qwdev eSdfaos rpoVoi', o^re Trp6uvr)v dTTOKplvovres otfre Trpyprjv

avvdyovres, dXX' dffiridos rp6irov KVK\OTepta TrotTjcrai'Tes, /c.r.X. According to

Zosimos, iii.
13, five hundred vessels of this sort were built for Julian's campaign
;re in 363 A.D.
85 irbvrov
Iliad, vii. 5, 6, eirty KeKauwffiv Iv^ffTTjs IXdrrfffiv \

iyssey, xii. 171, 172, ol 5' ^TT' tperua |

e6uevoi \ftiKat.vov #5o

icophrastos, historia plantarum, v. 1.6, tan 5e Kal iroXtXoirov ij IXdrij Kaddirep

TO Kp6uvov del yap %X i Tiva U7ro/cdrw roD <j)aivo/j.vov Kal K roiotiruv i] 0X77.
'
i 6 Kal rds /cwTras ^o^res d(paipeiv Treipuitrai Kad' 2va Kal 6ua\(2s lav yap ourws
.tpa5(riv, i<rxvpbs o Kwire&v, lav 8 TrapaXXd^wo't /cat u^) Karaviruffiv

yap OUTOJS, e/ce^ws 5' d0atpeo"is. ^crrt 5^ Kal /j.aKp6raTov i]

SC 3 Kal rds /cepat'as Kal roi^s Jo-rous e/c Tafoys irotov<nv. Pliny,
a. 76, ha omnium arborum altissima ac rectissima, sc. larix et abies. navium
ilis antennisque propter levitatem prafertur abies. See also the passage quoted
>m Pliny in note 68 on p. 26. Odyssey, xv. 289, 290, lorbv 5' d\dnvov KoiXys
ro<rde ueo-bSuT)? \
arr\ffa.v delpavres. Apuleius, metamorphoses, xi. 16, iam malus
urgit, pinus rotunda. Lucan, ii.
695, 696, dum iuga curvantur mali, dumque
tua pinus \ 529 531, validaque triremes, quasque quater surgens
erigitur. iii. \

tructi remigis ordo commovet, et plures qua mergunt aquore pimis. According
\

Theophrastos, historia plantarum, iv. i. 2, 4, wood from chilly places was

:koned the best for yards and oars, but not for masts. See also Claudian, de
iptu Proserpinae, iii.
367 369, qua longaest, tumidis prabebit cornua veils: qua \

'is, malopotior: qttce lenta, favebit \ remigio.

T. C
34 DRYING THE WOOD, CALKING THE SEAMS,

The timber for ships never was seasoned thoroughly, as

it then became too stiff to bend into me needful shapes :
but,
as a rule,it was allowed some while for drying after it was

felled,and then for settling after it was built into a ship for ;

otherwise the seams were likely to expand considerably and

admit the water 86 The seams were calked by filling them with
.

tow and other packing 87 and fixing this with wax or tar and
,
:

the whole of the outer planking was protected with a coat of tar

86
Theophrastos, historia plantarum, v. 7. 4, reKroviKrj ph ovv i] TraXcuordrij
(tfX?;) Kparia-rrj, eav % affaires' etffleret yap ws eliretv ira<n xPV ff 6 a <" vavn-yyiKfi de
'
did T7]v Kan^LV evt,Kfj.orepa dvayKaiov eVet Trpos ye TTJV K0\\7]<nv r/ ^tjpore'pa

(rvfj.^e'pei. t'0-rarat yap Kaivd rd vavTryyoti/jieva Kal orav ffv/jurayfi Kade\Kvadevra

avfj.fji.ijeL Kal areyei irXty edv yurj iravrdiraaiv e^LK^aad^' rbre de oft 6Yxercu K6\\7]<nv
% oi>x O/AO/WS. Plutarch, de fortuna Romanorum, 9, yevopevriv 8e (vavi>) arrival Set
Kal Trayrjvai a^uf^fJierpov xpbvov, ^ws 01 re dea/Jioi /cdro^ot ytvuvrai Kal (rvvrjdeiav ot

y6/j.(poi \dj3(i)ffiv eav 5e vypols ZTI Kal TrepioXiadalvovo'i rots apfj.ois Karao'Trao'drj t
iravra xaXdaei faanva-xQevra Kal deerai TT\V QtiKarrav. Vegetius, iv. 36, illud
etiam cavendum ne continuo, ut deiectce fuerint, trades secentur vet statim, ut sectcz
ftierint, mittantur in navem ; siquidem et adhuc solids arbores et iam divisce per
tabulas duplices ad maiorem siccitatem mereantur indutias. nam qua virides

compinguntur, cum nativum umorem exudaverint, contrahuntur et rimas faciunt

latiores. Thus, the notion was that the timber ought to be moderately dry,
,Zyporepa, ad maiorem siccitatem, but not completely dry, fj.7)

87
Iliad, ii. 135, Kal 5?? dovpa ffe'<rr)Tre ve&v Kal airapra \e\vvrai. This line is
noticed by Pliny, xxiv. 40, nondum enim fuisse Africanum vel Hispanum spa^im
in usu, certum est: et cum sutiles fierent naves, lino tamen non sparto
unquam
sutas. And also by Varro, apud Aulum Gellium, xvii. 3, in Grczcia sparti copia
modo ccepit esse ex Hispania: neque ea ipsa facilitate usi Liburni, set hi plerasque
naves loris suebant, Graci magis cannabo et stiippa ceterisque sativis rebus, a q^^^bus
fftrapTa appellabant. At Portus near the mouth of the Tiber there was a guild of
calkers entitled splendidissimum corpus stuppatorum'. see Corp. Inscr. Latin.

96, &rw0ej> 5e" rots apuovlas ev wv e-jraKTUirav ry

vol. xiv, no. 44. Herodotos, ii.

^i5j8\y, sc. ot MytiTTTLoi. Pliny, xvi. 64, ubi lignosiore callo (arundo) induruit,
sicut in Belgis, contusa et interiecta navium commissuris ferruminat textus, glutino
tenacior, rimisque explendis fidelior pice. Strabo, iv. 4. i, 01)
<rvvdyov<rt rots

apftovias T<2v <ravL8uv, dXX' dpat.wfji.ara /caraXe^rroucri ravra de fipvois diavdrTovvi.

This refers to the ships in the Bay of Biscay.
88
Genesis, vi. 14, Kal dcr^aXrwcreis a^rr/i/ (rrfv Kifiurbv) taw6ev Kal e^wOev rrj

do-0dXry. Hipponax, Fr. 50, apud Harpocrationem, s. v. p.d\dtj : eVetra /j.d\0ri

rr,v rpbinv Trapaxptvas, cf. Virgil, ^Eneid, iv. 398, uncta carina. This /xdX^ was
asphalte: see Pliny, ii. 108, in Commagenes urbe Samosatis stagnum est, emittens
limum (maltham vacant) fiagrantem. Pliny, xvi. 21, pix liquida in Europa e tceda
coquitur navalibus muniendis, 23, non omittendum, apud eosdem zopissam vocari
derasam navibus maritimis picem cum cera. cf. Arrian, periplus, 5, Kal 6 K-rjpos
 AND TARRING OR PAINTING THE SIDES. 35
88
r wax or both together . The wax had to be melted over
a fire until it was
enough to be laid on with a brush;
soft
d usually some paint was melted with the wax, so that the
hip received a coat of colour in encaustic. Pliny states that
seven kinds of paint were used in this way, a purple, a violet,
a blue, two whites, a yellow and a green and UFalater date ;

there was a paint which matched the colour of the waves 89 .

his was selected for vessels employed in reconnoitring or

:: i;v<rQr}. Valerius Flaccus, i.

478 480, sors tibi, ne qua \ parte trahat taciturn
puppis mare, fissaque fluctu \
vel pice vel molli conducere vulnera cera. Ovid,
tamorphoses, xi. 514, 515, spoliataque tegmine cerce \
rima patet, prabetque
letalibus undis. Lucian, dialogi mortuorum, 4, Kal Krjp6v, ws tirnr\d<rai TOV
a<pt5iov ra avLpyt)T(i. Plutarch, quaestiones convivales, v. 3. i, TTI'TTTJS re Kal
&vev rwv crvfj-Tray^ruv 6'0eXos otidev ev TT} 6a\aTT7]. Vegetius,
XoKprji', r)$

44, unctasque cera et pice et resina tabulas, sc. navium. Porphyrogenitos, de cseri-
niis, ii.
45, 56drj virep /caXa0aT77<rea>s ruv avrCjv ta Kapafiiwv
'

\y, cf. Zonaras,

i. 1 8, T&V yap r&s vrjas KaraTTiTTOijvTuv
avrf 6 Trarrip, sc. 6 KaXa0d,r?;s. T\V
89
Pliny, xxxv. 41, encausto pingendi duo fuisse antiquitus genera constat,
donee classes pingi ccepere : hoc tertium accessit, resolutis igni ceris penicillo utendi,

quce pictura in navibus nee sole nee sale ventisque corrumpitur. This must mean
that the new process was introduced when encaustic was first employed in painting
ships not when ships first were painted, for that was in the earliest times.
Pliny, xxxv. 31, cerce tinguntur iisdem his coloribus ad eas picturas quce inuruntur,
alieno parietibus genere sed classibus familiari, iam vero et onerariis navibus, these
colours being purpurissum, indicum, cceruleum, melinum, auripigmentum, appia-
num and cerussa. The purpurissum was a shade of purple, and the ccsruleum was
blue; while the indicum was some colour between blue and purple, xxxv. 27, in
diluendo mixturam purpurcz caruleique mirabilem reddit. The melimtm is de-
ibed as candidurn in xxxv. 19, and classed as album in xxxv. 32; so this was
ite. The auripigmentum was presumably a shade of orange. The appianum
a shade of green, xxxv. 29, viride qtwd appianum vocatur. The ceriissa was
ite-lead,xxxv. 19, est et colos tertius e candidis, cerussa, cuius rationem in
mbi metallis diximus. fuit et terra per se in Theodoti fundo inventa Smyrna,
qua veteres ad navium picturas utebantiir. nunc omnis ex plumbo et aceto fit, nt
diximus. But Vitruvius, vii. 7. 4, says that this terra was creta viridis, and was
known as theodotium, while Pliny, xxxv. 29, says that creta viridis was used for

appianum. Vegetius, iv. 37, ne tamen exploratoria naves candore prodantur,

reveneto, qui marinis est fliictibus similis, vela tinguntur et funes ; cera etiam,
ungere solent naves, inficitur. cf. Philostratos, imagines, i. 18, y\avicois ph
aTrrat xpw/^acrt, sc. vavs X^a-rpt/c??. Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 807, col. b,

114 118, UTraXo0^ & <f>idaKvly ^\CLLVO.' ertpa iv a^.<popei [j,t\aiva

'

ertpa Xewrfy
<f>idaKvli{)
'
h afji(popevffi Svoiv \evK-/j. These paints were for the ships see no.
:

col. e, 1.
156, col. f, 1. 4. Polysenos, v. 34, Nkow 2</uos Ku/Se/wTjrTjs,

Tjalov Tpi-fjpuv TroXe^ifwv 6pfJ.ovcrG}v, j8ouX6/*ei'OS TrapaTrXei^aas \adf1v, TTJV aKoupty r^s
avroO i/ews 6fj.oiav Karaxpivas TCUS 7roXe/ifats Tptrjpeffi, ^TrXei K.T.\.

C 2,
36 DECORATIVE PAINTING ON THE HULL.

piracy, to keep them out of sight. But the encaustic was

often put to a better use than merely giving the ship a coat
of colour; and elaborate designs were painted all along the
sides, with great groups olHigures at the ends, especially at
90
the stern Such groups may be seen on the sterns of the
.

Greek ships of about 200 B.C. in fg. 24 and the Roman ship
of about 200 A.D. in fg. 29. The earliest Greek ships had
only patches of colour on the bows, blue or purple or ver-

yap efyev (77 vavs) OVK Adrrw 5c65e/ca Tr-rjx^v Kara

90
Athenseos, v. 37, fwa ph
re Kal irpypav, Kal Tras rbiros atirijs Kypoypafila /caTeTreTroiKiXro, rb 5'
airav /u.^xpi TT)S Tp6?rews Kiffffivrjv (fiv\\dda Kal 6vp<rovs el%e 7r^/)<. 42, ^ 5e
vavs iracra oineiais ypa<pai$ eTreirbvfjTo, where olicelais denotes encaustic, the genus
dassibus familiare of Pliny, xxxv. 31 see last note. Valerius Flaccus, i. 127 ff,
:

constititut longo moles non pervia ponto puppis, et ut temtes subiere latentia |

cer& lumina, picturce varies superaddit honores.

| hie..., 140, parte alia ...... , |

describing in detail two large groups. On one side, Thetis is riding on a dolphin
towards the home of Peleus. Three of the Nereids are following her; and
Galatea, the last of these, is beckoned back to Sicily by Polyphemos. In front of
Thetis is the home of Peleus, where she
is seen again at a banquet of the sea-gods.

The playing to them on the lyre. On the other side, the

centaur Cheiron is

centaurs have broken loose at the marriage-feast of Hippodameia. Peleus and his
comrades keep them off with sword and spear. The monsters wield fire-brands
and use their hoofs ; but one is still in his cups and another is galloping away.

Horace, odes, i.
14. 14, 15, nil pictis timidus navita puppibus \fidit. Ovid, fasti, iv.
275, 276, picta coloribus ustis \
ccelestum matrem concava puppis habet, heroides,
1 6. 112 114, accipit et pictos puppis adunca decs. \ qua tamen ipse vehor, comitata
Cupidine parvo \ sponsor coniugii stat dea picta sui, tristia, i.
4. 7, 8, monte nee
inferior prorce puppique recurva insilit, et pictos verberat unda deos.
\ Persius, vi.
30, ingentes de puppe dei. Propertius, iv. 6. 49, vehunt prorce Centauros saxa
minantes. Lucian, navigium, 5, rrjv eTrtbvvfAov r^s vews 6cbv ^oucra rty *\GLV
eKartpudev, sc. 17 Trpypa. These last passages, however, may perhaps refer to
carvings: see note 148 on p. 65. On the other hand, several of the passages quoted
in that note probably refer to
paintings. Aristophanes, ranse, 932, Aibwcros:
rbv %ovdbv iinrd\KTpv6va fyruv, rls ecrrtv opvis. 933> AiV%i;Xos: 0"r)[j,e'iov iv
rats vava-lv, upadtffTaT, tveytypairTo. The allusion is to the verses quoted
from yEschylos by the scholiast, in pacem, 1177, airb 5' aure %ovdbs linraXeKTpvuv \

ffrdfct K-rjpbdev T&V <pap/^aKcov TTO\VS ir6vos. The reading is corrupt: but icrjpbdev
suggests a word akin to Kypbs, and the sense is obviously that the picture melted
off in drops while the vessel was burning. That seems to be the earliest record
of encaustic on a ship. Hipponax, Fr. 49, apud Tzetzen, in Lycophronem, 424,
oprixave, fjLrjK^Ti ypd\{/ys \ 6(j>iv rpnfipevs iv iroXv^jytf) rolxy \
air e/u.(36\ov
The
point of this appears to be that the painter meant
irpbs Kv^epvrjTrjv.
to put a horizontal band of colour round the
ship, but drew it so unsteadily that it
twisted about like a snake. According to Pliny, xxxv. 36, there was a tale that
Protogenes was once a painter of ships ; but the phrase naves pinxisse is ambiguous,
 METAL SHEATHING ROUND THE HULL. 37

milion, the rest of the hull being black with tar; and possibly
91
the painting on the bows was not in wax Occasionally, .

the coats of wax or tar were replaced by a sheathing of leadrt,

outside the outer planking, some layers of tarred sail-cloth
92
jing interposed between the metal and the wood .

The timbers of a ship were held together by wooden pegs^X

id metal nails; and bronze was preferred to iron for the nails, i
j

it was better able to resist the action of the water

93
When . V
id may refer to pictures on ships or pictures of ships. It was said that he

itroduced ships in the background in two of his masterpieces, ut appareret a

dbus iniiiis ad arcem ostentationis opera sua pervenissent: and this suggests that

had begun as a painter of rough pictures of ships.

life Such pictures were
imably in great demand at a large sea-port like Rhodes, where Protogenes
sided, for it was then the custom to dedicate pictures as thank-offerings for escape
>m storm and shipwreck : see Cicero, de natura deorum, iii.
37.
91
Herodotos, iii.
58, TO de iraXaibv aTrcurcu al pe'es Zaav /uXrTjXi^e'es. The
)ithet /uXroTrdpTjos occurs once in the
637, that is to say, in the Iliad, ii.

Catalogue, and once in the Odyssey, ix. 125; and the epithet (poiviKOTrdprjos occurs
ace in the Odyssey, xi. 124, xxiii. 271: but utXaiva and Kvavdirpypos are the
)rmal epithets in both the poems, so that TO Tra\ai6v cannot include the earliest
ies. The colour must have been confined to patches on the bows, for in the

lyssey, xiv. 308, 311, a ship is first described as u\aiva and then as Kvav6-
rpypos, and the iraprna would not be far from the 6(pda\pol and ffluwua, as to
rtrich see note 147 on p. 65 and note 153 on p. 69.
92
Athenseos, v. 40, r6 uv ovv ijfjuirv rou iravTos TT?S vcws ev uyo-lv 2 dpydaaTo,
rcus eK uo\lf3ov TroiTj^eicrais Kepautinv del /ca#' 6 vavirrjyijOel'r) /ue'pos TrepLeXau-
u/ero cos de Kal TO, \onrd utpr) TTJS vews ev AXXois l a-rjffl KaTecrKevd<rdr), Kal rots

^Aots Traaa irepieXytpdr], wv oi iro\\ol 8eKa.fj.vooi r)<rav, ol 5' dXXot TOIJTWV

'

uot
'
did Tpvirdvuv d' rjcrav OVTOI 'rjpfji.oa'fj.e'voi,
roi)s ffTauivas ffvv^x VT ^ uo\vj3dl-

Jthough Athenseos asserts here that sheathing was used on a ship belonging to
[ieron, he may really be describing a practice of Caligula's time
or afterwards:

pp. 27 2 g. L. B. Alberti, de re sedificatoria, v. 12, ex navi Traiani per has

duni qua scripsimus commentarer ex lacu Nemorensi eruta (quo loci annos phis
r

demersa et destituta iacuerat] adverti pinum materiam et cupressum egi'egie

in ea tabulis extrinsecus duplicem superextensam et pice atra perfiisam

'.:

lam ex lino adglutinarant supraque id chartam plumbeam daviculis eneis coadfir-

tt. This was written in 1485 A.D.
93
Odyssey, v. 248, y6(jt.<poi.(ri.v
5' apa T-fjv ye Kal dpuovlr)<riv apaaaev. 361, o0p'

fj.ev Kev SovpaT' ev dpuovlyffiv dpj}py. Apollonios Rhodios, i. 369, 370, IV' eu
laTo yo/j.(pois \ dovpaTa. ii.
79 81, w$ 5' ore vrjia dovpa Qoois dvrL^oa y6fj.<f>ois \

^pes vXyovpyoi, ein^X^riv eXdovres, deLvwffi ff^prfffiv.

|
Plutarch, de fortuna
viro TrXrjydv Kal fita?
lomanorum, 9, uWep yap 6X/cds rj rptTjp^s vavir-rjye'iTat. pev
Kal ^'Xois dpaffffo^evr] Kal you<t>d)/J.a(Ti
Kal irpioffi
y, <r<pvpais
c
8e (TTrjvai del Kal irayrjvai (fvp-^eTpov XP OVOV ^ ws ^' re
.vop.evriv >
 SHIPS IN SECTIONS FOR TRANSPORT.

necessary, these fastenings were arranged in such a way that

the ship could easily be divided into sections for transpoi
overland and war-ships of three and four and five banks
;

were thus conveyed to distant waters, presumably in thirty 01

forty sections apiece, since those of thirty oars used to b(

94
divided into three .

ytvwvTa.1 /cat vvvrideiav ol ybn<poi \dfiu(nv. cf. ^Eschylos, supplices, 846, yo/m<j)o5t

66pei. Thus, while the Beffpol are coupled with the y6y.<pot by Plutarch, tl

ap/j.oi>lai are coupled

with the yb^oi in the Odyssey, so the appovlai and tl

5e<r/j.ol may be the same things under different names : cf. Odyssey, v. 33,

Tro\v8t<rfJi.ov. And as the yb/j.<f)oi certainly were pegs, the decrfjt-ol or appoviai woul

naturally be the sockets for those pegs. Apparently 7<>/i0u>/ia<ri is equivalent tc

y6fji<pois in the passage just quoted from Plutarch,

and d/oyaocr^drwv to apfj.oviuv ii

Euripides, Helena, 411, Tpbiris 5' e\el<p6r) iroud\uv dpfj-oafj-dTuv. In that pas
Plutarch mentions yXoi as well as y6fn<poi, and these were usually of metal :

Athenseos, v. 40, quoted in the last note, x a ^ K0 ^ *?Xoi. Caesar, de bello Gallic
iii. 13, transtra pedalibus in latitudinem trabibus confixa clavis ferreis digiti polli*
crassitudine. Vegetius, iv. 34, ritilius (liburna) cereis clavis quam ferreis confin-
genda ; quamlibet enim gravior aliquanto videatur expensa ; tamen, quia amplii*
durat, lucrum probatur afferre : nam ferreos clavos tepore et umore celeritcr robig
consumit, <zrei autem etiam in fluctibus propriam substantiam servant. See al
Procopios, de bello Gothico, iv. 22, quoted in note 97 on p. 40, and Taciti
historise, iii.
47, quoted in the note on camara on p. 107.
94
Arrian, anabasis, v. 8, raura ws gyvu 'A\^avdpos, Kotvov fj.v rbv IloXe/.

KpdTovs 7r{fj.\l/as 6irt<r<i) iiri TOV 'Ivdbv 7rora/x6i', rd TrXota 6Va 7rape<r/cei5a(rro avrf eirl

TOV irbpov TOV 'Ivdov %vvTe/j,6vTa KeXevei fapeiv ws e?rl Tbv 'IbdcTr^v iroTa^v. KI

Te rd 7rXo?a /cat eKO/micrd'r) avT<^, ova. /JLV j3paxvTepa 5t%^ 5ia.T[Jt,T)6frTa

'

TP 1 XV eTfj.rjdya'av, /cat rd T/i^/iara eVl frevy&v bieKo/m.ia'Or] CTT tiri

1
''TSdffTTOv' /cd/cet ^vfj.irrjxdfi' TO VO.VTIKOV avdis dy 6fJ.ov wcfidij iv Tip' .

According to Arrian, anabasis, vii. 19, already quoted in note 13 on p. 6, shi]

of three and four and five banks were afterwards brought over from the Medi
terranean to the Euphrates for Alexander's fleet. See also Strabo, xvi. i. i r, ar

Quintus Curtius, x. i. 19, already quoted in that same note. The vessels on tl
Indus are mentioned by Curtius, viii. 10. 2, iussitque ad Jlumen Indum precede
et navigia facere, quis in ulteriora transportari posset exercitus. illi, quia plura
flumina superanda erant, sic iunxere naves ut sohita plaustris vehi possent rursusqt

coniungi. All these devices are attributed to Semiramis by Diodoros, ii. ii

/iereTr^/x^aro 5 /cat vavirrjyovs K re 3>oivlKTjs /cat*

Zupas /cat Kvwpov /cat TT?S &\\r]s ri
Trapa.da\aTTiov %wpas, ols a<f>dovov v\rjv /j.eTayayov<Ta diKe\vffa,TO /tara
Trord^ta TrXota Statperd. 17, vavs 5e Trora/iias /care07cei;a<re Statperds 5t(rxtX/as, afj

Treffi 7rapa/co/xtfoi5<ras rd ffKd^r).

irape<TKevdtTa,To Ka/j.r]\ov$ rds Diodoros is quoting
from Ctesias, and Ctesias lived before the time of Alexander; so these devices
were customary in those regions. It is said that Nero tried to drown Agrippina by
putting her on board a vessel that was to come to pieces on the voyage Suetonius, :

Nero, 34, solutilem navem. But the project miscarried :

Tacitus, annales, xiv. 5,
nee dissohitio navigii sequebatur.
 THE KEEL AND RIBS, STEM-POST, ETC. 39

The outer framework of the hull consisted of a ^-keel and

//
95 /I
ribs There was not any stern-post nor was there a stem- \V
. ;

>st, unless the ship was

built to carry a ram. And thus in^x*
far-ships and merchant-ships alike the after part of the keef
irved slowly upwards till it reached the level of the deck ;
/
in the merchant-ships the fore part made a similar curve
95
Ovid, heroides, 16. 109, \\Q, fundatura citas flectuntur robora naves, texitur \

costis panda carina suis. Procopios, de bello Gothico, iv. 22, % re yap rpbiris
ou<ra K irpvuitTjs &Kpas &xpi ts rrjv wpfpav Sir/Kei, Kara fipaxb utv
ivuacrlus eirl rb KOL\OV U7roxw/>ou<rct, Kal av ird\i.v evdev8e Kara \6yov eu ud\a eirl rb
re Kal 8t.arerap.evoi> eTraviovcra. ra re Trax^a ^vuiravra %v\a es TTJV rpdiriv

oadevra airep ol uev iroi^ral Spuoxous Ka\ov<nf, erepoi. Se voueas e/c roixov
eKavrov darepov axpi- s rrjs veus 5i?J/cei rbv erepov Totx OJ/< This ship was
jrved at Rome as a relic of ^Eneas : see note 55 on p. 21. The term Spvoxoi
:urs in the Odyssey, xix. 574, where the axes are set up in a long row like the

ibs of a ship, 8pv6xovs ws. Also in Polybios, i. 38, avdis Zyvucav K rCov
<ocri Kal 8iaK6cria vavirriyelffdai ffKatpTj, in Plato, Timseos, p. 81 B, 0101* eve

id in similar passages the notion being that a ship was altogether new, if the
;

were new, as they formed the best part of the framework. The term voltes
is employed by Herodotos, ii.
96, irepl ybpspovs TTVKVOVS Kal //,a/c/>oi)s irepieLpovci ra
%v\a' eireav e rq> rpbTTip rovrtp vavirtjyrjcrwvrai., vya CTrtTroX^s reivovcri

vouevcrt Se offiev XP^TCU. This seems to mean that the ribs (routes) were
^placed by trenails (y6u<poi) in these trading-vessels on the Nile, i.e. the timbers
of the side were not nailed to vertical supports behind them, but were held together

by vertical supports which ran right through them. The term vo/zces is again
applied to the ribs in the passage quoted from Herodotos in note 84 on p. 33 and ;

in the passage quoted from Caesar in that note the ribs are termed statumina,
which answers to <rraulves in Greek. Odyssey, v. 252, 253, iKpia 8e <rr-r)<ras, apapuv
6aue<ri (rrauiveo-cri, |
Troiei' drap uaKpfja-iv tirr)yK*i>i8<r<Tt reXetfra. These ora/itVes
must be the ribs, which stand behind the timbers of the side, eTr-rjyKevLSes, and
ipport the upper decking, fopia. And in the passage quoted in note 92 on p. 37
thenaeos says incidentally that the skin and sheathing of the ship were nailed to
65. Athenaeos classes the <rraulves with eyKoi\ta and y6u<poi cf. v. 40,
ious re Kal eyKolXta Kal trrauivas and these y6u(poi may be the trenails which
[erodotos describes as substitutes for ribs. In translating from Theophrastos,
listoria plantarum, Pliny renders eyKoiXia by costa,
iv. 2. 8, xiii. 19. And the cosfcz
ire the ribs, this metaphor surviving from those times but the tyKolXia were
:

letaphorically the guts frrepdveta, interamenta, see note 82 on p. 32. They are
mtioned again by Strabo, xv. i. 15, KareffKevavuevas 5e (vavs) duforepwdev
fKoiXtots u-rjrpuv x w pk-
In the mediaeval galleys every pair of ribs was in three
actions, the matere in the middle and the stamenali at each end ; and these terms
lust be survivals of urjrpai and ffrauives. So, if a vessel had ffrauives or fyKoi\ia
/ithout uyrpai, each pair of ribs made an acute angle at the keel. Leo, tactica,
ix. 5, ex^TW Se Kal K irepiffffov v\a nva eyKol\ia Kal aavLSas Kal crrvinrla Kal irlffcrav
vypbTTiffffov. These things apparently were meant for stopping up holes in

ship's side, the eyKoiXia being a makeshift for ribs to put behind the planks.
40 STRUCTURE AND THICKNESS OF THE SIDES.

towards the bows 98 . The skin of the ships was formed

planking laid upon the ribs, and fastened through them tc

97
the beams This planking was seldom of any great thickness
.

sometimes three inches, sometimes only two and a quartei

and rarely more than five and a quarter 98 . But outside th(

planking there usually were several waling-pieces, that is

say, long strips of timber running horizontally round the shi]
in the manner shewn in fgs. 20 to 23, 26 and 29, and knowi
99
accordingly as zosteres, or belts .

96 The contour of the earliest Greek ships is indicated by the epithets in tl

Iliad, xviii. 3, veuv dpdoKpaipduv, 338, vrjval Kopuvlffi, 573, fiouv 6p6oKpaipdui>,
Theocritos, xxv. 151, fowl Kopuviffi. And if the ships curved upwards at the enc
like a bull's horns, the <rret/>7; was simply the fore part of the keel, not a separat

stem-post. Iliad, i.
481, 482, a^i 5t Kvpa \ areipy iropcptpeov peydX' fo^e vt

iotiffys.Apollonios Rhodios, i.
525 527, IlTyXtas 'io-^v 'Apy6 tv ydp
dbpv deiov eX^Xaro, rb p dva fjAGtrqv \ aretpav 'AB^vaif) Awduvidos TJp/J.offe

Thus when Lucian says rj TTJS 'Apyovs rpbiris e\d\7)(rev, somnium, 2, and sj

of TT]V 'A/ryc6, TTJV \d\ov O.VTTJS rpbiriv, de saltatione, 52, he implies that the k
curved upwards till it ended in the figure-head. Lucian, navigium, 5, u>s

irpvp.va ptv tiravtaT-riKev yptpa /ca/ATrtfX?; x/oycrouv \t\vi<JK.QV eTrt/cet/x^?;,

d dvdXoyov i) wp^pa virepfitfiriKev e's rb irpbau a.irofi'rjKvvo^vr). That refers to

merchant-ship of about 150 A.D. and the contour seems there to be the same :

in the earliest Greek ships. Hence that curvature of the keels which is noted
Ovid and Procopios in the passages quoted at the beginning of the last note.
97
Bianor, in the Anthology, xi. 248, r/S?; ydp iuv diraaav tiri fvya yopQuQeiaav \

77Xet0oi' Trefoils rrj \nrapy voriSi. It was clearly the skin that was bolted to the

beams, as it was the skin that received the coat of tar. Procopios, de bello Gothico,
iv. 22, <ravls re irpbs eirl TOTJTOLS e/cdtrr^ e*
Trpvfj.vrjs &Kpas & r^s ^7765 ^t/c^etrat TT)V
er^pav dpxnv, wvoeidijs ovca /cat K^vrpa ffidTjpa TOTJTOV ^e/ca 7rpoa-Xa/3oO(ra (j,6vov,
6'?rws drj rats doKois tvappoffdelffa rbv ro^xov Trotet. These Soitoi are presumably the
beams, though possibly they are the irax^a tfXa which Procopios has just defined
see note 95 as dptioxoi, or ribs : cf.Athenseos, v. 44, TTWS 5e /caret 5pv6x&v eirdyr)
<ra/t's; Csesar, de bello Gallico, iii. 13, transtra pedalibus in latitudinem trabibus
confixa clavis ferreis. These trabes appear to be the timbers of the side.
98 etvoa TO
Diogenes Laertios, i.
103, /ta0o;j> ('A^axa/acrts) rrra/>as 5a/cri5Xous
Traxos r^s veus, TOVOVTOV Z(pr) rod davdrov roi>s TrX^o^ras aTr^xef.
Juvenal, xii. cf.

58, 59, digitis a morte remotus \ quattuor, aut septem, si sit latissima t&da. Dion
Chrysostom, oratio 64, p. 594, ouSe yap 7rrr?7 TT)V ty\)~)(T]v
o^re (rxowtois eT
OVTC rptddKTV\OV O.VTOVS O-UJfei %ti\OV TTflJKiVOV.
99 rdv
Heliodoros, ^Ethiopica, i.
i, 6X/cas dirb irpv^v^ffl^v u>/>/*ei,

OVTWV x ?7/)e ^ ol;(ra ) <pt>prov TOVTO ydp yv (ru/i/SaXetj/ icai rots

5t rr\ridov<ra' nal

TToppudtv rb ydp axdos dxpi xal tirl rptrov i"w<rr^pos TTJS ve&s rb vd&p dvd\ifiev.
These fa><rr?7pes can only be the waling-pieces which figure so prominently on the
merchant-ships of that period in plate 6. There does not appear to be any earlier
instance of this use of the term. Later instances are plentiful. Manasses, 4876,
 CABLES FOR STRENGTHENING THE SIDES.

On the war-ships the hull was strengthened externally by a

it of cables. These were known as hypozomata or girdles, y

ind used to be fastened round the ship horizontally the two ;

ids of each cable being joined together, so as to make it a

>mplete girdle extending from stem to stern along the

irboard side and back from stern to stem along the port
>ide
100
. On the Egyptian ships of about 1250 B.C., as in
>.
4 and 5, similar cables were stretched from stem to stern
101
>ver posts amidship : but these clearly were intended to

177, eirl yap rplrov rfjs vrjbs T^S (popryyov faffrrjpa rrfv 6d\ao'(Tav aveO\ifie T&V
\

V jScipos,where Zonaras says, xv. 25, (poprls fidpet rdov dywyl^wv trecpopTKr-
7, teal roi/ry /x^xpts effxdrov faffrrjpos Karate fiairTur ^vr). Theodores Prodromos,
lodanthe et Dosicles, v. 444, 445, K devrtpov faffrypos &xpi Ka <-
rplrov \
iri\oi.s

iTfffKira.ffro va<TTOit TTO-X^I-V. Unlike the others, these were war-ships, cf. 439,
)2 : and the padding was meant to turn off missiles. Anna Comnena, vi. 5,

rcu Se (al vijes) ry KOVcpbryTi ireTr6\aov olov rots voa<nv dve^/xepcu, ws ^176 &XP L

tvrepov ^waTTjpos roD vdaros <p6dvovros. The waling-pieces had perhaps been known
as oVX/iara in earlier times. Euripides, Cyclops, 503 506, TrX^ws y^v otvov, \

Se daiTos 7J/377, | 0-/CC100S, 6X/cds ws, ye/juaOels \

TTOTI <rA/ia yavrpos d/cpas.
100 v. vavv KQ.TtGKeba.vev 6 ^iXoTrdrwp, rb
Athenjsos, 37, rijv T<ro-apaKoi>Tr]pr)
cos ^%ofO'a^ 8(.a.Koai(j3V dydorjKovra TTTJX&V, 6/crcb 5^ Kat rpiaKOvra diro Trap68ov eirl

5oi', Ci^os 5^ /c.r.X U7rou>yuara 5e eXd^/3a^e 5w5e/ca' e^aKoalwv 8' j\v eKacrTov
Each of these cables being 600 cubits in length, while the ship was 280 in
v.

thand 38 in breadth, each one would just be long enough to pass once round
ship from stem to stern. These measurements may all be fictitious, for Athen-
is quoting from Callixenos but Callixenos presumably took the trouble to see
:

it measurements were consistent with each other, so the statement is admissible

his
i evidence that the girding-cables would have been of this length on a ship of these
lensions. Some similar cables on a battering-ram are mentioned by the other
ithenseos, mechanica, p. 6, viro^vvvrai. 5e 6'Xos 6 Kpibs oVXois 6/cra5a/cruXots rptcrt,

8ia\afji.(3dveTai Kara /j-etfov e/c rptwv StaXetyu/idrwj' dXtfawi TTTjxucUcus : and these
itements are repeated by Vitruvius, x. 15. 6, a capite autem ad imam calcem tigni

itentifueruntfun.es mi
crassitudine digitorum viil, ita religati quemadmodum
ns a puppi ad proram continetur; eiusque pracinctura funes transversis erant
iti) habentes inter se palmipedalia spatia. This shews that the girding-cables
;nt from the stem of a ship to the stern. Plato, civitas, p. 616 C, olov TO. uTrofw-
ira TUV Tprfpwv, oijTd) TTaffav <rvvtx ov T ^l v Teprfopdv. This shews that these cables
right round a ship externally. Throughout the inventories of the Athenian
:kyards the uTro^uctTa are named among the ffKevrj Kpepaffrd, which are dis-
iguished from the ffnev-ri &\iva. see, for example, the passages cited in note
>3 and this excludes the notion that they were made of wood.
101
The ends of these cables seem to be coiled round the stem and the stern :

it those coils may belong to smaller cables for strengthening these parts, as
lilar coils are represented at the stern of one of the Greek war-ships of about
B.C. in the so-called Telephos frieze from Pergamos.
 42 CABLES FOR STRENGTHENING THE SIDES,

prevent the ship from hogging, and would have been super-
fluous on Roman war-ships, which had decking
Greek or
enough stem and stern together. The girding-
to hold the
cables proved of service to the war-ships in keeping the
timbers firm when the ship was labouring in a seaway, or
forcing them back into position afterwards if any of them
had been started 102 yet these cables must primarily have
:

been intended to prevent the ship from going to pieces under

the heavy shocks from ramming and the constant strain from
/the working of so many oars, for otherwise they would have
been employed on merchant-ships also. In the Athenian
navy a set of girding-cables was provided for every ship of
three or four banks, though possibly the set did not consist of
more than two 103 and occasionally this provision was in-
;

creased. Thus in 324 B.C., when a squadron was leaving for

the Adriatic, every ship of three or four banks was supplied

102
Apollonios Rhodios, i.
367 370, vya, 5' eTrtK/mr^ws "Apyou
j-faffav irdfjiiTrpWTOV evvrpetyet ZvooQev oVXy | Tewdjj.ei'oi tKarepOev, 'lv eC apapolaro

y6/j.(f>oi$ | dotpara, /cat poOloio fil-r\v %ot dvTi.bwaav. cf. Horace, odes, i.
14. 6 9, ac
sine funibus \
vix durare carincz \ possint imperiosius \ aquor. Appian, de bell is

civilibus, v. 91, 6 5e (IIoyUTr^tos) ou're irepl TTJS yijs evevo^tjev, o$re rots \ei\l/dvois TOV
*
vavaytov Trapovtnv TJ Karaffravros TOV KKvdwvos, eVexetpTjo'ei'
aTTtoOcri, dXX' vTrepelSev
K T&V bwaTuv diafruvvv/Jitvovs TO. o~/cd0?;, /cat dvt/jLQ dia.Tr\ovTas es TO 'iTnrdoveiov.
The Sid in diafavvvi*tvovs is perhaps a corruption of virb resulting from a repetition
of the 5td in 5(.air\^ovras. Acts, xxvii. 17, flor/delctis exptDi'ro, virofavvvvres TO
irXolov. This obscure statement seems to mean that they used expedients which
answered the purpose of the fA3 ing- cables. They would not find any of these
cables on board, for they were^i a merchant-ship, and these were used for war-

ships : nor could they fix them on a ship during a storm at sea, for even in a
dockyard this was a long and troublesome process, cf. Polybios, xxvii. 3, /cat

OVTa vavs crvyW/SouXetfcras rots 'PoS/ots VTrofavvtieiv, iva, edit rts &c T&V /catpcDf

XP e' a W
TOTC Trapacr/ceyd^wj/rat irpbs TO 7rapa/caXotf/<tej'OJ', dXX' ero//>tws
>

Sta/cet/xej'ot irpaTTwai TO npidh e^avTrjs. The phrase fioydeiais exp&vTO viro^wvvvvTes

matches Appian's phrase e/c T&V dvvaT&v oia^uivvv^vovs but Appian is speaking :

of war-ships already provided with vTro^uara. Apollonios indeed refers to

on the Argo, which was hardly a war-ship yet he is justified in :

treating her as such, since he takes her for a ship of fifty oars.
103
Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 807, col. c, 11. 66102, no. 808, col. d,
11.
119151, no. 809, col. e, 11. 75 no, no. 811, col. c, 11. 32. These are n
the lists of the entire gear (eVreX?}supplied to ships of three and four
ovceify)
banks in 330/329 B.C. and following years; and in every case they mention
uTro^w/xara in the plural, but without any further indication of the number allowed
for each ship. The opinion that there were more than three is founded on a
 AND LEATHERS FOR CLOSING THE PORTS. 43

with two girding-cables in addition to the usual set while ;

every cavalry-transport^was supplied with four, and every . I

7
"
ship of thirty oarswith two, borrowed from the stock of//
104
girding-cables intended for the three-banked ships Such .

cables would fit the cavalry-transports, as these were old

three-banked ships but would be far too long for the thirty-
;

iared ships, unless each cable made two girdles: in which

a ship of three banks must have been fully twice as long
a ship of thirty oars 105 .

had to be pierced with a row of

sides of a wardship f/t

for each bank of oars below the first so that ;

several banks was almost honey-combed. On the

.thenian ships these openings were closed against the water
leathern bags termed askomata, which could cling round
106
:he oars without much hindrance to their motion and some ;

protection here was indispensable, as the gap generally was

restoration of no. 809, col. b, 1.

131. The words U7rofu>/iara eirl vavs HHAAAI
are followed by Kal rbv 1 1 1 on the margin of the stone, and this has been restored

as Kal (vTro)[^fji](aTa) III, the TON being changed to IAM : but such a

restoration seems unwarrantable.

104
Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 809, col. a, 11. 163, ships of three banks:
in each case ffKeti-rj ^x ovffiv j-6\iva evreXij, KpefMacrra frreXr), /cat Zrepa UTrofii/mra
'

Aa/3oj> T&V ey\v6vT<*)v dtio /card i^?70tay<6a 8^/nov, 5 elirev Ayv&vld-rjs Hepyaafjdev,
11. 64 90, cavalry-transports: in each case <TKVIJ ^x Vfflv tfXwa evTe\7J, Kpe/j-aara

evT\ij, uTrofw/xara 5e INI TpnjpiTiKuv, or T&V ty\u(dtvT&v} TpiTjp(iTi.K&i>), 11.

91

164, ships of thirty oars: disregwling minor differences

in each case ffKeti-ri

%et %v\wa evT\Tj, /c/>e/ia0Ta, uTro^w/iara Tpir)pi.TCKa T&V ey\vd^vTO}v duo ZXafiev Kara
'

^7i<picrtJ.a 5?7/xou, 6 flirev Ayvuvldr]? HepyacrijQev, col. b, 11. 40 45, a ship of four
banks :
(TKfvr] &X i
Kpe/jLaffra evre\TJ Kal UTro^iw/xara 1 1 rCov eyXvdtvTdov Kara ^^(pKr/j-a

j, 5 elirev 'Ayv<avl9ip Hepy(aa'TJdi>).

105
See pp. 21, 22, as to the grounds for thinking that the lengths were 70 ft.

150 ft.
respectively.
106
Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 791 : some of the ships are marked -fjo-Kwrai,

jrs are marked do-/cwyudrwv y apxy ?x et AAAAhhHI usually abbreviated

i] dpxrj %X l
AAAAhhhll, while others are marked d<r/cw/4ara

always abbreviated into dcr/cw. rpiripapxos or dovcci. rprf. The term

must denote a leathern bag of some sort the cost of a set, 43 drachms :

obols, shews that each ship had a great many: the expression ijffKurai shews
they were fixtures and a joke by Aristophanes indicates that they were fixed
:

on the ports, Acharnenses, 97, dcr/cw/i' x ets 7rou veP^ T ^ v o<t>da\/j.&v /cdrw.
 44 THE ARRANGEMENT OF THE PORTS AND OARS,

large enough for a man

to put his head through
107
. In the
Roman ship of about 50 A.D. in fg. 25 similar bags may be
observed around the oars just outside the ports. Curiously,
///the edges
of the ports were not utilized as rowlocks; and
the oars of all the lower banks were worked against tholes to
which they were fastened by leathern loops, just like the
108
oars above the gunwale .

In the Phoenician two-banked ships of about 700 B.C. in

fgs. 10 and n, and also in the Athenian two-banked ship
of
about 500 B.C. in fg. 17, the oars of the first bank pass over
the gunwale, and the ports of the second bank lie midway
between the tholes of the first and somewhat lower down.
The ports of the third bank in a three-banked ship would
then be placed midway between the ports of the second and
somewhat lower down so that these ports of the third bank
;

would lie vertically below the tholes of the first, while the
ports of the second would lie diagonally between and in the :

Athenian three-banked ship of about 400 B.C. in fg. 21 the

109
ports of the third bank are approximately in this position .

The ports of the fourth bank would then be placed vertically

below the ports of the second, the ports of the fifth bank
vertically below the ports of the third, and so on, the ports

107
Herodotos, v. 33, 6 5 8eiv6v n 7rcu??a'djwei'os e'/cA.eua'e rods dopv(f)6povs

tevpt>VTas rbv apxovra ra^rrjs TTJS ve6s, rig ofrVo/ia -r\v S/ct;Xa, TOVTOV dijcrcu SICL

daXafJ-L'rjs die\6vras rijs vebs Kara TOVTO, a> ptv /ce0aXV Troievvras, &rw 5 rb

<ra>//a. ports of this size there necessarily was some leakage in rough
With
weather in spite of the cur/cw/uara. Arrian, periplus ponti Euxini, 3, Koi\t]v ptv
yap di' 6\iyov rr\v 6d\aTTav (rb irvev^a) tirol'qa'ev, ws /ur? Kara ras KUJTTCIS fj,6i>ov, dXXcb

/cat vtrkp ras irape!;eipe<rias eireurpeiv rjfuv eKartpwdev atyddvws rov #5aros. Lucilius,
in the Anthology, xi. 245, oi TOIXOI, Ai60<WTe, ra KV/JLara iravTa dtxovTat, \
KCU 5td

TUV dvplduv '&Keav6s ^perai.

108
Odyssey, viii. 53, ypTtivavTO 5' eper/xa rpowo'is Iv depfMartvoiffL.
Persse, 375, r avyp rpoTrovro K^TTTJV <ri<a\fj.bv afjuf)
376, vavfidTys \

Aristophanes, Acharnenses, 553, daKa^iQiv rpoirovfjAv^v. Vitruvius, x. 3. 6, etiam

remi circa scalmos struppis religati cum manibus impelluntur et reducuntur.
^schylos and Vitruvius are both speaking of oars generally, not merely of oars
above the gunwale, and Aristophanes refers explicitly to a lower bank; so that
all the oars must have had these tholes and loops. The loops were known as
KWTTTjTTypes or rpoTrwr^pes as well as rpotroL : see note 114 on p. 47. It is clear that

the oars were worked against the tholes, and not against the loops : see Aristotle,

mechanica, 5, quoted in note 115 on p, 48.

 AND PROBABLE ARRANGEMENT OF THE ROWERS. 45

being thus kept clear of the ship's ribs but there is no direct
:

evidence that this system was pursued. If the rowers in

fg. 21
are men of ordinary stature, the gunwale of this three-
banked ship must be rather more than three feet above the
water-line, and the tholes of the first bank rather more than i

two feet above the ports of the third yet clearly there :

cannot be space enough for the rowers of the first bank to

sit vertically above the rowers of the third, or for the rowers

the second bank to sit diagonally between. The three

es of rowers on either side of a three-banked ship would

;urally be ranged along three tiers of seats ascending

m the centre of the ship like steps, so that each rower
the lower banks could get free play for his oar beneath
the legs of a rower in the next bank above. But there are
no materials for rigidly determining the relative positions of
the lines of rowers in these three-banked ships, or in the
larger war-ships.
In the earliest Greek ships the beams formed the upper
limit of the hold, and above them were the thwarts for the
rowers of the single bank these thwarts doubtless being
;

placed in the intervals between the beams, so that the rowers

ight plant their feet against the beams, and make them

109 first two horizontal bands above the water-line seem to be waling-
The
jces, and the next is unquestionably the gunwale with tholes above for the
first bank of oars. The ports of the third bank are just above the lower
waling-piece, and almost vertically below the tholes But
of the first bank.
the ports of the second bank are hard to find. Three sets of bands run
downwards from the gunwale, the first to the upper waling-piece, the second
to the lower waling-piece, and the third to the water-line; and these all look
like portions of the hull. But apparently the bands that reach the water-line
were intended for the oars of the second bank, and should have ended in

ports just above the upper waling-piece, though the sculptor has carelessly

prolonged them to the gunwale like their neighbours. These waling-pieces appear
again upon the three-banked ship represented in relief on Trajan's Column; and
here the ports of the third bank are between the waling-pieces, and the ports of
the second bank unmistakably between the upper waling-piece and the gunwale.
The ports of the second bank are probably meant to lie diagonally between the
tholes of the first and the ports of the third ; though in that case an oar has been
omitted in the third bank, either to avoid confusion, or from mere carelessness.
In the first bank the oars are hopelessly entangled in a railing above the gunwale :

and altogether the design makes little pretension to accuracy of detail.

46 THE BEAMS, THWARTS OR SEATS,

serve as stretchers A second bank of oars could thus be

110
.

added to a ship without any alteration in her build, simply

by seating rowers on the beams and piercing port-holes for
111
their oars and with a slight increase in her freeboard, a
;

third bank could be added by putting rowers in the hold just

underneath the rowers of the first bank. But if the rowers
of the first bank sat on thwarts, the rowers of the third bank
must have been seated so much lower down that these thwarts
were clear of their heads and the thwarts may have therefore :

been replaced by planks that did not reach across the ship,
so that the rowers of the third bank might be nearly on a
level with the rowers of the first, if only they were seated a
little further inboard
112
The beams must then have been .

110 ix. 98, wi v^as ayov K\alovTas dvdyicri,

Odyssey, 99, roi>s ptv tyuv | vrjval
8' frl yXcKpvprjffiv UTTO vyd dTJ<ra. e/wcrtras. xiii. 20 22, Ka.1 ret (j.kv

lepbv /i&'os 'A\Kii>6oio, |

avrbs Iwv diet, vrjbs virb fyyd, /J.'TI
TIV' eralpwv |

i\avv6vT(av, 6ir6re (nrepxolaT' eper/AOis. Theognis, 513, 514, ^776$ TOL cf.

UTTO vya Q^aoy-tv ij/Ji.e'is, KXedpurfl', of ^x%te> X^a 5i5ou<rt 6eol. The vyd are
|
'

not mentioned in the Iliad but the compounds TroXtffiryos and e/car6firyos occur
;

there, ii.
293, xx. 247. These beams are not to be confounded with the seats.

Iliad, xv. 728, 729, dXX' dvexdfcro rvrOdv, 616/j.evos davteadcu, | dpTJvvv e0' 6TrTa.7r65'r}i>,

\ITT 5' f/cpia This name dpyvvs is preserved in 6pai>tTys, which denoted
vybs ftcnj5.

a rower of the first bank

in ships with more than one bank, while frying* denoted
a rower of the second bank. But the name is changed to K\r)is in the Odyssey,
ii.
419, &v 5t KO.I avrol /Jdj/res tiri /cX^Icri Kadifov, viii. 37, 38, dyvd/jievoi 5' e5 irdvres
CTTI K\rfic(.v eperfjid | ^K^t]T\ xii. 214, 215, u/xets ^kv K&irriffiv dXos priyfuva, fiadeiav |

T^>TTTT K\7]idea<Tlt> (p^fJ.VOl, Xiii. 76, 77, TOl d KO.dioV Tfl KkrflfflV ZKCHTTOl | K6<r/M{),

cf. iv. 579, ix. 103, 179, 471, 563, xi. 638, xii. 146, xv. 221, 549. The icXy'ides are
mentioned only once in the Iliad, and then in a questionable line, xvi. 170 see
note i on p. 2 but the compound TroXv/cX^ts occurs several times in the Iliad as
well as the Odyssey. Apollonios Rhodios,
395, 396, ^X?/?5as p.tv irpiora TrdXy i.

8te(j.oipr]<ravTO, | avSp' evrwa^vu

Apollonios therefore supposed that
5ota> /j-lav.

the xX^iSes reached right across the ship and seated two rowers apiece but the :

expression in the Odyssey, xiii. 76, eirl K^lcriv &CCKTTOI, suggests that each rower
was on a separate seat. The expression in the Iliad, xv. 729, dprfvvv eTTTair6dr}v, <}>

makes it clear that the 6p-f)vves reached right across the ship. This dprjvvs was
apparently the nearest to the stern, so the width thereabouts would thus be seven
feet internally and that is likely enough, as three-banked ships were nowhere
:

more than twenty feet in width : see note 57 on p. 22.

111
Arrian, anabasis, vi. 5, 6Vcu re diKporoi atiTtov rets *drw K&TTO.S oik M iro\t>

w 2x ov(rai T v tf^aros. contrasting the war-ships of two banks with

Arrian is

those of a single bank, for there were not any ships of more than two banks in the
fleet so the ships of two banks must have carried oars at a lower level than the
:

ships of one bank.

 AND STRETCHERS FOR THE ROWERS. 47

displaced, if a fourth bank was to be appended to the second

as the third was to the first but there is nothing to shew :

whereabouts the beams were placed in any of the larger

war-ships, or where space was found in three-banked ships
for the additional beams that sometimes were inserted to
make them seaworthy 113 mitigate the roughness of the IA . To
beams or other every rower was provided with a cushion/7
seats,
which he carried about with him from ship to ship 114 .

Ships normally attain their greatest width in the middle

an d their at the ends, curving outward"and
greatest^ height
downward fronvtlie ends towards the middle. And, according
Aristotle, the nearer amidship a rower sat, the greater was
leverage on his oar, as he had a greater length of oar
112
Euripides, Helena, 1531 1533, 2idwviav vavv irpuT6ir\ovv Ka0fi\Ko/j.fv, \

v re TrevTrjKovra KapeTfjLuv /j,^Tpa There are here as many fvyd as

\ ^x ovffav '

oars and when Theocritos says TpiaKovTafyyov 'Apytb, xiii. 74, he seems to be
:

giving the legendary ship thirty oars instead of fifty, for ships of sixty oars do not
appear in legend. This indicates that the rowers now had separate seats, the
term vyd being applied to seats in any of the banks. Sophocles, Ajax, 249, 250,
rj
dobv eipealas fvybv e6fj.tvov \ irovTOTrdpy vail peOeivau. Latin authors use transtra
in this sense. Virgil, ^Eneid, iv. 573, considete transtris, v. 136, considunt
transtris, intentaque brachia remis, etc. cf. Cicero, in Verrem, ii. v. 51, quoted in
note 129 on p. 56. and Cicero include ships of three and four banks in
Virgil
these allusions and such ships could hardly have a tier of beams for every bank
;

of oars. The two-banked ships of the Byzantines certainly had two tiers of beams,

fvyoi, with two rowers on each beam see note 46 on p. 18 but these were ships

quite another type.

[3
Thucydides, i.
29, Kal rds vavs a/ma tir^povv, teti^avT^s re ras TraXcuds wore
:/xous flvai Kal rets aXXas ^Trtovcevdcraj'Tes. Ships in this condition are marked
in the inventories of the Athenian dockyards : see Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol.

ii, no. 809, col. b, 1.

45, no. 811, col. b, 1.
144, no. 812, col. a, 1.
144, and also no.

808, col. a, 1. 20, with the fragment in the appendix at p. 515.

114
Thucydides, ii.
93, ^56/cei 5 \a(36vTa T&V vavT&v %Ka<TTov rty Kuinjv Kal TO
inrrjpto'iov Kal rbv Tpoirwrrtpa. ire^-g lt>ai K.T.X. Plutarch, Themistocles, 4, r6 S6pv
Kal TT)V aa-rrida T&V TTO\I.TU>V 7rapeX6/A'os, et's virrjptffiov Kal Kuiryv o-w&rmXe rbv T&V

'Mrjvaluv 8ijfj.ov. The term vTr-rjptcriov was applied to saddles for horses, cf.

Diodoros, xx. 4. i ; so it must here denote some similar covering for the thwarts.

Pollux, x. 40, TO vavriKois virirjp^ffiov idiws iv rats "12/>cus KpartVos Trpo<TKe<pd\aiov, cf.

esychios, s.v. iraviKTbv: -'Epfj.nriros tv SrpaTitiTats, A. wpa ToLvvv fjt.fr tp.ov

twl KUTrijTrjpa, XajSovra |
Kal T^V vavv /j.iri)8ria'as
irpo(rK<f>a\aioi>, 'iv' s

. B. dXX' ov 5to/j.ai, iraviKTOv ^x wv rov irpwKTov.

|
Cratinos and Hermippos
both contemporary with Thucydides. The TpoiroL mentioned in the Odyssey,
*
53-^see note 108 on p. 44 are here styled T/>o7rwr%>es by Thucydides and
by Hermippos.
 48 STRUCTURE FOR SEATING THE ROWERS,
115
inboard by reason of the greater width of the ship So the .

lines of rowers did not follow the ship's curve outward. The
oars increased in length towards the middle of
may have
each bank 116 yet the increase inboard must have been rela-
:

tively greater than the increase outboard, for otherwise the

leverage would have remained the same. So the lines of
rowers could not have followed the ship's curve downward,
as the oars amidship would then have lost their hold upon
the water. And if the lines of rowers did not follow the
ship's curve outward or downward, they presumably were

straight. The rowers would consequently be seated in a

rectangular structure within the ship and as every rower ;

^must have been seated some way inboard to give him the
necessary leverage on his oar, this structure would nowhere
occupy the whole width of the ship.
115
Aristotle, mechanica, 5, did rl ol ^evbveoi judXi<rra rty vavv KIVOVVLV ; $
}] KUTTVI yuo%X6s eaT(.v ; virofj.b'xXiov fj.ev yap 6 ffxaX/Abs ytverai [level yap d?) TOVTO'
'
rb d /Jdpos 77 BaXarra, yv dirudel r) /CWTTT; 6 8e KIV&V rbv jJ.o-)(\bv 6 va^rrjs early.

del de Tr\eoi> /Sdpos Kivei, 6Vy av ir\ot> d^eoTr/KT/ rov uTro/ioxXtou 6 KIV&V rb /3dpos. ev

^effrf de rrj vtjl ir\e1(TTOV TTJS K&TTTJS ivrb'i e'crnv Kal yap 77 vaus Tatirr) eiypurdri; fffrlv,

ciVre irKetov e?r' d/A06repa e^S^xecr^at /u-tpos rr}s Kuir-rjs e/car^pou roLxov evrds eTvat

rr)s vecis.
116
Aristotle, de partibus animalium, iv. 10, Kal 6 &TXO,TOS 8t (rCov daxrfawv) ^it/cpds

6p9u>s, Kal 6 fj.tcro5 fj.aKp6s, u<rirep /cc6?rr/ fjAffov veus' ^dXf<rra yap rb \a^av6fMevov

avayKT] TrepiXa/i/Sdveo-^at Ki^/cXy Kara rb fj,t<rov irpbs ras epyaalas. Galen, de usu
b
partium, i. 24, 5ta ri de &VIGOL irdvres eyevovro (ol 5d/cruXot) Kal /JiaKphraTOs fjLe"(ros;

T) on rds /copulas
avr&v eirl taov e^tKveiffdai j3\Tiov TJV ev ry Trepi\a/j,j3dvei.v oyKovs
Twas /ueydXovs iv /cikXy; ...... Kaddwep, ol/iat, K<J.V rats rpi-fipeat ra irepara r&v KWTTUV
els laov eZiKvelrai, Kalroi. y OVK fouv aTracr&i> ov<rv Kal yap ovv K<j.Ket ras fj.e<ras

direpyd^ovrai dia TT]V avrrjv alrlav.

[ji,eyl<TTas
Aristotle and Galen are apparently

asserting here that the oars amidship were longer than the rest. But in the
inventories of the Athenian dockyards the oars of a bank are always classed

together as though they were all exactly alike. So these assertions may only

apply to the aspect of the oars inside the ship. When Galen adds that the
ends of the oars all reached equally far, he probably means that the inner
ends reached a line parallel to the ship's keel, the oars being of unequal
length inboard he could hardly mean that they
reached a curve parallel to
the ship's side, the oars being of equal length inboard, for then he would be
contradicting Aristotle, mechanica, 5 but possibly he means that the outer
:

ends reached a line parallel to the ship's keel, the oars being of equal length
or that they reached
altogether but unequal outboard and unequal inboard also,
a curve parallel to the ship's side, the oars being of unequal length altogether but
equal outboard and unequal inboard only.
 AND SUPERSTRUCTURE TO COVER THIS. 49

A heavy superstructure is represented on the Phoenician

lips of about 700 B.C. in fgs. 10 and 11 and on the Greek
lips of about 550 B.C. in fgs. 15 and 16 and also on the
.thenian ship of about 400 B.C. in fg. 21. At the top there
a deck like the hurricane-deck
n ships. That on modern
leek must be the katastroma
for these representations tally :

rith the statements of ancient authors that this was the post

the combatants on board Greek ships when in action, while

Phoenician ships it was of larger build, and was occupied
dignitaries during voyages, the space below being fully
117
:cupied by rowers . If the rowers in fg. 21 are men of
mary stature, that hurricane-deck stands 'about four feet
>ve the gunwale ;
and about a foot above the gunwale
icre is another piece of planking. This must be the star-
ird gangway: for there was a parodos, or gangway, on

117
Thucydides, i. 49, o-vfj./j.tavTes 5e frav/j.dxovv, TroXXous fj,ev oTrX/ras exovres
!>6repot ^?rJ T&V KaTaaTpu/uLdTuv, iro\\ovs de To6ras re Kal dKOPTtords, T$ TraXaty
aTreiporepov &TI jrapeo'Kevao'fji.froi. Plutarch, Themistocles, 14, rds yueV
OVK /3Xa7rre vaCs (r6 Kv/jia) dXireveis o&ras Kal Taireivortpas, rds 5f

/3ap/3api/rds TCWS re Trpv/mvais di>e<rT(Jb<ras Kal rots KaTa<TTpu/ji.a<ni> vi//op6(povs Kal

/Sapetas e-m^epo^va^ ^<r0aXXe TrpoffirlirTov Kal irapedldov irXayias rots "E\\r}ffiv.

lotos, viii. 1 1 8, atfrds 5^ (Etpi-ijs) tirl vebs $oivi<r<rr}s eTrijSds iKo^ero es

TrX&ovra 5 fjuv ave^ov 'SiTpv^.ovLtjv viro\a/3iv ijAyav Kal

/j,a\\ov ydp rt x i a ^ V0'^ ai ye/u-oiKrrjs TTJS
/
ul' ve6s aJore tirl roD

avxy&v Uepcrtuv T&V vbv EtpZrj KOIJLL^O^VWV, evdavra ts deifjia

etpeadai jSuxrapra rbv KV^epvfjrea et ris &TTI cr0t <rwT-r)pttj, Kal rbv
i dtairoTa, OVK fan ov5e/mLa. el fj.7] rotirwv aira\\a.yf) rts ytvrjTat T&V iro\\C}v
larewv. 119, el yap di] ravra o&rb) elptdT) CK TOV Kvfiepvfirew Trpbs S^p^ea,
yvJ}/mr](ri plav oik xw o.vrL^oov /xr/ OUK av fiaaiKea roidvde,
iroiijo-ai

;s fJLev K TOV /carao-rpwaaros /cara/SijSda-at & vta

f6vras Htpffas Kal
Koi\-rjf

TfbJV T0l)s TTpWTOl'S, T<Sf 5' pTWV ebvTWV ^OIVIKUV 0/CWS OVK O.V tffOV 1T\i)6oS
t'f^jSaXeThe term /cardarpw/ta was habitually
es TTJV 6d\a<r(rav.
)Hed to the deck for combatants on war-ships but it also was applied to the :

jr deck on
merchant-ships. Thus the depth of a merchant-ship is reckoned
Lucian, navigium, 5, airo TOV KaTa(TTp&/j.aTos es TOV irvd^va, rj fiadvTaTov /card
avT\ov. cf. Demosthenes, in Phormionem, 10, yeye/juff/ji.^* ydp -fjdTj TTJS

CLKovofJifv, fid\\ov TOV dtovTos, TrpoaavtXafiev ^?rt TO KaTdffTpu/j-a x i ^^ a$

fyxras, odev Kal i] dia<f>6opd Trj vyi <rvv^r], Synesios, epistoloe, p. 178, TrXefrw de
'
f/j.evos eTrl TOV Karatrrpci/iaros fj.i] ydp ets KoiXyv vavv KaTafiairj, tirel fj.i] davfj.da"rjs
T&V Kepa/j.twv i)/j.Lderj crot TrotTjaet. Indeed, the term was not reserved
:lusively for thedecks of ships. Athenseos applies it to the flooring or roofing
a battery erected on an armed merchant-ship, v. 43, re?xos 5^, eTrdXfets ?x ov *<"

rrpciyuara, did yews eirl -iXXt/3d^rwz/ KaTCffKevao-TO' i$> ov \idofi6\os e0etcrr?7/cei.

T. d
 50 THE SUPERSTRUCTURE, ETC.

either side of a Greek war-ship and as combatants were ;

posted on the gangways as well as on the hurricane-deck,

118
these gangways formed part of the upper decking Thus .

the upper decking of a Greek war-ship must have consisted

of a hurricane-deck, which did not extend from side to side,
and two gangways, which were placed a few feet lower down
and occupied the remaining width. And the superstructure
between the gangways, comprising the hurricane-deck and
its vertical supports on either side, would naturally correspond

to the rectangular structure below for the rowers, and hence

would form the top of that structure.
This hurricane-deck was apparently the only place avail-
. able for working the supplementary oars known as perineoi.
The length of these oars on the Athenian three-banked ships
was nine cubits or nine and a half, that is to say, thirteen
119
feet and a half or fourteen and a quarter some change ;

occurring soon after 400 B.C. In the Athenian three-banked

ship of this date in fg. 21 the hurricane-deck must be about
five cubits above the water-line, and the gangway about

two cubits below the hurricane-deck, if those rowers of the

118
Athenseos, v. 37, r6 /u^/coy tx ovffav ( T V
vavv) diaKoaiuv dySoriKovra wyxuv,
6KT& dt Kal rpidKovra dirb TrapoSov eVt Trdpodov, tfi/'o? 5 K.T.\. The measurement
from irdpodos to wdpodos is clearly intended for the breadth, so the Trdpodoi were at
the sides; and theirname implies that they were gangways. Athenseos is indeed
quoting from Callixenos, so the measurement may be false, or the ship imaginary:
yet the statement proves that measurement from Trdpodos to -rrdpodos was a recog-
nized mode of reckoning the breadth of a war-ship. Plutarch, Demetrius, 43,
OTrXt'ras eirl re T&V irap6db)v Kal TOV
Sexo/i^T/p (TT]V vavv) KaraaTpibfjiaTos 6\iy(f)

T/ncrxiXtai' atroMovTas. Plutarch is likewise quoting from Callixenos but the :

statement proves that combatants were normally posted on the Trdpodoi of a war-
ship. In the passage already quoted in note 35 on p. 14 Memnon speaks of the
combatants as o! &TTO T&V Karaffrpw^druv fj.axTja6fji.evoi, and the Trdpodoi and

Ka.Td<TTpwfj.a may here be classed together as /carao-rpti/iara but apparently the

:

plural was treated as equivalent to the singular, cf. Pausanias, i. 29, TrXotoi'

KadrfKov ts tvvea. ^ras &irb T&V KaT(t(rTpu[ji,dTut>. According to the present

reading, Thucydides says Kal ctfrrcu otiirw el^ov Sia Trda-ris KaTcurrpw/iara, i. 14, in
speaking of the ships built by the Athenians under Themistocles, as though their
ships afterwards had Karao-Tp^fj-aTa did Trdo-r)? vet6s, which might mean that these
hurricane-decks reached right across the ship and left no space for gangways. But
the words 5id TrdcrTjs must be a corruption of some word connected with 5id[3a<ns.
cf. Plutarch, Cimon, 12, wp/j.r](rev (Kifjwv) apas airb KvlSov Kal Tpioirtov diaKoaiais

i. TTOOJ u.v rd^os O.TT

dpxys Kal Trepiaywyrjv bird 0e/xt0TO/cX^ot/s dpurra
 THE SUPPLEMENTARY OARS. 51

upper bank are men of ordinary stature and as the gangway :

would hardly be more than a cubit in width, an oar of nine

cubits and a half might dip quite a cubit and a half in the
water, if worked from the hurricane-deck with seven cubits
and a half outboard and two cubits inboard. Some oars
worked from the hurricane-deck in the
are certainly being
Athenian ship of about 600 B.C. in fg. 14: and these pre-
sumably are perineoi^ since they are not in the banks. And
a bank was allotted to these supplementary oars in the
thalf
ips termed triemioliai, this may have been because there
120
not any hurricane-deck .

War-ships generally were classed by the Greeks as kata-

(s *aktoi or aphraktoi, that is to say, completely fenced or
unfenced and these terms would well denote the presence
:

or absence of a line of screens on either side to close the open

space between the hurricane-deck and the gangway, and thus

121
protect the rowers of the upper bank from missiles In .

the Egyptian ships of about 1000 B.C., as in fg. 6, the rowers

on either side were protected by a long screen above the
gunwale ;
and similar screens are mentioned in the Odyssey,

/career KevafffttvaLS, e/cetVos 5 r6re /cat TrXarvT^pa? eVo^o'ei' auras Kal 5id/3acr' ro?s
Karaarpwfiaff'Lv l-d&Kev. In this context 5td/3acris would mean breadth, as in Hippo-

crates, epistolse, 14, oI5a ?rapatrol yev6/j.evos iv 'P65y, Aa/tid-y^re, rr)v vavv

'AXas TTiypa(f>T) irdyKa\6v riva Kal ttfTrpvfAvov, kavws re

rfv avrrj
Kal
KO.L O
8idpa<Tit> e?%e TroXX^f. Thus, as the ships were themselves made broader, the
hurriicane-decks could also be made broader without encroaching on the
space

T uired for the gangways.

119
Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 789, col. a, 1.
14, ireplveus (fat) AAPIIII,
dS^Kifwv I, ewea-ir-fix* 1* Ka-l <r7ridafjii(atas), 1.
51, ireptvey evvta 7nfcewj> Kal o-Trt^a^j.
The length of the other oars is never stated, so the length of these would not be

stated unless it varied : and the words aSrat eVpeaTrfa"? and Totruv eweaTr^xets P
in 11. 22, 55, where they must refer to the Treplveq. The inscription belongs
ic archonship of Asteios, 373/2 B.C.
20
See p. 15 as to these ships and their oars.
1
The words <f>pd<r<reiv and <f>pay/j.6s or <f>pay/uia properly refer to fences ; and
Kara in /fard0/)a/cTos clearly means that the ship was fenced completely, not
Kir she was fenced down or decked, for then /fard^pa/cros would be opposed
to aKardfipaKTOs instead of d^pa/cros. cf. Arrian, anabasis, vii. 16,

vaCs naxpas, dfipaKTOvs re Kal Tre<ppay/j.fras. Apparently the /card in

also indicates
completeness, like the con in constratum, the crr/xS/xa and stratum
indicating sufficiently that the deck was laid down. Cicero opposes constrains to

d2
52 BULWARKS, SCREENS AND AWNINGS,
123
but only as bulwarks for the water Screens for missiles, .

however, were probably in use on the Phoenician war-ships of

about 700 B.C. for there are certain square objects upon the
:

superstructure of the ship in fg. 10, which has a ram and

must therefore be a war-ship and these are absent from the ;

ship in fg. u, which has no ram and therefore cannot be a

war-ship so they certainly served some purpose in warfare,
;

yet seem unserviceable unless they could be lowered to

protect the rowers. Had there been such screens on the
Athenian war-ship of about 400 B.C. in fg. 21, they would
doubtless have fitted into the gaps between the supports
of the hurricane-deck. In the Athenian war-ships the rowers
were also protected against sun and spray by awnings termed
pararrhymata or parablemata, which were spread along each
side to cover the open space below the hurricane-deck. Every

apertus in describing ships with and without a /caTdVr/xo/ua, in Verrem, ii. v. 40,
poterone in eos esse vehemens, qui naves non modo inanes habuerunt sed etiam
apertas : in eum dissolutus^ qui solus habuerit constratam navem et minus exina-
nitam? cf. Aulus Hirtius, de bello Alexandrine, u, quattuor constrain naves
et complures aperta. But he simply transliterates &(f>pa,KTos, ad Atticum, v. 13. i,
navigavimus sine tiniore et sine nausea : sed tardius, propttr aphractorum Rho-
diorum imbecillitatem, cf. v. n. 4, 12. i, vi. 8. 4. And Livy says naves tectas,
xxxiii. 30, where Polybios says KaTatppdKTOvs vavs, xviii. 27, in citing the same

document. Now, if these screens closed the open space below the hurricane-deck,
a ship could not be Kard^paKTOs unless she had a fcardo-Tpcoyita, so that every navis
tecta would be constrata but no navis aperta would be tecta. Thus Livy uses the
terms indifferently, xxxvi. 42, C. Livius, prafectus Romance classis, cum quinqua-
ginta navibus tectis profectus,..<quum sex Punicas naves ad auxilium missas
accepisset,...Piraum ad veterem classem pervenit. a Pirao A. Atilius, traditis
successors quinq^le et viginti navibus tectis, Romam est profectus : Livius una

et octoginta constratis navibus Delum traiecit. Eumenes cum quattuor et

43,
viginti navibus tectis^ apertis pluribus paullo, ad Romanos rediit. inde centztm
'

quinque navibus tectis, etc, cf. Appian, de rebus Syriacis, 22, KCU TOV vir ArtA/y
<nb\ov 7ra/>aXac6j>, Karat^d/crou oydo^KOvra /cat /*t^, ewo^vov KO!
?rXei (Af/Jios)

Eu/Aevous irevT-f)KOVTa. idiais' Kal yv KaT&Qpa-KTOv KO.I r&vde TO TJ/Jiiffv. The decked
and undecked merchant-ships were distinguished in Greek by other terms.
Antiphon, de csede Herodis, 22, tv ptv yap eTr\tofj.i> avrtyaaTov fa rb TrXo'tov,
< ,

ei'j 8 5^
jLter^STj/iev, evrfyavntvov TOV 5 ueroO ZveKa
TO.VT -rjv. See also note 126 on
p. 55 for this use of OT^TJ and stega.
122
Odyssey, v. 256, 257, $/)de 5^ fjnv plireffcri Sia/ATrep^s olffvlvyffi \ /c^aros
eTXap t/jiev. Bulwarks of rough sort were sometimes made to serve as a
this
defence against missiles. Csesar, de bello civili, iii. 24, virtnte militum confisus,

scaphas navium magnarum circiter sexaginta cratibus pluteisque contexit, eoque

milites delectos imposriit, etc.
 ALONG THE SIDES OF THE SHIPS. 53

ship carried two pairs of these, one pair of sail-cloth and the
other of horse-hair or possibly of hide. Two other awnings
were carried on these ships to cover some other spaces, a
itablema for above and a hypoblema for below: but the exact
123
ition of these is doubtful .

A later arrangement of the upper decking may be seen in

Roman two-banked ship of about 50 A.D. in fg. 25. The
irs of the upper bank here pass through ports, instead of

issing over the gunwale and as the rowers of the upper

:

ink are therefore lower down

in the ship, the deck above
leir heads is also lower; so that this deck for combatants
longer forms a hurricane-deck, but now stands between
ilwarks which represent the former lines of screens, whilst

gangways retain their place outside.

123
Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 809, col. e, 11. 75 no, no. 8n, col. c,
fen 32: these are the lists of gear for three-banked ships and four-banked
ships in 325/4 B.C. and 323/2 B.C. at present there is no list for 324/3 B.C.
Both include /cara/SXTj/iaTa and Trapappufj-ara Xei>/cd and Trapap'ptf/iara rplxwa
lists

for three-banked ships and for four-banked ships but the earlier list includes
:

iiTro/SXij/xara for list does not include them

three-banked ships only, and the later
at all. These discrepancies indicate that the uTro^X^ara were discarded about
that date upon the three-banked ships, and never came into use upon the four-
banked ships: cf. no. 807, col. c, 11. 66 102, no. 808, col. d, 11. 119 151. A
list of gear in store in 357/6 B.C. shews that each three-banked ship used to have

a pair of Trapapptf/mra of each sort, but only one /cardjSX^a and one UTr6/3X?7/m,
no. 793, col. e, 11. 6 21. A
list of ships some twenty years before incidentally

mentions 7rctpa/3X?7,uara, no. 791, 1. 31. Two instances of the use of irapappv^ara
pa/SXT^uara in 406 and 405 B.C. are mentioned by Xenophon, Hellenica, i.

19, TOI)S eTTi/Sdras a's KolXyv vavv /u.eTa/3t/3d(ras /ecu ra Trapap'p'tf/iara TrapafiaXuv,
.22, -rravra 5 Trapacr/ceuacrd/iej/os ws eis vav}Jiaxtai> /ecu ra Trapa/SX^/iaTO, TrapaftaXuv .
n both instances a fight was expected; yet the Trapctppu/mra and Trapa/SX^/xara
were not spread to protect the crew, but to conceal the crew for a surprise so :

they were spread over the open spaces below the hurricane-deck, for here alone
would the crew be visible. Thus the Trapa/SX^/xara may merely be the Trapafipv-
Hara under another name, which ranges better with /cara/3X^ara and u7roX?7/xaTa.
In the arsenal the Trapapp6/j.a.Ta Xeu/cd were stored in the same chests with the
sails, and so were probably of similar material. Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no.
1054, 11. 85 87, TTCwjcrei 5 /ecu
Kift&TOvs TOIS urrfou /eai rots jrapap'pv/Ji.a.o'tv TOIS
exarbv rpiaLKOvra. r^rrapas. The other Trapappu/xara were perhaps
Xeu/cois, dpidfj-bv
of horse-hair, for that seems the likeliest meaning of rpLx<-va, but were
possibly
of hide. cf. Caesar, de bello civili, iii. 15, pellibus, quibus erant tect<z naves.
The /cara/SX77yuara and viroft\7j/j.aTa were presumably of some similar material; and
certainly were not of timber, with the Trapappu/mra
for in the lists they are classed

amongst the <r/ceu?7 /cpe/Actord, which are distinguished from the aKetiij v\iva,.
 54 THE THREE-BANKED SHIPS,

The thrge^banked ships were termed triremes in Latin and

Greek : DuT"wn"ile the Latin term implies a triple
friereis_\r\.

yXarrangement Greek term implies a triple

for the oars, the

arrangement of some undetermined sort and the cognate ;

adjective triarmenoi was applied to large sailing-ships, which

had not any banks of oars 124 These sailing-ships^ however, .

used often to have three decks. Thus, while Plutarch and

Proclos describe a ship as triarmenos, Athenseos describes
her as triparodos, that is to say, with three gangways and ;

states that these gangways stood one above another, and

gave access to cabins along the sides and at the ends so :

that this clearly was a three-decked ship, though apparently

the planking of the decks did not extend over the whole
124
The older form of triremis was triresmus^ cf. Corp. Inscr. Latin, vol. i, no.
195, 1. 12, triresmosque naveis : and both these forms are connected with eper/xos
and epevffeiv, whereas Tptrjprjs is connected with apetv, and thus with ap/j.evos.

The ternvr/3td/>/iej'os but not to designate a novel

was introduced about 100 A.D.
;

type of ship, for applied to ships of earlier times by Pollux, i. 83, /cat
it is

/cat 'Avriydvov, Tpidpftev os, and by Plutarch and

'
IIroXe/u.atou vavs, Trej're/catSe/c^pTjs
Proclos in the passages quoted in note 74 on p. 28. The term is employed by
Lucian, navigium, 14, irevTe. yap, et /SotfXet, /caXXtw /cat /xetfw TOV Alywriov vrXotou
ijdif) x e Ka l T0 fdyiffToy ovde KaTadvvai 8vvdfJt,eva } ...... 6s yap rt evbs irXoiov TOVTOVL
Seo-TroTT/s uv TraprjKoves POUVTUV, el irevTe KTr)<raio Trpbs TOIJTU) rpidp/j.tva
iravra /cat

di>w\e6ph, ovde 6\}/ei 6\j\a5i] roi)s <pt\ovs. Again by Lucian, Lexiphanes;- 15, 6X/cd6a

rpidp/Aevov ev ovply ir\eov(rav, efjiTre7rvevfJ.aTWjj.evov rq,0 a/caretou, ev(popovo~dv

re /cat

cf. o~e vavry

dKpoKVfj,aTov<rav, pseudologistes, 27, /x,t/cpou yovv (pao-iv d.TroirvLy^va.i
nvi T&V rpLapfj.ev(i)v evrvx.oi'Ta, 8s e/j-Treffuv dTre(ppa^ o~oi TO <rT6/J.a. Also by Philo-
stratos, vita Apollonii, iv. 9, /cat a'/wa dawi* raOra vavv eloe T&V Tpiapfj.evaji' eKwXeov-
GQ.V Kal TOVS vavTas aXXov dXXws es r6 dvdy^adai avTTjv TrpaTTOVTas. cf. Synesios,
epistolse, p. 161, ra%i> fj,ev TTJV yrjv d7reKpv7rTOfj.ev, ra^u 6e /uerd T&V 6X/ca5a> rj^ev

125
Athenseos, v. 41, yv 5' i} vaus TJJ fj.ev /caraa/ce^ et'/c6cropos, Tpnrdpodos 5e, TT]V
fj.ev /carwrdrw exowa e-rrl TOV y6fj,oi>, e0' r/v did /cXt/id/cwv TTVKV&V ij /card/3a(Tts eylveTO'
rj 8' fTepa rots ets rds Statras fiovXofJLevois elvievai fj.efj,r)xdvr]TO' /J.e6' rjv r/ reXevrata
rots ev Toes oVXois TeTayp-evoLs. irapodov Trap' e/cdrepov T&V ToL^^v
rjffav de TT/S fj.ea"r)s

Statrat rer/ad/cXtvot rots dvdpdffi, TptaKOVTa Tb TrXrjdos. i) de vavK\7)piKT]

Siatra K\IVU>V

fj.ev -r\v Trej/rc/catSe/ca, 6a\dfj.ovs 8e Tpeis el^e TpiK\ivovs, uv rjv TO /card rijv irpv^vav
dTTTaviov. /card 8e TTJV d^wrdrw irdpodov yvfj,vd<riov fjv, /cat wepLiraTOi, /c.r.X. For
a further account of the structures on the upper irdpodos, see note 1 33 on p. 58.
The ship here described as Tpnrdpodos is described as Tpt.dpfj.evo$ by Plutarch and
by Proclos in the passages quoted in note 74 on p. 28. Athenaeos is quoting here
from Moschion, and applies the term -rrdpodot to the three decks of the ship;
whereas in quoting from Callixenos see note 118 on p. 50 he applies the term to
a pair of gangways along the two sides of the ship : but Moschion seems to be
 AND THREE-DECKED SHIPS. 55
125
ship, but
the centre open
left And the term triereis was .

itselfapplied by certain authors to three-decked ships, and

126
even to three-storied buildings while in the Septuagint the ;

Ark described as triorophos, that is to say, with three

is

stories, though in the original its triple arrangement is of

an undetermined sort 127 The three-banked war-ships may .

therefore have inherited the name triereis from three-decked

ships of earlier date but they never had three decks them-
:

selves. The rowers of the lower bank were indeed styled

halamitai, as if they had originally sat in a thalamos, or
lamber: but the rowers of the middle bank were styled
vgitai, as if they had originally sat upon the zyga, or beams;
id if the beams served as seats, they could not carry a deck,

:koning each pair of gangways as a single structure, for he states explicitly that
middle irdpodos had cabins on each side of the ship. Possibly the open space
tween the gangways was covered over by a deck corresponding to the KaTdarpw/jia
on a war-ship, so that the ships described as rpnrdpoSot or Tpidp/j.evoi really had
four decks altogether. Thus, Lucian reckons the depth of a merchant-ship diro
TOV /carcurrpw/iaros, navigium, 5, and she was one of the TrXoia Tpia.piJ.eva, navigium,

14. Cabins at the stern are mentioned by Lucian, navigium, 5, al Kara TT]V

irpii^vav Lucan, ix. no, l\\> puppisque cavern is delitutt and these
oi/cTjcreis cf. \

probably answer to Moschion's vavKXrjpiKTj diatra and its ddXa^oi, the diizta
magistri of Petronius, satirse, 115.
'
126
Etymologicum Magnum, s. v. drfpris : A.iro\\uvios 8 Kal rds vaus TO.S ^x^ ffa ^
duo TJ This obviously does not imply that
Kal rpecj or^yas dirjpeis Kal rpt^pets \yei.
the three-banked ships had three decks themselves it merely shews that this author :

applied the name for three-banked ships to three-decked ships also. The author
may be either Apollonios or Apollodoros, as the reading is doubtful. For this
sense of artyr), cf. Plautus, Bacchides, ii. 3. 44, Stichus, iii. i. 12, in stega. ^Elius
Aristeides, panegyrica in Cyzico, p. 420, dvrl yap T&V oini&v TUV Tpiupbcpwv Kal
T&V Tpir/puv irdpecrTiv opav ve&v TOV fj-tyurTOv, T&V p.kv aXXwv Tro\\aTT\a(rlova, ai/TOv
Se TpnrXovv Tr, <f)v<Ti. Ta fj-ev yap avTov KaTayuds ecrri 6a, ra 8' virepqjos, ^<n} 8e rj

vevo/j,i(Tfjt.evTj. 8p6fjLOL 8 VTTO yrfv re Kal Kp/j.affTol 5t' avTov StTjKoi/res KVK\<J>, wffwep
OVK evTrpocr6r]Kr)s ^pei, dX\' e%TrlTt)des elvai. dp6fj,oi Trfjronjfj^voi. The interior of this
temple thus bore some resemblance to the interior of a three-decked ship, as
described by Athenseos in the passage quoted in the last note and this resem- :

blance may have led Aristeides to use the term Tpirjpr]? in his comparison. See
also Athenseos, ii.
5, as to a dwelling-house known as Tpiypys at Agrigentum : he
quotes the story from Timaeos.
127
Genesis, vi. 15, Kal ouro; iroiri<reis TTJV KifiuTov, 16, KaTayaia, dtwpoQa Kal
Tpiupo<pa Troojcreis avTrjv. A fourth deck is mentioned by Philo Judaeus, vita

Moysis, ii. ii, /cat ffvvex^ /caracr/cei'ao'd/xei'os v8ov oiV^/iara, tirlTreSa Kal vireptfa,

Tpi<J>po<pa Kal
TTpupo(pa. And also byjosephus, de antiquitatibus Judaicis, i.
3. 2,
\dpvaKa TTpd<rTyov KaTa<rKevd<ras.
56 BEAMS AND DECKING AMIDSHIP.

and the space below could only figuratively be termed a

chamber. Moreover, there is a characteristic little jest of

Aristophanes to prove that in his day the rowers of the

middle and lower banks had no deck between them 128 And .

Xenophon speaks as though the rowers of all three banks

had to pull together to avoid collision with each other 129 .

The earliest Greek ships had little decks at stem and

stern, somewhat above the level of the beams 130 and ;
similar
decks are represented on Egyptian and Asiatic ships of
still earlier date, as in fgs. 4 to 8, the bulwarks marking

their extent. But on Greek ships of about 500 B.C., as in

fgs. 17 and 19, the forecastle appears without the poop; and

128
Aristophanes, ranse, 1074, Ka ^ TrpoffTrapdeiv y' ei's rb <rr6/ta T$
But see Appian, de bellis civilibus, v. 107, 6 be 'Aypl-mras t'ero /idXicrra tvdv TOV

HcnrLov, Kal aur< Kara TTJV eTramSa efiireauv /car^treicre rijv vavv nai es rd /cotXa

ev
'

i) de rotfj re ev rots irtipyois aTrecmVaro, /cat TTJV OdXavaav d#p6a>s

'
Ka i T<*> v tpeT&v ol fjiev 0aXa/uat Trdvres d.Tre\r]<f>dr)<rai>, oi 5' erepoi. rb /card-

dvapprj^avres e^evrixovTo. This was in an action off Mylae in 36 B.C. The

incident rather suggests that, there was a deck just above the rowers of the lower

bank, since they were all drowned, while the rest escaped. But as the survivors
had to make their escape by breaking through the upper decking, the rowers of
the lower bank may have been delayed until too late by the crowd above. See
also Silius Italicus, xiv. 424 426, trepidatur omisso summis remigio |
: sed enim
tarn rebus in arctis fama |
mail nondum tanti penetrarat ad imos.
But^this
cannot reasonably be taken to imply a deck between the banks.
la9
Xenophon, economica, 8. 8, Kai rpiriprjs 5t TOL ^ ffeuay^v-r) avdpuiruv 5id rl
d\Xo <t>ofiepbv etrn 7roXe/x.tou rj 0tXois d^iod^aTOf 17 tin ra%i) TrXel; did rl 6 &\\o
AXuTTOi dXX^Xots fiffiv oi e/JurX^ovres f) 5i6rt iv raei fj,v KdOyvTai, ev rd^et 5

7rpoveijov(rit>, tv rd^et 5' dvairlTrTOV<nv, iv rd^et 5' e/mfiaiisovcn KO.L fKfiaivovai ; But
although they had thus to pull together when they were all at work, one set
could go on working while another stopped. Thucydides, iii.
49, ol fj,h inrvov

ypovvTo /card /^/>os, oi de -fjXavvov. Xenophon, Hellenica, vi. 2. 29, el fj.ei> atfpa
<f>tpOi, dtovres dpa dveiravovro' et 5e eXatiiteiv 5^ot, /card fdpos TOI/S VCUJTO.? avtiravev.

Polysenos, v. 22.4, TO?S 5^ eptrais (TrapayyeiXas) dvd fJL^pos ore /j.et> rds daXa/uuas, ore
5^ ras fvylas, ore d rds Opaviridas /cw?ras dvafapeiv. The stratagem here was to
make the enemy believe that the ships were fully manned, when there really were
only hands enough for one bank of oars : but the enemy would not have been
deceived, unless the three banks were often worked separately. Of course, there
was space enough in the hold for the combatants as well as the rowers :

Xenophon, Hellenica, i. 6. 19, roi)j eVt/Sdras els KolXrjv vavv ^era/SijSderas. But
there was no space to spare: Cicero, in Verrem, ii. v. 51, ea est enim ratio
instructarum ornatarumque navium, ut non modo plures, sed ne singuli
quidem
possint accedere...classem instructam atque ornatam fuisse, nullum propugnatorem
abfuisse, nullum vacuum transtrum fuisse.
 DECKING AT STEM AND STERN. 57

on Greek ships of somewhat later date, as in fg. 23, and even

on the ship of earlier date in fg. 15, the bulwarks of this
forecastle are represented as supporting the fore part of a
turricane-deck and enclosing a cabin underneath. Some
ich forecastle was wanted on the war-ships, as their bows
>ped down to meet the ram but the merchant-ships had :

lipper bows high out of water; and by about 500 B.C. the
forecastle had already been deprived of bulwarks on vessels
that class, as may be seen from fg. 18, and apparently was
a level with the ordinary deck amidship. The stern now
held a tier of seats for the steerer and others in command; but
this did not necessitate a separate deck there 131 .

30
Odyssey, v. 163, 164, drdp i'/cpta TTT^CU e?r' avrrjs \ v\j/ov, us (re fop-gent eV
rjepoeiSta TTOVTOV, 252, 253, f/c/>ta 5e ffT7}(ras, dpapuv 0a/ieVi <rTap.lv effffi, \
irotet. xii.

229, 230, ei's

LKpia vr/6s tfiawov | Trpyprjs, 411 414, 6 5' dpa Trpv/j.vr] evl vrji | TrX^e
KvfiepvrjTfd) Ke<pa\r)i>, avv 5' dcrrt' dpa^ev \
iravr' ctyu,u5is /ce^aX^s' 6 5' dp' dpvevTrjpi
1

toiK&s |
/caTTTrecr' CITT'
iKpi6(piv. xiii. 73 75, /cd 5' dp 'OSucrcTTji arbpeaav pTJy6s re
\ivov re \
vrjbs e*7r'
lKpi6(pLv y\a.(pvpr)$, 'iva viqyperov evdot., \ Trpvp.vrj<s. cf. iii. 353, xv.
283, 552 ; also Iliad, xv. 685, 729. The term
used in prose by Synesios, is

epistolae, p. 161, tiri r&v UpLuv e<rrc6s, and also by Heliodoros, ^Ethiopica, v. 24,
r&v IJL^V ei's TO, /coiXa T^S vews /caraSvo/weVcoi', r&v 5e Trpbs fj.dxw ^TTI T&V iKplwv

dXXTjXots TrapaKe\evojji{i>(*)v. Pliny, vii. 57, tectas longas (naves invenere] Thasii :
antea ex prora tantum et puppi pugnabattir. This probably answers to the state-
ment in Thucydides, i. 10, ovd' av rd TrXota /card^pa/cra ^x oj/ras dXXd ry TraXaty >

Tp6ir({3 XyaTiKurepov irapeffKevaa^va. As to the statement in Thucydides, i.

14,
Ko.1 aurcu O^TTW elxov 5id Trdcnjs KaTa<TTpu/j.a.Ta, see note 118 on p. 50. And see
e 121 on p. 51 for the meaning of tectas and Kard<ppaKTa.
131
Ptolemy, Almagest, viii.i, 'Apyovs d<TTepi(r/j,6$, employs the phrase fv ry

a(TTpufj.aTL TTJS irpupv^ : but this does not imply that the ship had a separate
at the stern, any more than his phrase eV rrj rp67rei TTJS irpu(ji.fr)s implies that

had a separate keel there. So also Petronius employs the phrase supra
tratum puppis, satine, 100; the construction being determined by the context
supra constratum navis occuparemus secretissimum locum. The same interpre-
ion must be placed upon the phrase in Aulus Gellius, xvi. 19, stansque in
surnmce puppis foro. This is a translation from Herodotos, i. 24, who speaks of
Arion aravra eV roicrt ewXi'oi<ri while the robbers dvaxupr)<ra.i etc rijs irp6fj.v>js ts

fdffriv vta. cf.

Euripides, Helena, 1571, 'EXeV?? Kadtfrr' iv ytt^o-ou eSwXtois, 1602,
1603, Trapa.K^\evafji.a 'EX^^s. These eSciXta at the stern were
5' T\V \ jrpvp.vriOev

presumably a term eSwXia being equivalent to sedilia in Latin.

set of seats, the

Virgil, ^neid, v. 837, sub remis fusi per dura sedilia naut<z. For the other
cduXtov that held the mast, see note 196 on p. 91. Apparently, the term
$vyt)v served also to denote some bench at the stern. ^Eschylos, Agamemnon,
1617, 1618, av ravra (pwveis, veprtpa irpoayiMevos \ K&irrj, Kparovvruv T&V tirl vyip
dop6s ; cf. Euripides, Cyclops, 14, 15, tv TrpvuvQ 5' a.Kpa \
our6s Xa/JoH' etidvvov
 58 DECK-HOUSES AND THEIR FITTINGS.

Ships generally had a deck-house at the stern for the

commander and his friends, sometimes constructed solidly,
but oftener of wicker-work or merely of awnings 132 The .

type is represented on the Roman merchant-ship in

y. 29, and the lighter type on the Roman war-ship in fg.
Xeavier
Some ships had deck-houses all along the upper decking;
and these were fitted with every luxury, baths of bronze and
marble in the bath-room, paintings and statues and mosaics
in the principal saloons, and even a library of books. And
alongside these deck-houses there were covered walks with
rows of vines and fruit-trees planted in flower-pots 133 .

d/j.<j>rjpes 86pv.
This vybv may answer to the iuga longa of Virgil, ^Eneid, vi.
411, 412, inde alias animas, qua per iuga longa sedebant, deturbat, laxatque \

foros : for the ghosts here were not on board as rowers, so these iuga would not be
the rowers' seats, nor could those seats be described as longa. In this passage
Virgil calls the deck Jori, whereas Aulus Gellius calls it forus : but singular and
plural were used indifferently. Sallust, apud Nonium, p. 206, ilium nautis forum.

Cicero, de senectute, 6, alii per foros cursent. Lucan, iii. 630, ad summos repleta
foros, desedit in undas, sc. navis. Ennius, apud Isidorum, origines, xix. 2. 4,
tnulta foro ponit et agea longa repletur, where age a or ay via is probably a synonym
for wdpodos. These terms forus and fort must convey the notion of an open space,
like Forum and hence denote a deck. Ammianus, xxvii. 5. 2, ponteque contabu-
;

lato supra navium foros fiumen transgressus est Histrum.

132 vii. ravrd oi ^TreTrotTjro, T!JOV ve&v /careX/cixrfleto'^wj' es
Herodotos, 100, cos

ffdXaffffav, evdavra. 6 fZty&s /xere/c/3ds e/c TOV ap/Aaros es vea. 'LiSwvL'rjv tero VTTO ffKyvrj

Xpvvty TrapeVXwe irapa rds Trpypas TUV veuv.

/cat Arrian, anabasis, vi. 13, /cat
ir\twv /card TOV irora^bv, ws eTT^Xafev i] vaOs -fjdr) ry ffTparoired^ TOV jSacrtX^a (pepovaa,

Si] (A.\eat>8pos) d0e\t^ TTJV ffKtjv^v dwb rrjs Trpvfj.vr)S, tus /cara0ai/7?s et^at

Chariton, viii. 6, tlfftirXevvtv ovv Tpirjpys i] Xat/^ou TT^WTTJ. et%e 5' dwdvoj

(njyKfKaXvfJL^vriv Ba^SyXwj'iots 7rept7rerd(r aa(r'...at0>'t'5tof elXxvffdr] rd Trapa-

/

,
/cat w0^ KaXXipporj, /c.r.X. Tacitus, annales, xiv. 5, Crepereius Gallus
haud procul gubtrnaculis adstabat, cum dato signo ruere tectum loci multo plumbo

grave; pressusque Crepereius et statim exanimatus est. cf. Suetonius, Nero, 34,
camera ruina. Sidonius, epistoke, viii. 12, hie, superjlexa crate paradarum, sereni
brumalis infida vitabis. Ausonius, epistolae, 5. 28, 29, Medullini te feret ora
noti | expositum subter paradas.
133
Athenaeos, v. 41, /card 5e TT\V dvwrdrw TrdpoSov yv/j,vd<rtov riv, /cat TreptTrarot,

ffv /After pov x VT s T V

KaraffKevrjv ry rot) irXotov /jLeytdei, tv ols Kijtrot iravroiot

6av/j.affiii}s T]GQ.V TreptpaXXoires rats 0irretats, 5td Kepa/j-Ldcov fjt,o\vj35ii><jji' KaTeffTeyavdJ-

jj^voi. TI 5 ffKrjval KITTOV \evKod /cat d/ATr^Xwi', uv at pt^at rrjv rpo<^r\v tv TrL6ois

i\ov yrjs TreTrX^pw^i^foty, TT\V avTTjv apdevffiv Kaddirep /cat oi

\a/j.(3dj>ov<rai
'

aOrat 5e at aK-rjval (rvveffKlafrv rous TrcpiTrdrous. eijs 5 TOIJTWV A(f>podiaiot> /ca?

o-/ceyacrro rpt/cXt^ov, 8dTre5oi> fyov e/c \LOwv dx<*-T&v re /cat a\\wv xa/>teo-rdrwj',
'
/card TT]v vrjtrov rjaav roi)y rot'xous 5' e?X e * a * T ^ v opo(f)T)v KvrrapiTTOv, rds 5 6vf
 TURRETS FOR ENGAGING AN ENEMY. 59

Ships also carried turrets on the upper decking to enable

their crews to shoot down missiles on an enemy
134
and ;

merchant-ships carried them as much as war-ships, since they

lad often to encounter pirates. These turrets could easily be
up and taken down again, their foundations alone being
:tures in the hull: and apparently those foundations some-
imes projected overboard, as though the turrets reached right
:ross the ship or else were placed in pairs on either side. A
lerchant-ship might carry as many as eight, two in the bows,
fo near the stern, and four amidship; and such turrets might

mtain three stories each, and thus be fully twenty feet in

'

t<pai>TOS Kal dvov ypatpais de Kal dyd\fjia(riv TI 5 troT-tjpiwv KaraffKevdlj vircp-

i\\6vTO)s KaT<rKeua<7To. 42, TOVTOV 5' t<pe^s ffxoXaffT-rjpLov virijpxe TrepTa/cXtJ'oi', e'/c

ov TOVS Tolxovs Kal ra 6vpd)fjt.ara KaTe<rKevao-fj.frov, ^\i.od^K-rjv fyov tv aury,

'

ira 5 TT]v 6po(j>T]v TTO\OV, e/c TOV /card TTJV AxpaSivyv aTrofJi/j.ifj.rjfji.^i>ov TjXiorpOTrLov.
Kal flaXaveiov TpiK\ivov, irvpias x^X/cas fyov rpets Kal \ovT7jpa irtvTt /ieT/JTjTaj

,
iromiXov TOV Taupo/xeiuTov \idov. /farecr/cei/aaro 5^ Kal ot/c77ju.ara, K.T.\.

Lthenseos ascribes this ship to Hieron, but the description seems to be inspired by
lips of later date : see pp. 2729. Suetonius, Caligula, 37, fabricavit et de cedris
iburnicas gemmatis puppibus, vcrsicoloribus veils, magna thermarum et porticuurn
tricliniorum laxitafe, magnaque etiam vitiurn et pomiferarum arborum varietate ;

quibus discutnbens de die inter chores ac symphonias litora Campania peragraret.

'

Maximus Tyrius, i.
3, X^yw 5^ ov pvdov TrXdrrwi', dXXd ov TroXus XP OV0 ^ Te c ^>

Aiyvwrov es fvpov ^TrXet /3ao"tXei)s T&V virep QoivlKTis fiapfidpuit tueivuv ruv avdpuv,
" OVK de&
01 'Lcraai. 6a\arTav, ovde d\tyovcri TOV Alyi6xov Aios oi>8

Trapecr/cefdcraro dr) /xeXXwi' TrXeiv 6 adeos OVTOS Kal d^dXarros /3ao"tXei)s

'

cvpuxwpov vavv, 'iva avT<^ Tracrat at rjdoval crf/WTrX^wo't TO /JLCV yap ai/Trjs fiaalXeia rjv

ola jcaXXtoTa, TracrrdSes, Kal evvai, Kal

' " izKTOffdev 5'
dp6/j.oi ai)X^s ft^yas

dvpawv TeTpdyvos," Kal oevftpa efj.irecpvKea'av, poiai, Kal cry^^ai, Kal

iTreXof TO 5e avrris \OVTQOV r)v y Kal yvfj.vdaiov TO d 6\f/OTroi.ois x^P a T0 '
^
'
TO 5^ ffvpirbffiov TO 5e AXXo Ti /ifyos Tpv(pu<n)s TroXewj.
would This
iturally refer to some king of the Nabatseans but in the context his name is ;

iven as /Eetes, and that does not suit any king in history. Plutarch, Lucullus, 7,
rt 5e vavs ov %pi'crop60ois o~KT)vlo~iv ou5c XouT/9o?s TraXXa/ctSwi' /cat yvvatKuvlTiffi
s, dXX' o/rXw^ /cat /SeXwv /cat xp^/xaTWi' ye/j.ov<ras TrapapTv<rdfji.ei>os,

134
Pliny, xxxii. i, sed artnata: classes imponunt sibi turrium propugnacula, ut
niari quoque pugnetur velut e muris. Vegetius, iv. 44, in maioribus etiam
'iburnis propugnacula turresque constituunt, ut tamquam de muro ita de excelsior-
tabulatis facilius vulnerent vel
perimant inimicos. Horace, epodes, i. i, 2,
'/is liburnis inter alta navium, amice, propugnacula. The term liburni is used
|

trictly by Horace, but loosely by Vegetius see p. 16 and notes 42, 44 so their
tements are not contradictory. Lucan, iv. 226, turrigeras classis pelago sparsura
irinas, cf. iii. 514. Virgil, ^Eneid, viii. 693, turritis puppibus.
60 THE BALLASTING OF THE SHIPS.

height
135
. A
turret is represented in the bows of the
little

Roman war-ship of about 50 A.D. in fg. 25. On such ships the

turrets were painted and their colouring served to distinguish
;

one squadron from another 136 .

To
counterbalance these encumbrances upon the upper
decking, quantities of ballast would be required at the bottom
of the hold and some gravel or sand or stone always was
;

carried there for steadying the ship 137 And this ballast could .

135
Thucydides, vii. 25, -rrpocrayay6t>Tes yap vavv /j.vpio(f>6pov avrois oi 'Adijvatoi,

irupyovs re fcvXlvovs x ovffav Kal Trapa.<ppdy(j.aTa, K.T.\. Appian, de bellis civilibus,

v. 1 06, Kal irijpyovs tirl TWV veCjv elxov Kara re irpqpav Kal Kara irpvp.vav. Athenaeos,
'
v. 43, irvpyoi re rjffav eV avr-g 6KT&, cnj/j-fjierpoi rb [Jityedos rots TTJS veus oyKots 860

fj.fr Kara TrpvfJ,vav, ol 5' tffot Kara irpifpav, oi Xouroi 5e Kara ^at\v vavv. cf. 42,
drXavrts re ire pi.tr pexov TTJV vavv Kr6s ea7r?7xets, ol TOVS oyxovs VTreiXrjQeo'av roi)s

dvurdru. These 8yKoi are presumably the 7ru//yoDx ot of Polybios, xvi. 3, -jrapa-
ireffuv de rots TroXe/uois, airtfiaXe rbv oe&ov rapabv TTJS vews, 6/xoO ffvppaytvTbiv Kal
TWV Trvpyotixw- Thus the 67*01 or irvpyovxot. would be beams or platforms
projecting from the ship, and serving as foundations for the turrets. Dion
Cassius, 1. 33, oi ntv ra iffria tfyeipov, oi 8t rots re ^^70^5 Kal ra ^TrnrXa e^s rrjv
6a\aff<rav tppiTTTOvv, STTWS Kov(plcrai>Tes diacptiyucri. Appian, de bellis civilibus,
iv. 72, tXirlfav yap n TOIOVTOV, ^Tre^pero (Kdo'O'ioy) irijpyovs tirTvy/j.ti'Ovs, ot rbre
dvlffravTo. Csesar, de bello Gallico, iii. 14, turribus excitatis^ de bello civili, i. 26,
turres cum ternis tabulatis erigebat. The reference is here to merchant-ships ;
and
so also in the passages quoted above from Athenseos and Thucydides. Although
the statements of Athenoeos are questionable, since they are borrowed from
Moschion see pp. 27 to 29 they probably are based on fact.
13(5
Appian, de bellis civilibus, v. 121, /wXu 5^ wore rats xp ic" s r ^ v irvpyw,
ah or] fj.6vais 8it(pepov a\\r)\wt>, 6 'Aypimras vvvds irXtovas airoXwXtvai TOU HO/XTTT/IOI/
vavs, edappvve roi>s o~vi>6vTas, K.T.\. See also Polysenos, v. 34, already quoted at
the end of note 89 on p. 35, as to uniformity of colouring in a fleet.
137
Odyssey, v. 257, TroXXrji' 5' eTrexetfaro vXrjv. Lycophron, 618, TOV p/j.a.TiTif9

vybs ^KfiaXuv Trtrpov. Plato, Theaetetos, p. 144 A, Kal arrovres <ptpovrai uvirep ra
dvep/j.aTiffTa irXola. Plutarch, animi et corporis affectiones, 4,
dvep/j.dTi<TTos efs TI vavdyiov <pofiepbv ireffe, ad principem ineruditum, 5,
TroXXoC Kal Kv^epv/irov fteydXov Ofb^evov, Livy, xxxvii. 14, onerarias multa saburra
gravatas. Pliny, xvi. 76, CXX M modiorum Untis pro saburra d fuere. See also
Aristotle, historia animalium, viii. 12. 5, ix. 40. 21; Pliny, x. 30, xviii. 87;
Aristophanes, aves, 1428, 1429; Virgil, georgics, iv. 194196; Plutarch, de
solertia animalium, 10. 10, 28. 2. At Portus, near the mouth of the Tiber, the
ballast-heavers formed a guild, corpus saburrariorum Corp. Inscr. Latin, vol. xiv, :

no. 102.
138
Arrian, anabasis, ii.
19, tynard re s TTJV Trptuvav v0<rav, TOV tapai es

C^os Tyv wpypav Tneofj.tvr)s Kara irpv^vav TT)S vecos. Polybios, xvi. 4, avrol fJ.ev yap
tfiTrpypa rd ffKd(pTfj Troiowres, t^dXovs eXdfJ.ftavov ras 7rX7?7cis
'
rots 5^ -rroXeulois v$aXa
TO, Tpav/j.ara 5i86t>Tes, dfiorjdrjTovs taKetiafov ras irXrjyds.
 BILGE-WATER AND DRINKING-WATER. 6l

easily be shifted fore or aft to depress or elevate the bows, as

need arose for ramming or manoeuvring 138 At the bottom of .

the hold there was also a mass of bilge-water, which needed

:onstant baling out by buckets or else by a machine consisting
>f an Archimedean screw worked by some sort of treadmill
139
.

,nd probably the cisterns for the drinking-water were also

lown below, serving like the bilge to increase the weight of
140
>allast .

39 oirlau ireaev, oir\a re irdvTa &VT\OV

Odyssey, xii. 410, 411, tor6s 5' |
els

-e"xy vr(>- xv. 479, avT\(p 5' evdovTrr/cre ireffovff', us elvaXli) Kr)j-. Sophocles,
^hiloctetes, 481, 482, e/x^aXou // o"irrj 6e\eis aywv, els dvT\lav, es irpypav, es \

Cicero, ad familiares, ix. 15. 3, sedebamus enim in puppi et clavum

lebamus: nunc autem vix est in sentina locus. Sallust, Catilina, 37, Romam,
icut in sentinam, confluxerant. These terms AVT\OS or dvr\ia and sentina, which
ms denoted the bilge of a ship, also denoted the bilge- water. /Eschylos, septem
iversus Thebas, 795, 796, Kal K\v5b)t>iov TroXXcuxrt TrX^cus O.VT\OV OVK e^5eaTo.
\

jneca, epistoloe, 30, quemadmodum in nave, qua sentinam trahit^ uni rimce ant
Iteri obsistitur, ubi plurimis locis laxari ccepit et cedere, succurri non potest navigio
ehiscenti. Troades, 685, 686, 6 irap otax, 6 5' eirl \ai<f>effiv
Euripides, fj.lv

Ms, |
Cicero, de senectute, 6, alii malos scandant, alii
6 5' avT\ov etpywv va6s.

faros cnrsent, alii sentinam exhauriant. The buckets for the baling were
>wn as dvT\rjTript.a or sentinacula. Dion Cassius, 1. 34, otfre yap TroXXd r] Kal
\a TO. dvT\r)T7]pia efyov, Kal rnjudea avrd are TapaTTO/J.evoi dve(pepov. Paulinus

Jolanus, epistolge, 49. 3, et post unum vel alterum brevis sentinaculi haustum
\umore destricto siccataque navi, etc. The pump is mentioned by Athenoeos, v. 43,
'
oe dvT\la, nalirep ftddos apSpos e^rjvrXelTo did Kox^lov,
vireppd\\ov ^x ovffa & 1 ^
* vo *

ovs e^evpbvTos. cf. Vitruvius, x. 6. 3, cochlea hominibus calcantibus facit

rsationes. Artemidoros, oneirocritica, i. 48, ot5a 5^ riva, ds e"8oe TOV iravTbs

YI;, 6'/u,ws 5^ Kivelo~dai. ffweBy ai>T<^ els dvT\lav KaTadiKaffBijvai. Kal yap ^/ce?

s dvT\ov<TL vvfjipep-nKe 8tafialveiv pev us padtfrwiv, del 8e peveiv ev ry aury TOTT^.

'or the phrase els dvT\lav KaTadiKa<r6r)vai, cf. Suetonius, Tiberius, 51, in antliam
\emnato. In the context Artemidoros says that a man was set to bale 6vn
(j,
and Lucian reckons it fit work for the dpybv Kal arexvov Kal ATO\UOV,
upiter tragoedus, 48. See also Paulinus Nolanus, epistolae, 49. 12, sent persona
tinatoris, et in natitis vilissima.
14Q
Lucian, veras historise, i. 5, TrcfytTroXXa /j,ev <riTla eve^aXb^-qv, iKavbv 8 Kal

ISVU jp evedffAyv, /c.T.X. ii. I, TT\V vavv eTreaKevdfo/j.ev, vdwp re us evi TrXeicrrov e/ij3aXX6-
,voi Kal TO. dXXa eirtT-fideia. Dion Cassius, 1. 34, r6 /j.ev wpuTOV ry 7rcm>y CSari y
r/vT\ovv TO
'
<T< (fiepovTo exp&VTO, Kal Tiva KaTeo~Be(rav eirel d eKeivo KaTavaXudrj,

6a\aTTiov. Athenseos, v. 42, r^v 5e Kal vSpodriK-rj vara TTJV wpfpav /cXeto-TTj,
fieTpr/Tas Sexo/J-evrj, eK vaviduv Kal TrlTTrjs Kal bdovlwv KaTeffKevaff/j-evt}.
was equivalent to a cubic foot and a half, this cistern would contain 3000 cubic feet
of water; and that would weigh about 75 tons. The statement is
open to suspicion

as it comes from Moschion: see pp. 27 29.

62 CATHEADS AND RAMS ON WAR-SHIPS.

In the fore part of the war-ships everything was con-

structed with a view to ramming. The catheads were
massive, and stood out far enough to tear away the upper
works of a hostile ship, while the ram was piercing her below;
for which purpose they occasionally were strengthened at the
ends by timbers springing from the hull some way behind 141 .

And they must also have served in ramming to protect the

oars from damage by the enemy. Their position and design
may be observed in the Greek war-ships of about 300 B.C. in
fgs. 22 and 23. Here the catheads are on a level with the
gunwale and the gangway, which both finish at this point,
while the waling-pieces run onward to the stem. Right
forward the keel and stem-post and the lower pair of waling-
pieces converge to hold the ram and higher up the stem- ;

141 ''

Thucydides, vii. 34, r&v 5' A.dfjva.lwv KartSv ^v ovSe/j-ia ciTrXws, eirra Se"
Tives AVXot tyevovTo avrtrrpypoi /ut./3a.\\6/u.evai Kal dvappayutrai rd? 7rapeetpecrtas VTTO
TUV Kopwdiuv vewv eV avrb TOVTO 7ra%i>T^pas ras eVwrtSas exovcrwv. 36, /cat ras
Trpypas T&V veuv vvTe/j.6vTS (ol Zupa/c6<rtot) e's ZXaacrov crrepi0a;re'pas eiro'n)<rav, Kal
ras e7rarr5as eir6ecrav rat's Trpc^pats iraxelas, Kal dvriypiSas aV' aurcDv VTrtreivav
?rp6s TOVS rot'xous (as eVi t 7r^%ets tvros re /cat ZfaBev, $7ren Tp6?ry /cat oi KopivOiot
TTpo? rds eV rrj NauTrd/cry vavs eirtaKevaa'dfJievoi irpypadev evav/ui.dxovv. 40, oi 8
2upa/c6criot de^dfj-fvoi Kal ra?s re vavalv aWtTrpypois xpw/wei'ot, cucTTrep dievorjOrjcrav, rCiv
'

tfj.{3t>\uv rfj TrapaaKev-fi dveppriyvvaav ras rCov AOyvalw vaOs eirl TTO\I> rrjs Trape^et-

petr/aj, /c.r.X. cf. 36, avrlirpypoi yap (4v6junaav) rats e/x/3oXa?s %pco/ie^ot dvaj^p^etv ra
irpypadev aiJrots. In these passages the term ?rape etpecrta denotes the bows ; but
its meaning is
merely that the place was out beyond the oars, and sometimes it
denotes the quarters or the stern, as in the passages quoted from Polysenos in
note 170 on p. 75 and from Thucydides and Plutarch in note 223 on p. 102. In

saying that the bows were made shorter, Thucydides may only mean that the
distance between the ram and the catheads was reduced by carrying the catheads
further forward. Diodoros says that the bows were also made lower, xiii. 10, but
that was merely a matter of ballasting see note 138 on p. 60. The dvrtjpiSes were
:

clearly a pair of props sloping upwards and forwards from some point in the keel
to the extremities of the catheads, and thus passing through the ship's sides a little
ahead of the oars of the lower banks. The term dvrrjpides is employed by Polybios
to denote the props for a gangway, viii. 6. 6. Dion Cassius, xlix. 3, Kal rots yuev
r6 re tfi/'os rcDv (TKa0tDv Kal TO 7rd%os rwv eTrwrldiav ot re irtipyot. ffwypovro, roi)s 5'

erepovs oi' re SteWAot tW^epov,

/c.r.X. This refers to the action off Mylae in 36 B.C.
between the of Augustus Csesar and Sextus Pompeius. As a rule, the
fleets

eirwrldes had a backing of the strongest timber. Theophrastos, historia plan-

tarum, v. 7. 3, r6 5e (rrep^w/xa, Trpos $ TO xeAw/za Kal ras e7rwr5as, yUeXfas /cat
'

tV^fpa ^ap Set raur elvai.

ffvKafJiivov Kal TrreXe'as For the use of the eVwr/Ses as
catheads for the anchors, see note 154 on p. 69.
 THE PRINCIPAL AND AUXILIARY RAMS. 63

>st a smaller ram

upon the junction of the upper
is fixed

pair of waling-pieces. In ships of more than three banks

icre was presumably an extra ram for every extra pair of

waling-pieces and here some rams are fixed upon false

;

iling-pieces on a level with the catheads 142 All these .

ixiliary rams would extend the wound inflicted by the

incipal ram, and thus cut an enemy open from the gunwale
the water-line; while they would also protect the stem-post
iderneath them from being shattered by contact with her
les.

The rams usually were made of bronze 143 . On the

Athenian three-banked ships the principal ram did not weigh
lore than three talents or thereabouts, that is to say, I7olbs.;
the metal could only have formed a sheathing round a

142
Athenseos, v. 37, KOL /i/3oXa el~x. ev fi"r<* Totiruv v /xi> i]yo)jfj.i>ov, TO, 5'
orrcr riva 5k Kara rds eTrwrtSas. This refers to the alleged ship of forty
banks. Apparently, the meaning of the last words is that she had some auxiliary
rams on a level with the catheads in addition to the other six. y'Eschylos applied
'
the epithet Se/c^u/foXos to Nestor's ship in the Myrmidons ', according to the
scholiast on Aristophanes, aves, 1256, OVTCO ytpwv &v cnJo^ou rp^^oXov. cf.
Fr. 301, apud Athenaeum, i. 52, iireyepei rbv tufioKov. But clearly the meaning
was that a good ship could go on ramming time after time not that ten rams were ;

carried, or even three. Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 795, col. d, 11.
3 7,

NiK7706pos, 0eo5c6poi> tpyoi>, tTno-KevTjs deo^vr}, irpofji^6\iov OVK ^x ovffa ^ cf- c l- e,

11. 28 32, no. 796, col. a, 11.
38 41, col. e, 11. 4 7. These entries refer to ships
of three banks; and indicate that such ships had only one irpoe/j.p6\iov, or auxiliary

48
^Eschylos, Persae, 408, 409, vavs v vrjl ^aX/c^p?; crr6\ov t-iraurev, 415, 416, |

oXcus %aXKO(TT6^oij |
iralovro. Plutarch, Antonius, 67, TrX-^ OVK frtfidXev els >

'

Avrwviov vavv, dXXd ryv ertpav rdv vavapxiSuv ry ^aX/cci/tcrn 7rardas

epp*6/i/377<re, Sulla, 22, vavs ^aX/c^peis,
Pompeius, 28, vavs %aXKe/x/36Xous. cf.

iripides, Iphigeneia in Aulide, 1319, va&v xaX/fe^oXd5w^, Electra, 436,

tve/ji.{36\ot.<riv. Philippos, in the Anthology, vi. 236, fyeSoXa
v6?rXoa revxfo. vrjuv. Petronius, satira2, 30, embolum navis (zneum. Statius
lebais, v. 335, arata dispellens aquora prora. Virgil, ^Eneid, i. 35, spumas
'is are ruebant, viii. 675, classes aratas. Caesar, de bello civili, ii. 3, cum classe
mini sexdecim, in quibus pauca erant cerate. Horace, odes, ii. 16. 21, 22,
naves cura, iii. i. 39, dtcedit Grata triremi.
indit ceratas vitiosa |
Iron is

mtioned by Pliny, xxxii. r, are ferroque ad ictus armata, and by

rostra ilia,
r
itruvius, x. 15. 6, is autem aries habuerat de ferro duro rostrum, ita uti naves
ngcs solent habere. But see Tibullus, iv. i. 173, ferro tellus, pontus conscinditur
re.
Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 789 b, 11.
27, 32, 89, 90, rb xdXicw/Aa rb avu.
us was presumably the Trpoe/j.p6\iov.
64 DESIGN AND STRUCTURE OF THE RAMS.

core of timber
144
. And thus the ram was often a treacherous
weapon in warfare, inasmuch as itwas slender enough to be
wrenched off the ship in delivering its blow, and started her
145
timbers as broke away
it As a rule, it had three teeth so .
;

that it looked like a trident, when viewed from the side 146 .

These teeth are conspicuous in the Greek ship of about

300 B.C. in fg. 23 but in the Greek ship of about 600 B.C. in
;

fg. 13, and also

in the Phoenician ship of about 700 B.C. in

fg. 10, the ram has only a single tooth and here the ram :

curves slightly upward, whereas the trident ram curves down,

as though it was intended to heel an enemy over. This
downward curve appears again in one of the Greek ships of
about 5 50 B.C. in fgs. 15 and 16, while the curve points
upward in the other so both the forms were then in use ;

concurrently. And apparently the earlier form was de-

veloping the curious type depicted in the Athenian ships of
144 no. 809, col.
Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, e, 11. 169 172, [/*/JoXoi] r[^]r[Ta/)]es,

araBf^bv] TTT fivai A[A]AP, rifiy P 1

A A h hhl ....cf. no. 8n, col. c,

1.
87, [e/i]/36Xoi;s P, 0ra0/*to'....l. 88, AAAP, rt^.... These are entries of

delivery and receipt, and ought therefore to correspond. The word r^rrapes has
been defaced by the mason; so it was inserted by mistake, the number really
being five. There probably were other figures in the gap between o-radfj. and

TTT, perhaps AT, or even A P, for the price is a trifle under 5-25 drachms,
and would represent about fifteen talents of metal for the five rams, as bronze
this

was selling for 35 drachms a talent at that period see Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. i, :

no. 319, 11. 2 4, xaX/c6s euv^6[r]...Td\avra...]Kat5Ka Kal fj.vdi 5^/c[a]. TI[IU,]T] [TOV
raXavTov rpi]aKovTa irtvre 8paxfJ-a'i. These restorations are considerable ; but

they are justified by what follows, cf. 11. 5 8, KaTrlrepos ewvf]dT)...Tb raKavrov
SiaKoffiuv Tp\iaK~\ovTa dpaxv-wv TI/J.^.
145
Herodotos, i. 166, at /JL^V yap TccrcrepaKovrd <r(f)i(ri vtes Siefiddpycrav, al 8e
ef/cotri ai Trepicovaat %aav dxptjo'Toi
'

a7recrrpa0aro yap TOVS ^/x|36Xous. Dion Cassius,

xlix. i, Trpos re rds ^yu./3oXds rQ>v tvavrLwv avr"x. fl v -
>
/ca ' TOVS ^36Xoi/s avr&v dirocrTpt-

0etv. Plutarch, Antonius, 66, airedpatiovTo yap TO. /u./?o\a padiw, Polybios, xvi.
5, TdtrrTjs yap (rjv eKvfiepva Avr6\vKos) en^aXovcr^s et's 7roXe/ut'ai> vavv, Kal /caraXi-
Troijcrrjs (v TOV ^/ijSoXov, ffvvtfi'r) 677, rr\v fj.v ir\r)yei<rav avravdpov Karaduvat,
ry <TKa<f>(,
TOI)S 5^ rbv AvrbXvKOv, e/crpeoua?;? ets TTJV vavv TTJS da\dffO"r)s did rijs Trpojpas,
-rrepl

K.T.\....TT)v ptv vavv OVK T)dvi>r]6i} cr&crai, Sid rb Tr\r]pT) 6a\aTTr)S elvai, K.r.X. Aulus
Hirtius, de bello Alexandrine, 46, itayue prim^ls ( Vatinius] stea quinqneremi in

quadrireniem ipsius Oclavi impetum fecit, celerrinie fortissimeque contra illo remi-
gante naves adversce rostris conctirrerunt adeo vehementer ut navis Octaviana,
y

rostra discusso, ligno contineretur .deprimitur ipsius

. . Octavi qiiadriremis. cf.

Caesar, de bello civili, ii. 6, prafracto rostro.

 RAMS AND FIGURE-HEADS OF ANIMALS. 6$

about 500 B.C. in fgs. 17 and 19, where the ram assumes the
shape of a boar's head. This type was characteristic of
147
Samian ships in the days of Polycrates who ruled there ,

from 532 to 522 B.C. ;

but it afterwards came into use on
ships of other states. And in later times, when the principal
ram was usually a trident, the boar's head was retained for a
smaller ram above, as in the Leucadian ship of about 150 B.C.
in fg. 42. Some of these smaller heads are extant and one of ;

them is drawn to scale in fg. 43. They probably belonged to

oman ships.
Before the introduction of the ram, animals had been
rved upon the prow for figure-heads, as in the Egyptian
r-ship of about 1000 generally there B.C. in fg. 6. And
s either a figure-head, or else a painting or relief on both
e bows the subject corresponding to the name of the ship,
;

148
d serving to distinguish her from others . Such paintings
146
Virgil, ,/Eneid, v. 142, 143, infindunt pariter stdcos, totumque dehiscit \

'(/sum remis rostrisque tridentibus cequor, cf. viii. 689, 690. Valerius Flaccus,
i.
687, 688, volat immissis cava pinus habenis \ infinditque salum, et spiimas vomit
tridenti.
147 ret Alyivyrai aurofa
Herodotos, iii.
59, &cry de (Sa^ous) vavfAaxiy VIK.-TI-
rjvdpatrodiffavTo fj,era Kprjruv, Kal TUIV ve&v Kairptovs exovatuv ras irpypas
'

Kal avedt<rav es rb Ipbv 7-775 A0rjvat^s ev Aiyivrj. Anonymus, apud

Hesychium, s. v. Sa/a/cds rpbiros vavs St rts uKuiropos 2a/ta vos elSos ^x ov<ra
: -

Plutarch, Pericles, 26, i] Se Za/iaij/a vavs tariv Mirpypos ^v rb fflpu/Jia, KoiXortpa

ware Kal 0opro0o/>etv Kal TaxwavTew. oirrw 5' d)vofj.dff6r]
82 Kal yaffrpoeidrjs, dia

rb irp&Tov ev ^dfjap (pavyvai, JloX^/cpcirous rvpavvov KaraffKevdffavTOS. cf. Alexis

Samios, Athenaeum, xii.

apud TrpcDros 5 6 Uo\vKpaTtj3 Kal vavs Tracts dirb r^s
57,
irarpiSos 2a/iks ^aXeae. For aL^wp.a, cf. Thucydides, iv. 25, dTro<ri[j.w<rdvTuv Kal

Appian, de bellis civilibus, iv. /cat aTroo-t/iwo-eu,

irpoenfiaKbvTwv, 71, <?/*/3oXat

Aristotle, problemata, xxiii. 5, dvdcn/j,a ra TrXota iroiovvrat. Thus the stem was
styled the nose, just as the bows were styled the cheeks and the hawse-holes the
eyes : see note 91 on 37 and note 153 on p. 69.
p.
148 ol p.lv tirl i/ews
Diodoros, iv. 47, 5iair\ev<rai yap avrbv (3>plov) Qaaiv irporo^v
s. v.
tirl TTJS Trpypas exotffrjs Kpiov, K.r.X. Apollodoros, Fr. 105, apud Stephanum,
ir6\iv TOV
Tavp6ets :
ravpofapos yv rj vavs 77 Siafco^crao-a TOI>S rty KTt<rai>Tas,...dirb

tTri<rr]fj.ov TTJS vews TT\V Tr6\iv d>v6fjt.a<rav. A Xeovro06pos is mentioned in the passage
quoted from Memnon in note 35 on p. 14. Plutarch, de mulierum virtutibus, 9,

dpdKovra. Strabo, ii.

3. 4, evpbvra 5' aKpbirp^pov v\ivov eV vavaylov, tirirov tx ov
tyyy\vij.fji.froi>, deiKvvvat TOIS vavK\r)poi$, yv&vai dt Tadeipiruv 6v rotrwv yap roi'S

Tr^ras a KaXew 'itnrovs dirb TWV

Hfi> e(j.ir6povs fj.eya\a aT^\\eiv TrXota, TOI>$ 8e fJiiKpd,

ev ra?s
Trpypats ^n<7T7>wj'. Hippocrates, epistolse, 17, i&vefi.\ffas Bt /xoi, 0tX6T7js,

T. e
66 FIGURE-HEADS, RELIEFS, PAINTINGS,

or reliefs be seen upon the Roman ships of about

may
200 29 and 31, and a figure-head upon the Roman
A.D. in fgs.

ship of about 50 A.D. in fg. 26. The only figure-head now

extant is drawn to scale in fg. 41. This was found off
Actium, and probably dates from the time of the battle. On
ships of that period it was customary to add some carved or
painted figures as supporters so that if a ship were called ;

the Ida and had a personification of the mountain on her

prow, she would have a pair of Phrygian lions down below,
as in the Roman war-ship of about 50 A.D. in fg. 25, where
the crocodiles indicate that the ship was called the Nile 149 .

All these figures on the stem were intended to distinguish

ship from ship, and had nothing to do with the statues of the
' '

tbs a\-r)6ws AffK\7)Trla5a VTJO., y irp6<r6es /xera TOV A\tov firlffri^ov Kal'Tyielyv. But
while animals would be suitable for figure-heads, this group of Helios and Hygieia
suggests a relief or painting on the bows cf. Lucian, navigium, 5, TTJV eir^vv^ov:

Trjs veus debv 2x ovffa T V

"'iffiv eKartpudev, sc. i) irpqpa.
Strictly a figure-head
would be an tir ia-tj^ov, while such a painting or relief would be a Tra.pdo-rjfjt.ov.
Acts, xxviii. ir, & TT\O^ 'AX^cwS/awy, TrapcKn^uy Aioaicovpois. Plutarch, Themis-
tocles, 15, irp&Tos ovv \a/JL^dvet vavv Au/co/^S^s, avyp 'AQyvcuos, Tpnjpapx^v, rjs
fjilv

ra Trapda-^fj.a irepiKtyas dvtdtjKev 'Air6\\(t}vt dcupvyfopit), the plural indicating that

the Trapd<rr)fj.ov was repeated on each bow of the ship. Plutarch, septem sapientium
convivium, 18, irvdbnevov TOV re vavK\-r}pov roijvo^o. /ecu TOV Kv(3fpvf)TOv Kal Trjs vecbs
Tb 7rapdffri/j.ov. cf. Herodotos, viii. 88, CTCK^WS TO ^Kia-qu.ov T^S /e6s ^Tricrra/x^ous.
Thus the terms Trapdar)fj,ov and ^iriffr)fj.ov were used indifferently to denote the
badges which distinguished one ship from another. But where Diodoros says
TOIS dnl TCUS Trpypais 4 7r io"f) /j.aff i xiii. 3, Thucydides
,
merely says ffrjfj.eiois, vi. 31;
and the wider term is approved by Aristophanes, ranae, 932, Ai6vv<ros TOV :

j-ovdbv 'nnra\KTpv6va frr&v, n's CTTIV opts. 933, AtVx^Xos: <r-r)fj,eioj> fr rats
vav<rlv, ufj.a.6t<rTa.T', tveytypairTo. The term insigne was employed in Latin.
Tacitus, annales, vi. 34, navis insigne fuit, sc. aries. Propertius, iv. 6. 49, vehunt
prorce Centauros saxa minantes. Virgil, ^Eneid, x. 195 197, ingentem remis
Centaurum promovet : ille instat aquce, saxumque undis immane minatur
| |

arduus, et longa sulcat maria alta carina, cf. 156 158, 209 212. Silius Italicus
enumerates a whole fleet of ships and their badges, xiv. 567 ff Europa on the :

bull, a Nereid on a dolphin, Pegasus, a Siren, a Triton, sundry deities, mount

Etna personified, and so also Sidon, Libya, etc.
149
156 158, sEneia puppis \prima tenet, rostro Phrygios
Virgil, ^Eneid, x.
subiuncta leones imminet Ida super, profugis gratissima Teucris. Inscription in
:
\

the Bulletin epigraphique de la Gaule, vol. ii, p. 139, Ti(berio) Claudia, Aug(usti)

lib(ertd], Eroti, trierarcho liburna Nili. This must date from the middle of the
First Century, the deceased being a freedman of Claudius or Nero ; so the Roman
contained a two-banked ship called the Nile about the time
fleet when the two-
banked ship with the crocodiles was being carved in that relief.
 AND STATUES AT STEM AND STERN. 6/

s by which the ships belonging to one state were dis-

tinguished from
ships belonging to another every the ;

Athenian ship carrying a statue of Pallas Athene, every

Carthaginian ship a statue of Ammon, and so forth. On the
Roman ship of about 200 A.D. in fg. 29 one of these statues
may perhaps be seen at the far end of the stern, which was
the usual place for them 150 . The stern here is
prolonged into
a kind of gallery, while its true contour is marked by the
swan's neck that rises in a curve within and in the Roman ;

ship of about 50 A.D. in fg. 26 the structure is the same, the

swan or goose being a recognized feature in ships of that
151
period Very often the goose was gilded; and so also were
.

the statues of the gods.

150
Euripides, Iphigeneia in Aulide, 239241, x/w<r<?cus 5' elx6fftv \
/car' aicpa
'

N?7/>7j5es ecrraaav deal Trpv/jLvais, fffjfJi

\ 'AxiXXefov o-rparov, 246 258, 'Ardidos
ayuv | e^Kovra vavs 6 Qrjo-tus |
TTCUS e?}s tvav\6xei, deav \ IlaXXaS' ev /j.wi>xois \

^X (j3V TTTepwrottrtP ap/JLacriv derdv, \ ev'o"r}(ji6i> ye (fida/ia vavfiaTats. |

r(av Botwrwi' 5'
'

cnrXioTta, Trovrlas \ Trevr^Kovra vrjas eld6/mav \ fftj^eLoiaLv ^OToXtay^i'as \

rots de

Kadfios T\V | xptveov dpaKOvr' ^x uv I a/t0J va&v Kbpvpfia. 273 276, etc HvXov 8e

N^<rropos | Yepyvlov /carei56yLtai/ | irp6[j.vas cr^/ia Tavphirovv 6pai> \

rbv irdpoiKov 'A\<pe6v.

Aristophanes, Acharnenses, 544 547, /cat Kapra fj.evrav etdtus /fa0etX/cere |

TptaKo<rias vavs, rfv 5 av 77 7r6Xis ?rX^a | Ooptifiov trTpariwrwj', Trepl rpLTjpdpxov jSo?;?, |

/Mffdov Sido/J^vov, Ha\\adib}v xp vffovlj ev(>}v i K.T.\. '

Virgil, ^Eneid, x. 170, 171 ,

una torvus Abas: huic tottim insignibus armis agnien^ et aurato fulgebat Apolline
j

puppis. Silius Italicus, xiv. 408 410, irrumpit Cnmana ratis,,..mimen erat
celsce puppis vicina Dione, 438, 439, Ammon numen erat Libycce gentile carina, \

cornigeraque sedens spectabat ccerula fronte. Ovid, tristia, i. 10. 12, Palladia
numine tuta fuit, sc. navis, cf. i, flava tutela Minerva. Valerius Flaccus, viii.
202, 203, puppe procul summa vigilis post terga magistri \
haserat aurata genibus
Medea Minei-v<z, cf. i.
301, fulgens tutela carince. Seneca, epistoloe, 76. 13, tutela
(navis) ebore coelata esf. The distinction between the tutela and the insigne is
obvious in Ovid, tristia, i. 10. i, 2, esf mihi, sitque precor, jlavcs tutela Minerva \

navis, et a picta casside nomen

presumably an error, Trp<j>pri<ri for
habet. There is

irpv/j-vrja-t, in the current reading of Herodotos, iii. 37, tan yap rou 'H0a0Tou
TtZya\fj.a Totat ^OLviKrjLoiai HaraiKolffi efJifpepeffrarov, roi>5 01 QotviKes tv Trjffi Trp^prjtn
TWV rpL-riptuv Trepidyovcn. 6s 8e TQIJTOVS ^77 o?TW7re, tyw 5^ ol <n)fj,ave'w TrvyuaLov
avdpbs pin-rials eori.
151
Lucian, navigium, 5, 77 Trp6(j.va per tiraveffT-rjKev ypepa Ka/ji.Tnj\'r) xP vff v v X~n v ^~

Jupiter tragoedus, 47, quoted in note 158 on p. 71. Apuleius,

ffKov e7Tt/c6t/i^77, cf.

metamorphoses, xi. 16, puppis intorta chenisco bracteis aureis vestito fulgebat.
Lucian, verse historise, ii.
41, 6 re yap ev ry irp^^vrj XT' two* &<f>vu tirrepv^aTo KOI

dv^6r]cre, Kal 6 Kvfiepi>ir)Tr)s (paXapKbs ydy u>v aj/e/c^^cre, K.r.X. This passage is
obviously a skit on the Homeric hymn to Dionysos. The xyvicrttos is mentioned
again by Ptolemy, Almagest, viii. i, 'Apyovs dcrre/)t(r/x6s.
68 ORNAMENTS AT STEM AND STERN.
The surmounted by an orna-
stern used generally to be

ment, which may originally have been an imitation of the bud

or flower of the lotos, as in the Egyptian ships of about
1250 B.C. in fgs. 3 to 5 but this developed into something
;

like a plume or fan, that always looks rather massive in reliefs,

as in fg. 24, but light and feathery in paintings, as in fgs. 17
to I9> 35 and 36. This ornament was taken as a trophy,
152
whenever a ship was captured Another such ornament .

used sometimes to surmount the stem in default of a figure-

head, as in the Greek and Roman
war-ships in fgs. 23 and 25.
The type depicted in fg.23 and previously in fg. 13 can be
traced to its origin in fg. 3, an old Egyptian form of bow sur-

viving in this useless ornament above the ram. And the type

152
Iliad, ix. 241, 242, ffrevrai yap vr)Giv diroKo^etv aKpa Kopv/mfia, \
aura's r'

fj.a\epov irvp6s. Apollonios Rhodios, ii. 601, 2/jnnjs d' d<p\a<rToio irapt-

a = Valerius Flaccus, iv. 691, extremis tamen increpuere corymbis.

Here the must be the aftermost piece of the ship, as the legend was that
Kbpvufia
the Symplegades did not snap at the Argo till she was all but clear of them and ;

they are reckoned as part of the a^Xaa-Tov, which was certainly at the stern. Iliad,
xv. 716, 717, "E/crcop d Trptip,vt]dev eirel Xd(3ev, ov'xjl ftedlei, \ a<pXa<TTov /xera xe/xriv
x w "> Lucan, iii. 586, Graiumque audax aplustre retentat. Lucretius, iv. 437,
cf.

438, at marts ignaris in portu clauda videntur navigia aplustris fractis obnitier |

undce. This shews that the aplustre reached down below the water-line, for
Lucretius is speaking of the refraction through the water ; so the aplustre or
was presumably the after part of the
aspXaffrov keel, answering to the oretpa at the
other end, as to which see note 96 on p. 40. But in Juvenal, x. 135, 136,
victaque triremis aplustre, the name aplustre seems to be transferred from the
|

d(f)XaffTov as a whole to the part that formed the trophy, the aKpa Kopvufia. Many
authors speak of aKpoaroXta as trophies Diodoros, xviii. 75, xx. 87 Strabo,
:
; iii.

4. 3; Plutarch, Alcibiades, 32; Appian, de bello Mithridatico, 25 ; Polysenos, iv.

6. 9. But authors of and others who quote from them, prefer the
earlier date,
term cucpwr^pta Herodotos, iii. 59, viii. 121 ; Xenophon, Hellenica, ii. 3. 8, vi. 2.
:

36; Polysenos, v. 41 ; Athenseos, xii. 49. In the former passage Herodotos refers
to dKpuT-fjpia at the bows see note 147 on p. 65 but in the latter he describes a
statue holding an aKpurripiov in its hand and when such figures appear on coins,
;

the trophy in their hands is always the ornament from the stern, cf. Hymnus in

Dioscuros, 10, n, en-'

dKpur-fjpia /SdVres
irpv^vris. Again, in the passage quoted
|

from Athenaeos in note 24 on p.

Callixenos assigns the d/t/xxrroXioj' to the bows,
9,
contrasting it with the a(p\a<rToi> or a^Xaora at the stern ; while in the Almagest,
viii. i, Ptolemy places a pair of stars kv r< aKpoa-ToXiy, and the
'A/xyouj aVreptcr/ios,
constellation shewed only the after part of the ship. Thus aKpurripiov and
d/c/HKTToXioj' appear to be general terms for ornaments at either extremity of a ship,

though oftenest applied to the ornament at the stern, as that was the more
conspicuous. There is no warrant for the notion that the stem-post was called the
 THE HAWSE-HOLES IN THE BOWS. 69

picted in 25 preserves the normal contour of the

fg. bow in

merchant-ships. On the Roman merchant-ship in fg. 26

there a gallery round the stem as well as round the stern
is
;

and both these galleries appear again in the ships of later

date in 37 and 40.
fgs.
On each bow of a ship there generally was a huge eye, as
in fgs. 12, 13, 15, 19 and 40; and sometimes more than one,
in fg. 23.These pairs of eyes doubtless owed their origin
the sentiment that a ship is a living thing and must see
way but in course of time they probably were turned to
:

as hawse-holes for the anchor-cables 153 . The anchors

;d to be suspended from the catheads a little way abaft of
tese hawse-holes 154 .

or6Xos, and that the aKpoaroXiov was the top of this; for in ^Eschylos, Persae, 408,

409, ev6i/s de vavs tv vf\l x&kKTjpr) ffro\ov \ Zirouffev, the term aroXos can hardly
mean more than structure
Zdpavov iravTa Kwjrrjpr] <TTO\OV
cf. and in
416,
Euripides, Iphigeneia in Tauris, 1135, the meaning seems to be just as vague:
see note 202 on p. 94. All these terms are avoided by Pausanias, v. n. 5, Kal
2aXa/x.is ^%of(ra ev rrj %etpi rbv TTI rats vavalv $/cpcus TTOLOV^VOV Kbff^ov^ x. u. 6,
dvaKeirai 5e Kal ir\oiwv ra a/cpa /cocr/x^yuara.
53
^Eschylos, supplices, 716, Kal irpfpa irpbffdev o/JL/j-affi /SXe'Trovcr' 656v, 743,
744, Sopvirayets 5' ^x oj/res /cuapwTrtSas \ vrjas Z-jrXevaav, cf. Persse, 559, 560,
KvavuinSes \
/aes. Philostratos, imagines, i. 18, y\avKols ptv (i) vavs) yeypa-rrrai
Xpu[j.a<n, fiXoffvpois 5e Kara irpigpav 6<f)da\iJ.ols olov /SX^Tret. Corp. Inscr. Attic,
vol. ii, no. 789, col. a, 1.
24, avrrj ovcei/os 2%ei ovdtv, ovd' ol 6<j)da\/j.ol ZveHTiv, no.
791, 1. 68, 6<t>6a\fj.bs Kartayev, cf. 11. 41, 75. These entries shew that the eyes
were not mere ornaments painted on the ship, but served some useful purpose :

and they could hardly be used for anything but hawse-holes. The epithet
Kvavuiris suggests that they were made of bronze, like the ram cf. Aristophanes, :

equites,554, 555, /cvcw^u/SoXoi rpt^pets, ranse, 1318, irpypais Kvave/j./36\ois.

|
See
note 147 on p. 65 as to the nose of a ship, and note 91 on p. 37 as to the cheeks.
154
Euripides, Iphigeneia in Tauris, 1350, 1351, ol 5' eirwrLduv \ dyKijpas
^avrJTTTov, Pindar, Pythia, iv. 191, 192, eirei 5' ^uj36Xou Kpt^aaav dyKvpas
cf. |

virepOev. There are two slits in the side of each cathead on the ship of about
300 B.C., which is viewed from the front in fg. 22. Each slit is horizontal, and is
crossed by a vertical pin in the middle and abaft of the pin the depth decreases
:

gradually in a slope up to the outer surface of the cathead. On each cathead one
of the slits stands a little above and abaft of the other. These slits seem to be
intended for a loop of rope to hold the anchor; the two ends of the rope entering
the slits from behind and passing out again in front of the pins to form the loop.
An upon the supposition that these two slits are
elaborate theory has been based
the port-holes for the bow
oars of an upper and a lower bank, the cathead being

merely the front of a long structure serving as an outrigger. There is not any
evidence of that.
7O ANCHORS OF STONE, IRON AND LEAD

The genuine anchor with a pair of arms was reckoned

among the inventions of Anacharsis
155
and he was in his ;

prime about 600 B.C. In earlier times the anchors had been
made At first the metal anchors were made of
of stone 156 .

iron and these were singularly light, an anchor of less than

;

half a hundred-weight being in use in the Athenian navy.

But all such anchors had a mass of stone and lead fixed on
to them by means of iron clamps, and thus acquired what
157
weight they wanted Apparently, this ballast was fastened .

to the anchor near the bottom of the shank, and filled up

155
Strabo, vii. 3. 9, Kal rbv 'Avdxapviv de (ro(pbi> /caXcDj/ 6 "E0o/)os roi/rou rou

yevovs (LKvduv) (pyo-lv elvai' vo^iadrjvaL de Kal eirrd o-Q(pu>v eva re\elg, <ru(ppoo-ijvri
'
Kal o~vve<rei evprj/uLard re avrov \yei rd re fairvpa Kal ayKvpav Kal
rr/v a/J.(f)t(3o\ov

rbv Kepa/m.iKbv rpoxov. Some sort of anchor had already been invented by Midas,

according to Pausanias, i.
4. 5, ayKvpa dt, f]v 6 Mi'5as dvevpev, yv eri Kal es e/j,e ev

iep Ac6s. cf. Pliny, ancoram (invenit) Eupalamus; eandem bidentem

vii. 57,
Anacharsis. Latin writers often termed the arm of the anchor its tooth, and
spoke of its bite Livy, xxxvii. 30, ancora unco dente alligavit, Virgil, /Eneid,
:

i.
169, unco non alligat ancora morsu, vi. 3, 4, dente tenaci ancora fundabat naves. |

And Greek writers also Lycophron, 99, 100, KauTrtiXovs crxdo-as Tretf/ojs 65<Was,
:
|

%KTopas Tr\r)Ufji.vptdos, Lucian, Lexiphanes, 15, /cropas d/A0ta-r6Mous. But see

Plutarch, de mulierum virtutibus, 8, afia 5e 6 II6XXij /car^catfe ry dyKijpq, rbv
'

6vvxa fJt-Tl irpoabvrayap \KO/JLfrrjs, us ZoiKev, ev rdwoLS viroTrtrpois aTrocrTracr^eis

filq.

Z\a6e. Here the arm is termed the talon and possibly uncus should be read :

unguis in Lucan, ii. ii. 428.

694,The name ayxvpa
and Valerius Flaccus,
appears for the time in Alcaeos, Fr. 18, apud Heracleitum, allegorise, 5,
first

X^Xcucri 5' ayKvpai, and then in Theognis, 459, ou5' aywpai t-xovaw.
156
Arrian, periplus, 9, tvravda Kal i) ayKvpa decKwrat T^S 'Apyovs. Kal rj pev
ffidrjpd OVK doj; /JLOL elvat TraXatd. Xt-dLvys 5 TWOS aXX?;s 6pati<r/y.aTa ede'tKVVTO TraXcud,
cbs raura fjiaXXov et'/cdaai e/ceTya etvai ra \etyava. rr)s dyKiJpas rrjs 'Apyovs. Apol-
lonios Rhodios, i.
955 958, /ce?<re Kal evvai^ 6\lyov \idov K\6cravres | T/0uos evve-
ffiycriv vwb Kp^vrj eXlwovTO, | Kprjvri UTT' 'ApraKir]
'

erepov 5' %\ov, 6o~ris dprfpei, | Ppidvv.

These stone anchors are termed evval in the Homeric poems. Iliad, i. 436, ^/c
5' etvds 2fia\ov, Kara 8^
irpv^ivrjaC 25i)(rai>, xiv. 77, v\j/i 5' eir' ebvdwv bpulffffopev.

Odyssey, ix. 137, otir evvds fiaXteiv oifre Trpv^v/iat' dvd\f/ai, cf. xv. 498. The form
euj/cucu occurs again in Apollonios Rhodios, i. 1277, ii. 1282, iv. 888; but gives

place to evval at iv. 1713. See also Oppian, de piscatione, iii. 373, vtpdw
dvaif/duevoi rprjrbv \iQov evvao~ri)pa. This refers to a plummet for a weel. In the
Odyssey, xiii. 77, ireiffua d' \vcrav dirb rpyroio \L9oio, the stone is clearly a fixture
on the shore, with a hole through it for a ship's cable ; but according to
Herodotos, ii.
96, vessels coming down the Nile used to tow a \i6os rerpfi^vos
astern to steady them against the current. In mooring vessels for floating-bridges
the Romans made use of conical baskets filled with stones. Arrian, anabasis, v.

7, Kal tvravda ijd-rj Kadlerai ir\{yuara e/c Xifyoy Trvpaaoeidrj ir\ripri \l6wv \oyd5b)i> dwb
irpypas e/cdarijs vetis, roO d^e'xetf rty vavv irpbs rbv povv.
 THEIR WEIGHT, FORM AND STRUCTURE. 71

allthe space between the arms, as shewn on the coin of

about 350 B.C. in fg. 44. At a later date the anchors were
made of lead, and perhaps of other metals 158 The remains of .

n anchor of this class, lately recovered near Cyrene, are

rawn to scale in fgs. 45 to 47. One piece seems to be the
ock, and the other two the arms and these are all of lead, ;

ithout any alloy 159 The shank was probably of wood, as

.

t has perished. The three surviving pieces weigh 372 Ibs.

d 472 and 473 Ibs. respectively, or 1317 Ibs. altogether;
nd a wooden shank would increase the weight to more
157
Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 807, col. b, 11.
83 88, dyKvpas ffidr)p[ds,

AA . .
, decr/j.d (Tidy pa 56/a/i[a TO] K r(av \lduv y\vdtv[rd] o~vv ry
, dpi[djj.bs] HHHAAAP. This inscription dates from 3293.0. Inscrip-
n from Delos in the Bulletin de Correspondance Hellenique, vol. vi, p. 47,
171, ayKvpa o~i5r)pa, ~\L6ov OVK ^ovcra, cf. 1. 168, dyKvpa ffidypd, Kal Xt'0os

u;/35oOs. This inscription dates from 180 B.C. Diodoros, v. 35, tirl TOO~OVTO 5^

TOI)S epiirbpovs diareivai 7775 <f>i\OKep8ias c&rre, tireiddv KaraybfJiwv OVTUV ru>v
\olwv TrepiTTevri 7roXi)s apyvpos, ^KKdirretv rbv iv rats dyKvpais /x6Xt/35o' Kal K

dpyvpov TT]v K TOV [j.o\ipdov xpdav aXXdrrecr^at. In the Athenian inscription

first numeral would be F in place of
1
the A, if the weight had exceeded 50 mnas;
d 50 mnas are rather less than 50 Ibs.
158
Lucian, Jupiter tragcedus, 47, dXX' 6 ptv Trp6rovos, el TVXOI, & rrjv irpvfivav

jT^rarat, ol ir6des 8 e's TTJV irpypav d/x06re/)of Kal xp v<7a-i p.v at ayKvpai evlore,
fjviffKos 5e /Jio\vj3dovs, Kal rd /J.ei> v<pa\a Kardypa(pa, ra 5' ^aXa rrjs j/ecus a/xo/)0a.

is
implies that the anchors used generally to be made of lead at that period, the
xos being gilt: see note 151 on p. 67. According to the present reading,
en anchors are mentioned by Moschion, apud Athenaeum, v. 43, AyKvpai d
av v\ivai (j,ev rerrapes, vidypai de (5/crc6. But they are not mentioned by any
other ancient author so the reading is probably corrupt.
: For v\ivai read
tdXiPcu. verae historiae, i. 42, Kal yap dyKvpais exp^vro /j.eyd\ais,
cf. Lucian,
va\lvais, Apparently, some metal was known as CaXos, for vd\ivos
Kaprepals.
cannot here refer to glass and this metal may be intended in the story of the
;

TroT-rjpiov vaXovv in Dion Cassius, Ivii. 21, Petronius, 51, Pliny, xxxvi. 66, and
Isidore, origines, xvi. 16. 6. It obviously the ship, not the anchor, that
is

Lycophron describes as irevK-rj in the passage quoted in note 155: cf. Euripides,

Phcenissae, 209, Adra TrXetftracra,Alcestis, 444, e\a.ra SI/CWTT^J.

159
The components of a sample were lead 98^65 per cent, iron '55, tin "12,
silver 'on, and gold '0005. Some oxygen was present also. I am indebted to
Mr Roberts Austen of the Royal Mint for making the analysis. To judge by
look, the material is just the same in a similar arm recovered near Syme and now
in the collection of the
Archaeological Society at Athens. This arm retains a
portion of a bar corresponding to the bar that runs across the opening in the stock
m% 45 an d there are traces of another such bar in both the arms belonging to
>

that stock.
72 SET OF ANCHORS FOR A SHIP.

than 1400 Ibs., or twelve and a half hundred-weight, which

is now
the allowance for the best bower on a sailing-shi]
of 250 tons. But this anchor could never have held
firmly as a modern anchor of equal weight so its ship was ;

probably of lower tonnage. The ship's name, Zeus Hypato<

160
is inscribed upon the arms inIn therelief . Atheniai
navy the war-ships carried two anchors apiece
161
: but larg(
merchant-ships carried more, and sometimes had three or
four anchors out at once the anchor that was let ; go last of
all the sheet-anchor now passing among sailors as the holy
anchor 162 . Cork floats were kept for marking the position of

160
This inscription reads XEYC YFIATOC. The words are not repeated;

but Zeus is on the right arm facing one way, and UTTCITOS on the right arm facing
the other way. The word ASI3TAZ is inscribed upon the arm at Athens.
The form of the lettering in these inscriptions dates them near the beginning
of the Christian Era.
161
Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 807, col. c, 11. 66102, no. 808, col. d,
11.
119 151, no. 809, col. e, 11.
75 no, no. 8n, col. c, 11. n 32. These are
the lists of the entire gear (evreXij cr/ceir?/) supplied to ships of three and four banks
in 330/329 B.C. and following years; and in every case they mention dyKtipas
ffidrjpds dtio, or simply dyKijpas 5uo: cf. no. 793, col. f, 11. 6 8, dyKvp&v dpid[/j.bs]

A PI 1 1' aCrcu yly[yovrai\ e-rri vaus Pill I

e[VreXeis. In one instance there are four

anchors, no. 803, col. c, 11. 54 72 but this is a list of gear supplied to a ship
:

during the term of a command, and consequently does not show that she had all
the four at once.
162
Plutarch, Solon, 19, ryv d' aw fiovXty eK&diffev, oldpevos evrt 5v<rl /SouAcus

wffirep aytajpais bp/j,ovffav VJTTOV ev adXy rty TTO\IV foeadai, cf. Demosthenes, in
Dionysodorum, 44, eirl dvoiv dyKvpaiv bpneiv. Synesios, epistolse, p. 164, i) p.kv otiv
vavs {(rdXevev e?r'
dyKvpas er^pa yap dTrr)U7r6\T]TO, Tplrrfv 5e dyKVpav 'A(J.dpav-
/juds, i]

TOS OVK fKT-rjaaTo. Euripides, Phaethon, Fr. 7, apud Stobseum, xliii. 3, vavv TOI pi'
dyKvp ovda/jiov (r&fav 0iXe?, |
u>s rpets d(pi>Ti. Acts, xxvii. 29, e/c
vpffO'TjS pi\f>avTes
dyKvpas re<r papas. Lucian, fugitivi, 13, ^5o^e 5?; cr/coTrouyu^otj rty v^Tdr^v dyxvpav,
f)t> iepdv ol vavTL\\6fji,voi <pa<ri, Kaditvai, cf. Jupiter tragoedus, 51. Plutarch, prse-
cepta gerendse rei publicse, 15. 15, /jnjdt (del) wa-jrep ev ir\ol(f <r/ceOos iepbv a7ro/ce?(r^at,
rds t<rx ara s Trep(.p.tvovTa %/>e/as, 19. 8, wa-irep dyKvpav iepdv dpd/j.et>oj> tiri TOIS /meyiff-
rots, cf. Coriolanus, 32.
163
Pausanias, 12. i, 'Apicdduv de iv TOIS dpv/JLOis dffiv at dpvs did<f>opoi, Kai
viii.
'
rds fj^v 7r\aru0i;XXoi's avr&v, rds 5e <f>r)yobs Ka\ovcriv al rpLrai 5 dpaibv rbv (p\oi.ov
/cat OVTU 8-r) TI iraptxovra Kov<pov wVre air' avrov Kai ev 6a\d<r(rri TrotoOvrat (Tr)/j.eia

dyiujpais Kai St/cri/cus. cf. Theophrastos, historia plantarum, iii. 16. 3, 6 5^ KaXovffiv

ol 'ApKddes <pe\\65pvv. Pliny, xvi. 13, suberi minima arbor, glans pessima, rara:
cortex tantum infructu, prczcrassus ac renascens, alque etiam in denos pedes undique

explanatus. usus eius ancoralibus maxime navium piscantiumque tragulis.

 CHAIN-CABLES AND ROPE-CABLES. 73

the anchors, was necessary 168 and these did duty

when that ;

164
as life-buoys, if anybody fell overboard The cables were .

sometimes made of chain, but usually of rope and a thicker :

rope was needed for large merchant-ships than for the war-
165
ships Rope-cables of two sizes were in use in the Athenian
.

navy, one described as six-inch and the other as four-inch

and a half: but unfortunately there is nothing to shew
whether these measurements refer to the circumference or the
diameter 166 Four cables of each sort were carried by each
.

ship, one set to serve the two anchors at the bows, and the
other for making the ship fast to the shore by her stern :

54
Lucian, Toxaris, 20, (pe\\otis re yap TroXXod'S d^elvat avrois Kal TUV KOVTUV
Ttvas, cos eirl TOIJTUV dirovfi^aivTO, et TLVI avr&v weptTuxotev, Kal r^Xos Kal rr\v diro-

fiddpav avTrjv ob (juKpav otcav. 21, rb [J.tv yap irpurov 0eXXots rifft irepnreff6i>Tas
dv^x et v - tirl TOIJTUV eavrovs Kal dTrovr}X a'^ ai nov/ipus, vcrrepov d rrjv dwofiddpav
idbvras, K.T.\.
55
Aristophanes, pax, 36, 37, &<rirep oi rd ffxoivia rd 7ra%ea
|

ray oX/cdSas. Arrian, anabasis, ii. 21, a\6<Te<Ti.v eis rds dyKtipas dvrl
Herodotos, ix. 74, %aX/c^y dXi^ai dedefjLfrrji' ayKvpav (ndTjp^rjv.
(j.ei>oi, cf. Caesar,
de bello Gallico, iii. 13, ancorce, pro funibus, ferreis catenis revincta:.
166
Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 807, col. c, 11. 66102, no. 808, col. d, 11.

119 151, no. 809, col. e, 11. 75 no, no. 81 1, col. c, 11. 32. These are the n
lists of the entire gear (evreXrj supplied to ships of three and four banks in
cr/cei;?/)

330/329 B.C. and following years; and in every case they mention (rxowta, (kra;-
ddKTv\a (HI, e5d/cTi>Xa III I. These cables were described as enlyva and
a few years earlier. Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 793, col. e, 11. 22 26,

'AKportpq. tirlyva |||, 'HStVrT? eiriyva II, NauK/3dri6t tntyva \\\\,"Ei>r) tiriyva II, col.

h, 11.
19, 20, [eTrl] TTJV "H.5i<?Tr)v [crxjofia dyKijpeia (III, no. 794, col. b, 11.
33 35,

W dpie(fj.bs) eJ>reX(?7) eirl va(vs) PAAAPII Kal Triyv(a) AAAIII /cat dyw-
These inscriptions of 357/6 and 356/5 indicate that only two sorts of
eV.

<rxoii>ia were then in use, and that four of each sort made a complete set: so the

change was merely in the names. For the name tirlyva see Polybios, iii. 46, TTJV 5'
OTTO TOI} pV/j.aTos TrXevpdv r]<r<j)a\tfot>TO rots ^/c TTJS yrjs ewiyuois, els rd irepl r6 xXos
7re0i;/c6Ta rcov dfrdpuv evdirTOvres, xxxiii. 7, rdirdyaia Kal rds dyKtipas, Lucian, verse
historice, i.
42, e^d^avres avrov ra diroyeia, Kal ^TT' dyKvp&v ir\rjcrLov o
Aristophanes, apud Harpocrationem, s.v. ^Trt/Sdr?;?: e5 y et;eKo\i>fj.pT]<r'

ws eol(rwj> e-rrLyeLov, and Leonidas of Tarentum, in the Anthology, x. i. 5, dywpas

dvt\oio Kal e/cXiArcuo ytiaia: also Quintilian, iv. 2. 41, sublatce sunt ancorte, sohimus
oram, and Livy, xxii. 19, resolutis oris, in ancoras evehuntur, xxviii. 36, orasque et
ancoras, ne in moliendo mora esset, prtzcidunt. These shore-cables seem to be the
same as the stern-cables, Trpv/mv^ffia, which are likewise named apart from the
anchor-cables; and also the same as the mooring-cables, iretV/iara, which were
likewise made fast to the shore. Odyssey, xv. 498, e'/c 5' ewots ^/faXo^, Kara 8t
74 ANCHORS AND CABLES AT THE STERN.

and ships everywhere carried some shore-cables at the stern

in addition to the anchor-cables at the Ships being bows.
thus fitted for cables at each end, anchors could easily be put
out astern, if needed there for any manoeuvre or to help the
167
ship ride out a gale .

The
ships used to be steered with a pair of very large oars
168
at the stern, one on either side In vessels built for rowing .

either way, and therefore shaped alike at stem and stern, a

pair was carried at each end 169 And occasionally a second
.

C Z8ir)<rav, x. 96, TreV/^s e'/c

TreLff/^ara operas, xiii. 77, Tretffua 6' \vaav dtrb

\L6oio, xv. 286, rot 5k Trpv^v-fjCfC g\v(rav, cf. Apollonios Rhodios, i.

912, 913,
Trpvfj.vri<ria 5e (T<j>t<riv "Apyos \
\vfffv VTTK TreY/oijs dXt/ivpe'os. Athenseos, xv. 12,

Xucra/ieVous 5' airroiis rd irpv/j.v/i<na xai ras dyiajpas dve\o/Jivovs. Polysenos, iv. 6. 8,

#XXot jjikv dveviruv TO. Trpv/^vrjcna, a\\oi de ayxtipas dvi/m&VTO. Philostratos, vita Apol-
lonii, iii. 56, Trei<rua e/c TTJS vya-ov pd\\e<rdai, vi. 12, /3dXXe<r#at rti/d ayxvpav TJ ire'iafjt.a.

The TTpvuvrjO'iaand the TrelauaTa are mentioned together in Odyssey, ix. 136, i37
1

ev de \ifjt,-r)v eOop/JiOS, 'Lv ov xpew Tretcr/uards eariv, olr' evvas j3a\&iv ovre irpvp-vqai \

dvd\j/ai. But that is mere tautology; and the passage is translated accordingly
by Virgil, yEneid, i. 168, 169, hie fessas non vincula naves ulla tenent, unco non \

alligat ancora morsn. Here ireLfffiara is rendered by vincula, as in Pliny, xxxii.

i , non vincula ulla, non ancorcz : but elsewhere by retinacula. Ovid, metamor-
phoses, xv. 696, solvunt retinacula puppis, cf. xiv. 547.
167
Polygenos, iii.
9. 63, 'I<f>iKpdTrjs vepi $>oii>lKr]v Karair^wv eKarbv r/)ia/co?/r6pots,
Zvda Tevayd)8r)s alytdXbs yv, Trapr/yyeiXev, orav TO ffrj/u.e'tov dva5et%^y, rots p.v KV/3ep-
vijTais &yi<vpav dcpifrcu /card Trpti/JLvav /cai rrfv Karaywy^v ev rdei iroiei<rdcu, TCHS 5^

orparicirats, K.r.X ....... ws 5^ -fjdrj a^^i^Tpov vir\afii> elvan TO TTJS 6a\d(ra"r)S fiddos,

TO ffrj/j.tioi' r^s eAf/Sdaews. at rpia/c6'TO/)ot nlv tv rd^et KaT^yovTO 8ta TUV

,
ol dt dvdpes, /c.r.X. This happened about 375 B.C. Appian, de rebus
Punicis, 123, 'Pw//,aots 5e 6 ^v eTriTrXous r\v pq.dios, Ka.1 TO /id%e(r^at vavcriv ecrrwcrats

eti/uLapts' at 8' dj'axwpTja'ets 5t' dva<TTpo<f)7]J> r&v ve&v, yua/cpwf ovcruv, J3pa8eial re /cai

5i'(r%epe?s CTreyiyvovTO
'
odev a.vT^iraffx. v & Ttpoe TCI 6'/iota, ore yap eincrTpe(pot.vTQ,

ir\T]CTcrovTO virb T&V K.apx.t)Soviuv eiri.ir\ebvT<j)v. /J-^XP i vrie^ 2t57jrcD^ Tr^re, at 0tX^
2iKiTriwvos e'iirovTO, ras fj.ev dyKtipas KadrjKav K TroXXou 5iacrr7j/iiaros e"s ro TrAa^os,

d\{/d/j.vai d' aTr' aurwi/ /cdXois /ta/c/)oi;s, dpevia rots Kapx^oj'fots eTT^TrXeoJ', /cat Sre
'

birex&povv, TOUS /cdXous f-mcrTrdfjiei'ai /card irp^^vav aP^t's re po0ty

t, TrdXt^ dv/iyovTO /card irpvf^vav. This happened in 147 B.C. Appian,

de bellis civilibus, v. 89, rdsenaTtpwdev dyifvpais ZK re roO ?reXd7ous /cat dirb
J'aus

rijj 7775 8iKpdTovv. This was in a gale in 38 B.C. Acts, xxvii. 29, e/c irp^/j.v^
ptyavTes dyKtipas reVtrapas. This was also in a gale. An anchor is represented at
the stern of one of the ships on Trajan's Column, where the fleet appears to be

going down a river.

168
Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 793, col. a, 11. 23 27, [Tr]r}5a\lwv dpi6jj.bs

HHHHPAPIIII raCra ylyverai iiri vavs HHAAAHII Kal tv wr)dd\ioi>. cf.

Heliodoros, ^Ethiopica, v. 22, TU? irribaiKluv ddTcpov d7ro/3aX6vres, Apuleius,

 THE OARS FOR STEERING THE SHIP. 75

was carried near the stern in vessels of ordinary build

iir ;

so that if the ship was pitching heavily enough for the usual

steering-oars to come out of the water at every plunge, the

steering could be managed with another pair placed a little
170
further forward . The steering-oars were fastened to the
sides of a ship just below the gunwale, either by passing the
loom of the oar through some sort of loop or ring, or else by
171
tying it between a pair of pegs and these fastenings may :

be noticed on the ships in fgs. 3 to 5, 17, 18 and 40. The

metamorphoses, ii. 14,

utroque regimine amisso. Herodotos, ii. 96, iryddXiov 8t
v TToieuvTai, Kal TOVTO did TTJs TpbiTios diafivveTai. Herodotos is speaking of vessels
on the Nile and his emphasis shews how unusual it was for a vessel to have only
;

a single steering-oar. In these Egyptian vessels the steering-oar must have passed

through the after end of the keel, where it curved upwards in place of a stern-post :

see p. 39 and notes 95, 96.

169
Athenaeos, v. 37, TnjSdXta 5' et^e r^rrapa, diirpypos 5' tyeybvei Kal

SiTrpvfJivos. Dion Cassius, Ixxiv. ii, KaL Tiva avT&v eKarepwdev Kal IK TT)$ Trpvfj.vr)s
Kal K TTJS Trpypas TrrjdaXiois ^ovcero. Tacitus, annales, ii. 6, appositis utrimque
gubernaculis, converse ut repente remigio hinc vel illinc appellerent.
170 Kal rous ev TTJ
Polysenos, iii. ii. 14, Xa/3pias irpbs TOVS ireXaylovs TrXoGs
$a\aTT7) x^'A^as KO.reffKeva.frv e/cdcrrfl TUV vrj&v diffffd irrjddXia. Kal rots p.ev

vwdpxovffiv ev rats evSlais exPV T0

'
'
et ^ "*!
^dXacrcra KoLXr) yevoiro, ddrepa 8ia r^s

7ra/)e^et/>e<7/as Kara rds dpaviridas /cw?raj iraperidei, rovs a^x^as exovra Kal rot's
ota/cas virep TOV /caraa-r/ow/iaros, wore e^aipo^evrj^ rrjs irpvnvr)S roirrois rrjv vavv
Karevdvveadai. Here a.i/x'nv must mean the loom of the oar, the handle being
known as o!fa : but it afterwards came to mean the oar itself. Leo, tactica, xix.
8, Kal rous Stfo Kv^epv/iras avx&uv. See note 172 as to the
T&V TOV 5/)6/xw^os

meanings of ofa. The here the space between the rowers and the
irape&iptala is

stern, as also in Polyaenos, iii. n. 13, XajSpfds 7r/>6s

rds eVifioXds ruv KVIJ.O.TUV vtrep

rty TrapeeipecrLav eKarepov roixov deppus irape^a\ev Kal Kar^Xaxras dpri'ws ry

/cara-,

Kara r6 ui/'os (ppdyfj-a KareXd^avev avrb irpbs rds Trape^eipea-ias. TOVTO 8

Ti}v vavv viro^pvx^v (pepevdai Kal TOVS vafoas vTrb TUV KvpaT
Kal TO, eiri<pep6fj,eva Kvpara ovx bpuvTes did TT\V TOV (ppdyfJ.aTOS irpbadeffiv OVK
TavTo did TOV <pb[3ov ovdt TT\V vavv e<r<pa\\ov. See note 141 on p. 62 for another

meaning of irapeeipe<rla.
171 re fvy\ai<rt irapaKadieTo. Acts, xxvii.
Euripides, Helena, 1536, ir^SdXtd
40, dvevTes rds evKTt)plas r&v irrjSaXiuv. cf. Aristotle, mechanica, 6, 5 t^v ^7 TO
Kal wffTrcp b (TKaXfjibs
Tn)8d\iov TrpoffefcvKTat, Set ofty rt TOV Kivovfj.evov pecov voetv,
T7?KWTry. The term vyw<ris is used by Callixenos in speaking of oars for rowing,
when he really be referring to the steering-
oars : see p. 10 and note 25.
may
5' our' oirjKas 25i)<rav,
Orpheus, Argonautica, 278, 279, tin irpvfMvbdev dpT-fjaavTes, |

eireff(piy^avTO 8' ipaffiv. The term ofa must here denote the entire steering-oar :

see next note. Vegetius, iv. 46, per has (bipennes) in media ardore pugnandi
peritissimi nautce vel milites
cum minoribus scaphulis secreto incidunt funes, quibus
adversariorum ligala sunt gubernacula.
 76 THE OARS FOR STEERING THE SHIP,

steering-oars could thus be worked like oars for rowing ;

and
while the rowers drove the ship ahead and astern by pulling
their oars forward or pushing them aft, the steerer drove her
to port and starboard by pulling
his oar inboard or pushing it

outboard, he steered with

if one, and moving the other in the
same direction, if he steered with two 172 But this method was .

impracticable when the steering-oars were big and heavy ;

and they used then to be worked by turning them round a

little way. So long as the blades were parallel to the ship's
keel, the ship went straight ahead but if the oars were
:

172
Aristotle, mechanica, 6, 8ia rl rb irr]8d\iov, /JUKpbv ov /cat eV
r<$ ?rXo(>, roffavrrjv dvvafjuv %ei w<rd' VTTO /u/cpou ot'a/cos /cat evbs dvdp&wov 5vvd.fJ.ews,

Kal ravrrjs r/peuaias, ueydXa Kivel(rdat ^eyedy ir\olwv ; 77 dtori Kal rb irrjddXibv ecrn

/ji.o'x\6s, Kal /uo%Xei/et 6 Kvfiepvrirys ; 77 /j.ev ovv Trpoo~rjp/j.oo~rai T< TrXoty, yiverai
VTTOfJi.6xXiov, rb 6\ov irrjodXiov 6 ^co%X6j, rb de (3dpos 77 6d\ao~o~a, 6 de Kvfiepvr/rrjs
5'

6 KIVUV ...... 77 uev ovv K&TTT] Kara TrXdros TO j3d/)os udovffa Kal VTT' eneLvov a.vr(^QQV^vt]
et's rb evQv irpodyei.' TO 5e Trr)dd\i.ov, uxrirep KadrjTai TrXdyiov, TTJV els rb Tr\dyiov
TI devpo T) eKel Troiet Kivi]<nv ...... $ /j.ev 5i] rb 7rrjdd\LOjf 7rpo<r^"ev/CTCu, 8el olov n TOV

v/ji^vov fdcrov voelv, Kal uxnrep 6 ovcaX/xos ry /CWTTTJ rb de {JLCGOV virox^pei y 6 oi'a

edv /uev efrrw ayy, Kal i] irpv^va devpo /JLed^ffr^Kev, r/ 5^ Trpypa eis

rovvavriov vevei. cf. Plato, Alcibiades, p. 117 C, rl 5' el ev vt]l TrXeots, apa 8o%dois
av, irbrepov xp?) TOV ofo/ca eiVw ayeiv rj a> ; Aristotle is followed by Vitruvius, x.
3. 5, quemadmodum etiam navis oneraria maxima
ansam gubernaculi gubernator^
~tenens, qui o'la% a Gnzcis appellatur, una manu, momenta per centri librationem
pressionibus artis agitans, versat earn amplissirnis et immanibus mercis et penus
ponderibus oneratam, reading librationem for ratiomm cf. 4, per scapi librationem
and assuming that artis comes from artus. The term oifct is here applied to the
handle of the steering-oar; and so also in Polysenos, iii. n. 14 see note 170
and in Plutarch, Lysander, 12, fj<rav Be rives oi TOVS Aioovatyxw eiri rijs A.v<rdvdpov
veus exarepwdev ao~rpa rots o'la^w tiriXdiityai \eyovres. But it used also to be

applied to the entire steering-oar, as in Orpheus, Argonautica, 278 see last note
and in Euripides, Iphigeneia in Tauris, 1356, 1357, Kal dievdvvrrjpias |
oi'a/cas

This can only mean that they took away the steering-
^rjpovfjiev evirpvfji.vov ve&s.

oars, which was then the ordinary way of disabling a ship cf. Herodotos, iii. 136; :

Athenaeos, viii. 61; Xenophon, anabasis, v. i. n. The cognate term ol-rjtov

^ denotes the entire steering-oar in Odyssey,
vebs Kvavoirpqpoio rvrdov, e5evr}(rej>
1
5 olrjiov &Kpov LKeffdai.
ix. 539, 540, Kad 5' efia\ev /Aero-made
This term occurs again
|

*
1/7765 yXafivprjs olriia vaults, and in Iliad, xix. 43, /cat e^ov _
in Odyssey, xii. 218, e?ret
but without anything to shew whether it denotes the whole of the oar
oiT^ia vrj&v,

or only the handle. Apparently ofa was synonymous with TT\TJKTPOV. Herodotos,
i.
194, IQuveTai 5e virb re dvo TrX^Krptjov Kal 8vo dvopuv dpdwv effre&ruv, Kal 6 fJ.ev
ecu e'X/cet rb
TrX^/crpov, 6 5 udeei. ^w
Sophocles, Fr. 151, apud Pollucem, x. 133,
TrXrjKrpois direvdvvovaiv ovplav rpoiriv. Silius Italicus, xiv. 401, 402, residentis
puppe magistri \ ajfixit plectro dextram, sc. telum.
 AND THE MODE OF WORKING THEM. 77

irned to bring the fore part of each blade to starboard and

the after part to port, the action of the water on the oars was
enough to thrust the ship's stern to starboard and thus send
her head to port and, conversely, if the oars were turned to
;

bring the fore part of each blade to port and the after part to
starboard, the ship's head went to starboard. There was
probably a tiller in the loom or handle of each steering-oar
and a piece of gear to join these tillers so that the steerer ;

could turn both oars at once 173 . In the Egyptian ships of

irly date, as in fgs. 3 to 5, the steering-oars appear to be
173
Plutarch, de fortuna Romanorum, 4, of> ptv yap dtreid^, Kara Hivdapov,
ovdt 8i5vfj.ov crTptyovaa ir^ddXiov, sc. i) Lucian, navigium, 6, KaKtiva iravra
T^x??.
fjiiKpbs rts avdpu-rriaKos ytpuv -fjS-r) gffwfev vnb XeTTTT/ Ka/ua/u rd rrjXt/caura ir7)8a\ia
irepi.<rTp<p(i}v. The equivalent of Ka/na^ was adminiculum.
Pliny, vii. 57, admi-
nicula gubernandi (addidif) Tiphys. In the passage just quoted from Lucian the
term /ca/ia is used in the singular with 7r??5aXta in the plural, and so also is ofa in
Plato, politicus, p. 272 E, TnySaXtaw oi'a/cos a(p/j.vos, sc. 6 KvpepvrjTt]^, and likewise
claims with gtibernacula in Cicero, pro Sestio, clavum tanti imperil tenere et 9,

gubcrnacula rei publics: tractare. These passages imply that the two steering-oars
were controlled by a single piece of gear, and that this used sometimes to be
termed ota and clavus as well as Kct/<ia and adminiculum ; and various other
passages imply that ships were steered by turning the clavus or ofo. Quintilian,
ii. 17. 24, dum clavum rectum teneam. Virgil, ,/Eneid, v. 177, davumque ad
litora torquet. Euripides, Helena, 1590, 1591, ird\u> irXewfjiev, vavfidrav.
'
at \
(TV S <TTp(p' oi'a/ca. yEschylos, septem adversus Thebas, 62, ware vabs
oiaKO(TTp6(pos. Pindar, Isthmia, iii. 89, KvfiepvaTTJpos oia/co(rrp60ou. The expression
ismerely a pleonasm of Oppian, de piscatione, i. 189 192, ZVTTOVTCU
&\\odev &\\os, dfj.<pnrpi(rKa[poi>TS eu^vyov apfia 6a\ouro"r)s,
\
\

'
r' d^^or^/oous, re Trpv/jivaia %aXtz/d
ire pi oirjKWv &\\oi d | irepl T

ayepovrou. For the converse metaphor, see Oppian, de venatione, 'i.

96,
xaXi^6v, and ^schylos, septem adversus Thebas, 206, iinriKui>

A similar pleonasm is introduced by Statius, Thebais, x. 182 185,

non secus, amisso medium cum preside puppis \fregit Her, subit ad vidiii
moderamina clam \
aut laterum custos, aut quern penes obvia ponto prora fuit. \

The term moderamen was used by itself, like regimen, to denote a steering-oar.
Ovid, metamorphoses, iii. 644, capiatque alitts moderamina, dixi, xv. 726, innixus
moderamine navis, iii. 593, 594, addidici regimen, dextra moderante, carince \

552, frangitur et regimen; Apuleius, metamorphoses, ii. 14, utroque

flectere,yi\.

regimine amisso. The trrepvl- was presumably the blade of the steering-oar.
Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 790, col. b, 11. 44 46, ?x et ?n7[S]a\ta 860, roD

epv^ a56/a/xos [7r]a[/9a/fet]rai. Apollonios Rhodios, iv. 931, ^ 8' oiridev

Trr]8a\loio. Apollonios is narrating how a goddess rose from the deep
and laid her hand upon the steering-oar ;
so the Trrepv^ was necessarily at the lower
end.
78 THE STYLE OF RIGGING IN VOGUE
attached to a pair of posts upon the deck besides the rings
underneath, as though their function was simply to turn upon
their axis and in the Roman ships of about 200 A.D., as in
:

fg. 29, the motion of the steering-oars seems to be restricted

to the same extent by ropes fastened through the blades. In
these Roman ships both the oars were sheltered from the
impact of the waves by a prolongation of the upper waling-
pieces, or something of the sort, as may be seen in fgs. 26,
28, 29, 36 and 38. Curiously, the steering-gear was used to
keep the ship on either tack, when the wind was light,
the yard being left amidship though in a stronger wind the
;

yard was properly braced round and the square-sail trimmed

174
accordingly .

In every age and every district of the ancient world the

method of rigging ships was substantially the same and this :

method is first depicted by the Egyptians. Their ships on

the Red Sea about 1250 B.C., as in fgs. 4 and 5, had one mast

with two yards, and carried one large square-sail. The mast
was secured to a prop at its foot to keep it steady, and was
held by two fore-stays and one back-stay the two halyards ;

of the upper yard being carried down to the quarters, so that

the strain on these relieved the back-stay and partially
obviated the need for shrouds. It is strange that the mast
had no shrouds at all but a curious double mast, like a pair
:

of sheer-legs, had formerly been carried by vessels on the

Nile, as in fg. i, which mast was always set athwartship, so
that no shrouds were needed on these vessels and possibly ;

mere force of habit kept the Egyptians from fitting shrouds

to the single mast of later times. Each yard was formed of
two spars lashed together, so as to avoid the waste of timber
in tapering the thicker end of a single spar to balance with
the thinner end and this device was adopted by the Greeks
:

and Romans, as may be seen from the Athenian ships of

about 500 B.C. in fg. 19 and the Pompeian ship of about
50 A.D. in fg. 26, and was thus transmitted to the modern
world 175. The yards were each worked by two braces and ;

there were numerous lifts to support the lower-yard at all

174
Aristotle, mechanica, 8, quoted in note 206 on p. 96.
 ON EGYPTIAN AND PHOENICIAN SHIPS. 79

times and the upper-yard when lowered. The other ropes

were brails for taking in the sail. In the great relief repre-
senting the battle in the Mediterranean about 1000 B.C. the
rigging is indicated very roughly both in the victorious

Egyptian ships, as in fg. 6, and in the defeated Asiatic ships,

as in fgs. 7 and 8 but two things at least are clear. The
:

lower-yard had been discarded so that the lower corners of ;

the sail must now have been controlled by sheets. And the
sail was no longer taken in by brails stretching down obliquely

from the centre of the upper-yard, but by brailing-ropes

stretching vertically down from several points along the yard.
A figure of a square-sail on a mast with two yards forms the
hieroglyph nef, and forms part of the hieroglyph chont, which
represents a boat so the unnecessary lower-yard had been in
:

use from very early times. But now it was discarded finally.
In the vase-paintings of about 600 B.C. in fgs. 12 and 13,
which come from Etruria and Attica respectively, the ships
certainly look asthough they had this yard. But in the
former the painter has simply reproduced the hieroglyph
chont as was perhaps to be expected, for the vase was made
;

by some Greek settler in the Delta of the Nile, and thence

exported to Etruria. And in the latter the absurdly straight
sides to the sail shew that its straight base is solely due to
the painter's methods.
The Phoenician ships of about 700 B.C., as in fg. 10, had
one mast with one yard, and carried a square-sail. They are
sometimes represented with two fore-stays and a back-stay,
sometimes with two back-stays and a fore-stay and always ;

with four other ropes, which seem to be sheets and braces :

but no further details can be traced. These ships, then, were

rigged like the ships that fought in the Mediterranean three
centuries before: so this scheme of rigging had probably been

long in use among the Phoenicians; and thus came to be

adopted by the Greeks, when they began seafaring.

175 This explains why the Greeks and Romans usually spoke of the yard in the
plural as Kepeucu or antenna. The Greeks should strictly have used the dual : but
the plural does not imply that there were more than two spars. Corp. Inscr.
Attic, vol. ii, no. 802, col. a, 11.
4, 5, Kfpaiai fj.eyd\a.i' TJ ertpa d56/ci/*os.
 80 THE STYLE OF RIGGING IN VOGUE

The Homeric poems shew clearly enough how the earliest

Greeks rigged their ships. There was the his to s or mast,
supported at its foot by a prop termed histopede, and held by
two protonoi or fore-stays and an epitonos or back-stay.
When the mast was not in use, it lay aft in a rest termed
histodoke being raised thence and lowered thither again by
;

means of the fore-stays 176 Upon the mast was the epikrion or .

yard and upon this was the sail. The sail is styled indif-
;

ferently speiron and histion and histia\ the plural perhaps

denoting that it was formed of many pieces, as in the
Athenian ship of about 600 B.C. in fg. 13 and its whiteness :

is emphasized. Ropes termed hyperai and kaloi and podes

are mentioned, but without any indication of their nature :

and the presence of halyards and brailing-ropes is implied 177 .

The hyperai and podes, that is to say, the upper ropes and the

176
Odyssey, xii. 178, 179, 01 5' h vr/l tf td-rjo-av oyttou xetpds re ?r65as re | 6pdbv ev
iffToirtdrj, e/c 5' ai)roO ireipar avrrtrrov, where atfroO must refer to i<rroO. cf. Alcseos,
Fr. 1 8,
apud Heracleitum, allegorise, 5, irep^v yap oWXos iffroiredav %et. Odyssey,
xii. 409 412, IffTov 5e irporbvovs tppij!;' avt/moio fltfeXXo, dyU00T^povs |
io-ros 5' OTTUTW
ireffev, oVXa re iravra
'

ets &VT\OV Karfyvvd' 6 5' apa irp6p.vri ivl vrjl

\
\ ir\r)^e Kvfiep-

vf)Teu Ke<pa\r)v. These verses are imitated by Apollonios Rhodios, i.

1203, 1204,
v\j/66ei> fj.ir\7)^affa GOT] avtfj,oio Kcmu \
ai/rotai <r<t>'f)V<T<nv vireic irporbvuv ep^a-rjrai.

The <r(f>TJves are probably the irapaaTaran. which replaced the icrToirtdr) see note :

181. xii. 422, 423, e/c 8 ol larbv apa^e TTOTI Tpbinv

Odyssey, avrap eir' ai>Tq> eirl- \

TOI/OS j3tp\r)To, /3o6s pivoTo rerenxcis. There is no direct proof that CTT/TOVOS means
back-stay ; but as irpdrovos means fore-stay, there is not much room for doubt. Iliad,
i.
434, iarbv 5' iffToddicr) TT^Xaaav, irporbvoLcriv {/(pfrres. Odyssey, ii.
424, 425, iarbv 5'

ei'XdrtJ'Oi' Koi\ti$ ^vroa'de /JL<r6d/J.r]s \ ffTTJaav aeipavres, /card 5e TrpOTOVotaiv Zdytfav.

These verses are imitated by Apollonios Rhodios, i.
563, 564, 5^ pa rore ^yav
iffrbv ii>e(TTr](ravTO fj.eff6dfj.ri, \ dijeav 8t irpOTbvoL<n Tavva-a-dfj-evoi eifdrepdev. In his
opinion, then, the fore-stays were made fast on either side of the bow, not right
forward. See also Lucian, amores, 6, rbv larbv K T&V ^ea'OKoLXwv apavres, where
peaoKolXw seems intended to convey the sense of KoiXrjs /Ji.e<r65fj,ris, and clearly is
equivalent to Koi\r/s t<rro56/c7?s in Apollonios Rhodios, ii. 1262 1264, atrri/ca 5' tcm'a

(j.tv Kai tirLKpLov tvdodi, KoiXr/s \ t<rro56/C77S a-re^Xavres e/c6<r ueoJ'

/
'
tv 5 Kal avrbv \
ivrbv

&(j)ap xaXdcrai'To irapaK\id6v. Apparently Zvroffde means from within and goes
with delpaisres in the Odyssey, though Apollonios thinks it means within and goes
with ffrrjarav : so the fj.eff6dfj.ij was probably the i0To56/c?7 under another name, or else
the hold containing the iffTo86Krj. Thus the fj.eff65fji.ai are contrasted with the decks
at stem and stern by Lycophron, 751, 752, aurcus /jLea68fj.a^ Kal <riV iicpiois /3aXet|
7r/)6s Kvfj-a diJTTTriv. The iffTodoKt] is mentioned by Ptolemy, Almagest, viii. i,
'

Apyovs affrepLff/jios but the measurements are too corrupt for fixing its position
:

accurately, though they indicate a place towards the stern.

 ON GREEK SHIPS OF EARLY DATE. 81

foot ropes, are presumably braces and sheets ;

while the
kaloi are certainly the brailing-ropes, for Herodotos employs
this name for them in noting the
perversity of the Egyptians
178
in putting the
brailing-rings on the after side of the sail .

The Greek ships represented in vase-paintings invariably

have one mast with one yard, and carry a square-sail and ;

probably they are all intended to have the same sorts of

ropes,though these are always sketched carelessly. The
Athenian ships of about 500 B.C. in fgs. 17 to 19 have
numerous brailing-ropes ;
and in the merchant-ship, which
presumably was rigged on a larger scale than the war-ships,
each brailing-rope makes several loops round the sail. In
these ships, and also in the earlier Athenian ship in fg. 13,
the halyards are carried down to the waist, and thus take
the place of shrouds in supporting the mast.

177
Odyssey, v. 254, ev 5' i<rrbv irolet /cat eirlKpiov ap/j.evov aury, 260, ev 5' virepas
re /cdXous re 7r65as r evedycrev ev afirrj. 316 318, fj.e<rov 8t ol iarbv ae | deivrj

/j,L<ryofj.evwv dve/j.uv e\dovffa 0i5eXXa, \

rr/XoD 8e a-rreipov Kai ciriKpiov Zfjiirecre irbvr^.
Iliad, i.
480, 481, oi 5' ia-rbv <sr-r](so.vr\ dvd 6' icm'a Xeu/ca TreTa<r<rav \
ev 5' aVe,uos

Trprjcrev fj.eaov iffriov. Odyssey, ii.

426, 427, 2\KOV 6" iffrla Xeu/ca ev(TTpeTrToi<ri
'

fioevviv | e/JLirpriaev 5' dvefj.o$ fj.e<rov iffrlov. iii. 10, u, oi 5' tdtis KardyovTO, t'5' icrrta
^7765 Mays |
areiXaj> deipavres, ryv 5' wpfjucrav , K 5' ^/3av avroL xii. 170, 171,
es 5' trapoi t>ebs Icrria iJ.riptiffa.vTO, \
/cat ra p.tv tv vrjl y\a<pvprj Otcrav, oi 5' eir
/c.r.X. These last verses shew
were halyards for hoisting sail ;
that there
and also brailing-ropes of some sort, as the crew took in the sail by pulling it up,
ffretXav dcipavres, wpfaavTo. For the latter term, see Sophocles, Fr. 699, apud
Athenaeum, iii. 55, VO.VTCU de /jujpijcravTo vrjos tVxaSa, and Oppian, de venatione,
i.
50, ixObv dfftralpovTa fivd&v aTro/ji.r)pij<ra.(T6ai. The meaning was apparently to
coil up cords or cables, and so haul up things attached to them.
178
Herodotos, ii.
36, r&v io-rluv TOI>$ Kptnovs /cat /cdXous ot fdv aXXot QuOev
frwdev.
Trpo<r5eov<ri, AiyijTrrtoi 5^ The brailing-ropes, and the rings to keep them
in their place, seen upon the fore side of the sail on the Roman ship in
may be
fg. 29 and these clearly are the ropes and rings intended by Herodotos. More-
:

over, the word /cdXos or /cdXws occurs in various phrases where it can hardly refer
to any ropes but these. Plato, Protagoras, p. 338, AUJT' aZ Hpa)Tay6pav (av^ov-
Xei/w) TrdvTa KO.\WV fKrelvavra, ovptg, tyevra, <f>evyeiv etj rb ircXayos r&v \6yuv, cf.
Sisyphos, p. 389, rb \ey6fj,ev6v ye, Trdvra KaXov tyevres. Aristophanes, equites, 756,
vvv 577 tre Trdvra Set /cdXcoi/ eievai ffeavrov. Euripides, Medea, 278, e"x0/>oJ ya.p
ej-iacn iravra 5r) KdXiov, Troades, 94, orav ffrpdrev^ 'Apyetov e^ty /cdXws. To let out
the brailing-ropes was to let out the sail ;
and to let these ropes out altogether was
to let the sail out to the full, and hence by metaphor, to make every effort.

Oppian, de piscatione, ii. 223, yatrrpi 8e iravTas einTpwirCoffi. /cdXwas, where he

alludes to gluttons;while now-a-days a sail is said to belly.

T. /
82 THE VARIOUS STYLES OF RIGGING

The inventories of the Athenian dockyards shew that in

330 B.C. the rigging for the war-ships of three and four banks
consisted of the histos or mast, the keraiai or yard, the histion
or sail, and the topeia or ropes and that in four-banked ships ;

the topeia consisted of eighteen loops of kalodia, two himantes,

a double agkoina, two podes, two hyperai, and a ckalinos.
The distinction between these six sorts of ropes is not indi-
cated by the inscriptions nor can it safely be inferred from ;

the language of ancient authors, since technical terms were

often used very loosely the term topeia, for example, which :

here denotes the ropes collectively, being popularly employed

to denote the halyards alone. But probably there were

179
Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 807, col. c, 11. 66102, no. 808, col. d, 11.

119 151, no. 809, col. e, 11. 75 no, no. 8n, col. c, 11. n 32. These are the
listsof the entire gear (ei/reX?? <jKeut]) supplied to ships of three and four banks in

330/329 B.C. and following years; and the only items of rigging included therein
are i<rr6s, /ce/xucu, Jcrr/ov, roTreta. In no. 809 the word roTreta is missing: but line
1 06 of col. e may be restored as /card/SX-^a, ro7re?]a to match line 30 of col. c in

no. 8n. The suggested restoration /cara/SXi^arJa seems too short. For roTreta

see no. 807, col. a, 11.

141 146, 153, 159 163, 178 183, no. 808, col. b, 11.

189 193 no. 809, col. b, 11. 222 227, roTreta rerp^pwj', or ro7re?a eirl rerpT^eis,

eKdffrrjS Ka\ij)diuv /i^/xara A PI 1

1, ifJ-d-vres ||
? dyKoiva StTrX??, ?r65ej \\
} virtpai. ||,

Xa\ivbs |. See also no. 807, col. a, 11. 62 64, 73 75, no. 808, col. b, 11. no, in,

115 118, no. 809, col. b, 11.

145 147, 150 152, roTreta eirl vavs HHPAAI,
TrXV fjL-rjpvfjLaTuv KaXydiwv |||,
which shews that there were fit) ptpar a KdXydiwv

among the roTma for three-banked ships, but unfortunately gives no further
information. The KctXot or /cdXws had probably been replaced by these ccaXySta of
smaller size, when the brailing-ropes began to be looped round the sail instead of

merely passing down the front and the loops might well be termed /^pifyiara.
;
If

so, therewere not eighteen separate brailing-ropes, but six with three loops each,
or nine with two loops.
80
Strattis, Macedones, Fr. i, rbv TTTT\OV 8 TOVTOV \
2\Kov<riv dvetovTes rondois

avSpes dvapidfJt-rjTot \
els aKpov, wffirep i<rTiov, rov Iffrbv. Archippos, asini umbra,
Fr. I, rpoxi\La.L<n raura Kal roiretots |
ivraaiv O$K dvev irbvov. Both quoted by
Harpocration, s.v. roireiov. The
plays were produced at Athens about 400 B.C.:
so this popular usage of the term roirela was concurrent with the technical usage.

Assuming that the /caX^Sia and 7r65es and virtpai were brailing-ropes and sheets
and braces, the i/^d^res and &yKoiva and %aXi'6s would naturally be halyards and
fore-stay and back-stay. The halyards are termed i/xd^res by Apollonios Rhodios,
iv. 889, 890, v\f/i d Xcu</>os | e'ipVffGav ro.vu<jo.vr^ cv IpavTeatn Kepalrjs, this ravvaavTcs
v representing evTav^aavTes. cf. Heliodoros, ^Ethiopica, v. 27, rd ia-ria avi^wvrwv.
The &-yKoiva or anquina is mentioned by Cinna, apud Isidorum, xix. 4. 7, atque
 ADOPTED IN THE ATHENIAN NAVY. 83

eighteen loops of brailing-ropes six ropes with three loops

:h, two halyards, a double fore-stay, two sheets, two braces,
ind a back-stay 180 The inventories also shew that the
.

iree-banked ships were rigged differently some years before.

'here were then the histos megas and the keraiai megalai or

large-mast and large-yard, and the histos akateios and the

keraiai akateioi or boat-mast and boat-yard there were also :

two timber parastatai, which probably were a pair of posts ar-

ranged as bitt-heads to support the foot of a mast that could
easily be raised and lowered and although four of the six :

sorts of ropes were the same, there were then kaloi instead of
181
loops of kalodia and the agkoina was not double But whilst .

anquina regat stabilem fortissimo, cursum, and by Lucilius, apud Nonium, p. 536,
funis enim pracistf cito ctdque anquina soluta. But here anquina should be read
ancyra, the line meaning that the shore-cable was cut, and the anchor weighed see :

note 166 on p. 73 for similar passages. Cinna's expression anquina fortissima might
well denote the fore-stay, as that came to be the principal rope in the rigging :

see note 202 on p. 94. The term yv^^^ would thus remain for the back-stay,
and seems suitable enough.
181
Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 795, col. d, 11.
3142, K(f>d\aiov TrapavTaT&v
eirl vavs Pllll, /ce^dXaiov ivr&v fj.eyd\ui> AA [...]> Kc<j>d\aiov Kepai&v /j,eyd\wi> firl

vaCs AA PI, /ce^dXcuov Iffrwv [d/cajretaj' Pll> K(f>d\aiov [^ep]ai[cD]i' d/care/wi' eirl
vavs [...]. This forms part of a list of the gear for the three-banked ships in one
division of the fleet in or about 352 B.C. Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 794, col.
b, 11. i io = no. 793, col. a, 11.
3852, TrapaffrarCov dpttf/uos HHHHPIIII' OVTOI

ylyvovrai eirl vavs HHAAIIII, [IffT&v fj.ey]d\wj> dpt0/*[ds twi va]vs [..] AAAP,
*

[Kep]cuwl>] fuyd(\uv) dp^bs HHHHP[Al]l

\lffrC)\v dKarduv dp(0ju&s [C'TTI yaus...] AAAAII, [Kfpaiu]i> d/c
APII* aSrat ylyvov\rai\ M vavs PAAAIII [fa-l pia] Ktpala. no. 794, col. b, 11.

15 2i=no. 793, col. a, 11. 6165, [l\ffrl<av dpiOpte [tir]l vavs PAAAAPII,
[roireq&w dpid}j.te eirl vavs [lvr]e\rj PAAAPIIII [/coi] IfulvTe* II,
7r65ej ||, inr^pat

III, ayKoiva I, [x]a\ij>ds xdXws Pill- This forms part of a list of the gear for all
I,

the three-banked ships in the fleet in or about 356 B.C. Such lists, however, can
only shew that masts of two kinds and yards of two kinds were in use concurrently
not that there was a mast and yard of each kind on every three-banked ship ;
forobviously these ships might not all be rigged alike, but some with a large mast
and yard, and some with an akatian. But various entries in the inventories shew
incidentally that the ships carried a mast and yard of each kind. Corp. Inscr.
Attic, vol. ii, no. 791, 1. 92, IVT /j-ey and lar O.K wanted for the AeXQivia, no. 794,
84 THE VARIOUS STYLES OF RIGGING

there were two kinds of masts and yards, there certainly was
only one kind of rope of each sort and only one kind of sail :

and the inscriptions give no hint that there was ever more
than one set of ropes and one sail for a ship. Xenophon,
however, mentions the two kinds of sails, megala and akateia,
in speaking of Athenian three-banked ships in 373 B.C.: and
both kinds might have continued in use for about sixteen
years longer without appearing in the extant fragments of
182
the inventories Still, the fact remains that the second
.

mast and yard and the parastatai were retained in the

Athenian navy for some years after the second sail and the
second set of ropes had been discarded: and this is a curious

col. a, 11. 18 20, 27 29, Kep fj.ey and lar d/c ready for the Eu7rpe7r?5$, col. d, 11.

66 68, lar pey, icep pey, lar d/c, Kep d/c, all lost by the Taxe?a, no. 798, col. b, 11.

16, 17, 26, lar pey, Keppey and lar d/c now on board the Meylffrr), 11. 31, 32, lar
pey and lar d/c now on board the ~2<pevd6vr), no. 800, col. b, 11. 57, 58, lar pey and
lar d/c now on board the 'Ryepovla, no. 801, col. b, 11. 19, 20, Kep pey and Kep d/c
now on board the Ma/captct, no. 803, col. b, 11. 53 55, lar pey, Kep pey and tar d/c
lost by the Tpi^cDcra, col. c, 11. 62 64, lar pey, tar d/c and Kep d/c lost by the Awp/s,
11.
87 90, la~r pey, Kep pey, lar d/c, Kep d/c all lost by the'Tyt'eia: and so forth. There is
clearly an error in the second of the lists above, where 454 irapaararai are allotted
to 224 ships : mason has put III
the I
for PI by repetition, the ships really number-
I

ing 227, each with two irapaararai. By some chance the Nt/o; and the "EXevdepta
once had three irapaararai on board, according to the entries in the inventories,
no. 789, col. b,
1.
3, no. 793, col. c, 1. 22. But no other ships are credited with
more than two; and the entries here may possibly be wrong. The irapa.ara.Tai
were certainly of timber, for in the inventories they are reckoned among the axe^y
$-v\iva:and as they were discarded simultaneously with the masts and yards
described as peyaXot and d/ca'reiot, they probably had some connexion with one or
other of those masts or yards. Their name indicates that they were a pair of
supports for something standing between them and such supports could not well
;

be attached to a yard, or to any part of a mast except its foot. Most likely they
were a pair of posts, to serve as bitt-heads, with the foot of a mast fixed on a pivot
between them in such a way that this mast could easily be raised or lowered ; for
the Athenian three-banked ships then had masts of that description. Xenophon,
Hellenica, vi. 2. 29, 0uXa/cds ye p-qv, rds pev ev rfj y?, (uairep Trpocr^/cet) KaOtarr], ev oe
TCUS vavalv alpbpevos ai5 roi>s i<rroi)s dirb ro^ruf eaKOiretro. It is clear that there was
only one iarlov and one set of Toireta for each ship, since the phrase is eirl vavs in
the second of the lists above, where the phrase would have been ravra ylyverai eirl
vaus, had there been more than one. Unless there was more than one ayKoiva in a
set of TOTreta, there must haye been more than eight /cctXws, for otherwise the
roirela would have sufficed for ninety ships with one virepa to spare. But possiblj
there were two ayKolvai in place of the dyKotva, 8iir\Tj of later date.
 ADOPTED IN THE ATHENIAN NAVY. 85

fact. The extant fragments of the inventories do not mention

thirty-oared war-ships until 330 B.C.: and then mention them
so seldom that there are no parallel passages for correcting
errors and omissions. But apparently these ships had a mast
that could be raised and lowered a pair of parastatai to ;

support its foot ;

a yard formed of two spars a sail and ; ;

the same six sorts of ropes, except that there were kalodia
183
and not kaloi, and that the agkoina was not double The .

inventories shew clearly that all ships of the same rate in

the Athenian navy were rigged in exactly the same way ;

and that their masts, yards, sails, etc., were interchangeable.

182
Xenophon, Hellenica, vi. 2. 27, 6 5 'I^tKpdr^ eird rjpZaro roO TreptTrXou,

d/j,a JJL^V ^TrXei, d'/xct 5 irdvra 6Va els vav^a^Lav Trapeovceudfero

*
tv6i>s ILV yap TO.

fj,eyd\a Iffria avrov KartXiirev ,

u>s eiri vavfj.a^(iav irXtiav' Kal rois d/caretois 5^, Kal et

v<popov TTJ'eOyaa etr), 6\tya ^XP^ TO

'
rV ^ KUTTT] rbv TT\OVV TroiovjuLfvos a/j.fiv6v re rd
(rw/xara x et " ro ^ s di>8pas Kal a/j.eivov rds vavs w\iv ewoiei. This was in the spring

of 373 B.C. The earliest fragments of the inventories in the Corp. Inscr. Attic.
are no. 789, assigned to 373/2, and no. 789. b (appendix), assigned to 374/3 :

but there are no entries about sails until nos. 793 and 794, which are quoted in the
last note. The large sails are mentioned again by Xenophon, Hellenica, i. i. 13,
'

A\Kij3t,d5r]s 5^, eiir&v Kal roirrots 5tw/ce'avrbv e^eXo^j'ois rd /te-ydAa Icrria, avrbs
Zir\ev<rei> els Ildpiov, cf. 12, dvdyevdai -t]8f} avrou ^XXoj/ros ws eirl vav^a-xlo-v. ii. i.

29, K6i>wv 5^, KarcurxwJ' eirl ri)v 'AfiapvLda TT}V Aa^d/cov axpav, ZXafiev avrddev rd
yueydXa TUV Avirdvdpov ve&v iffrLa.. These events were in 410 and 405 B.C.
See also Epicrates, apud Athenaeum, xi. 23, KardjBaXXe rd/cdreia, /cat /cuXi/aa atpov |

rd /j.dfa. This dates from about 375 B.C. There is an allusion here to hoisting
and lowering the large sails and the akatians, and also an allusion to taking up and

putting the drinking-cups known as KvXlKia and d/cdreia.

down The KvXiKta were
shaped like saucers, and could therefore be compared to a sail swelling out before
wind.
183
Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 812, col. a, 11. 6 Ii, rpianovrbpov Se^o/cX^s

/ceX(eei)s) <7/cetf?7 ^x et Si'Xii'a' Tapp6/j. t Trr)8d\ia, /cXiyLta/ct5as, Kovrots, torous, Kepalas,

rdras d6o' drrb
rijs NtKrjs, Xaipeo-rpdrou tpyov. This thirty-oared Nk?7 is
t be confounded with the three-banked NIKTJ mentioned in note 181 on p. 84.
to
e mason has probably put to-rotfs for iarbv by mistake he would easily be misled :

by the neighbouring plurals, and especially by KOVTOIJS just before. A little thirty-
oared ship was not very likely to be carrying two masts at a time when large ships
of three and four banks were carrying only one nor was any ship likely to carry ;

two masts of the same kind the masts would naturally differ in size and bear
different names. The 5tfo after Trapao-rdraj appears to be redundant. Corp.
Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 809, col. a, 11. 115, 116, /cat iariov rpt[aKovT]6pov

^iroTjffdfj.[dd], no. 807, col. c, 11. 42 45, KalrptaKOVT^pov, KoXydia d56/ct/ia AAA A,
T65es II, virtpa
86 THE MAST NAMED AKATEION.

At the time when akatian masts and sails were carried

on the three-banked war-ships, the large sails used to be
184
sent ashore whenever the ships were cleared for action .

Battles being fought without regard to wind, no ship could

ever hoist a sail until she had abandoned all attempts at
fighting and was trying to get away and as the large sail ;

had been sent ashore beforehand, she had then to hoist the
'

akatian : became a proverbial

so that
*

hoisting the akatian

expression for running away. This expression occurs in a
play by Aristophanes that was produced in 411 B.C. and a :

century afterwards it was adopted by Epicures in a saying

185
that is quoted by Plutarch and parodied by Lucian The .

classic name akateion is also applied by Lucian to one of the

sailson the merchant-ships.of his own times but" apparently :

186
the name does not occur again in ancient literature Most .

probably, therefore, these masts and sails went out of use

soon after they were discarded in the Athenian navy.

184
Xenophon, Hellenica, i. i. 13, ii. i. 29, vi. 2. 27, already quoted in note 182.
Thucydides also alludes to this practice of sending the large sails ashore before
going into action, though he does not give these sails their name vii. 24, /cat :

Xp^ip-ara TroXXd rd ty/JLiravra e'dXw are yap rapueiip xP wfJ-^ V(lOV r & v 'Adrjvaiwv rots

ret^ecrt TroXXd fikv i^irbpwv xptf/Aara Kal OTTOS CVTJV, TroXXd 5 /cat rpiTjpdpxw, fael Kal
'

iffria reffffapaKovra rpiripuv Kal rdXXa ffKe^fj eyKareX-rj^Br], viii. 43, ot 5e 'Adrjvdioi
rats K TTJS 2d/xov vavei 7rdVats, cos rjffQovro rd TTJS vav/uaxias, Tr\ev<ravres 4s rr\v

^ti/Lnjv . . .\a86vres 5 rd ev TTJ 2i5/x7/ ffKe^t] ruv vewv, dTr7r\VO'av e

These events were in 413 and 411 B.C.

185 61 A. oi)3' as
Aristophanes, Lysistrata, 64, ?rpo(re6/cwj/

y<j) Trpwras Trap&reo"0at devpo rds 'Ax^pv^wv

| | yvva^Kas, ovx JIKOVCTIV. K.
Qeoytvovs, ws devp' tovcra, rdKareiov ijpero.
]
Plutarch, de audiendis poetis, i,

irbrepov ovv r&v vewv, <!}<nrep TOJV ^WaKTjaiuv, KTjpf rivt rd c3ra Kal dreyKrig Kypy
Karair\da (Torres dvayKa^w^ev ai/roi/s, rb "Ej-jriKOijpei.ov aKareiov dpa^vovs, TTOLTJTLK^V

<f)6yeiv Kal Trapee\avveu> ; non posse suaviter vivi secundum Epicurum, 12,

eirapa^evovs rd d/cdreta (petiyew dir abruv Ke\tiov<ri, sc. ot 'ETrt/cot5peioi. Lucian,

quomodo historia conscribenda sit, 45, defoei yap rbre iroifjTiKov TIVOS dve/j-ov

eTTOVpiaffovros rd d/cdreta Kal avvdioiffovTOS vtyifkriv Kal eir cx/cptoj/ rciJi' KVfj.dra}v rr\v

vavv.
186
Lucian, Lexiphanes, 15, dXXd <rf> TO O/AOLOV elpyaffto /me ucrirep et ris 6X/cd5a
ev ovplfg Tr\ov<rav, efjiTreirvevfJiarw^evov rod d/caretou, ev<popovffdv re Kal

/, eKTopds rivas d/i0to"T6/ioi;s Kal tVxdSas ffidTjpds d<f>els Kal vavffiiredas,

TOV 6po/j.ovTO pbdiov (pdovq TTJS vr}vulas. cf. Jupiter tragoedus,
ficv v/j.ds rare avefJios efj-TriTTTUv rrj odbvrj Kal ^TrtTrXas rd d/cdreta,

tptrrovres, eitvfiepva 5e els ris ^eo'rajs Kal effwfc rrjv vavv ;

 THE MAST NAMED DOLON. 8/

A mast termed dolon, with a sail of the same name,

ibsequently served for manceuvering before an action and
for escaping after a defeat. According to Polybios, the
Rhodian war-ships used dolons in an action in 201 B.C.:
and he had read the admiral's despatch at Rhodes. And
according to Livy, the Syrian and Roman war-ships also
used them in actions in 191 and 190 B.C.: and he is here
following the lost narrative by Polybios, who probably got
his information about these actions from the Rhodian
187
despatches Diodoros says that the Carthaginian war-ships
.

used them in an action in 307 B.C. but perhaps he is mis- :

quoting his authorities, for at that date the ships might have
used akatians 188 The dolons are mentioned again by Proco-
.

pios in speaking of Byzantine war-ships in 533 A.D.; and he

describes them as the little sails and distinguishes them
from the large sails. The name must have been obsolete
for centuries, and then resuscitated as a classic term for the
smaller sort of mast or sail 189 .

187
Polybios, xvi. 15, tv Trj Trepl AdSrjv va.vfj.axtg- Mo pet* avTavSpovs irevT^pas
TWV 'Podiuv L>7ro%eipous yevtffdai rots TroXe/ufois '
K de TOV Kivdvvov jtuas VTJOS eVa/xx-

/*eV?7S rbv 56\wva dia TO TTpw/j.^vrjv avT^v 0aXarroO<r0cu TTO\\OVS Kal TWV tyyvs rb
'

irapa.7r\ri<nov TroioOvras airox^p^v irpbs rb Trt\ayos' rAos 5e ywer 6\iywv KaraXei^fleVra

Tbv vavapxov avayxao'dfivou. ra^rb rots irpoeipijfJLfrois irpaTreiv T?}? etriaTO\ris TI

/j.ei> ofays ev TQ TrpvTavely, TTJs vir' avTotis TOI)S /caipoi)s virb TOV vavdpxov TT/j.(f>0la">is

wepl TOVTWV r-rj re /3owX^ Kal rots Trpuravea-tv. Livy, xxxvi. 44, quod ubi vidit
Romamis, vela contrahit malosqtie inclinat, et, simul armamenta contponens,
opperitur inseqnentes naves, iamferme triginta in route erant ; quibus zit tzquaret f
lavum cornu, dolonibus erectis alttirn petere 45, neque ita multo post
intendit.

pritnum ab Iccvo cornu fuga Polyxenidas enim ut virtute militum haud

ccepit.
dubie se superari vidit) sublatis dolonibus effuse fugere intendit. xxxvii. 30, ceterum

postquam alias circumventas, prcetoriam navem Polyxenida relictis sociis vela dantem
videre, sublatis raptim dolonibus, Ephesum petuntfuga.
188
Diodoros, xx. 61, 6 5e T&V K.apxno'oi'twv crrpar^^s, aXicrKo^vrjs tffir] rijs

vavapxi-oos, air<r<pa!;v eavrdv, irpOKptvas rbv ddvarov r^j TrpoffdoKydeLffys at'xMaXw(rias.

'
ou (J.TJV ecpavij 76 eu pefiovXev/jitvos i] yap vavs <f>opov 7rveu/*aros tTri\apofdvr], TOV
86\wvos apdtvTos, et<pvy Tbv KivSvvov.
189
Procopios, de bello Vandalico, i. 17, rots 5 vavTais tir-/iyy6\\e Tra.pa.Ko-
\o\)6eiv re del Kal TOV arparet/^taros fJ.7) TTO\V 5ifo~Tavac dXX' tin<f>6pov fj.v yivo^vov
}

TOV TrvevfJi.aTos xaXacrai'ras roi fieyaXa tcrr/a ro?s fJ-iKpols, a STJ 56Xa>j'as Ka\ov<nv,
$Tre(rdat' Xaj0-?7(ra^ros 5e Trai/reXcDs roO avfj.ov /3tdfe<r^at o<rov oloL re wriv cpo~o~ovTas.
This is clearly an
adaptation of the passage in Xenophon, Hellenica, vi. i. 27,

already quoted in note 182 on p. 85.

88 THE MAST NAMED ARTEMON.
A mast and
termed artemon are mentioned by Lucilius
sail

a little before 100 B.C., and then by Labeo and the elder
Seneca, who treat them as subordinate to the ordinary mast
and sail 190 In later times the artemon is mentioned by name
.

in the Acts of the Apostles and also by Paulinus of Nola

about 400 A.D. while a subordinate sail is noticed by
;

Juvenal and afterwards by Synesios, a contemporary of

191
Paulinus These statements may all refer to merchant-
.

ships but a small sail is mentioned by Appian in narrating

:

how some Roman war-ships got away after a defeat off Mylse
in 36 B.C., though unfortunately he does not give the sail a
name 192 .

Thus a second mast of some sort, artemon or dolon or

akatian, was generally in use from 411 B.C. to 533 A.D. and
perhaps before and after but there is not anything to shew :

what difference there was between the akatian and the dolon,
or the dolon and the artemon.
190
Lucilius, apud Charisium, p. 99, Arabus artemo. Lucilius died about 100
B.C. The Pandects, 1. 16. 242, malunt navis esse partcni, artemonem autem non

esse, Labeo ait :

quid plerceque naves sine malo inutiles essent, ideoque pars navis
habetur ; artemo autem magis adiectamento quam pars navis est. Seneca, contro-
versise, vii. i. 2, ubi spes? in gubernaculo? nulla est. in remlgio? ne in hoc

quidem est. in comite ? nemo repertus est naufragi comes, in velo ? in artemone ?
omnia pane instrumenta circumscisa sunt : adminiculum spei nullum est. There
isan emendation here, artemone for arte ; and if that is right, Seneca distinguishes
the ordinary sail (velum) from a sail termed artemo, just as Labeo distinguishes the

ordinary mast (mahts) from a mast termed artemo. Labeo and Seneca were both
living at Rome in the reign of Augustus.
191
Acts, xxvii. 40, tirdpavTes rbv apre^wva rfi Trveoija-y, Kareixov els rbv aiyiakbv.
Paulinus Nolanus, epistolse, 49. 2, mains a vulncre, ut longe extra
ita prosilivit

navem in undas expulsus tuto ceciderit. deinde, cum aut artemone armari oporte-
bat, aut sentinam depleri, etc. Juvenal, xii. 67 69, inopi miserabilis arte cucurrit \

vestibtis extentis, et, quod superaverat unum, \

velo prora suo. cf. 53 55, tune,
adversis urguentibus, illuc \ recidit^ ut malum ferro submitteret, ac se \explicat
angustum. Synesios, epistolse, p. 163 D, viraXXdrTeiv ftev otiv 'urrtov erepov vbdov
ou/c Tjvexvpiaa'TO ydp' dve\a/J.[3dvoiAev 5e aurb Kaddirep T&V \i.T&vwv TOI)S
etxo/j.ev,

KbXirovs. This can only mean that they reduced the size of the ordinary sail until
it would fit a smaller mast and yard. For XITCUJ/WJ/ /c6\7rous, cf. Herodotos, vi.
125- 2 3> Polybios, iii. 33. 2; ^Eschylos, septem adversus Thebas, 1039.
>
Pauli-
nus died in 431 A.U., and Synesios a year or two before.
192
Appian, de bellis civilibus, v. in, aXiffKo^evwv Se /ccti
'

Kataapos vedv, at fj.v dpdfjt,evat TCI fipax^a rcDv Iffrluv dwtirXeov els TTJV

irapayye\jji.dTuv KaTa<ppovov<rai K.T.\.

 SHIPS WITH THREE MASTS. 89

The artemon must have been something between a fore-

mast and a bowsprit with a spritsail on a spritsail-yard for ;

that is what is represented on the coins of 67 and 186 and

305 A.D. in fgs. 27 and 28 and 34, and in the reliefs and
paintings of corresponding date in fgs. 26, 29, 31, 33, 35, 37
and 40. On the Roman war-ship of about 50 A.D. in fg. 35
there is not any mast beside the artemon but the ship is ;

here in action, and obviously the ordinary mast and sail have
been taken down or sent ashore beforehand. The rule was
still to send the ordinary sail ashore when a ship was cleared
for action ;
and the ordinary mast must always have been
lowered in a battle, for otherwise it would have snapped
under the shock of ramming 193 .

A third mast had come into use by about 50 A.D. and ;

194
this was presumably a mizen Perhaps a few of the largest .

merchant-ships were fitted with this mast but normally ;

there were only two.

193
Plutarch, Antonius, 64, Kal TOVS KvfiepvriTas TO, Iffrla. /SovXo/^j'ous diro\nreiv
ev ('Avr&vtos) ^u/3aX&r#cu Kal KOfAtfeiv. 66, aKpirov d Kal KOIVTJS TI TTJS

vav/j.axias (Tvve<rTtb<nis, at(j>i>ldioi> al

KXeoTrdrpas ^KOVTO. vyes utpdTjffav alp6/j,cvaL
irpbs d,7r67rXow rd tcm'a Kal dia ^t^crou (fievyovcrai. T&V [taxo fj.fr wv. Dion Cassius,
1. 33, TOVS yap (pevyovTas, are Kal avev Icrriwv ovres Kal -rrpos ryv vavpaxlav p.6vr)v

irape<?Kvacrfji.frot, These passages refer to the battle of Actium in

OVK ^-rrediu^av.

31 B.C.; and certainly imply that it then was customary to send the ordinary
sail ashore on
clearing for action. See also Livy, xxvi. 39, veils turn forte, impro-
vidus futuri certaminis, Romanus veniebat, and Vegetius, iv. 43, navalis pugna

tranquillo committitur mart, liburnarumque moles non ventorum flatibus sed

remorum pulsu adversaries percutit rostris. For the lowering of the masts, see
Polybios, i. 61, oi 5e Kapx7)56viot, /cariS6fres rbv didirXovv avrCiv Trpo/car^xovras TOVS
'Pwfjiatovs, Ka6e\6/Jivoi TOI)S I&TOVS, K.T.\., and Livy, xxxvi. 44, quod ubi vidit
Romanus, vela contrahit malosque inclinat.
194
Athenseos, v. 43, rptuv re Iffrwv inrapx6i>Twv,...T&v 5t 'HTTUV 6 fj.tv detirepos
Kal rpiros evptdrjo'av' 5uo"xe/jws 5e 6 TrpcDros tv rots ope<rt TTJS Bperrtas evptdr) VTTO

ffvfiurov avdpds.Pliny, xix. i, iam vero nee vela satis esse maiora navigiis. scd
cum vix amplitudini antennarum singulce arbores sufficiant, super eas tamen addi
velorum alia vela, prczterque alia in proris et alia in puppibus pandi. Pliny speaks
as though a three-masted ship were a thing of recent date ; and Athenseos may
really be describing a ship of Caligula's time or afterwards, though professing to
describe a ship belonging to Hieron see pp. 27 29. There is possibly an
:

allusion to the three masts of a ship in the Corinthian jest recorded by Strabo, viii.
6. 20. As many as fifty masts and sails were carried on the biggest timber-
rafts : see Theophrastos, historia plantarum, v. 8. 2, quoted in the note on rates
on p. 122.
90 THE SUPPARUM, OR TOPSAIL.

A topsail had also come into use by about 50 A.D. as part

195
of the ordinary rig The ancients always . knew that they
improved the pace of a ship by carrying sail as high as

possible, though apparently they did not understand the

cause of this; but hitherto they had gained their object by
hoisting up the yard
196
Now they introduced a sail that was
.

triangular in form, and spread it with its base along the yard
and its apex at the top of the mast, as depicted on the
Roman ship of about 200 A.D. in fg. 29, and less distinctly on
those in fgs. 27, 32, and 39. The topsail being of this shape,
no topsail-yard was needed nor can such a yard be detected ;

in the manuscript of about 500 A.D. in fg. 38, for obviously

the scribe has combined the masts and yards belonging to
both lines of ships in a convenient group above the upper
line, simply to avoid confusion.

195
Seneca, epistolae, 77, subito nobis hodie Alexandrine naves apparuerunt,
quce prcemitti solent et nuntiare s'ecutura classis adventum: tabellarias vacant.

grains illarum Campania aspectus est. omnis in pilis Puteolorum turba consistit
et ex ipso genere velorum Alexandrinas quamvis in magna turba navium intellegit.

solis enim licet supparum intendere, quod in alto omnes habent naves, (nulla enim
res ceque adiuvat cursum quam summa pars veli: illinc maxime navis urgetiir.

itaque quotiens ventus increbruit maiorque est quam expedit, antenna submittitiir :
minus habet virium flatus ex humili.) cum intravere Capreas et promontorium ex
quo "alta procelloso speculatur vertice Pallas" cetera velo iubentur esse contents :

supparum Alexandrinarum insigne est. cf. Seneca, Medea, 323 328, nunc
antennas medio tufas ponere malo ; nunc in summo religare loco, cum iam totos
\ \ \

avidus nimium navita jlatus optat, et alto rubicunda tremunt suppara velo.
\ \

Lucan, v. 428, 429, summaque pandens suppara velorum perituras colligit auras.
\

Statius, silvse, iii. i. 27, summis

annectite suppara velis. The top-sail is noticed
by Pliny in the passage quoted in the last note, but he omits the name. Ap-
parently supparum becomes at<papos in Greek. Epictetos, dissertationes, iii. 2. 18,

ftvdio/j.frov 5 TOU Tr\oiov, o"i5 /ioi ira.pe\Quv eiraipeis robs crupdpovs. But possibly
ffi(pdpovs is here a corruption of <reipa(p6povs, the regular equivalent of supparum
being irapdo-eipov. Lucian, navigium, 5, 6 jj.tv yap AXXos /c607<cos, al ypa(pal Kal TOV
laTiov r6 Trapacreipov irvpavyts, K.T.\. Athenaeos, v. 39, 6 d Icrrbs yv avTrjs e/SSo/iiy-
KOVTO. irrjx&i', pt<r<nt>ov ^(av This last
itrriov, aXovpyel Trapao-elpy KeKOff^^vov.
passage refers to a vessel built by Ptolemy Philopator for his voyages on the Nile:
but Athenaeos is quoting from Callixenos, and he must be committing the ana-
chronism of giving this vessel a type of sail that was not introduced until about two
hundred years afterwards. The term Trapaafipov can only denote a top-sail or a
studding-sail and there is not any trace of the use of studding-sails in ancient
;

times. By their description of these Trapda-etpa as irvpavyh and aXovpyts, Lucian

and Athenseos confirm Seneca's description of the suppara as rubicunda.
 FULL-RIGGED SAILING-SHIPS. 91

full-rigged ship must now

Thus a have had a main mast
with a yard that carried a square sailbelow and a triangular
sail above, a fore-mast or bowsprit with a yard and square

sail only, and also a mizen with perhaps a similar yard

and sail. The rigging had been developed to this point by

about 50 A.D. at latest; but after that there was not any
further progress, and the additional masts and sails were

gradually discarded. Thus, while two masts and sails were

carried on the Byzantine war-ships that made the attack on

Carthage in 533 A.D., only one was carried on those that

were equipped for the attack on Crete in 949 A.D. So the
arrangement of the rigging as well as the arrangement of the
oars had now reverted to the style in vogue among the Greeks
some sixteen centuries before 197 .

196 darrov TrXe?

Aristotle, mechanica, 7, dia ri, 6'<ry av i] Kepala dvwTtpa 77,
TO,

TrXoia Tip O.VT< larl(f Kal T< ai/ry 7T^ei//u.ari ; ?} Si6ri ylverai 6 fj,ev i<rr6s /xoxX6y, VTrofj.6-

)(\iov be rb edibXtov ev $ 4/J.Tr^Tnjyev, 5 de dei Kivetv f3dpos rb ir\o?ov, TO 5 KWOVV TO ev

T lariat Trvevfjt.a ;
el 5' oVy av iropp&Tepov 77
rb virofj.6xXt.ov, P^-ov Kivel Kal OOLTTOV

T/ avTTj dijva/j.t.5 TO avrb /Scipos, i] oftv Kepala av&Tepov ayo/Aerr) Kal Tb IGT'IOV iroppuTepov
TToiet TOV e5ut\iov VTTO/J,OX^[OV 6t>Tos. This
copied by Vitruvius, x. 3. 5, eiusquevela
is

cum sunt per altitudinem mediant mail pendentia, non potest habere navis celerem
cursum : cum autem in summo cacumine antenna subductcz sunt, tune vehementiori
progreditur impetu, quod non proxime calcem mali quod est loco centri sed in
summo et longius ab eo progressa recipiunt in se vela ventum. Asclepiades says
that the calx or Trr^pra was the bottom of the mast, and fitted into the XTJ^J see
note 199 on p. 92 so \yv6s and eSwXtov seem to mean the same thing here. In
its action as a lever, the mast could only drive the fore part of the ship deeper into

the water as the leverage was increased. The fact is simply that the friction of the
wind against the waves retards the lower currents of air more than it retards the
currents above ; so that, as Seneca says, minus habet virium flatus ex humili,

epistolse, 77, quoted in the last note.

197
Porphyrogenitos, de caerimoniis, ii.45, p. 389, ^60?; virep ayopas T&V iraviuv
TU>V paffiaK&v \6ycp TrotTjcrews ap^vwv Q' dva irrfx&v X' TU>V 6' Kapa^iuv rwv'PaJs, Kal
CT^puv dp^vwv /3'
ava Tr.rjx&v Krf TU>V fi' fj-oveptuv T&V a^XyuaXciraji', avv r&v SodevTuv
iravtuv pa.cria.KC3V Kara irepicrcreiav TOI)S auroi)j 'Pws' VTrep Travlwv 5ia T&V d/u00T^pw^
apvd' ...8661) virep ayopas <T)(Qi.vl(av \byi$ KpviTT&v ^TTI/C^/JWV Kal Trooi.obp6p.wv TUV
auT&v apptvwv y. p. 388, eis tt-6w\i(riv T&V K dpofji.ovl<i)v,...apfji.va K,...ava.yo-
ia t

KaTayovTa criV T&V If^avTapiuv ai>T&v K' These were the largest dromons then in
.

use: see note 47 on p. 19. The appeva are here the sails; and apparently the
luavTapta and dvayoKaTayovTa are the halyards and their blocks. The sheets and
braces may be included in the phrase Kpwruv tiriKrip&v Kal iroSiodpb/jiwv under
names akin to ?r65es and eirLKpia. See pp. 18, 19 as to the oars in use at this
period ; and p. 87 with note 189 as to the masts and sails in use in 533 A.D.
92 MASTS WITH MILITARY-TOPS AND YARDS

The mast was fitted with a military-top on the largest

of these Byzantine war-ships, so that the men could shoot
down upon an enemy's deck
missiles
198
And military-tops .

are represented on the masts of the Egyptian and Asiatic

war-ships two thousand years before, as in fgs. 6 to 8. But
on the Greek and Roman war-ships the masts were lowered
during an engagement and military-tops were consequently ;

left merchant-ships, the larger vessels of that class

to

carrying them as part of their defence against the pirates.

In these times the top was somewhat like a tub or cask,
with space enough for two or three men to stand inside ;

and this was fastened round the mast a little way above
198
Leo, tactica, xix. 7, dXXcii Kal TO. \ey6fj(.eva vX6/ca(rrpa irepl r6 /j.e<rov TTOU rou

KCLTaprtov v rots fjieyicrTOis dpb/JLbxnv ^TricrT-rjcrovai 7repiTeret%t(r/x^va o~avlffiv, e WP

avdpes Ttves TO /j.eo~ov rrjs Tro\e/J,tas VTJOS dKOVTiaovcriv r) \idovs /ii;Xt/coi)s rj crldrjpa ftapea,
olov ftdfas t0oeiets, oY wv 77 rty vavv 8t,a9pv\f/ov<riv r) rot)s VTTOKeifjievovs ffvvd\dffov<ji.v

(T0o5ptDs Karate p6fj.ev a, 17 ri 'frepov tirixvaovcrLV 77 efjurprjffai 8vvd/j,evov TT\V vavv TUV
evavTiuv 17 robs v atirrj 7ro\e/j.[ovs OavaTuxrai.
199
Athenaeos, xi. 49, Kapx'no'iov. KaXX^evos 6'P65tos h rots Ilept 'A.\e%avdpdas
(prfffiv OTI iroTTipibv tffTtv eTri/x^Kej, <Tvv T)y ptv ov eis /mfoov eTrteiicws, wra %x ov
TOV irvd/Jitvos Ka,TriKOVTa...'A<TK\-iTirid5r}s 5' 6 M.vp\eav6$ KK\TJff6ai (f>r)ffLV avrb
TWOS T&V ev rr) V7]l KaTa.aKeva.fffJLa.TWv. TOV yap IOTOU TO fj^v /carajrarw
' '
KaXemu, T) /J,TrlirTei els T&V \rjv6v r6 5' olov eis /meffov, rpax^Xos TO d irpbs ry
Kapx~f}(Ti.ov. %ei 8e TOUTO Kepaias avu <rvvvevovcras e(f>' eK&Tepa Ta ^pfj, Kal
b \ey6/j.evov aurcp dupdiaov, TeTpdycwov irdvTi) TrXrjv TT)S /Sdcrews Kal TTJS
'
avTat 5e Trpofixovcrtv fuKpbv eir' evOeias tt-wrepu. eirl oe TOV dupaKlov ei's

avriKovffa Kal 6eia yiyvopevr) eartv rj Xeyo/j-evrj ^Xa/cdrT;. There is clearly

a misreading here, eTri/carcu for ejKeiTat. Callixenos says that the wine-cup
Kapxytriov contracted a little in the middle and had handles reaching down to
the bottom, so Asclepiades must have said that the mast-head Kapxriffiov consisted
of a dupaKiov bulging a little at the top and bottom, with a pair of /ce/xucu curving

up on either side. These Kepatai were presumably the hooks that carried the
halyards they could not be the yards, as those were straight. For the phrase
:

reTpdywvov Trdi>Tr), cf. Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 835, 1. 70, KvXivdpos TCTpdyuvos
iravTaxei' Thus its meaning is simply that there were not any projections or
depressions in the sides of the dupduov between the two projections at the top and
bottom. Athenaeos, v. 43, TpiCiv re io-rcDv vTrapxovTuv,...^a-av 5 Kara rows IGTOVS ev

rots Kapx^fiois, ovffi x a X>cots, eirl (J.ev TOV wp&TOV rpe?s avdpes, eld' efjs Kad' eva,

\etir6fj.evoi' TOVTOIS 5' ev 7rXe/cro?s yvpyddois 5ta TpoxiXLuv els TO, QupaKia \idoi irape-

/3dXXojTO Kal fie\Tf Sia T&V waLdiov. cf. 44, affTpuv yap \pavei KapXTjcrta, Kal rpteXf/c-

TOUS ^cipa/cas peyaKuv e^ros ^x i ve<j>euv. In the inventories of the Athenian dock-
yards an eTridrj/jia dupaKelov is mentioned as something belonging to a war-ship see :

Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 791, 1. 31. But there is nothing to shew that this
6wpaKetov was part of a military-top.
 FOR DROPPING MISSILES ON AN ENEMY. 93

the yard, the halyards working through a

pair of hooks
or rings which projected from its sides and served as blocks 199 .

In the absence of a military-top these hooks or

rings
projected from the mast itself, as in fg. 13, where they crown
the mast, or again in fg. 30, where the mast extends
beyond,
and forms a kind of topmast for carrying the
triangular sail
above the yard 200 On merchant-ships the yards were strong
.

enough for heavy weights to be hoisted to the ends and

thence let fall on an assailant. And channels could therefore
be defended by mooring merchant-ships at intervals across,
and thus sending masses of lead and lumps of rock
through
the bottoms of any vessels that tried to run 201
through .

)0
Pindar, Nemea, v. 51, dva 5* larlo. relvov Trpds vybv Kapxwlov. The term
vybv must here denote the pair of hooks for the halyards ; and so also iuga
in Latin. Lucan, ii. 695, dum iiiga curvantur mali, cf. v. 418, hie utinam summi
curvet carchesia malt, sc. Aquilo. The hooks being known as horns, /cepcucu see
last note the Kapx^fftov could be described as the thing with the horns, Kcpovxos

7. 43, lintea nam summis dum crispant nexa

or ceruchus. Ennodius, carmina, i.

ceruchis. Valerius Flaccus, i.

469, temperet ut tremulos Zetes fraterque ceruchos.
Lucan, viii. 177* instabit siimmis minor Ursa ceruchis^ x. 494, 495* ft tempore
eodem transtraque nautarum, summique arsere ceruchi.
\
But while ceruchus was
thus in use in Latin, /cepoDx os gave place to Kepoia in classical Greek see note 203
on p. 94 and afterwards to Kdpoiov, as in Leo, tactica, xix. 5. The terms ceruchus
and Kepoiat- are always in the plural, but carchesium and Kapx'ncnov vary between
the plural and the singular. Plutarch, Themistocles, 12, y\avKa 8' dQdijvai rots
Kapxyviois tirtKadlfovffav. Lucian, de mercede conductis, i, ij TIV' &\\ov K /^xay^s
Qebv tirl r< Kapxyvl-v Kade^i^evov, cf. navigium, 9,amores, 6. Apuleius, metamor-
phoses, xi. 16, insigni carchesio conspicua, sc. malus. Catullus, 64. 235, 236,
candidaque intorti sustollant vela rudentes, lucida qua splendent summi carchesia
\

'
mali. See also Apollonios Rhodios, i. 565, Kad 5' aurou \lva x ^ av ^ 7r 'n'^o-Kdrrjv
eptiaavTes, where avrov denotes Ja-rou. According to Asclepiades, the 17X01*0x77 was
the portion of the mast above the dupaKiov see last note so Apollonios can only
mean that the yard was hoisted up to the Kapxnviov at the foot of the ^Xa/carr/.

Apparently, the ^Xa/ca'rTj was also termed the <mAs, for three of the stars in the
constellation of the Argo are placed M crrvXldos &Kpas by Eratosthenes, catas-

terismi, 35, and ad malum by Hyginus, astronomia, ii.

36. Hyginus, however,
may be confusing the stars that Ptolemy places irpbs r <J/c/>y rou IGTOV and h ry

d-po(TToX^, Almagest, viii. i, 'Apyovs ctaTe/>io7i6s. The dKpoa-r6\tov is suggested by

the phrase in Plutarch, Pompeius, 24. 2, oruXtat xP vffa^'
201
Thucydides, vii. 38, StaXetTro&ras 5 rds oX/cdSas oaov 5i5o ir\tdpa OTT' aXX^Xajv
,
OTTWS et rts (3idoiTO I'aOs, ef?; /Kara0evis dcr<f>d\r)3 Kal vrdXtv Ka0' ijavxio-v

41, ai 5^ rdv 'ZvpaKOffLuv vrjes /ue%pt pv TUV oXxaSuv tiredluKov' i-veir*

at Kepaiai virep r&v ZcnrXuv at dirb r&v 6\KdSwv 8e\<t>ivo<p6poi ijpfj^vai. ^/cwXuov.

Aristophanes, equites, 761, 762, dXXd 0uXdrrou, Kal irplv eK&vov TrpoffLK&Qai (rou,
 94 THE ROPES FOR HOLDING THE MASTS
All the ropes in the rigging of a Roman merchant-ship
seem to be represented in the reliefs of about 50 A.D. and
200 A.D. 26 and 29 to 31. The mast is fitted with a
in fgs.
set of shrouds,which slope a little aft and thus support it
from behind as well as from the sides while in front it is ;

supported by a single fore-stay. This is a larger rope than

203
any of the others and seems to be intended for lowering ;

the mast towards the stern and hauling it up again, though on

a merchant-ship the mast might well have been a fixture.
The yard has two halyards in the middle and several pairs of
lifts towards the end and these lifts carry the topsail. There ;

are braces to the yard and there are sheets to the sail, and ;

also a number of brailing-ropes. The bowsprit has two

Trpbrepov <rb \
robs 5eX0ZVas ytterewp^ou Kal TTJV &KO.TOV Trapa(3d\\ov : scholia in locum,

SriXovrai d Kal inrb QepeKparovs ev rots 'Ayptots, orav \tyrj, 6 8t STJ 8e\(f>is ten
juoXtjSSoOs, 8e\(pit>o<f>6pos re K^pSos, 8iaK6\f/ei rov5a<pos avrdov tfj-iriirTuv Kal KaraStibiv.
These verses are corrupt ; but some word like K^pas must be involved in K^pSos.
Diodoros, xiii. T(JOV fueydXcw irXoLtov
78, 01 5' 4irl (f>eo~TWTes trpbi.TrTov rats rQiv
vaval robs dirb T&V tcepcu&v \t9ovs. 79, irXe'io'TOt. 5' virb T&V \ido(f>6puv
l-TTiTTTOV, ws av e virepde^iwv rhirwv fiaXhbvTWv \i6ovs VTreppeytdeis r&v
v. Athenseos, v. 43, rpi&v re IGT&V U7ra/>x6j/rcoj', e eKacrrov Kepcuai \i6o-

dtio, t% ui> apTrayts re Kal ir\lvdoi /moXlfiov irpbs roi)s

202
Lucian, navigium, 5, ^Xf/cos [Jiv 6 t<rros, o<st]v de av^xet rr^v Kepaiav, o'iy Kal

K^P'rlra i f a ' <rw^%er<u.

-
^Eschylos, Agamemnon, 897, crwr^pa vads
cf.

irpbrovov. Synesios, epistolse, p. 164 C, TO Ktpas eirerplyei, Kal ^/xets <6fj.e6a irporovl-
eiv rty vavv. etra Kareaybs ^ffov 771)5 fj.tv 7)\6ei> aTroX^at Trdvras -^/xas, K.T.\.

Antipater, in the Anthology, x. 2. 7, Xcu'0ea 5' evv<pa irporovi^Te. Synesios uses

irpoTovLfav for tightening the fore-stay to secure the mast, etc. ; whereas Antipater
uses it for letting the sail out far enough to touch the fore-stay, cf. Oppian,
de piscatione, i.
227, \Lva iravra -rrepl TrporbvouTi /j.{/j.vKe :
Euripides, Hecuba, 113,
114, ras TTovroTrdpovs 8' <:<rx e o"X^as, Xa^07; irporbvoi.^ eTrepetSo^vas, Iphigeneia in
|

Tauris, 1134 1136, atpi. 5' ia-rla -rrporbvois Kara irp$pai> inrtp ar6\ov e/c7rerd<r overt, |

ir65a vabs uKVTr6/j,Trov, reading irporbvois in place of irpdrovot or 7rp6rovos.

\
For
Trots, see note 206 on p. 96.
203 Sia TO elStvat ra 0oj8epA
Aristotle, ethica Eudemia, iii. i. 28, otfre yap
dappovffiv oi 7rl TOUS i<rroi)s dvafialveiv eTriffrd/j-evoi., dXX' 6'rt fcratri ras fioydelas T&V
Seiv&v. Cicero, de senectute, 6, alii malos scandant. Euripides, Hecuba, 1259
1

1263, II. dXX' ou rax', ^vLK &v o~e irovrla ports E. /zcD? t>av<TTo\r)0"ri yijs opovs
*~Ei\\T)vl8os\ II. Kpfyri nv ovv ireffovaav IK Kapxy<riuv. E. irpbs rov (3ia[wt> rvyxdv-
ovo-av dX/idrw^; II. airrrj irpbs lerbv vabs d/^a-et rroSL. Lucian, navigium, 4,

6avfJ.dfovTs av(.bvTO. rbv vaforjv Std r&v KaXwv, elra tirl rrjs Kepalas avu da<pa\C)S
Siadtovra T&V KepotdKW eirei.\r}fji.[ji.{t>ov, cf. Jupiter tragoedus, 48, Kal tiri TT\V Kepatav
&vain)8r)a'ai pq.Siov. Ovid, metamorphoses, iii.
615, 616, quo non alius conscendere
 AND WORKING THE YARDS AND SAILS. 95

halyards for the spritsail-yard and the spritsail and its yard ;

would require sheets and brailing-ropes, braces and lifts.

There are not any ratlines to the shrouds and men had :

always to go aloft as best they could by climbing up the

mast or any rope available 203 .

The brailing-ropes were passed through rings upon the

fore-side of the sail, and then through separate pulleys on the
204
yard as may be seen in fgs. 29 and 30; and from the yard
,

they seem to have been carried to the stern and made fast to

pins there, so that the steerer could manage them himself,

whereas the larger ropes were attached to various windlasses
about the ship and worked by his subordinates 205 .
Curiously,
the practice was always to brail up half the sail when the
summas \
odor antennas, prensoque rudente relabi. Galen, de usu partium, viii. 5,

dXX& Kal 8<roi rcus Kepaiais T&V ir\oiwv 4iravlao~i, irpdrepoi. -ri\v yrji> Kadop&<ri TWV Iv
TTJv-rjl ir\<j)T-fipuv. In the passages just quoted from Euripides and Lucian the
terms Kapx^l^v and Kepoidituv appear to be synonymous see note 200 on p. 93. :

The terms KO\OI and rudentes could be applied to ropes of any kind, but generally
were reserved for brailing-ropes. Virgil, ^neid, x. 229, veils immitte rudentes,
267,682. Lucan, v. 426, 427, totosque rtidentes laxavere sinus. Lucian,
cf. iii.
\

amores, 6, efr' a6p6as Kara TUV KO.\WV rds odbvas &c;^cu>Tes. Satyrios Thyillos, in
the Anthology, x. 5. 6, irav Xcu0os )0e<r0e /tdXois. See also the passages quoted in
lote 178 on p. 81.
204
Synesios, epistolse, p. 163 C, 6 5 en-olei irapd ir65as rov KlvSvvov, oi>x 'trepov
d\\' 6Vi TroLtnv l<TTlois i) vavs (ppero, U7rore/x&r0cu 5e OVK rjv, dXXd 7roXXa/as eiri-
ravres TO?S /caXyStois aTrrjyopeiJKeifAe]', rCjv rpoyJAv evftaKbvTwv, K.r.X. p. 163 D,
il ij fy)60"os tGTafj.vitiirapeL^v T)IMV Kexp^jffdai TCHS /caXy5/ots Kal rb icrrlov juera-

p. 164 D, TrdXiv 5^ dvffireidts T\V rb iffrlov Kal OVK etfrpoxov ci's Ko.6a.l-

Synesios employs the phrase 6'Xots tor^ots, p. 160 c, as well as Travw IcrrLois,
p. 163 c. For the converse, see Aristophanes, ranse, 999, 1000, aKpouri xp^fos \

TO?S tcrr^ots, and Euripides, Medea, 524, aKpoiffi \al<j>ovs Kpa<nrt5oi$.

205
Plutarch, prsecepta gerendse rei publicse, 15. 16, ws ol Kvfiepvijrai ra ptv ra?s
%epcrt 81' avruiv TrpdrTovcri, ra 5' dpydvois ertpots 5t' erepuv airudev KaBr/^evoi irepid-
yovai Kal ffTptfiovffi. Lucian, navigium, 5, al ayKvpat Kal (rrpo^ela Kal irepiayuyetf
Kal al Kara TTJV irptiuvav otK^o-eis, 0avfj,d<ria iravra /ioi ^5o^e. Lucretius, iv. 905, 906,
multaque per trochleas et tympana pondere magno comrnovet atque levi sustollit \

machina nisu. These trochlece and tympana are probably the arpo^eta and

TrepLaywyets, for the context is about a ship. Apollonios Rhodios, i.

566, 567, tV
iKpi6(pu> 3 /cdXwas | %ea'TTJ<ru' Trep6vr](ri StaKpidbv d/i0t^3aX6i'Tes. The phrase ^TT'

must here denote the stern, as in Odyssey, xiii. 74, already quoted in
tKpt6(pii>

note 130 on p. 57. See also Oppian, de piscatione, i. 229, 230, irptuvri 5' TTI
Trdi/ra x a ^ lj;ci IQvvrrjp dvir}<ri, and Valerius Flaccus, iv. 679, 680, sed neque
I

permissis iam fundere rector habenis vela, nee eniti remis pote.\
These habena or
are probably the brailing-robes ; and so also the /cdXwes.
96 MATERIAL FOR SAILS AND ROPES:

ship was put on either tack, the other half being thereby
transformed into a triangle with base extending from the
middle of the yard to the leeward end of it and apex termi-
206
nating in the sheet below .

The sail used generally to be made of linen 207 ;

but the
fibre of the papyrus and various other rushes was employed
as well as flax in the manufacture of sail-cloth 208 This cloth .

was probably of many different qualities; and two were

206
Aristotle, mechanica, 8, Sia rl, OTO.V tg otplas /SotfXwpTcu dia.8pa.fj.eiv ^ ovplov
TOV Tri>Vfjt.a.Tos oVros, rb fitv Trpbs rbv Kvpepv/jryv TOV ivrlov ptpos <rrAXoiTCU, rb 8e

Trpbs TT\V Trpypav Trodiaiov Troirjadfji.evot 4<f>iSiffiv ; 77 5t6rt avTiairav TO injSdXiov TroXXy
/j.fv OVTI T<f TrvevfJiaTi ov dtvarai, dXlyy 8t, 8tb viro<rTt\\ovTai ; Trpodyei /j.ev ovv rb
TrveOjua, et's
otfpiov 8 Ka6i(rrr]<n rb 7rr)8d\tov, dvTKnr&v /cat /xoxXeCo> TTJV OdXarrav.
For ?ro5ia?oj' read TroSumh', cf. Lycophron, 1015, TroSwroZs t[Ji<f)opoTj/j.evai X/j/ois, sc.

irvoaL. The passage shews that, when the yard was braced round, the sail was
furled upon the arm that came aft, and left unfurled upon the arm that went
forward. And clearly it was the arm to windward that was braced aft for if this ;

arm had been braced forward and carried the outstanding portion of the sail, the
wind would have twisted the ship round until this portion of the sail had got
to leeward of her. The manoeuvre is described by Virgil, ^neid, v. 830832,
una omnes fecere pedem ; pariterque sinistros, nunc dextros, solvere sinus; una \

ardua torquent cornua, detorquentque. The Trotfs or pes is mentioned frequently.

|

Odyssey, x. 32; Pindar, Nemea, vi.

57; Sophocles, Antigone, 715 717;
55
Euripides, Orestes, 706, 707; Charon, 3; etc. Lucan, v. 427, 428;
Lucian,
Catullus, 4. 1921; Seneca, Medea, 320 322; Pliny, ii. 48; etc. This Trotfy,
the corner of the sail, is not to be confounded with the Trotfs, the
rope that held the
corner : for which see notes 177 and 179 on pp. 81, 82.
207
^Eschylos, Prometheus, 468, Xu^Trrep' eCpe vavrLXuv ^x^ara, sc. Upowdevs.
Euripides, Iphigeneia in Tauris, 410, vdiov 6'xw a \ivoir6powLv atfpeus, Hecuba, >

1080, 1 08 1, \iv6KpoKov (ftapos orAXw*'. Oppian, de venatione, i. 121, \ivoTTTepij-

|

yuv Apollonios Rhodios, i. 565, Ka.8 8' aurou Xtfa x e ^ ai/ sc.
6'?rXa vrjCiv. > Icrrov.

Lucian, amores, 6, elr' ddpdas /card T&V /cdXwv rds 666vas e/cx^a^res, r)pt/j.a
TOV \ivov, K.T.X. Meleager, in the Anthology, xii. 53. 8, otipios
ets 666vas. Leonidas, ibid., x. 1.6, iracrav e^>eis 6d6vT]v. Lucilius, ibid.,
xi. 404. 4, StaTrXe? <nv8bv ^Trapd/xej/os. Euripides, Phaethon, Fr. 2. 42, vivduv Sc
irpbrovov M fifoov TreXoo-cret. Athenseos, v. 39, fitffffivov ?x wi/ wrlov. cf.

Herodotos, ii. 86, vii. 181, aiv8bvos fivcalvris. Livy, xxviii. 45, Tarquinienses
lintea (dederunt} in vela. Virgil, ^Eneid, iii.
357, tumidoque infiatur carbasus
austro, iv. 417, vocat iam carbasus auras. Ovid, heroides, 3. 58, te dare nublferis
linea vela notis, 7. 171, prcebebis carbasa ventis, amores, ii. ii. 41, zephyri veniant
in lintea pleni, metamorphoses, xi. 476, 477, totaque malo carbasa deducit. |

Catullus, 64. 225, suspendam lintea malo, 227, carbasus.

cf. Lucan, v. 428,
obliquat Icevo pede carbasa, cf. 430, lintea. All these terms, \Lvov , linum, 6d6vrj,
carbasus, vivSuv and /3tf<r(ros, appear to be used promiscuously in reference to
linen.
 FLAX, HEMP, PAPYRUS, HIDE, ETC. 97

certainly in use in the Athenian navy about 330 B.C., the

common being superseded by one of finer texture and
sail
209
higher price' The edges of the sail used to be bound with
.

hide; and the skins of the hyaena and the seal were especially
in request for this, as there was a superstition among sailors
210
that these would keep off lightning The ropes were some- .

times made from

strips of hide, but oftener from the fibre of
211
the papyrus or from flax or hemp' .

8
Theophrastos, historia plantarum, iv. 8. 4, avrbs 5t 6 -rrairvpos irpbs ir\et<rra

XpTjo-t/ios. Kal yap TrXota iroiovffiv t avrov, Kal K Trjs fivpXov iffrla re tr\tKOvai.v Kal

i]/iddovs, K.T.\. = Pliny, xiii. 22, ex ipso quidem papyro navigia texunt, et e libra

vela tegetesque, etc. Herodotos, ii.

96, iffrf 5 aKavdlvy x/^ " TC" Iffrioiffi 3

Pliny, xvi. 70, namque us (scirpis} velificant, non in Pado tantum

pufiXlvoio-i.

nautici, verum et in mari piscator Africus, prcepostero more vela infra malos

suspendens. In this passage Pliny uses intra as Herodotos uses foudev in the
passage quoted in note 178 on p. 81, and thus gives prczpostero its literal
meaning,
the sail being set abaft of the mast.
209 no. 807, col. a,
Corp Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, 11.
55 58, \t\v vfuplois Traptdo/j.fi'

[l](TTla, ffvv TV TraXcuc?, [<]iri vavs HHP AAAPIII . [T\otruv XeTTTa PAAIIII.
no. 811, col. c, 11.
169 172, IffrLa XCTTTCI ||. avrl TOVTUV iraptoovav irax^a. 5i5o.

7rpocro(pei\ov(ri.fji. 7rpb[s] rb 5idypafj.fJ.a HHH.

Plutarch, quaestiones convivales, iv. 2. i, Kal yap 6 ye^dbfjievos ovroal Kal

fir), /3oX^36j 01)

/j.tKp6Tr]Ti 8ia(peuyei rbv Kepavvbv, dXX' ?x wj/ 8foa/J.iv
}, Ka.da.irtp r/ ffVKr/ Kal rb 8^pfj.a rrjs 0w/c7/s, uis 0a<ri, /cat rb rrjs vaivrjs, oh TO.

aKpa T&V iarlwv ol vatiK\r)poi KaraoKpOepovcri.. Lucian, navigium, 4, irapd rbv iffrbv
rl TroXi) o~Tr)fji.ev avafi\irovTe$, api0fjt.ovvTes T&V fivpcrGsv Taj ^Tri/SoXds, /c.T.X. The
iii itself was made of hide on the vessels in the Bay of Biscay. Caesar, de bello
Gallico, iii. 13, pelles pro velis alutaque tenuiter confecta, sive propter lini inopiam
atque eius ^isus inscientiam, sive eo (quod est magis verisimile) quod tantas tem-
pestates oceani tantosqtie impetus ventorum sustineri ac tanta onera navium regi
velis non satis commode posse arbitrabantur . cf. Dion Cassius, xxxix. 41, Kal yap

strabo, iv. 4. I, rjv yap ffKvriva (ra ia-rio) 8ia TTJV filav rdov
211
Odyssey, ii. 426, \KOV 5' tor/a \CVKO. twrptirTOHri fioevviv. xii. 422, 423,

rap ^TT* avTtp |

eirlrovos /3^X?/To, /3o6s ptvoio Terevx&s- xxi. 390, 39 1, Ketro 5' LITT*
vebs a/j.<pie\t<r<rr)s | ptfiXtvov, y p tirt8r]<Te dtipas. Hermippos, apud
ithenaeum, i.
49, TaOTa /xev evrfudev /cd AI^^TTTOI' Td Kpefjiaffrd, |
Iffrla Kal
l\ov$. Herodotos, vii. 25, Trap0~KevdeTO 5e Kal orrXa sTaj yecpvpas {3vp\u>d re
\fVKO\lvov, ^TriTafaj <J>oiVt^ Te Kal AlyviTTloi<ri. cf. 34, Trjv p.h \evKO\lvov
5' ertprjv TT}V fivfi\lvriv AtyvTmoi.
^Ischylos, Persoe, 69, \(.vo8^ap.(f
(^eSla Tropdfj.bv d/j.ei\f/as. Euripides, Iphigeneia in Tauris, 1043, ^ va-w x a ^ ll/0 ' s
t atdev. Ovid, fasti, iii. 587, dttmqm parant torto subducere carbasa
Persius, v. 146, 147, tibi torta cannabe fulto |
ccena sif in transtro?

g
98 SAILS OF DIVERS COLOURS.
212
The sails used often to be coloured
being ,
a black sail

everywhere a sign of mourning, while a purple or vermilion

sail was generally the badge of an admiral or a monarch; and

on vessels employed as scouts in time of war the sails and

ropes were dyed the colour of sea-water, so as to keep them
out of sight. In some cases the topsail seems to have been
coloured, while the sail below was plain and frequently a ;

patchwork of colours was produced by using different stuffs

in different sections of the ordinary sail, as shewn in the

Egyptian ship of about 600 B.C. in fg. 12. Various inscriptions

and devices used also to be woven on the sails, the titles and
emblems of a Roman emperor being thus displayed upon his
213
characters of gold
sail in This practice is illustrated by .

the Roman relief of about 200 A.D. in fg. 29.

212
Plutarch, Theseus, 17, irpbrepov /uv o$v ovSepia awT-rjptas eXiris
dib KO.I }d\aj> iarlov x ovffav i
&s CTTI avufyopq. TrpodrjXa), rrfv vavv ^ire^irov r6re 5

(Alyevs) ZduKev trepov larlov \cvit6v, K.T.\. 6 5e St/ujj>/5??s ou \evi(6i> ^aiv emu TO
do6v TOV Alytws, dXXa
" iarlov vypLtj
inrb (fxn.vlK.eov Tre<f>vpiJ.vov irplvov tivdei pi-
0dXXou." cf. ./Eschylos, septem adversus Thebas, 857, 858, /j.e\dyi<poKov |
vav-
aro\ov deupida, Philostratos, heroica, 9. 3, iffrLois /mt\a.cri, 20. 25, ^\ava
Athenseos, xii. 49, ^ 5^ Tpnjpr]? e^>' i?s ('AX/a/3ic5?7s) /car^TrXet, ^XP 1 ^ v r
TOV Heipai<j)s irpoff^Tpe-^ev aXovpyoTs icrn'ois, /c.r.X. cf. Plutarch, Alcibiacles, 32,
IffTltf} 5' a\ovpy<$ rr\v vava.pxLo'a irpoafapecrdai rots \i/j,<riv, Antonius, 26, Iffrtuv

a\ovpy&v ^KirwTacrfji,fv<dv. See also the passages quoted from Vegetius in note 89
on p. 35, from Suetonius in note 133 on p. 59, from Lucian, Athenaeos and Seneca
in note 195 on p. 90, and from Procopios and Pliny in note 214 on p. 99.
Philostratos, imagines, i. 18, 6vp<ros 8' ovro<rl e/c ^CTT;? j/etbs eKTrt<pvKe ra TOV 'HTTOV
Trpdcrcrajc, /cat icrTla. /we^Trrcu a\ovpyij, u^eTavya^ovTa iv ry /c6X7ry, %pf<ra? 5' vv-
(f>ai>Tai /3d/f%at h T/u-coXy /cal Atovvcrov Tav AvSly. But here Philostratos is describing
a picture of a ship, and may be thinking of the Peplos that was carried like a sail
in the procession at the Panathensea. Apparently the colours a\ovpyts and (powlKeov

differed only in their origin, one being obtained from the purple-fish, while the
other (as Simonides remarks) was obtained from the ilex-berry. Lucian's irvpavyts
is probably the same as Seneca's rubicundum ; and this would be the colour of the

rubrica or /x^Xros mentioned by Procopios. The versicoloria of Pliny and Suetonius

must be parti-coloured sails.
213 v. vavs:
Arrian, Fr. 19, apud Suidam, s. KCU CTT ti.Kpi$
T< 'KTTIVTO paffiXiKov
6Vo/Aa, Kal oVois <$XXots /3ao-tXei>s yepalpeTCU, xpv<r dyKexapay/m^va. This refers to
Trajan's ship on the Tigris. Apuleius, metamorphoses, xi. 16, hunts felicis alvei
nitens carbasus litteras voti intextas progerebat. ecce littcric votum instaurabant de

novi commeatus prospera navigatione. For the inscription v-L in fg. 29, see Corp.
Inscr. Latin, vol. xiv, no. 2033 ; and also no. 456 for an inscription QQ c F . NAV
upon a similar relief.
 ADMIRAL'S FLAG AND LIGHT. 99

An was distinguished by some sort of flag

admiral's ship
in addition to
any purple or vermilion sail that she might
carry and after dark a light was exhibited in lieu of the
;

214
flag This light was simply for the guidance of the fleet,
.

the admiral's ship leading the way, and the others requiring
some indication of her course throughout the night. But in
many fleets every ship was provided with a light and here ;

the admiral's ship must have carried her light in some

distinctive place, or carried more than one, as was certainly
the case in a Roman fleet in 204 B.C., where three lights were
allotted to the admiral's ship and two to every transport, the

ordinary war-ships carrying the single light An astute 215

.

admiral would manage to mislead the enemy by screening

216
or extinguishing the lights or setting them adrift on buoys .

214
Herodotos, viii. 92, u>s 8 &m5e TTJJ> vta (Qefjuo-TOK\tos) 6 IIoXi//cptros, tyvu
TO <rriu.i]iov I8wv TT/S (rTpaTtjyldos. Appian, de bellis civilibus, v. 55, ir\-t)<rloi> re Tjaav

a\\ri\<ji}v rfdrj, Kal al vavapxtdes e/c T&V ffrjfieiuv tyalvovTO, Kal a\\r)\ais
ii.
89, ovSei'l re eKcpfyas OTTTJ rbv ir\ovv Troi^crercu, irepl evirtpav avr/yero
roTs XoiTrors KvfiepvrjTais 7iy>ds rbv Xa/UTrrTj/oo, TT)S eavTOv ve&$ Kal ped' ijfj^pav irpbs

a-rj/j.e'iov evdvveiv. cf. Diodoros, xx. 75, axoKovdeiv TTJ a-rpaTTfjyLdi

^/)t. Xenophon, Hellenica, v. i. 8, pwrdy 5' tirLyevofJit

r?re/3 vo/ud^erai, afiyye'iTO, OTTWS pr) ir\a.vG)VTai ai eirb/uLevai. Procopios, de bello

depairfia tir\ei, rd IffrLa
r
andalico, i.
13, rpiuv ve&v, ev ats ai)r6s re Kal i]
K yuvlas

TpiryubpLov ywdXto-ra txp iffe At^Xry, KOVTOVS re 6p8ofa avaaT-rja-as ev

s

direKp/j.a<Tf air' O.VT&V \vxva, OTTWS v re y/J-tpa Kal vvurl al TOV

es 2*577X01 elev ah 5r) %ire<r0ai TOI>$ KvfiepvriTas tic&eve -irdvras. Apparently the
via is here the mast-head, as in Herodotos, viii. 122. 2. Pliny, xix. ^tentatitm
tigni linum quoque, et vtitium insaniani accipere, in Alexandri Magni prinnim
issibus, Indo amne navigantis^ cum duces eius ac quodam prccfecti in certarnine
iriassent insignia navium : stiipueruntque litora, flatu versicoloria implenie. velo
irpureo ad Actium cum M. Antonio Cleopatra venit, eodemquc effugit. hoc fnit
nperatoria: navis insigne. An admiral might display a coloured sail but that ;

could hardly be his ff'rjfj.fiof or insigne, for no sail was carried in action. Most

likely he used a flag. Tacitus, historise, v. 22, pmtoriam navem, vexillo insigncni,

abripiunt. A lantern is
represented on the three-banked ship on Trajan's column,
hanging from the ornament above the stern.
15
Livy, xxix. 25, lumina in navibns singula rostratce, bina oneraria haberent :

in Pretoria nave insigne nocturnum trium luminum fore. These were the orders
to Scipio's fleet on its
voyage to Africa.
16
Polyoenos, v. 10. 2, \a^irTripa.s 5' ripe TO irpbffdev fdpos ire^pay^vovs, OTTWS
fir) yvupi^oiev dro TOV ^wr6s ol TroX^ioi rbv tirl-rrXovv. cf. Philistos, Fr. 15, apud
Pollucem, x. 116, tiratpeffOat Xa/i7rr?]pas avTure(j>payiJ.tvQvs. Polytenos, vi. ri, Kal
VVKTOS yevofj.tt>r)s ic\V<rfV apai roi)s Xa/iTrr^pas, ofs ai TOV Atovvcriov vijes
100 FLAGS FOR SIGNALLING, ETC.

A or something of the sort, used to be

national flag,
carried in battle the ships of a fleet, to distinguish them
by all

from ships belonging to the enemy 217 and besides the flag ;

that was distinctive of the admiral, a set of flags was carried

on his ship for signalling. A purple flag was generally the
signal for going into action, and there probably were flags of
other colours but attempts were made at semaphoring with
;

a single flag 218 and occasionally the signal was given by

,

215
flashing the sunlight from a shield In addition to the '.

signal for going into action, there certainly were signals for
getting under way, for altering the formation of the fleet by
various manoeuvres, for bringing to, for disembarking troops,
and possibly for many other purposes 220 Some flags are .

represented at the sterns of the Athenian ships of about

500 B.C. in fg. 19, and on the masts of the Roman ships of
about 50 A.D. in fgs. 26 and 27.

fjierd fjLLKpbv de rotirovs Kade\6vres ertpovs KadrjKav & rr\v 0d\arrav (pe\\ois /m,eyd\ois

e<pr)p/j.o<r/Jier>ovs,
rov 0wrds ts rb irXdyiov eiriarptyavres etpdaaav, K.r.X.
KO.K Dion
Cassius, xlix. 17, irpoelire pev ff<picriv ws 8101 ireXdyovs rbv ir\ovi> Troir]cr6/j.evos, diro-
afitffa.'i de rb 0<2s 5 ev ro?s vvKrepivois TrXois al <TT parrjy Ides vr}es (STTOJS
Kal al XoiTraJ

Kara ir6das avr&v efpeirwvrai) irpodeiKvtiov(ri, irapd re TT)v 'J.Ta\tav Trap^Tr\ev(T, AT.r.X.

cf. Florus, iv. 8. ,fugiebat extincto pratoricz navis lumine.

217 Kara
Appian, de bellis civilibus, v. 106, Kal rot (ryu-eta i/aus ypro. Polyoenos,
viii. 53. 3, ptv tSluKev avrr) vavv'E\\rjvida, rb ^ap^aptKbv dvtreive fffj^eiov, el de
et

vrrb 'EXXryi'tSos t>ews e5tc6/cero, avereive rb "Sk\ipfuc6 t cf. I, ra O"r)fj.ela TCL HepfftKd.

These can hardly be the same as the <rtj/m.eia mentioned in note 150 on p. 67.
218 xix. 41, rb 8e ffri^elov vTroa-rj/jiaLV^TU, eirl
Leo, tactica, $ dpdbv larafievov, -rj

r)
eirl dpitrrepa K\Lv6pi(vov Kal tirl deia irAXiv rj
eirl apiffrepd fj.era(j)ep6nj>ov, 17

, r) v\j/ov/j,evov, rj TaweivoijfJievov, rj SXcos a(j)ai.poi>/j,evov, rj iMerande^evov, r)

8ia T^S ev ai>T$ Ke(pa\7)s aXXore AXXws (paivo^vris d\\a<ra6/n.ei>oi', ff

did ffxypdruv, T)

did xpoj/idrwi', 0161* irore rots TraXcuots etrpdrreTo. iv ydp iro\^fj.ov /catpy crrj/j.e'iov

elxov T^S (TiiyUjSoXvys aipovres rrjv \eyo/j.evrii> (fioiviKida. Diodoros, xiii. 46, Kal ro?s
' '

[lev AaKedaifjLoviois ovdev etyalvero aticro'ri/j.ovi TO?S 5' Adyvaiois

eTTolrfffev ewiffrnmov <POIVIKOVI> dirb TT;S i'5ias veibs, oirep fy ffvffff-rf^ov avroT
xiii. 77, a STJ avvibuv 6 K6vwv ypev dirb T^J t'Staj j'ews (poiviKlda' TOVTO ydp r\v TO

atifforri/jioi> TO ? S rpirjpdpxois. cf. Polyoenos, i.

48. 2, eirripe rrjv (poiviKlda- rjv de &pa

/id%77s (njvdr)fj.a rots KvBepvifjTais.

219 T&V tvavrluv diroff^v
Diodoros, xx. 51, A^^rptos [lev oui>, <is at> rpeu
ffradlovs, ripe rb avyKelfievov irpbs t^d^v a^xrcrrnjiov, dffirlda Ke^pwufJievriv, (pavepdv
eK diadoxTJs- ev
irdffLv Herodotos, vi. 115, roi<ri Hepcrrjo'i dvade^ai dcririda eovcri rjdrj

rrjvi vrjvffl. Plutarch, Lysander, n, Kard ^eaov rbv rrbpov dffirida \a\injv eird-
pacrffai rrpqpaOev dirtw\ov o-i'^oXoi'^Xenophon, Hellenica, ii. i. 27, dpai d
Kara fj.effov rbv ir\ovv.
 THE LEAD AND THE LOG. 101

On board a ship there was generally a lead for

sounding ;

ind this seems to have been armed with grease to bring

2 21
up
'

imples of the bottom And it is said that ships were fitted .

ath a pair of paddle-wheels for reckoning the distances

they
traversed the notion being that these wheels would be
;
kept
steadily in motion by the impact of the water on the paddles
the ship went on her course, and that her progress could
icrefore be computed from the number of revolutions
they
2* 2
jcorded But obviously this would be impracticable, unless
.

the water were preternaturally smooth.

Ships generally were provided with a ladder or a gangway
for people to come on board when the vessel was made fast to
:he shore. The ladder may be noticed at the stern of the
Lthenian ships of about 500 B.C. in fgs. 17 to 19; and this
fas its usual place, for it would be wanted here-
probably
ibouts, as vessels usually were made fast by the stern. The
20
Herodotos, vii. 128, ^<r/3ds e"s 'Li5wvL-rjv vta avtSe^e o-rj^rjiov Kal roiffi &\\oi(ri

ywOai. Thucydides, i.
49, ffv^i^avTes 5^, ciretdi] TO. <rrj/J.ta ocarfyois tfp6r),

v/j,dxow. ii-
9, diro a-r)/Ji.eiov ev6s a0j>w tiriffTptyavTes ras vavs fj.eTuirrj56v
rXeoj/. Xenophon, Hellenica, vi. 2. 30, fr 5 rots ned' Tjntpav 7r\o?s diro <rr)/jiei<ji>

tiri Kfyws 1776, rore 5' eVi <}>d\ayyos, cf. 28. Dion Cassius, 1.
31, Kal /xera
K^para ai<t>vijs d u06re/ua
i
dirb o"rj/j.tov tire^aya.'y&i' 7r^Ka/j.\f/eu, Polytenos,
i.
9. 63, u>s 5^ -fjdf] ffVfji/j.Tpov virtXafiev eft/at rb TTJS ^a\d<r(T7js fidOos, (Wreij/e rb
TTJS e/c/3cio-ews. Plutarch, Antonius, 67, (Kelv-r) 5^, yvuplaava <rr)/j.eioi> dirb rijs

trxe. Livy, xxxvii. 24, signo stiblato ex pratoria nave, quo dispersam dassem
unum colligi mos erat. Aulus Hirtius, de bello Alexandrine, 45, vexillo sublafo,
*

pugnandi dabat signurn.

21
Herodotos, ii.
5, TI Kal rj^prjs dpbfj.ov dir^div a.irb yijs, /carets Karairtipr}-

Trrj\6i> re dvolffeis Kal v eV5e/ca 6pyvirj<ri ^<reai, cf. 28. Acts, xxvii. 28, Kal
eftpov dpyvLas eiKoai, /Spaxi) 5^ Stcurr fjcrav res Kal Trd\ti> fioKlffavres evpov
ids 5e/ca7T^re. Lucilius, apud Isidorum, origines, xix. 4. 10, hiinc catapiratctn
eodem deferat unctum, \ plumbi pauxillum rodus. Unique melaxani. Statius,
silvoe, iii. 2. 30, exploret rupes gravis arte molybdis.
222
Vitruvius, x. 9. 5, traiicitur per latera parietuni axis habens extra navetn
nnentia capita, in qua includuntur rotic diametro pedum quaterniitn, habcntcs
'irca /routes affixas
pinnas aquam tangentes. 7, ita navis cum habuerit impetum aut
emorum aut ventorumflatu, pinna qua erunt in rods tangentes aquam adversam,
ehementi retrorsus impulsu coacta versabunt rotas : ece autem involvendo se agent
tern, etc. Then, by means of cogged wheels, etc., a stone was dropped into a
pan at every four-hundredth revolution of the wheels outside, ita et sonitu
)nze
numero indicabit milliaria spatia navigationis. In thus reckoning that the
lip would make 5000 ft. of headway during 400 revolutions of a wheel that was
ft. in diameter, Vitruvius is forgetting that water is not so firm as land
 102 GANGWAYS FOR LANDING.

gangway was presumably a heavier structure than the ladder,

if there was really any difference between the two but the ;

names seem to be used indiscriminately 223 In the Athenian .

navy the war-ships carried two ladders apiece and they also ;

2 4 *
carried three poles of different sizes Such poles were .

needed whenever a ship had to be pushed off from the shore

or kept at a distance from another ship so they generally :

formed part of the outfit 225 .

223
Thucydides, iv. 12, /eai 6 ph (B/racn'Sas) TOVS re &\\ovs rotavra
/eai rbv cavrov Kv^epvrjrTfjv dvayKdaas 6/eetXai rty vavv ^x^P ei ^i r V
/eai Treipu/j.evos dTrofiaiveiv dveKbirti iiirb T&V Adyvalw, /eai Tpav/^anaOels iroXXd
e'XetTro^XTjcre' re, /eai Treo^vros avrov e"s rrjv Trape^ecpfffiav 17 dcrTris Trepiepptir) e's TTJV
OdXacrffav. Diodoros, xii.Y>2, 77 /xev Tpirjprjs eVw/eetXej', 6 5e Bpacrtdas eTrifids wi rr?i/

TW j/ecbs tirtpdOpav, /e.r.X. Plutarch, de gloria Atheniensium, 3, /eai 6 rcV Kvfiep-

vi\rt]v tirKTirtpxuv Bpa<r/5as e^o/cAXeip, /eai xtopwi/ tirl rr]v fiddpav, Kat Tpavfj.a.Tifofj.fi'os
/eai \iiro\{/vx&v xal diroK\lvuv els rty -jrape^eipeatav. As a war-ship must have been
beached stern forward on account of her ram, the term irap^eipeaia must here
denote the space abaft the oars, as in the passages quoted from Polysenos in note
170 on p. 75, not the space forward, as in those quoted from Thucydides in note
141 on p. 62. Herodotos, ix. 98, 7ra/>a<r/eeva<rd uej'oi uv ts vav^axif)v /eai dirofidQpas /

/eai ret ctXXa ocrwv e?5ee, ZirXwov CTTL rijs My/eciXT/s. 99, irpoffa^bv res rets vtas
s rbv ai-ytaKbv. Lucian, dialogi mortuorum, 10. 10, e5 ^%er wVre XOe rd d7
TT)v aTrofiddpav dveXw/Aeda, rb dyxvpiov dvecnrda'db), /e.r.X. Polycenos, iv. 6. 8,
ctXXcu yuej/ dvtairuv ret Trpv/Avrjcria, aXXot 5^ dvei\Kov rds d7ro[3d6pas, AXXot 5e

Euripides, Iphigeneia in Tauris, 1350 1352, oi 5' firuTidwv \

oi 5e /eX/^ta/eas |
...
|
ffiretidovres rjyov did x P^ v irpv/jLvrjaia. In this
passage there is obviously a lacuna. Theocritos, xxii. 30, 31, eV0a /was TroXXoi
Kara /e\(/*a/eos diuportpwv e| | rolx^" &v8pes tpcuvov 'I^croft?;? dirb vybs. Arrian,
anabasis, 19, i. /eXt/wa/casTrpypas rdv Tpirjp&i' /eeXe^tras, ws /eara ra
(ptpew tiri rccs

dw6ro/jia r^s vqcrov, Kaddirep wpbs re?%os, IK r&v ve&v TTJV dirbfia.<nv 7rot7/cr6yuej'os.
The /eXi/Aa/ees and d-rrofiddpa seem to be distinguished in Latin as scales and pans
respectively. Virgil, yEneid, x. 653, 6$\, forte ratis celsi coniuncta crepidine saxi\
expositis stabat scalis et ponte parato, cf. 288. Statius, silvse, iii. 2. 54, 55, ianique
ratetn terris divisit fune soluto \
navita, et angiistum deiecit in <equora pontem.
224
Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 793, col. a, 11.
2837, [/eXi]/ia/e^wi' dpi0jji,6s

[H]HHHPAP- [c HHAAAII
\Kovr\dv Api[$iAs r'HPAAPlI- [o5r]<" ytyvovTOt eirl [i/]au$ HHAAP /eai

KOVTOI 5i5o, cf. no. 789, col. a, 1. 21, KovTbv ptfyor, no. 791, 29, KOVTOU fjUKpov.
1.

-- 5
Odyssey, ix. 487, 488, avrdp eyu %e^pe<7cr i Xa/3wv jrepi/jirjKea KOVTOV \
c3cra

vrap^f. Thucydides, ii. 84, /eai vavs re vrfl irpoatirnrTe /eai rots KOVTOLS diwdovvro.

cf. Procopios, de bello Vandalico, i. 13, rots KOVTOIS diuffotifjuvot. Euripides,

Iphigeneia in Tauris, 1350, KOVTOIS 5t irpypav tlxov. Virgil, ^Eneid, v. 208, 209,
ferratasque trades et acuta cuspids contos expediunt. \
See also Tacitus, annales,
xiv. 5, and Suetonius, Tiberius, 62, Caligula, 32.
 THE SHIP'S BOAT. 103

A small
boat used to be towed astern by every merchant-
ship of any size, and also by the war-ships in the Roman
navy and occasionally a merchant-ship took two or three.
;

The boat was intended for the safety of the crew in case the
ship were wrecked or had to be abandoned and ordinarily ;

was used for communicating with the shore when the ship was
2'
lying some way out Apparently, the Roman and Byzantine
.

merchant-ships had some means of hoisting up the boat 227

26
Demosthenes, in Phormionem, 10, 6 5 Act/xTris dvax^w ^avdyrj<rev ov
naKpdv dirb TOV efjitroplov. Kai avTos pey diretrwdit) ev ry \eu*$($, K.T.X., in Zciio-

themin, 6, plTrrei eavTbv (HytffTpaTos) els TT\VddXarrav, diapapTuv 5e TOV Xeppov 8id
TO VVKT elvai, direirvLyri, 7, eireide (Yjrjvbdejjus) rbv irpypea Kai row vavras els rbv

Xeufiov enfiaivew Kai e'KXeiireii' TTJV vavv TTJV rax^rr/i', us dveXiriffTOV TTJS auTijpias
ofays Kai KaTadvo-0/j.evrjS TTJS veus avrlKO. /idXa.
Anaxandrides, apud Athena-urn,
vi. 41, y/xets yap dXXrjXovs del xXeuct^er', oI5' aKpifius' oiriffdev aKO\ou6ei x6Xa^ T^, \

X^jSos TTiK^K\T}Tai. cf. Pliny, epistolae, viii. 20. 7, stcpe minores inaioribiis vclut

cyinbuhc onerariis adhares cunt. Plutarch, Demetrius, 17, irpoff^x lv t*-tv OVK efatre
T ?7 7?? T0 irXoiov, dyKvpas 5' d^eivai K\e^<ras Kai Kara vavv ^et*' dr/^/xa irdvras,
avrbs ^3ds els TO e<j)b\K(.ov e^rjKde fjt,6vos. Heliodoros, /lithiopica, v. 24, tiri.Tpe-
TO e(pb\KLOv eiafirfvaL Kai cn)eiv avTovs, rb o /cd0o$ TO
-

iro/J.ei> els el fiov\eade...TC)v 6' ets

vTrr}pTiKoi> a\\e(r6ai Kai o<.aopavai ^ovKevop.evwv. In the Acts of the Apostles,

xxvii. 16, 30, see next note the term is applied to the ship's boat in
32 ffKa^-rj

imitation of the Latin usage of scapha. Plautus, rudens, prologus, 75, de navi
timidic desuluerunt in scapham. The Pandects, xxxiii. 7. 29, Labeo : si navem
cum instrumento emisti, pr^stari tibi debet scapha navis. Paulus : imo contra ;

ctenim scapha navis non est instrumentum navis ; etenim mediocritate, non genere
ab ca dijfert ; instrumentum autem cniusqtie rei necesse est alterius generis esse att/ue
ea quceque sit ; quod Pomponio placuit, cf. xxi. 2. 44 and vi. i. 3* Thus, as a rule,

every ship had one boat and no more : but there were exceptions to this rule.
Strabo, ii.
3. 4, KaTao~K.evdo~ao~dai ir\olov fj.eya Kai <p6\Kia 5vo \e/j.j3ois \TjffTpiKois

Sfj.oia. Athenasos, v. 43, ^6\Kia 5' rivav avTy TO ^ev TTO&TQV K^pKovpos, K.T.\. The
Roman war-ships had boats as well as the merchant-ships : see Csesar, de bello

(J.-illico, iv. 26, de bello civili, ii. 43, iii.

24, 62, 101, and Aulus Hirtius, de bello
Alexandrino, 46.
"7 Acts, xxvii. 16, 5t TI KaXov/J-evov KaOSa, lffx^o-/j.ev
vrjffiov vTro5pafJ.6i>Tes,

/*6Xis irepiKpaTeis yeveo-dat TTJS o-Kd<j>T)s' f)v dpavTfs K.T.\. 30, TWV oe vavrCiv I\TOVVTWV

Qvyclv eK TOV irXolov Kai xaXaa'dj'TWJ' Tr,v o-KaQyv ets TT,V edXavvav irpo^do-fi wj eV

Trpi^fnjs dyKVpas /j.eXX6i>TW tKTeiveiv,...^, TOTe direKO\l/av

ol trrpaTiwrai TO. (rxoivLa

Trjs <TKd(f>ris, Kai eiaaav av-rijv eKire<reit>. cf. Paulinus Nolanus, epistoke, 49. i,

ntmpentibus (anchorarum) vinctilis nauta exterriti scaphitlam demiserunt ; vel ut

navi forlius continenda renovatis et altius slabilitis anchoris subvenirent, vel ut

seipsos, si possent, a discrimine navis eriperent. Agathias, iii. 2 v^es 5e <f>opTl5es

1
,

/neTewpovs efyov rds d/fdrous, Kai dp.<f) avrd Srjirov TO. Kapx^o. TUV 'UTTUV
rwv 5^
Kai /3e/3cu6Tara alupovntvaf avw oe (rrpaTttDrat eiffT-^Keffov,
cf. 25,

rats d/cdTots <pe<rTT)KQTUi'.

104 THE SHIP'S BOAT.

instead of
always towing it astern and on the Roman :

merchant-ships of about 200 A.D. in fgs. 29 and 3 1 the

halyards of the artemon, or bowsprit, seem to be attached to
something like a boat. It was now the custom to have one of
the crew constantly on duty in the boat, when towing astern,
228
in order to keep her under control and free from water .

228
Petronius, satirae, 102, quin potius, inquam ego, ad temeritatem confugimus
etper funcm lapsi descendimus in scapham pr&cisoque vinculo reliqua fortune
cotnmittimus? ...nunc per puppim, per ipsa gubernacula delabendum est, a quorum
regione funis descendit qui scapha custodiam tenet, praterea illud miror, Encolpi,
tibi non succurrisse, unum nautam
stationis perpetua interdiu noctuque iacere in

scapha, nee posse inde custodem nisi aut cade expelli aut prcecipitari viribus. quod
an fieri possit, interrogate audaciam vestram. Gregory the Great, dialogi, iv. 57,
6 vavT'rjs 5e cti/roO, Bdpa/cos 6v6/JiaTi ) tuvfitpva. TOV Kapaftov OTTKrOev TOV jrXoiov TOV 8

ffXowlov KOTrfrros, a/wa ry Kapafiiptiv Kvfipva v\j/wdeis, ev TOIS KijfjiaaLv atpav^ ty&ero.
The Rhodian Law, in the Basilics, liii. 8. 46, eav /cd/>a/3os, airb ioiov irXolov TO.

vxpivlo. 5ta/5p?jas, aTriX^rat a/ma rot's i*.ir\ov(rw v avrif, av ot ^yttTrX^ovres d,7r6-

\WVTOH. T) airoddvuffi, TOV fjucrdbv rbv tviavfficuoi' aTrodidbrw 6 vavKKypos els irXrjpes TOV
rots r&v VOLVT&V K\Tjpov6fji.ots.
 APPENDIX.

Actuaries, "AKCITOI.

These were small craft of all sorts. They were classed together in this fashion
incompliance with a notion that ships might roughly be divided into three classes,
men-of-war or long ships, merchant-men or round ships, and these boats or little
ships.
Thucydides, vii. 59, ^K\-TJOV ovv rbv re \ipdva eu0>5 rbv fj^yav rpiripeai
v\aylais /ecu TrXofois Kal d/cdrots, eir dyKvp&v bpplovTts, K.T.\.= Diodoros, xiii.
14,
dKdrovs re yap Kal rpirjpeis, ZTI de ffrpoyytiXas i>avs tir' dyKvpuv opplaoLvrts.
Plutarch, de tranquillitate animi, 3, dXX' uairep oi deiXol Kal vavnuvrfs tv T$
irXetr, elra pq.ov olb^evoi 5tde>, edv el's yavXov d/cdrou, Kal irdXtv e' ia.v e/s rpi-rjp-r]

/j.crapuo-u', otidev irepaivovcri. Pindar, Nemea, v. 5, ctXX' enl irdaas 6X/cd5o$ tv T'
d/cdry, yXuKci' doidd. Thus the aKarot were distinguished from merchant-ships of

every sort, and also from the three-banked ships, which were the typical war-
ships. And this distinction was based upon their size ; for at the time when
the Athenian three-banked ships carried two masts see note 181 on p. 83 these
masts were styled ico-6s /t^yas and icrrbs cucdreios respectively, as though d/cdreioj
merely denoted inferiority in size. cf. Theophrastos, historia plantarum, v. 7. 2,
T7]i> de Tpb-jnv (TTOIOUCTI) rpiTjpei [tev dpvivrjv, rdis de 6\Kdcri TrevKivyv, TCUS 5^ eXdrroaiv

where d/cdrois is replaced by tXarroffiv.

o^vivrjv,

Aulus Hirtius, de bello Alexandrino, 44, nam cum ipse ( Vatinius) paucas
in portu naves
longas haberet, navibus actuariis, quaruni numerus erat satis
magnus, magnitudine quamquarn non satis iusta ad prccliandum, rostra imposuit.
Sisenna, apud Nonium, p. 535, quibus occisis, actuarias ad viginti navis, item
conplures onerarias incendunt. Marcellus, in the Pandects, xlix. 15. 2, navibtts

longis atque onerariis propter belli usurn postliminium est : non piscatoriis> aut si

quas actuarias -voluptatis causa paraverunt. Thus the actuarial, like the dKorot,
were distinguished from the merchant-ships and from the war-ships ; and Aulus
Hirtius implies that the distinction was based upon their size.

There is plainly an error in the current reading of Livy, xxxviii. 38, tradito
et naves longas armamentaque earum : neve plures quam decem naves actuarias,
quaruni nulla plus quam triginta remis agatur, habeto : neve monerem ex belli
causa, quod ipse illaturus erit=- Poly bios, xxii. 26, d-jroddru 5e Kal rds vaCs raj
Kal ra ^/c Totrwv dp^eva Kal ra ffK&jrj' Kal (JUJKC'TI ^ ""XV deKa
oi5
*cora-

,
106 APPENDIX.

Karapxti, where both authors are quoting from the In quoting treaty of 189 B.C.
from the treaty of 197 B.C. Livy says naves while Polybios says tectas, xxxiii. 30,

Kara^paKTovs yaOs, xviii. 27 ; so that in quoting from this treaty of 189 B.C. he
must have said decent naves tectas habcto : neve actuarias. Consequently, the
passage will not identify the actuarial with the KardfppaKroi but will only shew
that these vessels often carried more than thirty oars. The term actuarius had a
diminutive actuariolus ; and this is applied to some ten-oared vessels by Cicero, ad
Atticum, xvi. 3. 6, conscendens e Pompeiano tribus actuariolis decemscalmis.
The term a/caros could be applied to vessels that were small enough for the
oars to be sculled in pairs, or to vessels that were large enough to require fifty
rowers. Leonidas of Tarentum, in the Anthology, vi. 4. 6, Kal rovs e anaruv
8ix&a5tovs ^ras. cf. vii. 464. i, ix. 242. 8, 279. where Charon's boat is
i,

styled an a/caros. Lucian, verae historiae, i.

5, ir^vT^Kovra 5 T&V rjXiKiwT&v irpoa-
avrrjv tuol yvuuTjv x oI/Tas >
*<" Kv(3pvr}Tr)i> rbi> dpiffrov [uvd$ peydXy
Tra/^Xa.jSoj', Kal rrjv vavv a/caros 5 rjv ws Trpbs utyav Kal filaiov ir\ovv
Apparently, the diminutive term &KO.TI.OV could not be applied to
such large vessels as those of fifty oars. Polybios, i. 73, Trapeo-Ketiafrv dt Kal rd
TrepiXnrrj r&v irXoiwv, rpirjpets, Kal irevTyKui'Tdpovs, Kal rd u^yiffra r&v d/car/wj/.
This term was used in speaking of vessels that were carried about in carts or on
men's shoulders. Thucydides, iv. 67, d/cdrtoj' d/j.<pr)piK6v us Xrjffral eldde<rav tnl
d/M^ji Sid rrjs raQpov KaraKoaifetv T^S VVKT^S tirl TT\V 6d\aa<rav Kal

Plutarch, Lucullus, 9, TTJS 5^ Aa<TKV\lTt5os \l/j.i>r]S TrXeo/x^s aKartois

ev/j.eytde<n, rb ^yiffrov avr&v 6 AOVKOV\\OS dve\Kij<ras Kal Siayuyuv dfM^rj irpfc rr)j>

6a\aTTai> offovs ^x^P i

o-Tpariuras evefilfiafffv. See also Strabo, xi. 2. 12, quoted
in the note on camarte on p. 107. But the diminutive was not indispensable.
Agathias, iii. 20, rds d/cdrous, birbaas efi dua&v eTr^-yero, ^s rbv iroraubv epfiaXuv.
In common parlance the term d/caros was used as vaguely as boat is used in
English. Theognis, 457 459, otfroi ff^a<pop6v tcrri yvvi) via. dvSpi ytpovrf |
ou

yap Tnr)ba\lq> irdderai ws dxaros, |

ovd' dyKvpai %x ovfft v - ' Critias, apud Athenaeum,
i.
50, O^jS?; 5' dpnarbtvra 5l<ppov crvveir^aro TrpuTrj- (popTijyovs d' aKarovs Kapes,
|

d\6$ raalai. Herodotos, vii. 186, TOVS cv Tai<ri <riTayuyoi<ri aKdrouri t6i>ras =
vii. 184, rCiv ffiTaywy&v TrXot&v Kal ocroi ^^TrXwov To6rotfft. Diodoros, xvii. 116,
Kal TrX^ofros yu,erdr&v (pL\uv v TKTIV d/cdrots, ^<f> rjutpas fJ^v rivas diroffx<-ff&^^
TTJS vews dnb T&V dXXwv a/ca^wv, tir \avri6ir) ubvos, K.r.X. The diminutive term
d/carioy was used in the same vague way. Dion Chrysostom, oratio 72, p. 628,
wore Kal <p' yaw urcos pt]driva(. eiK^rws, 6ri TrXet iravra Quotas d/cdria Kal irdaa
|8oDs dporptq.. And so also acatium in Latin. Pliny, ix. 49, navigeram similitu-

dinent et aliam in Propontide visam sibi prodidit Mutianus: concham esse acatii
modo carinatam, inflexa puppe^ prora rostrata : in hac condi naupliutn, where
the phrase acatii modo carinatam merely expresses the fact that there was a ridge

along the shell like the keel of a boat. It was clearly for a joke that the name
Acatus was given to the great ship that brought the Flaminian obelisk to Italy :

see note 71 on p. 27.

Barides,

This term could be applied to ships or boats of any sort, provided that th
hailed from Egypt or some other foreign country.
yEschylos, Persae, 552, 553, Sfy?;s $ iravr' CTT^TTC SvaQpbvw \ papldec
 TYPES OF SHIPS. IO?

1074? 1075? Tpi(TKd\fjLoifft pdpiffw I 6\6/j.evoi, i.e. rpiripfaiv. Euripides,

Iphigeneia in Aulide, 297, pappdpovs pdpidas. yEschylos, supplices, 874, Myvtrrlav
yap pdpiv O i>x virepdopei, cf. 836, 882. Propertius, iii. ir. 44, baridos et contis
rostra Liburna sequi. The allusion is to Cleopatra's ships at the battle of
Actium. Herodotos, o^o/xd tan rotei irXoloiat TOVTOHTI, sc.
ii.
96, TOVTO yap 5i)

pdpis. He is speaking here of trading-vessels on the Nile: see also ii. 41, 179.
DiodotOS, i. 96, ffv^uvelv 5 Kal rd\\a rd wapd rots "EXXyin Kad' "AiSov /J,v6o\o-
yovfj-eva rots ri vvv yivoftfroLS /car' AiyvTrrov rd [j.kv yap biaKOfil^ov rd <ru>ttara
TT\OIOI>
pdpiv /caXeio-0at, /t.r.X. cf. Leonidas of Tarentum, in the Anthology, vii.
67, 'A5eo> \VTTrjpt dn)K6ve, TOVT'
'

A^povrtn | vdwp 5s TrXcieis irop9fj.tdi Kvavty, |

5ai
jj.',
e/ KO.L ffoi fj.ya pplQerai 6i<pv6e(r<ra. | /3a/>is, diro^dL^vov, rbv KVVO. &.ioytvr]v.

The word was bant t bari, or baair in Egyptian.

Camarce, Ka/xa/aat.

These were boats of very light build, holding twenty-five to thirty men apiece.
The stern was like the stem, and the oars were arranged for rowing either way.
The bottom was rather flat, and the sides were so low that temporary bulwarks
were needed in rough weather. These vessels were in use on the Black Sea
in the First Century A.D.
Strabo, xi. i. 12, ftDcri 5e dwb TWV Kara ddXarrav XrjffTTjpiwv, dfcdria !x'/TeJ
(rrevd Kal Kov<pa, oaov dvOpurrovs Trtvre Kal et/coai 5e%6yu.ej'o, ffirdviov 8
'
dtj-affdat TOI)S Trd^raj dwdfteva KaXovffi 5' aura ot "EXX^ves xaftdpas
5 et's rd olKela x^/na, vavXoxctv OUK I^OJTW, dva6fj.i>ot rots w/nois rds

/ca/xdpas dva^povffiv tiri roi)s 5pf/xoi/s, ev olffirep Kal olKovvi, \virpdv dpovvTes
yijv Karatptpovcri 5 ird\i.v, OTO.V rj Kaipbs rod TrXett'. r6 5' avrb Troiov<Tt Kal
ei> rrj d\\orpla. Tacitus, historian, iii. 47, camaras vacant artis latcribus latam
alvurn sine vinculo ceris aut ferri conexatn : et tumido man, prout fluctus
attollitur^ summa navium tabulis augent, donee in modum tecti claudantur.
sic inter undas volvuntur, part utrimque prora et mutabili retnigio, quando
/line vel illinc appellere indiscretum et innoxium est. By thus contrasting the
latam alvum with the artis lateribns Tacitus implies that the bottom was broad
considering the height of the sides, not jhat it was broad considering the size
of the boat : so he hardly contradicts Strabo's statement that these boats were
narrow.

Kctv$ttpoi, KvKVOKavOapoi, KVKVOL.

These were merchant-ships of types that were in vogue among the Greeks in
the Fourth and Fifth Centuries B.C. The KuwoKavQapot were presumably of a
type between the Kdvdapoi and the KVKVOI.
Nicostratos, apud Athenaeum, xi. 48, A. ij vavs 5 worep ek6<rop6s co-rip, rj

KVKVOS, |
TJ Kavdapos ;
rourt yap edv irvdiij/j.' & n, |
aur6s wepavw rd 7rcu>r'. B. d/x^Xet

KVKvoKavdapos. This indicates that these vessels all resembled an elKtoopos, and
an was usually a large merchant-ship with twenty oars for auxiliary
etV6(ro/)oj
work: see note 51 on p. 20. Ships termed Kavdapoi are also mentioned by
Sosicrates, ibid., XeTrr?? 5e KvproTs eyyeX&ira Kv/j.a<rtv aiJpa, Kdprj ZKdpwos, rjcnjxv |

wodl Trpocrijye Trpacos /cat /caXws rbv KavOapov.

| Again by Menander, ibid., A.
ws Is KO\OI> rbv vibv fVTVxovvTa Kal creawa/x^oj'
| TrpcDros \yb) trot, rbv re |
108 APPENDIX.

Xpvffovv KavQapov. \
B. irotov ;
A. TO irXoiov
'
ov5v olffdas, a6\ie. \
B. rr)v vavv
<Te<ruxrdai pot X^yeis ;
A. Zyuye /J.TJV \ TTJV vavv tKetvyv, rp> ^Trofycre KaXXi/cXf/s |
6

Ka\v/j.vios, Ev(f>pavwp 5' txvfitpva 0oi;/)ios. And by Aristophanes, pax, 143,

TO 5 7rXotoj> &TTCU Naioup7r7s Kavdapos. But there is not any further mention of

ships termed K^KVOI or KVKvoKa.v6apoi.

Caudicarice or Codicarice.

This name was given to vessels plying on the Tiber, and hence to those on
other rivers. It was reputed to be an early Latin name for boats or ships.

Seneca, de brevitate vitae, 13, hoc quoque qucerentibus remittamus, quis Romanis
primus persuaserit navem conscendere. ? Claudius is fuit, Caudex ob hoc ipsum
appellatus, quia plurium tabidarum contextus caudex apud antiques vocatur, unde
publics tabuliz codices dicuntur et naves nunc quoque, qua ex anliqua consuetudine
commeatus per Tiberim subvehunt, codicarice vocantur. Varro, apud Nonium,
p. 535, quod antiqui pluris tabulas coniunctas codices dicebant ; a quo in Tiberi
navis codicarias appellamus. The boatmen on the Tiber are mentioned frequently :

e.g. Corp. Inscr. Latin, vol. xiv, no. 131, 1.

7, codicari nabiculari, no. 170, 1. 10,

codicarii navicularii, no. 4234, 1.

5, codicarius, vol. vi, no. 1759, 1.
15, caudicariis.

Sallust, apud Nonium, p. 535, quam rnaximis itineribus per regnum Ariobarzanis
contendit ad flumen Euphratcn qua in parte Cappadocia ab Armenia diiungitur ;
ttaves codicarice, occulte per hiemem fabricatce, aderant. Ausonius, idyllia, 10. 197?
navita caudiceo fluitans super cequora lembo. This refers to the Moselle.
At Ostia, near the mouth of the Tiber, there was a guild of these boatmen
with the title of corpus splendedissimum codicariorum : see Corp. Inscr. Latin, vol.

xiv, no. 4144, 1. 12.

Ce/OCes, Ke'A^res, KcXryria.

These were small vessels built especially for speed, and hence styled race-

horses. served for carrying reports and orders and despatches, and taking
They
officers of rank from place to place ; and generally discharged the duties that are

now allotted to a despatch-boat or admiral's-yacht. They were in use in most

navies in the first five centuries B.C.

Thucydides, iv. 120, dTro<rTa(ri. 5' ai/rots 6 Bpacridas Si^TrXewre vvurbs es rty
2,KubvT]i>, rpirjpei ^v <pi\La TrpOTrXeovar}, avrbs 5e iv K.\~r}Tl($ dirodev 6(pen6(j.evos, OTTWS

e^ fj.tv TLVL TOV Kt\v)TOS fjitlfrvi irXoLif) Tre/Hriryxdj/ot, 77 rpir/pris d^ivoi avTy, avTiiraXov
5^ &\\T)S rpiripous t-jnyevontv-ris ov irpbs TO tXa<r<rov vofjufav rptyeadai dXX' tiri Ti)v

vavv, Kal iv TOIJT^ avrov diaffweiv. There is clearly an error here, KtXrjros for

Ke\T]Tlov, or else KeXrrrly for KtXrjn. The scholiast's paraphrase makes the vessel
a Ke\r)Tiov in both instances so his reading was KeXijrlov.
; Polybios, v. 94,
5' viroffrptya.*, &rXeu(re ?rp6$ XaX/cetav TUI> 5' eK^OTjdrjadvTdJv, eKvpitvee 5

irXoluv avravdpuv ?Xa/Se 5^ Kal /cA^Ta irepl TO 'PLov AlrwXiKbv 6/J.ov T$ Tr\r)pwfj,aTi.

Livy, xxi. naves longce centum sexaginta, celoces duodecim. So the K AT/TCS were
1 7,

reckoned among the 'small craft in a fleet. Polybios elsewhere speaks of them as
vessels of a single bank, v. 62, Kal ir\oia TCTrapaKovra' TOVTUV KaraQpaKra ^v
ctKO&i diafapovTa rats /caTao"/ceuats, ev ots ovSfr ZXarrov yv Terprjpovs' ra 8k XotTra,
rprfpeis Kal diKpora Kal /cAijTes, cf. Fr. 132, apud Suidam, s.v. vTrepi.(rd/ji.L<ras Taxi) :

5^, TOI>$ KtXijTas Kal ras i)iuo\las virepi<rd(ji,iffas, dv^x^- Nor is he really contra-
 TYPES OF SHIPS. 109

dieted herein by Ephippos, apud Athenaeum, viii. 38, irhre vA^ras irevTe<TKd\-
jwovj. At this time the compounds formed from <miX/x6j were used in
reckoning
the tholes vertically, and thus marked the number of banks of oars in a ship so ;

that irevr^cfKoXfj-os denoted a ship of five banks, just as rpl<rKa\fj.os denoted a

ship
of three banks :
vEschylos, Persce, 679, 680, ti-t<pdiv6' ai rpiffKa\jj.oi \
vaes dvaes,

1074, 1075, TpicrKaXfjiOLcri \ ftdpicriv 6\6fjt,vot, cf. Polybios, xvi. 3, rainy Sovaa TrXrfyrjv

fitalav Kara peffov rb /euros virb rbv dpavlryv ffKa\fj.6v^ where dpavlrrj? <r/ca\/i6s must
refer to the upper bank. But the verse occurs in a passage where Ephippos is
mercilessly ridiculing the ostentation of Alexander the Great and his statement ;

that the king's K^\-rjres had five banks of oars the largest number then in use
must not be taken a whit more seriously than the rest of his exaggerations.

Thucydides, iv. 9, ov ydp yv o-rr\a ev xwplqi ep~fimf troplcraffOai, d\\d Kal ravra
'
K \-rjffTpLKrjs Mewrjvlwv rptaKovropov Kal tfAijros ZXafiov, ot trvxov irapayei>6/j.evoi
bwXiral re TtDj/ Me<r 0-771' tuv rotjruv cos
recraapaKovra iyevovro. Fully thirty of these
men would be needed for the rpiaK6vropos, leaving barely ten for the Kf"\-t)s.

A four-oared Ke\-^riov is mentioned by Appian, de bellis civilibus, ii.

56,
Kf\r)Tiov 6"i) Kal KV/SepvriTTjv rbv dpivrov /j,f\\ov number of
eroiuaffeiv, for the
oars is fixed by Velleius, ii.
43, quattuor scalmorum navem nna cum duobtis
amicis decemque servis ingressus= Plutarch, Csesar, 38, els ir\oioi> e/j.^as TO /dyedos
d<i)5eKd<rKa\fji.ov, where the assertion that the boat was large enough for twelve oars

seems to be based upon the story that Coesar had twelve companions on this
voyage. A two-oared KeXtfriov is mentioned by Synesios, epistolse, p. 165, rjKev eirl
K\rjrtov Sto-KaX/Aou. At this time the compounds formed from <rKa\fj,6s were used
in reckoning the tholes horizontally, and thus marked the number of oars in a
ship of a single bank. They are used in this sense by Cicero, ad Atticum, xvi. 3. 6,
tribus actuariolis decemscalmis, de oratore, i. 38, duorum scalmorum naviculam.
And apparently also by Diodoros, xl. i, Soy pa typa\f/av oirws ol Kprjres wavra. ra
TrXoia &os TTpa.<rKa.\(Jiov avairt^wcnv et's and by Plutarch, ^Emilius Paulus,
'PcfyiTji/,

6, raj 5^ vavs airdffas cupeiXero Kal Tr\o?of ovdtv avrois TpiffKoX/J-ov p.iov dirtXiire ,

cf. Theseus, 19, doy/j,a Koivbv r\v 'EXX-^vuv /j.i)8e[ji.iav tKTrXe'iv rpi^pt] fj.r]da/j.odev dvopGiv

TT^VTC Tr\elovas 5f%o//^7jj', where Tpiif]pris refers to fighting-ships of any sort.

Xenophon, Hellenica, i. 6. 36, r 5' 'Ereovky 6 virrjpeTiKbs K{\TJS irdvra

eriyyei\ ra irepl rty vav/maxlav. cf. Herodotos, 94, for the story of a KtX-rjs
viii.

bringing a message deiy TTO/ZTT??. Thucydides, i.

53, fdo^ev ovv avrois avdpas ts
K\r)TLov t/j.(3i/3d<TavTs dvev KrjpvKehv irpoairtfjL^ai ro?s 'Adrjvalots. viii. 38, Qijpi/j.^vr)s
IJL{I>, irapaoovs 'AoTi^xy ras vavs, diroirX^v tv /cA^n d(f>avl^Tai. Appian, de
bello Mithridatico, 33, ^s /ceX^Ttov evtprj, Kal vavv e/c I'ecis, Iva. Xd^oi, dia/j-flfiajv, fir'

'A\eavdpelas tytpero, sc. Aoi/KouXXos. The /fAT/res and /feX'/Jrta, or other vessels

doing the same work, were often described simply as v-n-rjpeTiKd. Polysenos, i.
38. 4, Bpa(r/5as viwrbs eiriirXtuv ^Ki&vrj, rpi^pr) (piXlav Trpoir\eTv (ra^ef, avrbs
de ev virrjpeTiK$ KaTOirw e'lirero = Thucydides, iv. 120, airrbs Se ev KeXrjTly diroOev
^0e7ro//.cj'os. Plutarch, Demosthenes, 29, StaTrXe^tras virypeTiKois Kal dirofids /xerd
Qpan&v opv(f>6p<j}v, Lysander, 10, TT^/ATTWV 5 fanfperucit irapa rds irpwras TU>V vc&v

drpeiJ,elv e/cAewe Kal [teveiv iv rdfei. Demosthenes, in Polyclem, 46,

U7rr;pert/c6j/, dyov dvdpa Kal ^TrtcrroXcis. Polysenos, iii.
9. 36, virrjperiKbv

('I<^t/cpa7-77s) Ko/J.lov eiriffTo\T]v treirXaffiJievyv. yEschines, de falsa legatione, 73,

oifrw 5' 3)v ff<pa\epa Kal tTriKlvSwa ra TTpdyaara, iScrre fjvayKaffd'r) ypd\f>ai \f/ri<pi(TfJ.a

KTt1<picro<pu>v b Flaiaj'ie^s eKir\eiv rr]i> rayiarriv 'Avrloxov rbv tirl rwv VTryperiKW Kal
I IO APPENDIX.

frTfTv rbv o-TpaTtjyov rbv eirl ry dvvd/j.ei Terayfj.e'vov. This last passage shews
that in the Athenian navy these viryperiKd formed a distinct class under one
command. are presumably the same as the OLKCLTOL dtj/j.6o-iai of the inven-
They
tories Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 808, col. d, 11. 74, 75, tirl ras d/cdrous ras
:

S-rj/jioa-las, TTTjSdXta. And these are termed celoces publics by Plautus, captivi,
iv. 2. 92 94, nam filium \
tuom modo in portu Philopolemum vivom salvom
et sospitem \
vidi in publica celoce, cf. miles gloriosus,. iv. r.
39, hcec celox illhist
qua hinc cgrcditttr internuntia.
The celoces are mentioned also by Ennius, apud Isidorum, origines, xix. r. 22,
labitur uncta carina per aquora cana
by Turpilius, apud Nonium, p. 533,
celocis,

remulis scnsim celox ab oppidoprocesserat, by Varro, ibid., nautce rcmivagam movent

celocent, and proccllafrigida ne obruat celocem, by Livy, xxxvii. i^^piraticas celoces
el lembos, and perhaps by Velleius, ii. 73, piraticis celetibiis or sceleribus. And
there are puns on the name Plautus, Pseudolus, v. 2. 12, unde ormstam celocem
:

agere te 10, quo hanc celocem conferam, Poenulus, iii. i. 40,

pr&diccm, asinaria, ii. i.

obsecro, hercle,operam celocem hanc mihi, ne corbitam, date.

Pliny, vii. 57, celetem (invcnernnt) Rhodii. Possibly these Rhodian 'race-
horses' were evolved from the Phoenician 'horses' mentioned on p. 113. As to
the live race-horses of this name, see Pausanias, v. 8. 8, vi. 12. i, and Pliny,
xxxiv. 10.

Cercuri,

These were was equally suitable for warfare and for

vessels of a type that
commerce. use throughout the Mediterranean from the beginning
They were in

of the Fifth Century to the middle of the First Century B.C. The war-ships of this

type were small, but the merchant-ships were occasionally of considerable size.
Herodotos, vii. 89, r&v d rpi-ripeuv dpid/J.bs fJ.ev eyevero eirrd Kal diijKbo-tai Kal
X/Xtat, 8 KCLL irwTriKbvTepoi Kal KtpKovpoi /cat 'nrirayuyd, TrXota
97. rpirjKbvTepoi
<T/j.LKpd o~vve\d6i>Ta s rbv dpid^bv t<j>dvr) r/3t(rx/Xta. That refers to the Persian fleet

in 480 B.C. Arrian, anabasis, vi. 2, %v d TO ty/j.Trai> ir\T)0os T&V veuv, rpiaKdvTepot
litv ts dydoriKovra, ra 5^ Trdvra 7rXo?a ffvv TO?S iirirayiayois Kal KepKotipois /ecu o<ra

ctXXa Trordfjua ov TTO\V dirod^ovra r&v 5t<r%iX/a'. That refers to Alexander's fleet
on the Hydaspes in 327 B.C. Diodoros, xxiv. i, 'Pwyucuot 5^ vaval
8ia.KOffta.is Tffo~a.pdKoi>Ta Kal e^KOvra
KepKotipoLS Kal ir\ol(j0v TrXvj^
Kar^Tr\v<rav e/j rty Hdvop^ov. This was in 250 B.C. Appian, de rebus Punicis,
75, vaval de <ppovTO (ol 'Pw/jiaioi) Trevr^KOVTa /y.ev irevT'^peo'iv, Karbv 5' -tytuoX/cus,

d(ppdKTOis de Kal KepKotipois Kal <rTpoyyv\ois TroXXots. 121, /cat vavvl irevT-qKovra

(JLev Tpi-rjpeTiKais, KepKotipois de Kal fj.voirdpwff(. Kal ctXXots fipaxvrepois TroXXots e^eir\eov,
sc. ol This was in 149 B.C. and 146 B.C.
Kapxydovioi. Memnon, Fr. 37, apud
Photium, p. 232, Mt0pt5dT7;s 5^ dXXov re ffrparbv avxybv Trapecr/ceudfero, Kal rpt^pets
/j.ev TeTpa/c6<rtot, ruv de [JUKporepuv vt]C)v TrevTyKovrepuv re Kal KepKotipwv dpid/u,bs
rfv oi/K This was in 74 B.C.
6\lyos. Livy, xxxiii. 19, ipse (Antiochits) cunt
classe centum navium, ad hoc levioribus navigiis cercurisque ac
tectarum
lembis ducentis, froficiscitur. This was in 197 B.C. In all these instances the
cercuri are reckoned among the small craft in a fleet. Apparently, they were
faster than ships of the line. Livy, xxiii. 34, cercttros ad perseqnendam retrahen-

damquc navem quum (Flaccus) misisset, primo fugere regii conati ; deinde, ttbi

celeritate victi cesserunt, tradunt se Romanis, etc. That was in 215 B.C.
 TYPES OF SHIPS. Ill

Plautus, mercator, i. r. 87, 88, ccdificat navem cercurum et merces emit :

\

parala navi inponit, etc., Stichus, ii. 2. 42 45, dum percenter portitores, ecqiut
navis venerit ex Asia, ac negant venisse, conspicatus sum interim cercurum, quo
\ \

ego me maiorem non vidisse censeo, \

in portnm vento secundo, veto passo pervenit,
and then follows an account of the cargo. Athenreos, v. 43, ^06\*ia 5' r\aa.v aurrj,

rb /J-tv irpCjrov K^pKovpos, rpto'x/Xia rdXaira 5^xe<r#cu 8vi>d(j.evos' 7raj 5' r\v OUTOS
^TrkajTros. A
merchant-ship that carried 3000 talents, or 75 tons, was larger than
most war-ships: see note 78 on p. 30. The ?ras seems to mean that the oars
were not merely auxiliary. The oars of a cercurus are noticed again by Lucilius,
apud Nonium, p. 533, iligneis pcdibus cercurum conferet crquis. There is probably
a misreading, cercurum for cerycem, in another passage of Lucilius, ibid., ad regem

legati?Rhodum, Ecbatanam ac Babylonem ibo ; cercurum surnam. \

The name K^pKovpos is perhaps an adaptation of the Phoenician word which

appears in Hebrew as kirk&rAh : and the name of these ships would certainly be
Semitic in origin, if they really were invented in Cyprus, as Pliny asserts, vii. 57,
cercunim (invenerunf) Cyprii. The word kirkdrdh is found in Isaiah, Ixvi. 20,
and is translated into English as swift beast : but the Septuagint gives
which must denote a hood over a chariot, or else an umbrella.

Corbitce.

These were merchant-ships of great size. They were in use among the
Romans in the First and Second Centuries B.C.
1

Lucilius, apud Nonium, p. 533, multa homines portenta in Homeri versibu"

1

ficta monstra pntant ; quorum in primis Polyphemu' ducentos Cyclops longii

| \

quam mahis navis in corbita maximus ulla,

1

pedes, et porro huic maiu' bacillum \

where the allusion is to the Odyssey, ix. 319, 322 324, Ktf/fXwTros yap &cem> /i^ya
pbiraXov Trapa ffrjKf &<T<TOV 0' larrbi' vijbs iKo<r6poio /j.\atvr]s , \ <f>opri5os, eupeh/s, ij

T tKirepdq. /mtya Xatr/xa' |

rtxrvov <kt)v fjifJKOs, rboffov TT^XOS ciffopaaffdat, so that
Lucilius means the largest merchant-ship imaginable. Cicero also speaks of a
corbita as a merchant-ship : ad Atticum, xvi. 6. i, sed putabam, quum Rhegium
vcnissem, fore tit illic do\ix&v cogitaremus, corbitane Patras an
ir\6oi> bp/j-cdvovre^

actuariolis ad Leucopetram Tarentinorum, ast inde Corcyram ; ft, si oneraria,

statimne freto an Syracusis. Being merchant-ships, these vessels had only auxiliary
oars, and could therefore make little progress in a calm. Plautus, Pcenulus, iii. i.

3, 4, duco advocatos, homines spissigradissumos, tardiores quam

slcut ego hos \

corbita sttnt in tranquillo mart, cf. 40, obsecro, hercle, operam celocem hanc mihi, ne

corbitam, date. For the celoces see p. 108. There is a pun on corbis and corbita in
Plautus, Casina, iv. i. 20, 21, gnovi ego illas ambas estrices ; corbitam cibi \
comesse

possunt, unless corbitam cibi should be read corbitant ubi.

Cybcece.

These also were merchant -ships of great size. They were in use in Sicily in

FirstCentury B.C.
Cicero, in Verrem, ii. iv. 8, tamctsi, rogatus de cybcea, 'tenetis memoria quid
respondent :
tedificatam publicis operis, publice coactis, eique atdificandie publice
Mamertinum senatorem prcefuisse. 9, negent isti onerariam navem maximam
112 APPENDIX.

ecdificatam esse Messanee ? negent, si possint. negent ei navi faciundce senatorem

Mamertimtm publice prafuisse? utinam negent. 67, heec sum rogaturus. navem
populo Romano debeantm ? fatebuntur. prcebuerintne pratore C. Verre ? negabunt.
cedijicaverintne navem onerariam maximam publice, quam
Verri dedenmt ? negare
non potc runt. cf. ii. v. 23, non populo Romano reddita biremis, xed prcctori donata
cybeea. These passages prove that a cybeea was a merchant-ship : nor is the

contrary implied in ii. v. 17, navem vero cybceam maximam, triremis instar,

pulcherrimam atque ornalissimam, palam cedificatam sumptu pztblico, sciente Sicilia,

per magistratumque Mamertinum tibi datam donatamq-ue esse dico. Cicero is
arguing here that Verres had not only procured a merchant-ship from the Mamer-
tines in place of a war-ship, but had made them build him a merchant-ship that
was as big as a war-ship of three banks, when they were not bound to provide a
war-ship of more than two banks.
The term cybeea may be equivalent to Kvfiala or to /CUTTCU'GI, the /3 and TT inter-

changing easily, cf. Hesychios, s. v. Ktiirai : e!56s TI vecos, where nt-irai is

probably a corruption of Kinraia..

CymbcR) Kv/u/fat.
These were vessels of a type invented in Phoenicia : but Latin authors applied
the name to any boat.
Pliny, vii. 57, cymbam (invenertint) Pheenices. Sophocles, Andromeda, Fr. 2,
apud Athenaeum, xi. 64, Virirouriv 77 KV^O.L<TL vava-To\eis "xQbva. The scene of the
;

play was laid in Phoenicia, so Sophocles was likely to select Phoenician types of

ships, and the 'LTTTTOL

certainly were Phoenician: see pp. 113, 114.
The name is common in Latin. Cicero, de officiis, iii. 14; Pliny, ix. 10, 12 ;

Seneca, epistolae, 51. 12; Lucan, iv. 136; Ovid, tristia, ii.
330, amores, iii. 6. 4,

metamorphoses, i.
293, fasti, vi. 777; Virgil, georgics, iv. 195, 506, ^Eneid, vi. 303;
Horace, odes, ii.
3. 28; Propertius, iii. 18. 24; Juvenal, ii. 151; etc.

These were small vessels of a type that probably was meant for fishing, but

suitable also forsome purposes in warfare.

'

Xenophon, Hellenica, i. i. 1 1, frravda 8 Kal A\Ktpia5r)s TJKCV K

vbv irtvre rpnfjpeo-i Kal tiratfrpldi. Agathias, iii. 21, eiraKTpidas TLVO.S
Stua ir\rip&(ravTes. Nicander, theriaca, 823, 824, tird noyepobs dXt^as
fypptit-affa. KaTTrp-f)VL^v e-rrdKTp(t)i>, sc. ^paiva. The name seems to be connected
with tiraKT-/)p, a fisherman.
Aulus Gellius, x. 25, actuaries, quas Greed i<TTioKu)Trovs vacant vel tiraKTpiSas.

See p. 1 14 for the um6/cw7rot and p. 105 for the actuarice. No doubt, all e-rraxTpiSes
were actuaria but Aulus Gellius cannot be right in asserting that all actuaries
:

were eiraxTplScs. The actuarice formed a large class which included the ^A^res,
and if the t-rraxTplSes had been the same as the actuarice, there could hardly have
been such vessels as

These were vessels of a type between the cVa/cTpfSes and the ittXirres. They
were in use among the Greeks in the Fourth Century B.C., especially for piracy.
 TYPES OF SHIPS. 113

Aristotle, de interpretatione, 2, gives eiraKTpoKc\r)s as an example of a

compound name. The ships themselves are mentioned by ^Ischines, in Timarchum,

191, TOLVTO. TrXrjpoi

rd \r)ffTr)pta, ravra eis rbv eiraKTpoKe\fira e7ij3tj3dfet, and also by
Deinarchos : see Harpocration, s. v. eVa/c-rpo/rA^s :
AtVx^s & r(p /caret Ti/j.dpxov.

efSos 5' earl Tr\otov ff&vOcTOV %x, ov T fy KO-TOffKevfa eVc re tiranTplSos Kal K\I)TOS. T\V

5e u>9 eirlirav XT/OT piKbv, cos /cat Ae^ap^os ev rrj Kara IIoXvetf/cTou doKifJ.a<ria.

TavXoi.

These were the great merchant-ships in which the Phoenicians made their
trading-voyages in the Mediterranean and Atlantic between the Third and the
Sixth Centuries B.C., and perhaps before and afterwards. The shape of the ships
isindicated by their name, for that was given to any tub.

Antiphanes, apud Athenaeum, xi. 102, A. ya6\ovs oXoxpti&ovs. B. 7rXo?a ;

A. Tot)s Kadovs /j.ev ovv /caXoOcrt 7ai5Xous TraVras ot TrpoydcrTOpes.

\ Aristophanes,
aves, 598, 700X0? /cravat /cai vavK\r)p&, scholion, KaXX^/xaxos :
Ku7rp60e 2156^165
fj.e Karfiyayev ev6a.Se yav\os. Epicharmos, apud Athenaeum, vii. 114, airros 6

ayojv yati\oi<riv ev 3>oiviKiKo'is rJKe /caXX/crras <ray/iva$. Herodotos,

|
iii.
136,
res 5' OVTOI es 3>oivtK'rjv Kal QoiviKys es StScoi'a irbKiv avrlKa fj.ev Tptripeas Svo
, a/ta 8e avrriai Kal yavXov fj^eyav iravToiuv dyaOuv. vi. IJ, 6 8 Weus a>s
es QoiviKrjv, yati\ovs de evravOa Karadvcras Kal xp^l/J aTa Xa/Scbv TroXXa -

iKeXlyv. viii. 97, es TTJV 2a\a(juva (S^p^s) %wyua eireipaTO dtaxovv,

yatiXovs re <f>oivtKijlov$ (rvvtSee, tva dvrl re ffXfSirjs ewai Kal re^fos, /c.r.X. Scylax,
periplus, 112, ol de ^/JiiropoL elan /mev 3>olviKes' eirav de atyiKwvrai e^s TT)V vrjtrov rrjv

l&.epv~r}v, TOI)S /iev yav\ovs xafiop/Jiifrovtnv, ev rrj Kfyvr} cr/c^j'as iroir)(rdfJLevoi avrois' rbv
de <p6prov ee\bfj.evoi avrol dt.aKOulfova'Lv ev lUKpols TrXo/ois e/s rrjv -rjireipov. These
massages all date from before 250 B.C., and the ships mentioned therein are all
icenician. The name 7auXos occurs again in Plutarch, de tranquillitate animi, 3,
\!
wffirep ol deiXol Kal vavriuvres ev rep TrXeti', elra pq.ov oi6/Jt.evoL dideiv, eav et's

")\ov e% d/carou, Kal irdXtv eav Tp^prj /j.eTa[3&criv, ovdev irepalvovffi.

et's But this
not prove conclusively that these vessels were still in use for Plutarch may ;

ire be quoting some old saying. The expression yavXiKd xP^)lJ aTa r TauXm/coL -

stands for cargo in Xenophon, anabasis, v. 8. r, cf. v. i. 11, 12, 15, 16;
id this indicates that the name 7aOXos might roughly be applied to any merchant-

lip.
The name was probably of Phoenician origin, and was perhaps derived
>m gawal ; the island of Gozo, near Malta, being termed PaOXos in Greek and
'in Phoenician: see Corp. Inscr. Semit. part i, no. 132, 11. i, 8,
l
am G(a)w(a)l,
GauHtana.

Hippi, "ITTTTOI.

These were Phoenician merchant- ships with figure-heads of horses. They

ic into use in Phoenicia in very early times ; but afterwards were only to be
found at Cadiz, where they were employed upon the fisheries along the African
Some of them were of considerable size ; and apparently
coast outside the straits.
these could manage to double the Cape, for about 112 B.C. one of the typical
figure-heads was brought to Egypt from a wreck on the east coast of Africa, and
was attributed by experts to a ship from Cadiz.

T. //
1
14 APPENDIX.

Strabo, ii. 3. 4, TrdXti' ovv ((pijffl Tloaetdwvios) Kal VTTO TavTys (KXeoTrdrpas)

Trefj.<pd7Jvai rbv 1&voo%ov [ACTO. /j-clfyvos TrapaffKevrjs. fTra.vt.bvTa. 5' avt/J-ois irapevey^dfyai
'

virtp TTJV AidioTriav irpoafapbpevov 5^ rttri T^TTOIS eoiKetou<r0cu TOVS dvdpwirovs /uera-
56<ret ffiriuv re /ecu olVou /cai 7raXa0i5wp, aw ^KetVois 01) /JLTTJV, dj/ri 5 roi/rwi' vSpeias

TC Tvyxdvew Kal KaOooyyias, aTroypdtpecrdal re TWJ' p7]/j.dTwv 2via. evpbvra. 5'

aupbirpippov tyXivov CK va.va.yiov 'iinrov fyov lyyy\vfJ.fJi.h'ov, irv66(j.evov ws airt>

T^S e<T7r^pas TT\bvrii}v TivCjv fti) rb va.vayt.ov TOUTO, KOftlfetv avro avaarptyavTa. Trpos
TOV olKetov ir\ovv. Myvirrov, OVK^TI T^S KXcoTrctrpas ^yovyU&ijJ, dXXc\
awdtvra. 5' ets

TOU 7rat56s, d^aipfdrjvat ird\iv TrAvra' (pwpaOTjvai yap vfvoa^iff^vov TroXXd. r6 8'

aKpOTrpypov irpo(f>tpovTa. ^s r6 efATrbpiov, oetKvfoat rots vavK\-fipois, yvuvai S TaSeiptruiv

Trfr)Tas fJUKpd, a
'
ov Toirrctw TOI)S /A^ /j.Tr6pov$ /we^dXa <rrAXeti' 7rXo?a, TOI;S 5
*yc\./)

/faXety I'TTTTOUS, d?r6 TWJ/ ev ra?s Trpypcus eTn<j"fj^(>)V TOVTOVS 51 ir\tiv /J.txP l T v A/^ou

Trora/iou Trepl TTJ?' Mapouaiai' dXteiio/i^voys

'
dXXa TWV Si] vavKK^puv TIVO.S yvupiffat rb

aKpoirp^pov ivbs TWV diro TOV Ai^ov Trora/ioO iropp&Tepov Tr\VffdvT(n}v Kal /J.T] aud^VTUv
virdp^av. CK 5 TOVTOV (rv/jLf3a\6vTa Tbv Ei/'So^oi', (is dvvaTbs ettj 6 TrepiTrXous 6 AiftvKos,
K.T.X. cf. Pliny, ii. 67, m
^?/o (jz'ww Arabico) signa navium ex Hispaniensibus

naufragiis feruntur agnita, where he seems to be referring to the story of Eudoxos,

though he mentions a later date.
Pliny, vii. 57, onerariam Hippus Tyrius invenit, hmbum Cyrenenses, cymbam
Phcenices, celetem Rhodii, cercurum Cyprii. This can only mean that the Tyrians
introduced the merchant-ships called Horses. Sophocles, Andromeda, Fr. 2,

apud Athenaeum, xi. 64, iTnroi<ru> 77 Ki}/x/3cu(ri vavffTO\eis -xQbva.; Sophocles was
likely to select Phoenician types of ships, as the scene of the play was laid in
Phoenicia ; and these 'iiriroi and Kvupai are the very ships that Pliny associates
with the Phoenicians. Moreover, some vessels with figure-heads of horses are
represented in Assyrian sculpture of about 700 B.C., as in fg. 9, and this indicates
that the type was indigenous in that part of the world.
But ships of any sort could be described in metaphor as horses. Odyssey, iv.
708, 709, vrj&v uKWirbpwv eiri(3aivt/j,ei>, aW dX6s I'TTTTOI
| dvSpdffi ytyvovTai. Plautus,

rudens, n, nempe equo ligneo per vias ccerulas estis vecta? Thus, in the
i. 5. 10, |

legend of the taking of Troy through the stratagem of the Wooden Horse, there is
perhaps a reminiscence of the capture of some seaport town by men concealed on
board a ship, which had unwarily been admitted within the harbour cf. Lydos, :

de mensibus, iv. 88, irepl TOV dovpelov iinrov 6 Eixpopluv (p-rjcrl irKolov yevfoQai rots
'"E\\r)<rit> 'lirirov \ey6/mevov. And the winged horse Pegasos may represent a ship
with oars. Juvenal, iii.
117, 118, ripa nutritus in ilia, ad quam Gorgonei delapsa |

est pinna caballi, speaking of the river which flows through Tarsus, cf. Stephanos,
s. v. Tapaos :
'AX^avSpos 5 6 IToXuf(rrwp (Tapvbv KaXeiffdal (prjcri) 8ia r6 Tbv
n-f/yaffov <?/cet rbv
'tirirov rapvbv K\dffavTa Kal E\\po<p6vTT)v h T$ 'AX^iy Tr&ly
irXavrjdijvai. For the term rap<r6s and the metaphor of the oars and wings see
pp. -2, 3, 20 and note 52. The legend that Bellerophon tamed Pegasos at Corinth
may refer to the initiative of the Corinthians in building ships with oars : as to

which see p. 4.

'lOTlOKWTTOl.

These were small vessels with a full complement of oars as well as sails. They
were known by this name in the Second Century A.D.
 TYPES OF SHIPS. 115

Aulus Gellius, x. 25, actuaries, quas Grccci IffnoKuirovs vacant

cf. Pollux, i.
103, 6 ti; ovplas TT\OVS forty, dpeala ir\eit>, dvtutf) irXfw' ftptjrai 5 xal
IffTioKdjirrj, dXXd fitXriov elptala Kal irveijuart. Merchant -ships trusted mainly to
their sails and war-ships to their oars, and were thus distinguished from these
vessels which trusted equally to both. See p. 105 for the actuaries and p. 1 12 for

This name was given to the small craft in a fleet, or to any vessels in attendance
on others of larger size.
Diodoros, xx. 82, e^e 3 (Arju-firpios) VCLVS uaKpas utv iravrolas peytdei StaKoa-faj,
virrjperiKa d irXeiw rwv eKarbv e^dou^KOvra, xiii. 14, Tpfrjpeis 5 avveTr\-f)p(*)aav (ol
'

Sypa/f6trioi) efi$op.'f)Kovra r^rrapas ffv^irapelirovrb re rds virrjperiKas Ixovres i/aDs

7Tcu5es e\eijdepoi
= Plutarch,
Nicias, 24, OVK avrol pbvov rats rpi-qpww, dXXd Kal ra
irai8dpta travTaxbdev eTTifiatvovra r<2v aXidSwv Kal ra?s (T/cci0ais irpoffirXtovra. See
also ^schines, de falsa legatione, 73, and other passages quoted in the note on
celoces on p. 109, especially Xenophon, Hellenica, i. 6. 36, vTrrjpcriK&s K ATJS. Where
Diodoros says ?aOs viryptriKas, xviii. 72, Polyaenos says virypeffiav vavriK-qv, iv. 6.

8. The term vTrrjpfriKbv tr/cd0oj is applied to a ship's-boat by Heliodoros in the

passage quoted in note 226 on p. 103, and is applied to a lighter by Strabo, v. 3.

5, Kal yap r) r&v vinjperiK&v ffKa<pG)v evwopla r&v ^Kdexoutvuv ra (poprla Kal di>ri<pop-
raxvv Trote? r&v dir6'rr\ovv.

Lembi, Ae/u,j3oi.

These were small vessels of a type that was invented or perfected by the
lyrians in the Third Century B.C. They served for desultory warfare and for
iracy; and differed from the regular war-ships in being relatively of larger beam,
carrying no ram.
Polybios, v. 109, <i>/Xi7r7ros 5 Kara rty irapaxeiuaa-iav dva\oyif6uevos on Trpbs
^7ri/3oXds aurou xP ^ a TrXotav tvrl Kal TTJS Kara ddXarrav virypefflas,
is Kal ratirys

vavuaxtav rovro p-tv yap oi'S' av yXTrure ftvvarbs elvat, 'Pw/zai'oij

dXXd uaXXov ^cus rov irapaKO/j.leiv (TTpantbras, Kal Oarrov Siaipeiv o5

Tp68otro, Kal Trapad6us eirKpaivecrdaL rois TroXe/i^ots* didirep, UTroXa^Swj' dpiffrrjv elvat
is ravra TTJV r&v 'IXXvpi&v vavirrjyiav enarbv iirffid\ero X^w/Jous Karaa'Kevdfeii',
,

no. This was in 216 B.C. See also Polybios, ii.

3, 6, 812, iv. 16, 19, 29,

95, 101, Livy, xxxi. 45, xxxii. 21, xxxviii. 7, xlii. 48, xliv. 30, xlv. 43, and
4,

ippian, de rebus Illyricis, 7, for A<?/x/3ot in Illyrian fleets; and Polybios, xvi. 2,
-7, xvii. i, and Livy, xxxii. 32, xliv. 28, xlv. ro, 31,
for X^u/Sot in Macedonian

These instances all fall between 231 and 168 B.C. Also see Livy, xxxiii.
xxxiv. 35, xxxv. 26, for X^jSot in Syrian and Spartan fleets at that period;
jlybios, i. 20, 53, for X<?/AOI in Roman fleets a little before; and Diodoros xx. 85,
the siege of Rhodes in 304 B.C. Polybios also speaks of some vessels
oi at

the Rhone
as \tupoi, iii. 42, 43, 46; but Livy abstains from rendering this by

lembi, xxi. 26 28, and calls them simply naves or naves actuaries.
The Xfyi/3oi were always reckoned among the small craft in a fleet. Polybios,
i. 20, o$x <fi v Kard(ppaKros auro?s virypxe ^aus, dXX' o3 Ka66\ov naKpbv ir\oiov,
ov8 XfyijSos ov8 e?s, xvi. Kard<ppaKroi rpe?s Kal irevr^Kovra
2, t
<rtiv dt TOI/TOIS

a<ppaKra, X^/xj3ot 5^ abv TCUS irpl<rre<Ttv eKarbv Kal irev/iKovra, cf. 7. Livy, xxxii. 21,
1 16 APPENDIX.

centum tecta> naves, et quinquaginta leviores aperta, et triginta Issaici lembi,

xxxiii. 19, ctim classe centum tectanim navium, ad hoc levioribus navigiis cerciiris-

que ac lembis ducentis, xxxv. 26, lembos pristesque, xxxvii. 27,

tres tectas naves, et

piraticas celoces et lembos. They had not any rams. Livy, xxxii. 32, cum
quinque lembis et una nave rostrata. The number of oars was variable. Livy,
xxxiv. 35, quoting from the treaty between Rome and Sparta in 195 B.C., neve

ipse (Nabis) navem ullam prater duos lembos, qui non plus quam sexdecim remis
agerentur, haberet. Vessels of this class sometimes carried fifty men. Polybios
ii. 3, Trpoffir\ova'i rijs vvKrbs CKCLTOV Xe*/u.j3ot irpos r^v MeSiwp/cu', <p' wv r/uav

'IXXiyuoi TrepTaKttr^Xiot, cf. Strabo, ii.

3. 4, X^tijSov o~vfj.Trr)djj.fvos irevTi)KovT()p(p

tr&piffov. But there was space on board for many men besides the rowers.
Livy, xliv. 28, octingenti ferme Gallorum occisi, ducenti vivi capti; equi, etc....
viginti eximice equos forma; ctim captivis eosdem decent lembos, quos ante miserat,
Antenor devehere Thessalonicam iitssit. Thus, upon the average, these vessels
each took twenty men and two horses in addition to the crew; so they clearly
were more roomy than the regular war-ships. Yet some were narrow enough for
the oars to be sculled in pairs. Livy, xxiv. 40, legati venerunt nuntiantes
Philippum primum Apolloniam tentasse, lembis biremibus centum viginti flumine
adverse subvectum, deinde, etc. cf. Virgil, georgics, i. 20 r, 202, qui adverso vix
flumine lembum remigiis subigit.
\

At an earlier date the term had been applied to ship's-boats : see the passages

quoted from Demosthenes and Anaxandrides in note 226 on p. 103. These

authors were contemporary with Aristotle, so his 7rXo?oi' Xe/*/3cD5es, with its sharp

prow, was presumably a boat of that sort de animalium incessu, 10, ffrijdos 5:

(T&V yafjf\l/<i)viL!Xuv) iffxvpbv Kal 66, 6i> ph irposTO etiiropov eTvai, Kddairep &v ei
ir\otov -rrpypa Xe//,j8ci5oi;s, lax v P^ v ^ K.T.\. The small boats used for embarking on
a ship are styled lembi by Plautus, mercator, i. 2. 81, 82, dum hcec aguntur,
lembo advehitur tuus pater pauxillulo ; neque quisquam hominem conspicatust,
\

donee in navim subit, ii. i. 35, inscendo in lembum atque ad illam navim devehor.
And as Plautus adapted his Mercator from Philemon's "E/tTropos, this usage may
date from the time of Aristotle. The term is applied to a fisherman's boat by
Theocritos, xxi. 12, fj.-r)piv6oi Kibira re yepuv r eV tpdanaai Xe"//./3os, and also by
Accius, apud Nonium, p. 534, eo ante noctem extremam, retia ut perveherem et
statuerem, forte aliquando solito lembo sum progresses longius.
|
Vessels of this
name are mentioned again by Sisenna, ibid., Otacilium legatum cum scaphis ac
lembis, and by Turpilius, ibid., hortari nostros ilico cojpi, ut celerarent lembum,
and lembi redeimtes domum duo ad nostram adcelerarunt ratem.
Pliny, vii. 57, lembum (invenerunf) Cyrenenses. That probably refers to the
earlier vessels of this name, that were used as ship's-boats, etc.

Lenunculi.

This term was apparently a corruption of lembunculi, a diminutive of lembi,

and hence applied to any small boats.
Sallust, apud Nonium, p. 534, incidit forte per noctem in lemmculo piscantis.

Ammianus, xiv. 2. 10, piscatorios quatrunt lenunculos, vel innare temere contextis
ratibus parant, xvi. 10. 3, anhelante rabido flatu venlorum lenunculo se commisisse
piscantis, where the allusion is to Caesar's attempt to cross the Adriatic in an open
 TYPES OF SHIPS. 117

boat. Tacitus, annales, xiv. 5, nando (Agrippina) delude occursu leiiunculoruni

Lucrinum in lacum vecta villa: suce infertur. The term
applied to ship's-boats is

by Cresar, cle bello civili, ii. 43, magistrisque imperat navium, nt primo vespere
omnes scaphas ad Iit us adpulsas habeant qui in classe erant, proficisci propera-
bant: horum fuga navium onerariarum magistros incitabat. pauci lenunculi ad

ojficium imperiumque conveniebant.

There were guilds of lenuncularii at Ostia near the mouth of the Tiber.

Corp. Inscr. Latin, vol. xiv, nos. 250, 251, ordo corporatorum lenunculariorum
tabulariorum auxiliariorum Ostiensium, no. 252, o, c. I. pleromariorum a. O.

Lintres.

These were small boats, chiefly for use on rivers.

Caesar, de bello Gallico, i. 12, ratibus ac lintribus iunctis transibant. This refers
;o the Saone. cf. Ausonius, idyllia, 12, grammaticomastix, 10, lintribus in ge minis
'tratus, Ponto an Pons?
sit, Caesar, de bello Gallico, vii. 60, conquirit etiam
lintres: has magno sonitu remorum incitatas mittit, etc. That refers to the
Seine. Livy, xxi. 26, itaque ingens coacta vis navium est, lintriumque teniere ad
vicinalcm tisum paratarum; novasque alias cavabant ex singulis arboribus. That
refers to the Rhone. The naves and lintres of Livy are the X^u/3oi and /j.oi>6^v\a
of Polybios, iii.
42. Pliny, vi. 26, regio autem, ex
qua piper monoxylis lintribus
Baracen convehunt, vocatur Cottonara. These places were in India. Ovid,
fasti, vi. 779, ferte coronates iuvenum convivia lintres. That refers to the Tiber.
Cicero, pro Milone, 27, lintribus in earn insulam (in lacu Prelio) materiem,
calcem, cizmenta atque arma convexit. See also Cicero, Brutus, 60, mottis erat is,
et C. lulius in
perpetuum notavit, quum ex eo in iitramque partem toto
' 1
re vacillante quasivit, quis loqueretur e lintre,' ad Atticum, x. 10. 5, ego vero vtl
trictilo, si navis non erit, eripiam me ex istorum parricidio. And also Ulpian,
the Pandects, iv. 9. i. 4, de extrcitoribus ratium, item lintrariis nihil cavetur:
idem constitui oportere, Labeo scribit, sc. quod de exercitoribus navium.

LUSOTUK.

These were the war-ships constructed for the frontier rivers of the Roman
Empire, as distinguished from those constructed for the high seas.
Vegetius, ii. r, classis item duo genera sunt, unum liburnarum, aliud lusoriarum.
ribus (servantur) maria vel Jlumina. iv. 46, in Danubio agrarias cotidianis

intur excubiis, sc. lusorice. In the Theodosian Code, vii. 17, there is a law de
iriis Danubii dated in 412 A.D. It fixes the strength of that fleet at 225 ships ;

id provides for the construction of thirty-one every year, so as to renew the

whole fleet in about seven years. By Novel 24, dated in 443 A.D., the Emperor
directs the Magister Offidorum to furnish an annual report from certain frontiers
qucmadmodum se militum numerus habeat, castrorumque ac lusoriarum cura

procedat ; and this order is repeated by Justinian in his Code, i. 31. 4. But
while Justinian says vaguely super omni limite sub tua iurisdidione constituto,
Theodosios says explicitly tarn Tkraci, quam Illyrici, nee non etiam Orientalis
ac Pontici limitis, JEgyptiaci insuper, and this suggests that
Thebaici, Lybici :

lusoria: were then in use upon the Euphrates and the Nile as well as the Danube.
Ammianus, xvii. 2. 3, xviii. 2. 12, speaks of lusorice on the Meuse in 357 A.D.,
Il8 APPENDIX.

and on the Rhine in 359 A.D. Vopiscus, Bonosus, 15, speaks of them on the
Rhine in 280 A.D.
For an earlier use of the term, see note on thalamegi on p. 123.

Monoxyla, MovouAa.
These were vessels of a single piece of timber, formed by simply hollowing out
the trunk of a tree. They were in common use in many regions at many periods.
Xenophon, anabasis, v. 4. n, Tpiaxbcria TrXota /Aov<5iAa, /cat iv cKaVry rpels
avdpas. These were on the Black Sea. Polyaenos, v. 23, <rKa<f>as rpeis /novo^i/Xovs,
fKda-TTjv avdpa Zva. 6ta<rdai dwafjitvrjv. These were also on the Black Sea.
Heliodoros, ^Ethiopica, i.
31, iirifialvei d rou 07cd</>ous avrbs Kal 6 Qp/j,ovOis
*
Kal rplros 6 ^^7775 ov ydp -rrXelovas old re (ptpeiv rd Xi/Avaia ffKa^rj dtrb fibvov

tfXou Kal wptfjusov Trax^os evbs dypoiKbrepov KOL\aivbp,va. These were in the
Delta of the Nile. arundines vero tantce proceritatis ut singula
Pliny, vii. 2,

internodia alveo navigabili ternos interdum homines ferant, cf. xvi. 65. These
bamboos were said to grow in India. Pliny, xvi. 76, Germanics pr&dones singulis
arboribus cavatis navigant, quarum qucedam et triginta homines ferunt. The
inevitable parody supplied by Lucian, verge historian, ii. 26, OVTU dy 6^/3tjSdaaj 6
is
'

Padd/j.ai>6vs irevrr^Kovra, T&V ijpibwv els vavv p,ov6^v\ov dfftpodeXivrjv iraprjyyeiXe

diuKew. For further allusions to the /toj^iAa, see Aristotle, historia animalium,
iv. 8. 6, for the Arrian, anabasis, i. 3, and Theophylactos,
Mediterranean.
historia, vi. 9, for the Porphyrogenitos, de administrando imperio, 9,
Danube.
for the Dnieper and the Black Sea. Pliny, vi. 26, for the west coast of India,
monoxylis lintribus. Polybios, iii. 42, for the Rhone also Livy, xxi. 26, cavabant :

(lintres) ex singulis arboribus. Velleius, ii.

107, for the Elbe, cavatum ex materia
alveum. Strabo, iii. 2. 3, for the Guadalquivir ;
and iii.
3. 7, for the north coast

of Spain.
Vessels of this sort were carried by the armies of the Roman Empire for the

construction of floating-bridges. Vegetius, iii. 7, sed commodius repertum est

ut monoxylos, hoc est, paulo latiores scaphiilas ex singulis trabibus excavatas, pro

genere ligni et siibtilitate levissimas, carpentis secum portet exercitus, tabulatis

pariter et clavis ferreis prceparatis. ita absque mora con structus pons, etc. cf. ii.
25.
Leo, tactica, xvii. 13, avpir-riyvtiovffi. (oi Kaj3a\\dpioi) yttyvpav TJ did v\uv
fj did IUKP&V TrXcuapldJv, T&V Xeyoptvuv

MyoparoneS)
These were fighting-ships of no great
size. They were in use throughout the
Mediterranean in the First Century B.C. for warfare and for piracy. Apparently
they were broader than the regular war-ships in proportion to their length, and
therefore better able to keep the sea.

Appian, de bellis civilibus, v. 95, eSw/^cra-ro 5 Kal '0/craou/a rbv

aiT-fjo'affa Trap' Aytwiov, d^Ka (pacrrjXois TpirjpeTiKois, eTri/itVrois K re

'
Kal (j.aKpCiv Kal TT\V '0/craoinai' 6 Kdicrap %i
= Plutarch, Antonius, 35, '0/crctow'a

dde\<p$ irapd TOV dvdpbs el'/cocrt pvoirdpuvas, r<$ 5' dvdpl irapd rov dde\<j)ou
x<-Movs. This was in 37 B.C. Appian and Plutarch are certainly

referring to the same squadron, though they differ about its strength : so these
 TYPES OF SHIPS. IIQ

I
me
;ments of theirs would naturally define 'the nvo-rrdpuves as vessels of a hybrid
ies between the long ships and the round

Appian has no obvious motive

uvoirdpuves,
Mithridatico,
de rebus Punicis, isr,
92, /JLVoirdptjcri irpurov
vavcrl TrevTr/KovTa
ships.
for

seeing that he elsewhere mentions

Kal
But the difficulty is
employing a periphrasis here to describe
them by name de bello
y/JLioXtais,

jj.tv
elra diKpdrois
Tpt.rjpeTi.Kais, KepKotipois
Kal
5e Kal
:

rpiripeffi,

tJ.voira.p-
uffi Kal dXXotj (ipaxvTtpois TroXXots. Moreover, in these passages he treats the
fjivo-rrdpuves as ships of a single bank, and distinguishes them from vav<rl TpirjpeTtKats,
whereas he describes the vessels in question as <j>a<rri\ots rptT/peTiKots. But among
those vaval r^pen/ccus he must some five-banked ships that he has
include
mentioned just before, irevT-ripe^ re Kal and in another passage he uses the
T/>n)/>eis,

phrase <TKf<j-rj TpiypeTiKa for the gear belonging to ships of any number of banks
from two to five, pnefatio, 10, r/HTjpeis 5 diro i^uioXias fJ.^xP l irevrrjpovs, Treira/cocnai

so that he could not mean by

Kal %tXicu* Kal aKevrj TpirjpeTiKa SiTrXorepa TOIJTWV :

TpirjpeTiKbs that a shiphad three banks of oars, or necessarily more banks than
one. Apparently, he employs the term 0cun)Xots, like its equivalent in Latin,
to denote a certain type of vessel that was not meant for warfare see p. 120
and then adds Tpi-rjpeTiKois to show that the type was so far modified that the
vessels here were capable of fighting, though not entitled to rank with the regular
war-ships, vavai Tpi-rjpeTtKais that they were, in fact, iirifjiiKTois eV re <f>opTi5wv veuv
Kal fiaKpuv. See note 60 on p. 23 for other examples of an intermediate type.
Vessels termed TrctpoH/es are mentioned by Polybios, Fr. 65, apud Suidam,
s. v. Trapeses : 6 5e eVXet, TrapaTrXovs TroiT/trayitej'os TOI)S ZidTjTwv irdpwvas' TJKOV yap
'Podiois e/s <rvfjL/j.axlai>' And vessels termed parones and parunculi are mentioned
in verses that are ascribed to Cicero by Isidore, origines, xix. i. 20, tune se

fiuctigero tradit mandatque paroni, and parunculis ad littus ludet celcribus. The
/u.i/oTrapou'es therefore bore a compound name and a compound name would
:

naturally be given to ships of an intermediate type.

The /xi/oTrotjOWJ'es are mentioned also by Sallust, apud Nonium, p. 534, duobus

prtzdonum myoparonibus, and by Sisenna, ibid., navisque triginta biremis, totidem '

myoparonas. Again by Plutarch, Lucullus, 2, Tpialv EXXyviKois ftvoirdpuffi, Kal

8iKp6Tois focus 'Po5ta/cats, 13, \rjcrTpiK6i> pvoirapuva. Also by Cicero, in Verrem,
ii. v. 34, si tn pradonum pugna (quadriremis} versaretur, urbis instar habere inter
illos piraticos myoparones videretur. 37, hie, te prcetore, Heradeo archipirata cum
quattuor myoparonibus parvis ad arbitrium suum navigavit. hie, te prcetore,

prcedomtm naviculce pervagata sunt. cf. ii. i. 34, iii. 80, v. 28. And by Aulus
Hirtius, de bello Alexandrine, 46, depressa scapha vulneratus tamen adnatat
(Octavius) ad suum myoparonetn. eo receptus, cum prcelium nox dirimeret,
mpestate magna velis profugit.

Oraria, Oricz, Oriolce, Prosumice.

These were small craft employed on rivers and along the coast for traffic

fishing.

Pliny, epistolse, x. 26, nunc destino partim orariis

navibus partim vehiculis
vinciam petere : nam sicut itineri graves cestus ita continue navigations etesicc
reluctantur, cf. 28, orarias naviculas. Isidore, origines, xix. i. 27, makes the
>rd littoraria, but probably without authority. Plautus, rudens, iv. 2. 5, 6,
I2O APPENDIX.

salute ori(p, qiuc in marl fluctuoso \ piscatu novo me uberi conpotivit, iv. 3. 81, mea
opera et labore et rete et oria, trinummus, iv. 2. 100, 101, immo oriola advecti
sumus usque aqua advorsa per amnem. The oriola are identified with the
|

prosumitE by Aulus Gellius, x. 25, prosumia vel geseorette vel orioles. Nothing
is known of the geseoretce : but the prosumia are mentioned by Coecilius, apud

Nonium, p. 536, cum ultra gubernator propere vertit prosumiam, and again,
de node ad portum sum provectus prosumia.

Phaseli, ^ao-r/Aoi.

These were vessels of a type that was especiallysuitable for carrying people
from place to place. They were in use throughout the Mediterranean in the First
Centuries B.C. and A.D.
Catullus, 4. i
ille, quern videtis, hospites,
5, phaselus ait fuisse navium celcr- \

rimus, \
natantis irnpetum trabis nequisse prceterire, sive palinulis
neque tillius \

opus foret volare, sive linteo. This vessel had brought Catullus from Bithynia to
Italy. Cicero, ad Atticum, i.
13. i, accept ttias tres tarn epistolas : unam a M.
Cornelia, quam Tribus Tabernis, ut opinor, ei dedisti ; alterant , quam mihi Canu-
sinus tuus hospes reddidit ; tertiam, quam, ut scribis^ anchoris stiblatis, de phaselo
dedisti. xiv. 16. i ,
quinto Non. conscendens ab hortis Cluvianis in phasehim epicoptim
has dedi litteras. Atticus was crossing the Adriatic from Brindisi, and Cicero was

cruising in the Bay of Naples. Sallust, apud Nonium, p. 534, et forte in navi-
gando cohors una, grandi phaselo vecta, a ceteris deerravit ; marique placido a
duobus prcedonum myoparonibus circumventa. This great ship clearly was
dependent on her sails, since she was helpless when becalmed and Cicero's ;

phrase phaselus epicopus implies that some phaseli were not epicopi, and had not
any oars to help them along. Juvenal, xv. 127, 128, parvula Jictilibus solitum
dare vela phaselis, et brevibus pictce remis incumbere testa;, cf. Virgil, georgics,
\

iv. 289, et circum pictis vehitur sua rura phaselis. These were the earthenware
tubs that served as boats in Egypt, the ovrpaKiva iropB/j-ela of Strabo, xvii. i. 4.
So a phaselus might be of any size.
These vessels are mentioned frequently in Latin. Ovid, epistolse ex Ponto,
i. 10. ?>$, fragili tellus non dura phaselo. Horace, odes, iii. 2. 28, i<),fragilenive
mecum \
solvat phaselon. Seneca, Hercules CEtseus, 695, 696, nee magna meas
aura phaselos \
iubeat medium scindere pontum. Martial, x. 30. 12, 13, nee
languel cequor ; viva sed quies ponti pictam phaselon adiuvante fert aura.
\

Lucan, v. 518, et latus inversa nudum munita phaselo, sc. domus.

And they are mentioned occasionally in Greek. Appian, de bellis civilibus,
'

v. 95, c5co/>?jcraTo 5 Kal 'O/craou/a rbv afieXtybv, alrrjeacra. irap A-vruvlov, 5^/ca

0ao-^\ois TpirjpeTLKOis, eTrt/zkrois ^/c re (fropTidw ve&v /cat n,aKpuv. This passage has
already been discussed in the note on the fivoirdpuves on p. 118. Appian follows
the Latin usage in treating the <f>do-rj\oi as 0oprt5es v^es, and adds r/oi^/jen/co/ here
to show that the vessels in question had something of the character of the naxpai.
Strabo, however, reckons the <f>&<rrj\oi among the fj.a.Kpa 7r\o?a, and distinguishes
them from the ovceucrya^a, in his account of the expedition of ^Elius Callus down
the Red Sea in 25 B.C. Strabo, xvi. 4. 23, irp&rov pev 5rj rovd' a/j-dpTrj/Jia ffwtfir)

TO fj.a.Kpa KCLTaaKevdo-acrdai TrXoia, /j.rjdei>bs OVTOS fJ,T)d' effoptvov Kara 6a\arrav TTO\^OV.
6 5' OVK \O.TTOV 6y07)KOVTa evavTrriyri<raTo 5i'/c/3oro /cai rpirjpeis /cai 0ao"^\oi;s. 7^01)5
 TYPES OF SHIPS. 121

Sie^eiKr^os evavTn)yr)<raTo (TKevaywya enarbv Kal rptd/coi/ra, ols (ir\evffev

irepl fji-vplovs Trefbus. thus including these <pd<Tri\oi among the /xa/cpd TrXota,
By
>trabo may perhaps imply that they were (pdarjXoi rpiypeTiKol, as Appian says,
in fact were fAvoirdpuves.

Pontones.

These were merchant-ships of a type that was in use on the south coast
France in the First Century B.C.
Caesar, de bello civili, iii. 29, pontones, quod est genus navium Gallicarum,
,issi relinquit, sc. Antonius. 40, Lissum profectus (Cn. Pompeius] naves onerarias
iginta a M. Antonio relictas intra portum aggressus omnes incendit. The cir-
nnstances of the campaign suggest that these ships came from Marseilles.
At a later date the term denoted a pontoon. Paulus, in the Pandects, viii. 3.

flumine interveniente, via constitui potest, si aiit vado transiri potest, aut
intern habeat : diversum si pontonibus traiiciatur.
^ cf. Ausonius, idyllia, 12,
rammaticomastix, 10, lintribus in geminis constratus, Ponto sit, an Pons ?

Pristes, rLpiorreis.

These were war-ships of no great size ; yet large enough to carry rams. They
were employed in Greek fleets in the Second Century B.C. The name denotes a
shark.

Polybios, xvii. i, iraprji' 6 (Aev 4>tXi7T7ros ^/c

A^^rptdSoj dvaxQels ei's rov M 77X1^1
KbKirov, trevTe X^u/3ois x wv Kai -
tJ-Lav irplffTiv, <j> 175 auros eTT^TrXei Livy, xxxii. 32,
eorex ab Demetriade cum quinque lembis et ttna nave rostrata venit. Livy else-

where mentions them by name, xxxv. 26, ires tectas naves, et Icmbos pristesque, xliv.

28, q^ladrag^nta lembis, adiecta ad hunc numerum quinque pristes erant.

cum They
are again classed with the lembi by Polybios, xvi. 2, /card^pa/crot rpets /cat TrtvT-i]-

KovTa, ffvv d TOUTOIS d0pa/cTa, \fj.{3oi 5 ffvv Tats Trptcrreo'ti' eKaTbv Kal irevTTiKovTa.
These instances fall between 201 and 168 B.C. Virgil, yneid, v. 116, velocem
Mnestheus agit acri remige Pristin : but Prtstt's is here the name of the ship.
The fish known as pristis was certainly a shark. Leonidas of Tarentum, in

the Anthology, vii. 506, 3 10, rj yap eir' dyKtipas froxov fidpos els ctXa bvvuv, \

'

vypbv Kv/J,a /carepx^f'os, | rr]v fj.kv effwv auros 5e ^cerdrpoTros e/c

fivdov

|
^S?; /cat vatirais x e 'P as bpeyvvjj.evo^, | efip(adt)v' roibv /J.OL eir &ypiov e5 (jt-eya
'

| rjKdev, aTre[3p(t)i;v 5' #XP ts ^ 7r 6/J-<p&Mov. \ x^fj tffv -

^v vavrai, \f/vxpbv /Sdpos,
e dXos r//xc5j' | ripavd', ij^iav 5^ Trp^rts aTre/cXda-aro. Thus, the sailor had been
diving to recover an anchor, and was just being hauled into the ship again, when
the lower half of his body was bitten off and swallowed by a. pristis. That was the
act of a shark, and of no other fish. Aristotle, historia animalium, vi. n. 10, oi

/*' oSv -yaXeot /cat oi "yaXeoetoVs, 010? dXu>7n7 /cat KVUV, /cat oi irXar
/cat iSdros /cat Xeto/Saros /cat rpvywv, rbv elp-rjfjt-evov rpbirov fooroKovatv

12. i, 5eX0ts 5^ Kal <pd\atva Kal rd dXXa Krtrrj, 6Va /XTJ ?x fl Pp&yX
fa OTO \ovffiv, TI Se Trptcrrts /cat /Sous' ovdev yap TOVTWV (patverai ex v yd, dXX'

i, e ou diapdpovfj^evov ylverai TO faov, Kadd-rrep avdpwtros Kal TUV TerpaTrbSwv rd

Here the Trpums and /Sous are distinguished from those K-^TTJ which had

<pv<rr)Trjpa in place of ]8pd7x ta * the marine mammals, or Cetacea. And they are
also distinguished from some species of sharks, in that they were viviparous in the
122 APPENDIX.

strictest sense,while these were ovo-viviparous : but this distinction seems dubious.
The passage, however, refutes the opinion that the pristis was a whale. Linnaeus
was clearly in error in describing the saw-fish as pristis antiquorum. He probably
took irpieiv in the sense of sawing, whereas it also refers to biting; and the shark
is
pre-eminently the biter.

Rates,

These terms were applied to rafts of various kinds ; also to floating- bridges ;

and occasionally to ships.

Rafts were used for moving timber from place to place : and sometimes were of
immense size, requiring many masts and sails. Theophrastos, historia plantarum,
v. 8. 2, M^ytcrra 5 (tf\a) /cat irapa TTO\I> TO, tv r-fj K^y 0ct(Tii> elj'cu...dtci/3di'Tas 5^
r>as diroTe/j.^ffdat 7rd/u,7ro\u ir\rjdos e'/c TOTTOV /3/rax^os aJ<rre TrjhtKo.iJTrji' iroiijffai. (r%e5taj/

77 exp^a-aro TT^VT^KOVTO. to-rtoij' ov /*V dXXd StaTreo-eiv avr^v tv T< TreXdyei. Vitru-
vius, ii.
9. aqua non sustinetur ; sed cum portatur,
n, propterque pondus (larix) ab
aut in navibus aut supra abiegnas rates collocatur. Such rafts would consist
entirely of timber ; but others were floated on skins or jars or casks. Xenophon,
anabasis, ii. 28, oi (Sdpftapot. Sirjyov ^TTC trxeStcus 5i<f>deptisats Aprovs, rvpovs, olvov.
4.
This was on the Tigris. Pliny, viii. 6, centum quadraginta duo (elephantt) fuere
transvecti ratibus, quas doliorum consertis ordinibus imposuerat, sc. Metellus. The
passage was from Sicily to Italy, and the date was 251 B.C. See also Diodoros,
xix. 54. 3, for transport of elephants from Megara to Epidauros on <rxe8iai in 315
B.C. and Polybios, iii. 46, and Livy,
; xxi. 28, for transport of elephants across the
Rhone on trxerUcu or rates in 218 B.C. Lucan, iv. 420 422, namque ratem vacua
stistentant undique cuppce, \ quarum porrectis series constricta catenis \
ordinibus
gemints obliquas excipit alnos. This raft was built for fighting so a large space;

was left open in the middle, for the rowers to work their oars there out of reach of
missiles: 423 426, nee gerit expositu m telis in fronte patenti \ remigium : sed,quod
trabibus circiundedit (equor, hoc ferit ; \
et taciti prcebet miracula cursus, \ quod nee
velaferat, nee apertas verberat undas.
The floating- bridges which the Persians threw across the Dardanelles and
Bosporos are termed by yEschylos, Persee, 69, and by Mandrocles in the
o-xeSi'at

epigram quoted by Herodotos, iv. 88, and also by Herodotos himself, iv. 88, 89,
vii. 36 ; and he
applies the term to other floating-bridges, iv. 97, viii. 97. Livy,
xxi. 47, biduo vix locum rate iimgendo (Pado) flumini inventum tradunt. Strabo,
xvii. i. 1 6, Kal cr^eSta eu/crai eirl ry TTOTO.^, a<(> TJS /cai Tofivojj,a T<$ T67ry, sc.
SxeSm. This refers to the toll-bar across the Canopic arm of the Nile.
Sea-going ships are described as irovToirbpovs (rx^as by Euripides, Hecuba, 113.
In the Odyssey, v. 251, Ulysses' boat is described as eupeTav ffx^i-rjv, and Theocritos
uses the phrase tvpelav ff^^lav for Charon's boat, xvi. 41. Among the Roman
poets ratis bore this meaning: Catullus, 63. i, 64. 121; Virgil, georgics, ii.
445,
^neid, i.
43, iii.
192, iv. 53, v. 8, vi. 302 ; etc.

Speculatorice, KaracrKOTrot, Tabellaricz.

These were small vessels for reconnoitring and for carrying despatches.
Apparently, they became a distinct class in the First Century B.C. In the Fifth
 TYPES OF SHIPS. 123

Century A.D. the hulls of these vessels and their sails and ropes used all to be
tinted the colour of sea-water, to keep them out of sight.
una et octoginla constratis navibus, multis praterea minori-
Livy, xxxvi. 42,
r, aperta rostrata aut sine rostris speculatoria erant, Delum traiecit.
qua ant
lutarch, Cato Minor, 54, r)<rav 3 irtvTaKoaiuv ph OVK Adr-rovs al fjux^oi,

IvpvtKa 8 Kal KaraffKoiriKd Kal a0pa/cra Tra/ji.TrXrjdTJ, Pompeius, 64, rjffav yap at
t/AOt iri>TaK6<ricu, \ifivpvlduv 5 Kal KaraaKb-jrwv virepfiaXKuv dpt0/x6s. For this
of jttdxiMot in place of Kard<ppaKToi, cf. Pseudo-Callisthenes, i. 28, vawn-rjyrio-as
tpvovs Kal T/3i?7pei$ Kal vavs /*axfytous Troikas. Livy and Plutarch both treat
but Polybios speaks as though the scouting
scouts as a distinct class of vessels ;

done by any vessels that were available. Livy, xxii. 19, inde duo: Massilien-
ium speculators missa retulerunt classern Punicam stare in ostio, etc. = Polybios,
ii.
95, TrpoairtffTeiXe KaTao~K\l/o/j.evas 8tio vavs raxuTrXoouaaj MatrcraXium/cds...
5^ TWV Trl TT]V /caracr/coTTTji' eKirefji.(pd^i>TUV on irepl rb <rr6fj.a, K,T.\.

/ivy, xxx. 10, intervalla fecit, qua procttrrere speculators naves in hostem ac tuto

cipipossent.
= Polybios, (xiv. 10), apud Suidam, s. v. vir-rjpeTi.Ko'LS :
fipa-xy dicwTrjfjLa
wore uTrr/pert/cots t/CTrXetv 5iW(T0ai Kal StaTrXeti'. And Livy doubtless used

speculators in transcribing from Polybios, i.

53, 6/ioiwy 3 Kal TOIJ CK TUV
"LvpaKovcrCiv irpoaTreffTaX/nfroLS ra/itats avrryyeiXav, ol irpoirXelv eldiff^voi Xtfj-fioi rbv
irlir\ovv TUV virevavriuv. The inference is that the scouts did not become a
distinct class until after the time of Polybios ; and that Livy is guilty of some
anachronisms. usually were small vessels.
They Livy, xxxv. 26, ipse Philopcemen
in levi speculatoria nave Jugit, xxx. 10, speculator^ naves ac levia navigia. Caesar,
de Bello Gallico, iv. 26, speculatoria navigia. The inscription mentioning specu-
latores classis Misenensis is a forgery see Corp. Inscr. Latin, vol. x, no. 247*.
:

Seneca, epistolae, 77, subito nobis hodie Alexandrine naves apparuerunt, qua
pr&mitti solent et nuntiare secuturce classis adventuni : tabellarias vacant. These
vessels qua; prccmitti solent answer to the TrpoirXetv ddicr^voi of Polybios, i.
53.
And the regular scouts also served as tabellaria. Aulus Hirtius, de bello Africano,
26, per catascopum (litteras) mittit.
The term exploratoria is employed by Vegetius, iv. 37, scaphcc tamen maioribus
liburnis exploratorice sociantur, qua vicenos prope remiges in singulis partibus
habeant...ne tamen exploratorice naves candore prodanttir, colore veneto, qui marinis

estflucttbus similis, vela tinguntur et funes ; cera etiam, qua ungere solent naves,
injidtur :
nauttcque vel milites venetam vestem induunt.

Thalamegi, aXa/xr/yot.

These were house-boats of extraordinary size and splendour, constructed by the

Ptolemies for their voyages upon the Nile.
Strabo, xvii. i. 16, 5i^x et ^ Terpda-xoivov T^S AXet-avSpeias
'

rj SxeS^a, KaroiKia
7r6\ews, ev 77 r6 vavffTadfAov TUIV daXafiTjyCjv irXoluv, ^0' ofs ot
/
^ ye/i6ves e^5 TTJV avu
\upav ai>air\tov<ru>, cf. 15, eiy^xowrai 5' ev ffKa<pats Qa\afj.r)yois. Suetonius,

Julius Coesar, 52, nave thalamego pane ^Ethiopia tenus sEgyptum penetravit.
Appian, praefatio, 10, daXawyd re xP v<J'b'jrpv/J.va Kal xpuo^/x/SoXa, es Tro\tjJ.ov TTO/ATTT?*',

ots avrol SiairXtovres tirtfia<.vov ol /3a(TiXets, OKTaKtxna. This refers to the Ptolemies.
Athenseos, v. 38, Karccr/cei/aa-e 5' 6 4>iXorciTwp /cat irordfuov irXotoi/, rrjv 6a\a/J.r}ybv

,
rb HTJKOS tx v v iHUffTadlov, K. T.\. Athenaeos is quoting from Calli-
124 APPENDIX.

xenos, and his account of the vessel seems untrustworthy throughout. Diodoros,
'
i.
85, ^TreiTct (rbv /j.6<rx 0i') ei s da\a/j.t]ybv VQ.UVOttawa Kexpuffw/Atvov ^x ovffav ^"/3t/3<x-

ffavres, u>s Oebv dvdyovaiv ets WLtfjufriv. This bull was the Apis.
The term thalamegus used sometimes to be replaced by cubiculata or lusoria.
Seneca, de beneficiis, vii. -20, cut triremes et ceratas non mitterem, lusorias et cnbicu-
latas et alia ludibria regum in mart lascivientium mittam. Epiphanios, ancoratus,
106, ws 6 'Avrlvoos, 6 tv 'Avrtvoov KeKtjdev^vos, Kai abv Xovvopiy irXoly /ce^ej/os U7r6

'Adpiavou oOrws KaTerdyrj.

Tragi, Tpayot.
These were vessels of a type invented by the Lycians.
Sisenna, apud Nonium, p. 534, prores actuaries tragi grandes ac phaseli primo.
cf. Pollux, i.
83, fort 5^ nva TrXoia AVKIO. \ey6fjieva Kpioi Kai rpdyoi. Plutarch, de
mulierum virtutibus, 9, ^TrXet 5^ (Xi>/3pos) irXoly Xtovra ptv ZXOVTI irpypaQtv
tTrlGTjfjLOV , K dt irpv/Avrjs dpaKovra, Kai TroXXa xa/ca roi)s Avxtovs eirolei. As the
Chimoera was a goat with a lion's head and a snake's tail, this vessel must have
been a rpdyos.

Vectorice, 'ETri/JuTrjyou

These were vessels for carrying passengers. They were not used for cargo.

These names were applied to them in the Second Century A.D.

Ulpian, in the Pandects, xiv. r. i. 12, qucedatn enim naves oneraria, quadam
(ut ipsi dicunt) Tn.f3aTT]yol, id est vectorum ductrices^ sunt ttf, ecce, sunt naves

qu( Brundusium a Cassiopa vel a Dyrrhachio vectores traiiciunt, ad onera inha-

biles. Suetonius, Julius Csesar, 63, cum per angustias Hellespont i vectoria navicitla
traiiceret. This was presumably a passenger-boat ; but Caesar, de bello Gallico,
v. 8, uses the phrase vectoriis gravibusque navigiis for vessels carrying troops and

stores. See note on phaseli on p. 120 for other vessels of this class.
The boats from Brindisi to Durazzo connected the Appian Way from Rome
with the Egnatian Way and the East. Cassiopa lay
to Salonica at the northern
end of Corfu, and was on the route from Italy to Greece.
 INDEX TO SUBJECTS.

Ldmiral's flag and light, 99, yacht, Classification of ships, 23, 105.

108. Coloured sails, 98.

Anchors, 69 74. Cushions on thwarts, 47.
rk, Noah's, 24, 25, 55.
iwnings, 52, 53, 58. Deck-houses, 58.
Decks, 4957.
ick-stay, 78 80,
83^.
Despatch-boats, 108, 122.
ialing, 61.
Dimensions of war-ships, 20 23, 43, of

Ballast, 60, 61. merchant-ships, 23 25.

Banks of oars, see Oars. Drinking-water, 61.
Bath-room, 58. Dug-outs, 118.
Beams, 40, 4547. 55. 5^-

Bilge, 61. Egyptian ships, 2, 4, 9, 41, 51, 56, 65,

Bitt-heads, 83, 84. 68, 75, 78, 79, 92, 106, 107.

Boat, ship's, 103, 104. Eight-banked ship, 13, 14.

Bowsprit, 89, 91, 94, 95, 104. Elephants on rafts, 122.
Braces, 7883, 94, 95. Eleven-banked ship, 6, 7.

Brails, 7983, 94, 95. Encaustic, 35, 36.

Breadth of war-ships, 22, 23, of mer- Eyes, 69.
chant-ships, 23 25.

Bridges of boats, 70, 118, 122. False -keel, 32.

Bulwarks, 52, 53, 56, 57, 107. Fifteen-banked ships, 6, 7.

Buoys, 72, 73, 99. Fifty-oared ships, 3,21,22,42, 106, 116.

Byzantine ships, 16 19, 30, 87, 91,92, Figure-head, etc, 65 67, 113, 114.

103- Five-banked ships, 5, 6, 12, 13, 16, 44,

109.
Cabins, 54, 55, 57, 58. Flags, 99, 100.
Cables for anchoring, etc, 73, 74, for Floats, 72.

strengthening the hull, 41 43. Forecastle, 56, 57.

Calking, 34. Fore-mast, 89, 91.

Cargo, 2530. Fore-stay, 7883, 94.

Carvings, 65 67. Forty-banked ship, alleged, 8 10, 14,

Catheads, 62, 63, 69. 23-

Cavalry-transports, 14, 15, 43. Four-banked ships, 5, 12, 44, 47, 82.
126 INDEX TO SUBJECTS.

Galleries, 67, 69. r

3 9> 5 44. 45. supplementary, 10,

Galleys, 19. ' 2 > i5 50. 5i. auxiliary, 20, 29, size
Gangways on ship, 4953, for landing, and weight, 10, 48, 50, 51, material,

101, 102. 33, fastenings, 44.

Gardens on ships, 29, 58. Obelisks, ships for carrying, 26 30.
Goose's-head, 67. Ornaments at stem and stern, 6569.

Halyards, 7883, 9395- Paddle-wheels, 101.

Hawse-holes, 69. Painting, 3537, 60, 65, 66.

Height of war-ships, 20, 2 1 ,

of merchant- Passenger-ships, 120, 124.
ships, 24. Phoenician ships, 3, 4, 44, 49, 52, 64,
Hieroglyphs, 2, 79. 79, 111114.
Horses on ships, 14, 15, 116: ships Poles, 102.
named horses, 108, 110, 113, 114. Pontoons, 121.
House-boats, 123, 124. Poop, 56, 57.
Hull, 39, 40. Port-holes, 4345.
Hurricane-deck, 49 53. Pump, 61.

Keel, 31,32, 39, 40. Rafts, 122.

Ram, 62 65.
Ladders, 101, 102. Ratlines, 95.
Lead for sounding, 101. Reliefs, 65, 66.
Leathers for port-holes, 43, for oars, 44. Ribs, 39, 40.
Length of war-ships, 21 23, 43, of Rigging, generally, 7898, with one
merchant-ships, 24, 25. mast, 78 83, 85, 91, with two masts,
Liburnians, 16, 17. 83 89, 91, 94, 95, with three masts,
Life-buoys, 73. 89, 91.
Lifts, 78, 94, 95. Rings on sails, 81, 95.

Lights, 99. Ropes in rigging, 7885, 94, 95,

Log, automatic, 101. material for, 97.

Rowers, arrangement of, 44 48, 55,

Masts, generally, 78 96, fore-mast or 56.

bowsprit, 83 89, 91, 94, 95, 104,

mizen, 89, 91, material for, 33, tops, Sacred barges, 9, 10.

9 2 >93- Sails, generally, 78 91, 9498, fore-

Materials for shipbuilding, 31 37, for sail or spritsail, 83 89, 91, 95, top-
sails and ropes, 96, 97, for awnings, sail, 90, 93, 94, mizen, 89, 91, material
53- for, 96, 97, colour of, 98.
Military-tops, 92, 93. Scouts, 122, 123.
Mizen, 89, 91. Screens, 5153.
Sculling, 10.
Names of ships, 65, 66. Sections, ships in, 38.
Nine-banked ships, 6. Seven-banked ships, 5, 6, 13.
Noah's Ark, 24, 25, 55. Sharks, 121, 122.
Nose of ship, 65. Sheathing, 37.
Sheets, 79, 8183, 94. 95-
Oars, generally, i 20, number, 2, 3, Ship's boat, 103, 104.
10 14, 17 20, arranged in banks, Shrouds, 78, 81, 94, 95.
 INDEX TO SUBJECTS. 127

Sides, thickness of, 40. Three-masted ships, 89, 91.

Signalling, 100. Thwarts, 4547.
Six-banked ships, 5, 6. Timber, 31 34.
Sixteen-banked ships, 7, 21. Tonnage of merchant-ships, 25 30, of
Sounding, 101.
kJVJt
war-ships, 30, 31.
Spiritsail, 89, 95. Tops, military, 92, 93.
tues, 66, 67. Topsail, 90, 91, 93, 94, 98.
t teering-gear, 74 78. Tow, 34.
Stem and stern, 36, 39, 40, 56, 57, Turrets, 59, 60.
6269, 74- Twelve-banked ships, 6.
Superstructure, 49, 50. Twenty-banked ship, 8.
Swan's-head, 67. Twenty-oared ships, 2, 3, 20, 107.
Two-banked ships, 3, 4, n, 15 19, 44,
Tacking, 78, 95, 96. 46, 53-
Tar, 34, 37. Two-masted ships, 83 88, 94, 95.
Tarsis, ships of, i.

Ten-banked ships, 5, 6, 20, 21, 30, 31. Undergirding, 41 43.

Thirteen-banked ships, 7, 8.

Thirty-banked ships, 8, 9, 22. Waling-pieces, 40, 41, 45, 62, 63, 78.
Thirty-oared ships, 2, 3, 21, 22, 38, 43, Water for drinking, 61.

47> 85. Wax, 34, 35, 37.

Tholes, 21, 22, 44, 45, 109.
Three-banked ships, 4, 10, n, 14 17, Yards, generally, 7885, 8996, for

*> 3 f . 4347, 50, 5456, 63, 82 dropping missiles, 93, braced round,
84. 78, 96, structure of, 78, material for,
Three-decked ships, 54, 55. 33-
 INDEX TO TECHNICAL TERMS.

GREEK.
, 82 85. 47.
, 69 74. &cura, 54, 55.
dyictpeiov, 73. , 5t/fW7rta, 10.

d-yuid, 58- 21.

5/caros, aKdriov, 105, 106, dufdreios 75.

to-r6s, d/cdretot Kcpaiai, aKareLov iarlov, So/cos, 40.
8386.
i/, dxpUT-ripiov, 68, 69, 93. dp6/u,<i)v, 17 19, 91.
s, 62. 6>i5oxos, 39, 40.
?, d^rXfa, dvT\T)T'f)p(.ov, 61.

73, 102. ,
39.
^67610?, 73. 57, 91.
apfJLOvia, a/)yU.O(TyU.a, 37, 38. ?/i/3oXos, 63, 64.
/, 88. ti>Tep6veia, 32, 39.
9- eTTdKTpls, ^TraKrpov, 112,

43- "3-
75- twrjyKevls, 39.
/, 68. emfiddpa, 102.
&(ppa.KTos, 51, 52. 124.
73.
,
81.
fiddpa, 1 02.

1
, 65, 66.
/Sapis, 06, 107.
S, 8O.
, 101.
s, 62, 69.
,
60.
7aXafa, 701X61, 19.
97.
7aOXos, 113.
, evvaia, 70.
3739. 103.
73.
ywvla, 99.
^7X77, frvKT-ripla, 75.
^765, 1 8, 40, 46,
,
47, 57, 58, 93,
/cepa?at, 93, 94. JCciTTT/, n, 56, tvylrys, 46.
5eo>i6s, 37, 38, 71. 75.
Sia/3a<ns, 50, 51. 40, 41.
 INDEX TO TECHNICAL TERMS. I2 9

(dry, 92, 93. X7?j>6s, 91, 92.

*, 37, 38. Xf0os, \i0o<J>6poi KepaTcu, 70, 71, 94.
io\la, 15, 51.
j/as, 22, 23.

/j,dxi/J.o$ ^aus, 123.

* 55> 0aXa/ia K^TTT;, n, 44, 56,
0aXd/ta, 56, 0aXa/*i776s, 123, 124.
8385, 87.
s, 46, QpaviTis /cti>7r7, ii, 15, 56,
7, 80.
46.
fj.e<T6Koi\ov, So.
92.
wpfaffdcu, 81, 82.
39.
,
39, 57.
ju.ov6v\os, 1 1 8.
is, 82, 83, 85.
1 1 8,
fj.voTrdp<t)v, 119.
14, 15.
pvpiayuyds, fj.vpto<f>6pos, 25,
ros, 113, 114.
26.
rt6/cw?ros, 114, 115.
rlov, 81 99. 39.

, 80.
60.
j, So.
70.
5s, 8085, 8995. 0^, o/7)ioj/, 7577.
of/o^a, otKij<ris, 55.
s, Ka\<pStot>, 8 1 85, 94, 95.
wul, 70.
77.
69.
Ka.fj.dpa, 107.
Kdvdapos, 107, 108. 53.

K&poiov, 93. irapdp'pvtJ.a,, 53.

9295. Trapdffeipov, go.

, 53. Trapdo"rjfji.ov, 66.

101. s, 83 85.
122, 123. 62, 75, 102.

4952, 55, 57. 37.

, 51, 52, 57, 123. s, 50, 54, 55, 58.
, 108 no. 1
19.

79, 8285, 9'

2
95- 7ret<r/xa, 73, 74.
IIO, III. Trepta/ywyetf?, 95.

pofyos, 9395- ireptveus, 10 12, 15, 50, 51.

S, 2, 46. 74 77.
fcXi/ta/cs, /cXtywa^, 102. , 76.
102. s, 8183, 85, 96.
, 68. 121, 122.

29, 61. , 63.

KptKOS, Si. u)i>, 47.
K1JKVOS, KVKVOK&vdapOS, IO8. s, So, 94.
/ciJ/tjST;, 112. ,
39, 40, 57, 68.
/cc6?T77, KWTreiJs, n, 12. jrpvfj.v^ffiov, 73, 74.

47. Trpvpa, 39, 40, 57, 62, 69.

irrtpva, 91, 92.

99. 77.
, 115, 1 1 6. s, 77-v/yyoOxos, 60.

T.
130 INDEX TO TECHNICAL TERMS.

65. rpidpfjicvot, 54, 55.

(rav/s, 40. rpnjfJUoXla, Tpfrjpt]fuo\la, 15, 51.

41. Tprfpris, 16, 17, 54, 55, 109, 119.

', 66, 67, 99 101. rpiirdpodos, 54, 55.
i, 65. T/>ic6po0os, 55.
90. rpbins, 31, 39, 4 o, 75.
o-/caX/x6$, 44, 109. T/>o7r6s, rpOTrwr^/), 44, 47.
58. rpoxtX/a, Tpox6s, 82, 95.
,
81.

39. tfaXos, 71.

52, 55. vdpod'/jKij, 61.

40. vTrtpa, 8 1 85.

62. vTT-qptffiov, 47.
,

14. VTnr)pTiK{)S, 115.

69. u7r6/9Xi7/ia, 53.

irXoioi', 23. &ir6uij,a, 41 43.

<TTpo<j>eiov, 95.
93. 0un;Xos, 120, 12 1.
80. 0eXX6s, 73, loo.
, 122. (pOiVlKls, IOO.

73-
XaXtj/6s, xaXw^, 77, 82, 83, 95.

rap>$s, Ta/xr6s, 2, 12, 15, 20, 114. xd\KWfM, xaX/c^s vaOs, 63.

TOTretor, 82, 83. X^ uo "/* a 31-

ropvela, 32. X^^fos, 67.

124.
 INDEX TO TECHNICAL TERMS.

LATIN.

i acaftum, 106. corbita, in.

irius, actuariolus , 105, 106. corymba, 68.
iminiculum, 77. 39.
y, czrata navis, 63, 65. in, 112.
58. cymba, cymbula, 112, 103.
cora, 70, 73, 74.
82, 83. 70.

tenna, 79, 8991, 95. , 55.

rtus, 52. dolon^ 87.
ract us, dromo, 17.
52.
?, 68.

, 88. exploratorius, 123.

forus,f0rt, 57, 58.

y, 106, 107.

gubemaculunt, 75 77.
a/*, 91.
 132 INDEX TO TECHNICAL TERMS.

malus, 87 91, 93, 94, 96, 97. scalmus, 44, 109.

moderamen, 77. scapha, scaphula, 103, 104, 123.
molybdis, 101. j#&, 57.
monoxylus, 1 18. sentina, 61.
myoparo, 118, 119.' signum, 101.
speculatorius, 122, 123.
numen, 67. statumen, 39.
j/^a, 55.
om, 73. struppus, 44.
oraria, oria, oriola, 119, 120. supparum, 90.

parada, 58. tabellarius, 122, 123.

^ar0, parunculus, 119. /*:/.?, 52, 53, 57.
AJ, 96. thalamegus, 123, 124.
phaselus, 120. tragus, 124.
plectrum, 76. transtrum, 40, 47.
/0#.r, panto, 1 02, 121. triremis, triresmus, 54.
praposiero more, 97. trochlea, 95.
pristis, 121, 122. z'j, 59, 60.
propugnaculum, 59. 67.
prosutnia, 119, 120.
tympanum, 95.

122.
70.
regimen, 77. instar, opus, 21.
retinaculum, 74.
rostrum, 63 66.
124.
rudetu, 95. , 8791, 9597, 99.
vexillum, 99, 101.
saburra, 60. mnculum, 74.
102.
 INDEX TO AUTHORITIES.
ANCIENT WRITERS.
Lccius, 1 1 6. Arrian, 6, 15, 23, 34, 38, 44, 46, 51,
/Elian, 5. 58, 60, 70, 73, 98, 102, no, 118.

/Eschines, 109, 113, 115. Artemidoros, 61.

/Eschylos, 20, 36, 38, 44, 57, 61, 63, Asclepiades, quoted by Athenaeos, 91,
69, 77, 88, 94, 96, 97, 98, 106, 107, 92, 93-

109, 122. Athenaeos, the engineer, 41.

Agathias, 103, 106, 112. Athenseos, the scholar, 8, 9, 10, 14, 15,
Alcaeos, 70, 80. 20, 22, 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, 36, 37, 38,
Alexander Polyhistor, quoted by Ste- 39, 40, 41, 49, 50, 54, 55 58, 59 60,

phanos, 114. 61, 63, 65, 68, 71, 74, 75, 76, 81, 85,
Alexis Samios, 65. 89, 90, 92, 94, 96, 97, 98, 103, 106,
Ammianus, 29, 58, 116, 117. 107, 109, in, 112, 113, 114, 123.
Anaxandrides, 103. Ausonius, 58, 108, 117, 121.
Antipater, 94. Automedon, 26.

Antiphanes, 113.
Antiphilos, 33. Berosos, 24.
Antiphon, 52. Bianor, 40.
Apollodoros, 55, 65.
Apollonios, 55. Cascilius, 120.

Apollonios Rhodios, 37, 40, 42, 46, 68, Caesar, 16, 23, 32, 33, 38, 39, 40, 52,

70, 74, 77 80, 82, 93, 95, 96. 53, 60, 63, 64, 73, 97, 103, 117, 121,

Appian, 15, 16, 23, 42, 52, 56, 60, 65, 123, 124.
68, 74, 88, 99, 100, 109, 110, 115, Callimachos, quoted in scholia, 113.
118, 119, 120, 123. Callisthenes, 123.
Apuleius, 33, 67, 74, 77, 93, 98. Callixenos, quoted by Athenaeos, 8, 9,
Archimedes, 28. 10, 14, i5 22, 23, 36, 41, 50, 54, 63,
Archimelos, quoted by Athenaeos, 27, 68, 75, 90, 92, 96, 98, 123.
28, 40, 92. Cassiodorus, 17.
Archippos, 82. Catullus, 93, 96, 1 20, 122.
Aristeides, /Elius, 14, 16, 55. Cedren, 27.
Aristobulos, 6. Charisius, 88.
Aristophanes, 10, 32, 36, 43, 44, 56, 60, Chariton, 58.
63, 66, 67, 69, 73, 81, 86, 93, 95, 108, Cicero, 10, 21, 25, 37, 47, 51, 52, 56,
58, 61, 77, 94, 106, 109, in, 112,
Aristotle, 9, 20, 44, 48, 60, 65, 75, 76, 117, 119, I2O.
78, 91, 94, 96, 113, 116, 118, 121. Cinna, 82.
134 INDEX TO AUTHORITIES.

Claudian, 32, 33. Hermippos, 47, 97.

Clemens Alexandrinus, 4, 5. Herodotos, 2, 4, 15, 23, 25, 32, 33, 34,

Comnena, Anna, 41. 37> 39' 44> 49 57. 5, 64, 65, 66, 67,
Cratinos, 47. 68, 70, 73, 75, 7<5, 81, 88, 96, 97, 99,
Critias, 106. 100, 101, 102, 106, 107, 109, no,
Ctesias, 25, 38. 113, 122.
Curtius, Quintus, 6, 38. Hesychios, 47, 65, 112.
Himerios, 26.
Deinarchos, quoted by Pollux, 25, and Hippocrates, 51, 65.
Harpocration, 113. Hipponax, 34, 36.
Demosthenes, 20, 49, 72, 103, 109. Hirtius, Aulus, 52, 64, roi, 103, 105,
Diodoros, 4, 5, 6, 9, 15, 22, 38, 47, 62, 119, 123.
65, 66, 68, 71, 87, 94, 99, 100, 102, Homer, 2, 3, 11, 20, 32, 33, 34, 37, 38,

105, 106, 107, 109, no, 115, 122, 39, 40, 44, 46, 47, 52, 57, 60, 61, 68,
124. 70. 73. 74. 76, 80, 8r, 95, 96, 97,
Diogenes Laertios, 40. IO2, III, 114, 122.
Dion Cassius, n, 20, 21, 33, 60, 61, Horace, 16, 36, 42, 59, 63, 112, 120.
62, 64, 7;, 75, 89, 97, 100, 101. Hyginus, 93.
Dion Chrysostom, 40, 106.
Dionysios of Halicarnassos, 30. Isidore, 58, 71, 82, tor, no, 119.

Ennius, 58, no. Josephus, 55.

Ennodius, 93. Juvenal, 40, 68, 88, 112, 114, 120.
Ephippos, 109.
Ephoros, quoted by Strabo, 70. Labeo, in the Pandects, 88, 103, 117.
Epicharmos, 113. Leo, 17, 18, 19, 39, 75, 92, 93, 100, 118.
Epicrates, 85. Leonidas of Tarentum, 10, 73, 96, 106,
Epictetos, 90. 107, 121.
Epiphanies, 124. Livy, 7, 10, 14, 22, 25, 32, 52, 60, 70,

Eratosthenes, 93. 73. 87, 89, 96, 99, 101, 105, 106,
Euphorion, quoted by Lydos, 1 14. 108, no, 115, 116, 117, 118, 121,
Euripides, 20, 38, 41, 47, 57, 61, 63, 122, 123.

67. 69, 71, 72, 75, 76, 77, 81, 94, 95, Lucan, 16, 32, 33, 55, 58, 59, 68, 70,
96, 97, 102, 107, 122. 9. 93> 95> 96, 112, 120, 122.
Eusebios, 24. Lucian, 10, 20, 24, 35, 36, 40, 49, 54,
Eutropius, 8. 55, 61, 66, 67, 70, 71, 72, 73, 77, 80,
86, 90, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 102,
Florus, 100. 106, 118.
Lucilius, 44, 83, 88, 96, 101, in.
Galen, 48, 95. Lucretius, 68, 95.
Gellius, Aulus, 34, 57, 58, 112, 115, Lycophron, 60, 70, 71, 80, 96.
120. Lydos, 114.
Gregory the Great, 104.
Manasses, 26, 40.
Harpocration, 34, 73, 82, 113. Marcellus, 105.
Heliodoros, 25, 40, 57, 74, 82, 103, Martial, 120.
115, 118. Maximus Tyrius, 59.
Heracleitos, 70, 80. Meleager, 96.
 INDEX TO AUTHORITIES. 135

Memnon, 14, 50, 65, no. Pollux, 7, 14, 25, 31, 47, 54, 76, 99,
Menander, 107. 115, 124.
Moschion, quoted by Athenaeos, 20, 25, Polysenos, 35, 56, 60, 62, 68, 74, 75,
28, 29, 36, 37, 38, 39, 49, 54, 76, 99, 100, 101, 102, 109, 115,
, 59, 60, 61, 71, 89, 92, 94, 103, 118.
' Polybios, 7, 8, 12, 15, 20, 22, 39, 42,
:hos, 20. 52, 60, 62, 64, 73, 87, 88, 89, 105,
106, 108, 109, 115, 116, 117, 118,

K-, nder, 112. 119, 121, 122, 123.

Nicostratos, 107. Porphyrogenitos, 18, 19, 35, 91, 118.
Nonius, 58, 83, 105, 108, 110, in, 116, Proclos, 29, 54.
119, 120, 124. Procopios, ii, 17, 21, 30, 38, 39, 40,
87, 98, 99, 102.

Oppian, 70, 77, 81, 94, 95, 96. Propertius, 20, 36, 66, 107, 112.
Orosius, 20. Ptolemy, 57, 67, 68, 80, 93.
Orpheus, 75, 76.
Ovid, 35, 36, 39, 40, 67, 74, 77, 94, 96, Quintilian, 20, 73, 77.
97, 112, 117, 120.
Sallust, 58, 61, 108, 116, 119, 120.
Paulinus Nolanus, 17, 61, 88, 103. Satyrios Thyillos, 95.
Paulus, in the Pandects, 103, 121. Scylax, 113.
Pausanias, 50, 69, 70, 72, no. Seneca, the elder, 88.
Persius, 36, 97. Seneca, the younger, 61, 67, 90, 91, 96,
Petronius, 55, 57,63, 71, 104. 98, 108, 112, 120, 123, 124.
Pherecrates, quoted in scholia, 94. Sidonius, 58.
Philemon, 116. Silius Italicus, 13, 32, 56, 66, 67, 76.

Philippos, 63. Simonides, quoted by Plutarch, 98.

Philistos, 99. Sisenna, 105, 116, 119, 124.
Philo Judseus, 24, 25, 55. Sophocles, 47, 61, 76, 81, 96, 112, 114.
Philostephanos, quoted by Pliny, 4, 9. Sosicrates, 107.
Philostratos, 35, 54, 69, 74, 98. Statius, 63, 77, 90, 101, 102.

Photios, 14, 25, no. Stephanos, 65, 114.

Pindar, 69, 77, 93, 96, 105. Stobseos, 72.
Plato, 22, 31, 32, 39, 41, 60, 76, 77, 81. Strabo, 6, 21, 25, 32, 33, 34, 38, 39,
Plautus, 55, 103, 1 10, in, 114, 116, 65, 68, 70, 89, 97, 103, 106, 107, 114,

119, 1 20. 115, 116, 118, 120, 122, 123.

Pliny, the elder, 4, 5, 7, 9, 13, 17, 25, Strattis, 82.

26, 31, 33> 34, 35. 36, 39. 57. 59- 6o Suetonius, 16, 29, 38, 58, 59, 61, 98,
63, 7, 7i 7 2 , 74. 77, 89, 9> 9 6 > 97, 102, 123, 124.

98, 99, 106, 1 10, in, 112, 114, 116, Suidas, 23, 98, 1 08,
119, 123.
117, 118, 122. Syncellos, 24.
Pliny, the younger, 103, 119. Synesios, 10, 49, 54, 57, 7^, 88, 94, 95,
Plutarch, 6, 7, 8, 14, 20, 21, 28, 31, 34, 109.

35, 37, 38, 47, 49, So, 54, 59, 6 > 62

63, 64, 65, 66, 68, 70, 72, 76, 77, 86, Tacitus, 17, 38, 58, 66, 75, 99, 102,

89, 93, 95, 97, 9 8 100, 101, 102, 103, 107, 117.

105, 106, 109, 113, 115, 118, 119, Themistios, 26.

123, 124. Theocritos, 40, 47, 102, 116, 122.

136 INDEX TO AUTHORITIES.
Theodores Prodromes, 41. Varro, 34, 108, no.
Theognis, 46, 70, 106. Vegetius, 16, 31, 34, 35, 38, 59, 75, 89,
Theophrastos, 7, 15, 23, 31, 32, 33, 34, 98, 117, 118, 123.
no, 118.
39, 62, 72, 89, 97, 105, 122. Velleius, 109,

Theophylactos, 118. Virgil, 10, 20, 21, 32, 34, 47, 57, 58,

Thucydides, 4, 10, n, 14, 15, 25, 30, 59, 60, 63, 65, 66, 67, 70, 74, 77, 95,

47, 49, 50, 56, 57, 60, 62, 65, 66, 86, 96, IO2, 112, Il6, I2O, 121, 122.

93, 101, 102, 105, 106, 108, 109. Vitruvius, 21, 28, 35, 41, 44, 61, 63,
Tibullus, 63. 76, 91, IOI, 122.
Timaeos, 55. Vopiscus, 118.
Turpilius, no, 116.

Tzetzes, 29, 36. Xenophon, 11, 23, 53, 56, 68, 76, 84,
85, 86, 87, 99, 100, 101, 109, 112,

Ulpian, 117, 124. 113, 115, 118, 122.

Valerius Flaccus, 32, 35, 36, 65, 67, 68, Zonaras, 35, 41.
7o 93, 95- Zosimos, 1 6, 33.

COMPILATIONS.
the Anthology, 10, 26, 28, 33, 40, 44, the Codes, 117.

63* 73' 94. 95. 96, 106, 107, 121. the Novels, 117.
the Basilics, 104. the Pandects, 88, 103, 105, 117, 121,
the Bible, 24, 34, 42, 55, 66, 72, 74, 124.
75, 88, 101, 103, in.

INSCRIPTIONS.
Greek, 5, 9, n, 12, 15, 35, 42, 43, 47, Latin, 13, 16, 34, 54, 60, 66, 98, 108,
1
5 . 53, 63. 64, 69, 71, 72, 73, 74, 77, 117, 123.
79, 82, 83, 84, 85, 92, 97, 102, 1 10. others, 9, 24, 113.
 INDEX TO ILLUSTRATIONS.
PLATE 1.

Fgs. 1and 2, boats on the Nile: about 2500 B.C. Mentioned on pp. 2, 78.
From reliefs in the tomb of Merab, a son of king Chufu of the Fourth Dynasty :

now in the Berlin Museum. Copied from Lepsius, Denkmaler aus Aegypten,
part ii, plate 22.
Fg. 3, boat on the Nile, and fgs. 4 and 5, Egyptian ships on the Red Sea :

about 1250 B.C. Mentioned on pp. 2, 9, 10, 41, 56, 68, 75, 77, 78. From reliefs in

the temple at Der

el-Bahari built by queen Matkara of the Eighteenth Dynasty :

still
Copied from Mariette, Deir-el-Bahari, plates 6 and 12.
in position.

Fg. 6, Egyptian war-ship in action in the Mediterranean, and fgs. 7 and 8,

Asiatic war-ships disabled and sinking: about 1000 B.C. Mentioned on pp. 2, 51,
56, 65, 79, 92.From a large relief on the temple at Medinet Habu built by king

Rameses III of the Twentieth Dynasty still in :

position. Copied from Cham-
pollion, Monuments de 1'Egypte, vol. iii, plate 222.

PLATE 2.

Fg. 9, vessel on the Tigris : about 700 B.C. Mentioned on p. 114. From a
relief in the palace at Khorsabad built by king Sargon : now in the Louvre.

Copied from Botta, Monument de Ninive, vol. i, plate 33.

Fgs. 1O and 11, Phoenician war-ship and merchant-ship:
about 700 B.C.
Mentioned on pp. 4, 44, 49, 52, 64, 79. From a relief in the palace at Kouyunjik
built by king Sennacherib perhaps destroyed. Copied from Layard, Monuments
:

of Nineveh, first series,plate 71. In reply to an enquiry, Sir A. H. Layard has

kindly sent me a note to say that he found the relief in too rickety a state to be
removed, and covered it up again to keep it out of harm's way.

PLATE 3.

Fg. 12, symbol for a ship: about 600 B.C. Mentioned

on pp. 69, 79, 98.
From a painted vase found in the Polledrara tomb near Vulci in Etruria now in :

the British Museum. Drawn from the original.

about 600 B.C. Mentioned on pp. 64, 68, 69, 79, 80, 93.
Fg. 13, war-ship :

From at Athens : one

fragments of a painted vase found near the Dipylon
from the Monument!
fragment now in the Louvre, the other missing. Copied
dell' Institute, vol. ix, plate 40.

T. *
 138 INDEX TO ILLUSTRATIONS.

Fg. 14, part of a war-ship: about 600 B.C. Mentioned on p. 51. From a
fragment of a painted vase found near the Dipylon at Athens now in the Louvre. :

Copied from the Monuments Grecs, nos. 13, plate 4. n

Fgs. 1 5 and 1 6, two war-ships in action about 550 B.C. Mentioned on :

PP- 49 57 64, 69. From a painted vase by Aristonophos found at Caere in

Etruria: now in the New Capitoline Museum at Rome. Copied from the
Monument! dell' Institute, vol. ix, plate 4.

PLATE 4.

Fgs. 17 and 18, war-ship and merchant-ship : about 500 B.C. Mentioned on
pp. 44, 56, 57, 65, 68, 75, 81, 101. From a painted vase found at Vulci in
Etruria now in the British Museum.
: Drawn from the original.
Fg. 19, two war-ships : about 500 B.C. Mentioned on pp. 56, 65, 68, 69, 78,
81, 100, 101. From a painted vase by Nicosthenes found at Vulci in Etruria:
now in the Louvre. Copied from the Journal of Hellenic Studies, first series,
plate 49.
PLATE 5.

Fg. 2O, stern of a war-ship about 500 B.C. : Mentioned on p. 40. From a
coin of Phaselis in Lycia. Drawn from a cast.

Fg. 21, waist of a war-ship: about 400 B.C. Mentioned on pp. 40, 44, 45,
49' 5> 5 2 From a fragment of a relief found
- on the/?Acropolis at Athen now :

in the Acropolis Museum. Drawn from a cast. t\A U^iyrw wJfc*H A&U^K '

Fg. 22, prow of a war-ship : about 300 B.C. Mentioned on pp. 40, 62, 69.
From the remains of the pedestal of the great statue of Victory found at
Samothrace now in the Louvre. Copied from a photograph.
:

Fg. 23, prow of a war-ship about 300 B.C. Mentioned on pp. 40, 57, 62,
:

64, 68, 69. From a coin of Cios in Bithynia. Drawn from a cast.
Fg. 24, sterns of three war-ships : about 200 B.C. Mentioned on pp. 36, 68.
From a relief probably found in Rome now in the Doges' Palace at Venice.
:

Copied from a photograph.

Fg. 25, prow of a war-ship about 50 A.D. Mentioned on pp. 16, 44, 53, 60,
:

66, 68, 69. From a relief found in the temple of Fortune at Praeneste now in :

the Vatican. Copied from a photograph.

PLATE 6.

Fg. 26, merchant-ship about 50 A.D. Mentioned on pp. 40, 66, 67, 69, 78,
:

89, 94, 100. From a relief on the tomb of Naevoleia Tyche at Pompei still in :

position. Copied from Niccolini, Case di Pompei, Sepolcro di Nevoleia Tyche.

Fg. 27, merchant-ship : in 67 A.D. Mentioned on pp. 89, 90, 100. From a
dated coin of Alexandria. Drawn from a cast.

Fg. 28, merchant-ship in 186 A.D. Mentioned on pp. 78, 89.

: From a
dated coin of the emperor Commodus. Drawn from a cast.
Fg. 29, merchant-ship, and fgs. 3O and 31 parts of another
,
: about 200 A.D.
Mentioned on pp. 36, 40, 58, 66, 67, 78, 81, 89, 90, 93, 94, 95, 98, 104.
From a
relief found at Porto near the mouth of the Tiber : now in the private collection

of Prince Torlonia at Rome. Copied from Guglielmotti, Delle due

navi Roman e,
frontispiece.
 INDEX TO ILLUSTRATIONS. 139

Fg. 32, merchant-ship about 200 A.D. Mentioned on p. 90. From a relief
:

on a sarcophagus found in the precincts of the Vatican now in the Lateran :

Museum. Copied from a photograph.

Fg. 33, merchant-ship about 200 A.D. Mentioned on p. 89. From a relief
:

found at Utica now in the British Museum. Drawn from the original.
:

Fg. 34, merchant-ship in 305 A.D. Mentioned on p. 89. From a dated

:

coin of the emperor Maximian. Drawn from a cast.

PLATE 7.

Fgs. 35 and 36, two war-ships in a sham-fight : about 50 A.D. Mentioned

on pp. 58, 68, 78, 89. From a fresco in the temple of Isis at Pompei: now
in the Naples Museum. Copied from Niccolini, Case di Pompei, Tempio d'Iside,
plate 4.
Fg. 37, merchant-ship : about 250 A.D. Mentioned on pp. 69, 89. From a
fresco in the Callistine Catacombs at Rome : in position.
still
Copied from G-B.
de Rossi, Roma Sotterranea, vol. ii, plate 14.
Fg. 38, war-ships: Mentioned on pp. 78, 90.
about 500 A.D. From a
manuscript of the Iliad in the Ambrosian Library at Milan. Copied from Mai,
Homeri Iliados picturae antiquae, plate 32, with some corrections from a photo-
graph.
Fg. 39, ships in harbour at Classis about 600 A.D. Mentioned on pp. :
17,
90. From a mosaic in the church of S. Apollinare Nuovo at Ravenna still in :

position. Copied from a photograph.

Fg. 4O, merchant-ship date uncertain. Mentioned on pp. 69, 75, 89. From
:

a fresco in one of the caves at Ajunta in India still in position.

Copied from a :

reproduction in the South Kensington Museum.

PLATE 8.

Fg. 41 , figure-head in bronze : about 50 B.C. Mentioned on p. 66. Found

off Actium : now in the British Museum. Drawn from the original. One sixth of
actual size.

Fg. 42, prow of a war-ship : about 150 B.C. Mentioned on p. 65. From a
coin of Leucas in Acarnania. Drawn from a cast.
Fig. 43, auxiliary ram in bronze about 50 B.C. : Mentioned on p. 65. Found
in Genoa harbour now in the Armoury at Turin.
:
Copied from the Archaolo-
gisches Jahrbuch, vol. iv, p. 12. One twelfth of actual size.

Fg. 44, anchor about 350 B.C. Mentioned on p. 71. From a coin, probably
:

of Apollonia in Mysia. Drawn from a cast.

Fgs. 45 to 47, portions of an anchor in lead about 50 B.C. Mentioned on :

pp. 71, 72. Found off the coast of Cyrene : now in the British Museum. Drawn
from the original. One sixteenth of actual size.
 Camfcrttrge :

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BINDING SECT. ULC 13 1971

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