Amity Institute of Psychology and Allied Sciences

Amity Institute of Psychology and Allied

Sciences

Dynamics of Well-Being
[PSYC238]

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 Amity Institute of Psychology and Allied Sciences

Module IV : Cultural
Perspective

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Amity Institute of Psychology and Allied Sciences
 Amity Institute of Psychology and Allied Sciences

Subjective Well-Being : Introduction

According to Diener (2000, p.34), SWB is: “people’s cognitive and affective
evaluations of their lives.”

Veenhoven (1997, p.34) describes it similarly – as cognitive and affective

appraisals cover “how good [one’s life] feels, how well it meets expectations, how
desirable it is deemed to be, etc.”

In general, there is a consensus among academics that the concept involves

two broad elements:

‘Cognitive appraisal’ describes how we consider our global (overall) life satisfaction
and our satisfaction with specific domains (e.g. family life, career, and so forth).

‘Affective appraisal’ concerns our emotional experience – high SWB is the

experience of frequent and intense positive states (e.g. joy, hope, and pride), and
the general absence of negative ones (e.g. anger, jealousy, and disappointment)
(Kashdan, 2004).
 Amity Institute of Psychology and Allied Sciences

Subjective Well-Being : Introduction

SWB thus encompasses a vast array of different concepts, from
fleeting experiences in our day-to-day, to much broader global
judgments that we make about our lives as a whole (Kim-Priesto et al.,
2005). It is typically considered a hedonic as opposed to a eudaimonic
concept (Deci & Ryan, 2008; Huta & Waterman, 2014).
 Amity Institute of Psychology and Allied Sciences

Subjective Well-Being : Introduction

In 1995-1996, Diener carried out one of his best-known studies, Most
People Are Happy, which found that most people reported a positive
level of SWB and satisfaction with important life domains (Diener,
1996). This study, which he conducted with Carol Diener, presented
evidence to suggest that in 86% of the 43 nations examined, average
subjective well-being was higher than neutral.

He also carried out research in 2002 along with positive psychology

founding father, Martin Seligman.

Using multiple instruments that included the Satisfaction With Life

Scale (SWLS), their findings revealed that “while there appears to be
no single key to high happiness…very happy people have rich and
satisfying social relationships and spend little time alone relative to
average people” (Diener & Seligman, 2002, p.83).
 Amity Institute of Psychology and Allied Sciences

Subjective Well-Being : Introduction

Types of Happiness

Philosophers debated the nature of happiness for thousands of years,

but scientists have recently discovered that happiness means different
things.

Three major types of happiness are high life satisfaction, frequent

positive feelings, and infrequent negative feelings (Diener, 1984).

“Subjective well-being” is the label given by scientists to the various

forms of happiness taken together. Although there are additional forms
of SWB, the three in the table below have been studied extensively. The
table also shows that the causes of the different types of happiness can
be somewhat different.
 Amity Institute of Psychology and Allied Sciences

Subjective Well-Being : Introduction

 Amity Institute of Psychology and Allied Sciences

Subjective Well-Being : Introduction

Some people experience all three elements of happiness—they are very
satisfied, enjoy life, and have only a few worries or other unpleasant emotions.

Other unfortunate people are missing all three. Most of us also know individuals
who have one type of happiness but not another. For example, imagine an
elderly person who is completely satisfied with her life—she has done most
everything she ever wanted—but is not currently enjoying life that much because
of the infirmities of age.

There are others who show a different pattern, for example, who really enjoy life
but also experience a lot of stress, anger, and worry. And there are those who are
having fun, but who are dissatisfied and believe they are wasting their lives.

Because there are several components to happiness, each with somewhat

different causes, there is no magic single cure-all that creates all forms of SWB.
This means that to be happy, individuals must acquire each of the different
elements that cause it.
 Amity Institute of Psychology and Allied Sciences

Subjective Well-Being : Introduction

Causes of Subjective Well-Being

There are external influences on people’s happiness—the circumstances in

which they live. It is possible for some to be happy living in poverty with ill health,
or with a child who has a serious disease, but this is difficult.

In contrast, it is easier to be happy if one has supportive family and friends, ample
resources to meet one’s needs, and good health.

But even here there are exceptions—people who are depressed and unhappy
while living in excellent circumstances. Thus, people can be happy or unhappy
because of their personalities and the way they think about the world or because
of the external circumstances in which they live.

People vary in their propensity to happiness—in their personalities and outlook—

and this means that knowing their living conditions is not enough to predict
happiness.
 Amity Institute of Psychology and Allied Sciences

Subjective Well-Being : Introduction

 Amity Institute of Psychology and Allied Sciences

Subjective Well-Being : Introduction

 Amity Institute of Psychology and Allied Sciences

Subjective Well-Being : Introduction

Societal Influences on Happiness
 Amity Institute of Psychology and Allied Sciences

Subjective Well-Being : Introduction

Societal Influences on Happiness

Can you guess what might make some societies happier than others? Much of
North America and Europe have relatively high life satisfaction, and much of
Africa is low in life satisfaction.

For life satisfaction living in an economically developed nation is helpful

because when people must struggle to obtain food, shelter, and other basic
necessities, they tend to be dissatisfied with lives.

However, other factors, such as trusting and being able to count on others, are
also crucial to the happiness within nations. Indeed, for enjoying life our
relationships with others seem more important than living in a wealthy society.

One factor that predicts unhappiness is conflict—individuals in nations with high

internal conflict or conflict with neighboring nations tend to experience low SWB.
 Amity Institute of Psychology and Allied Sciences

Subjective Well-Being : Introduction

Money and Happiness

Will money make you happy? A certain level of income is needed to meet our
needs, and very poor people are frequently dissatisfied with life (Diener &
Seligman, 2004).

However, having more and more money has diminishing returns—higher and
higher incomes make less and less difference to happiness. Wealthy nations
tend to have higher average life satisfaction than poor nations, but the United
States has not experienced a rise in life satisfaction over the past decades, even
as income has doubled.

The goal is to find a level of income that you can live with and earn. Don’t let your
aspirations continue to rise so that you always feel poor, no matter how much
money you have. Research shows that materialistic people often tend to be less
happy, and putting your emphasis on relationships and other areas of life besides
just money is a wise strategy.
 Amity Institute of Psychology and Allied Sciences

Subjective Well-Being : Introduction

Money can help life satisfaction, but when too many other valuable things are
sacrificed to earn a lot of money—such as relationships or taking a less enjoyable
job—the pursuit of money can harm happiness.

There are stories of wealthy people who are unhappy and of janitors who are very
happy. For instance, a number of extremely wealthy people in South Korea have
committed suicide recently, apparently brought down by stress and other negative
feelings.

On the other hand, there is the hospital janitor who loved her life because she felt
that her work in keeping the hospital clean was so important for the patients and
nurses.

Some millionaires are dissatisfied because they want to be billionaires.

Conversely, some people with ordinary incomes are quite happy because they
have learned to live within their means and enjoy the less expensive things in life.
 Amity Institute of Psychology and Allied Sciences

Subjective Well-Being : Introduction

It is important to always keep in mind that high materialism seems to
lower life satisfaction—valuing money over other things such as
relationships can make us dissatisfied.

When people think money is more important than everything else, they
seem to have a harder time being happy. And unless they make a
great deal of money, they are not on average as happy as others.

Perhaps in seeking money they sacrifice other important things too

much, such as relationships, spirituality, or following their interests. Or
it may be that materialists just can never get enough money to fulfill
their dreams—they always want more.
 Amity Institute of Psychology and Allied Sciences

Subjective Well-Being : Introduction

Besides the internal and external factors that influence happiness,
there are psychological influences as well—such as our aspirations,
social comparisons, and adaptation.

People’s aspirations are what they want in life, including income,

occupation, marriage, and so forth. If people’s aspirations are high,
they will often strive harder, but there is also a risk of them falling short
of their aspirations and being dissatisfied.

The goal is to have challenging aspirations but also to be able to adapt

to what actually happens in life.
 Amity Institute of Psychology and Allied Sciences

Subjective Well-Being : Introduction

One’s outlook and resilience are also always very important to
happiness. Every person will have disappointments in life, fail at times,
and have problems.

Thus, happiness comes not to people who never have problems—

there are no such individuals—but to people who are able to bounce
back from failures and adapt to disappointments. This is why
happiness is never caused just by what happens to us but always
includes our outlook on life.
 Amity Institute of Psychology and Allied Sciences

Subjective Well-Being : Introduction

Outcomes of High Subjective Well-Being

Is the state of happiness truly a good thing? Is happiness simply a feel-good

state that leaves us unmotivated and ignorant of the world’s problems?
Should people strive to be happy, or are they better off to be grumpy but
“realistic”?

Some have argued that happiness is actually a bad thing, leaving us

superficial and uncaring.

Most of the evidence so far suggests that happy people are healthier, more
sociable, more productive, and better citizens (Diener & Tay, 2012;
Lyubomirsky, King, & Diener, 2005).

Research shows that the happiest individuals are usually very sociable. The
table below summarizes some of the major findings.
 Amity Institute of Psychology and Allied Sciences

Subjective Well-Being : Introduction

 Amity Institute of Psychology and Allied Sciences

Subjective Well-Being : Introduction

Although it is beneficial generally to be happy, this does not mean that
people should be constantly euphoric. In fact, it is appropriate and
helpful sometimes to be sad or to worry.

At times a bit of worry mixed with positive feelings makes people more
creative. Most successful people in the workplace seem to be those
who are mostly positive but sometimes a bit negative. Thus, people
need not be a superstar in happiness to be a superstar in life. What is
not helpful is to be chronically unhappy.
 Amity Institute of Psychology and Allied Sciences

Subjective Well-Being : Introduction

The important question is whether people are satisfied with how happy
they are.

If you feel mostly positive and satisfied, and yet occasionally worry and
feel stressed, this is probably fine as long as you feel comfortable with
this level of happiness.

If you are a person who is chronically unhappy much of the time,

changes are needed, and perhaps professional intervention would
help as well.
 Amity Institute of Psychology and Allied Sciences

Subjective Well-Being : Introduction

Some Ways to Be Happier

Most people are fairly happy, but many of them also wish they could be a bit
more satisfied and enjoy life more.

Prescriptions about how to achieve more happiness are often oversimplified

because happiness has different components and prescriptions need to be
aimed at where each individual needs improvement—one size does not fit
all. A person might be strong in one area and deficient in other areas.

People with prolonged serious unhappiness might need help from a

professional. Thus, recommendations for how to achieve happiness are
often appropriate for one person but not for others. With this in mind, I list in
Table 4 below some general recommendations for you to be happier (see
also Lyubomirsky, 2013):
Amity Institute of Psychology and Allied Sciences
 Amity Institute of Psychology and Allied Sciences

Culture and Well-Being

Differences in Mean Levels of Subjective Well-Being Between Nations

Many of the findings on culture and SWB parallel the conclusions on

personality and SWB.

International surveys of life satisfaction show consistent mean level differences

across nations (e.g., Inglehart & Klingemann 2000, Veenhoven 1993).

For instance, between the years 1958 and 1987 Japanese life satisfaction
fluctuated around 6 on a 10-point scale (Veenhoven 1993).

Denmark’s national average life satisfaction, on the other hand, fluctuated

around a value of 8.
 Amity Institute of Psychology and Allied Sciences

Culture and Well-Being

Cultural differences parallel to the international differences have been
observed within the United States a cross different ethnic groups.

For instance, Oishi (2001a) found that European Americans were significantly
more satisfied with their lives than Asian Americans.

Similarly, Okazaki (2000) observed that Asian Americans reported higher levels
of depression and anxiety than did European Americans.

Thus, there are differences between nations, and between ethnic groups within
nations.
 Amity Institute of Psychology and Allied Sciences

Culture and Well-Being

Cultural differences parallel to the international differences have been
observed within the United States a cross different ethnic groups.

For instance, Oishi (2001a) found that European Americans were significantly
more satisfied with their lives than Asian Americans.

Similarly, Okazaki (2000) observed that Asian Americans reported higher levels
of depression and anxiety than did European Americans.

Thus, there are differences between nations, and between ethnic groups within
nations.
 Amity Institute of Psychology and Allied Sciences

Culture and Well-Being

Individualism, Collectivism, and Subjective Well-Being

Variables at the level of entire cultures have recently offered important

complementary perspectives on national differences in SWB.

One cultural dimension related strongly to SWB is individualism/collectivism. In

highly individualist cultures (e.g., U. S., Western/Northern Europe), each
individual's right, freedom, and unique feelings are emphasized over the
expectations and needs of an in-group, such as family.

In more collectivist societies (e.g., East Asia, Central/South America), the goals
and needs of a significant in-group tend to take priority over the thoughts,
values, and preferences of an individual.
 Amity Institute of Psychology and Allied Sciences

Culture and Well-Being

Theoretically, there are costs as well as benefits associated with personal
freedom. In individualist cultures (high freedom), people freely choose
personal goals and lifestyles, but because of the lack of strong social support,
adverse life events might have severe negative consequences (such as
suicide).

In collectivist cultures, on the other hand, strong social support may buffer
stressful events, but the drawback is that there is less freedom to pursue
personally rewarding goals.
 Amity Institute of Psychology and Allied Sciences

Culture and Well-Being

Although there seems to be a tradeoff associated with personal freedom, in
study after study researchers have found that individualist cultural members
are happier than collectivist cultural members (Diener, Diener, & Diener, 1995).

Why? Again, a popular explanation is that individualist nations are richer than
collectivist nations, implying that differences in objective life conditions
affecting their inhabitants account for this cultural difference.

As mentioned earlier, however, there are too many affluent collectivist nations
(Japan, Hong Kong) that go against this simple economic interpretation. Also,
according to Diener et al., when a nation's degree of individualism is
statistically controlled, income no longer predicts SWB.

There clearly seem to be other reasons, besides income, that contribute to the
high SWB of individualist cultures. What are they?
 Amity Institute of Psychology and Allied Sciences

Culture and Well-Being

First, when it comes to happiness, it might be more critical to have a high
sense of personal choice and freedom than to have a reliable social safety net
during difficult times. After all, bad life events happen only occasionally,
whereas personal goals constantly affect the quality of daily experience.

Another possibility is that the desire to be happy might be stronger in

individualist than in collectivist cultures.

In individualist cultures where much personal freedom and opportunities are

available, each person is highly accountable for his happiness. Being unhappy,
in such a cultural context, is indirectly admitting that one has not been able to
make the most out of his life opportunities, talents, and capabilities.
 Amity Institute of Psychology and Allied Sciences

Culture and Well-Being

In many collectivist East Asian cultures, on the other hand, people are believed to
have only limited control over happiness.

Various factors beyond personal control, such as luck or family background, are
thought to play significant roles in determining the ultimate happiness of an
individual.

Because the responsibility to be happy is more squarely on the person's shoulder

in individualist than in collectivist cultures, it is possible that people try harder to be
happy in the former culture.

Being more eager to be happy, individualists might organize their lives in ways that
would give them the best chance to be happy.

Furthermore, when making evaluations or reports about their lives, individualists

may try more, both consciously and unconsciously, to put a positive spin into them
 Amity Institute of Psychology and Allied Sciences

Culture and Well-Being

In sum, when it comes to SWB, having a great deal of personal freedom might
be very important.

In individualist cultures where there is much personal freedom, people have a

better chance to choose and invest their time in personally rewarding life
projects, evaluate their happiness using more self-flattering standards, and try
harder to view their lives in a positive angle.

These ideas need to be tested rigorously with much more empirical data.
 Amity Institute of Psychology and Allied Sciences

Culture and Well-Being

Correlates of Happiness

Cultures not only differ in mean levels of SWB, they also tend to base happiness on
somewhat different experiences.

In the past when SWB research was conducted primarily among North American participants,
many researchers assumed that high self-esteem was the single most important ingredient of
happiness.

After all, what could be more important to happiness than having a positive self-view, that is,
high self-esteem? Many Westerners might be surprised to learn, however, that the term self-
esteem does not even exist in some cultures (for instance, in the Japanese, Chinese, or
Korean language).

We might wish to ask the question again: Is self-esteem equally critical for happiness across
cultures? The answer is no, according to recent findings (Diener & Diener, 1995; Kwan, Bond,
& Singelis, 1997). Self-esteem relates strongly with SWB in individualistic cultures, but the link
becomes considerably weaker in collectivist cultures. Among female college students in India,
for instance, Diener and Diener failed to find any significant association between self-esteem
and SWB
 Amity Institute of Psychology and Allied Sciences

Culture and Well-Being

Another psychological condition traditionally viewed as very important for SWB is the
possession of a consistent self-identity. All individuals think, feel, and behave somewhat
differently in different social contexts (for example, when with a boyfriend versus when
with a boss).

Nevertheless, prominent Western psychologists have repeatedly asserted that, in order

to achieve high levels of mental health, a person needs to maintain a consistent self-
view across situations.

This idea fits well with the dynamics of individualist cultures, where the inner self is
believed to be the primary source of personal meaning and guidance. Because the self
plays such a vital role in everyday life, it becomes necessary to build and maintain a
self-system that is well-organized and consistent.
 Amity Institute of Psychology and Allied Sciences

Culture and Well-Being

In collectivist cultures, however, the utmost concern of everyday life is maintaining a
smooth, harmonious relationship with other people.

In order to achieve this goal of interpersonal harmony, the self needs to be highly
sensitive to social cues, and in many cases, adjust the self according to the needs and
expectations of other people.

In other words, the self is required to be quite flexible across social situations in cultures
where values promoting harmony (e.g., modesty, obedience) often overshadow the
importance of consistency.
 Amity Institute of Psychology and Allied Sciences

Culture and Well-Being

Yet another important psychological condition in SWB is concerned with motivation. A
recent longitudinal study in the U.S. has shown, for instance, that individuals who were
pursuing their goals for fun and enjoyment became happier over time when they attained
their goals, whereas individuals who were pursuing their goals to please others did not
become happier over time, even when they attained their goals (Sheldon & Kasser,
1998; see Ryan & Deci, 2000, for a review).

Interestingly, a recent study found that Asian Americans and Japanese who were
pursuing their goals to make others happy became happier over time when they attained
their goals, whereas those who were pursuing their goals for fun and enjoyment did not
become happier over time, even when they achieved their goals (Oishi & Diener, 2001).

Asakawa and Csikszentmihalyi (1998) found that Asian-American students were happy
when they were engaging in an activity that was related to important future goals (e.g.,
academic achievement).
 Amity Institute of Psychology and Allied Sciences

Culture and Well-Being

Yet another important psychological condition in SWB is concerned with motivation. A
recent longitudinal study in the U.S. has shown, for instance, that individuals who were
pursuing their goals for fun and enjoyment became happier over time when they attained
their goals, whereas individuals who were pursuing their goals to please others did not
become happier over time, even when they attained their goals (Sheldon & Kasser,
1998; see Ryan & Deci, 2000, for a review).

Interestingly, a recent study found that Asian Americans and Japanese who were
pursuing their goals to make others happy became happier over time when they attained
their goals, whereas those who were pursuing their goals for fun and enjoyment did not
become happier over time, even when they achieved their goals (Oishi & Diener, 2001).

Asakawa and Csikszentmihalyi (1998) found that Asian-American students were happy
when they were engaging in an activity that was related to important future goals (e.g.,
academic achievement).
 Amity Institute of Psychology and Allied Sciences

Culture and Well-Being

On the other hand, Caucasian students were happy when they were engaging in an
activity that was important to them at that moment.

Furthermore, Caucasian students tended to be less happy when they were engaging in
an activity that was related to important future goals.

These findings suggest that (a) there are cultural variations in motivation to be happy
"now" versus "in the future, " and (b) pathways to happiness seem to vary across
cultures, depending on socially desirable forms of motivation.
 Amity Institute of Psychology and Allied Sciences

Culture and Well-Being

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