Structural Functionalism

Introduction
• The history of the theory can be traced to sociology. On the ordinary,
the theory is associated with the relationship between social
institutions (government, religion, law, education among others).
• Though the French Sociologist Émile Durkheim in the late 19th century
is largely the foundational proponent of the concept with his works on
suicide, why society was formed and what they hold together, religion,
deviance, and crime in his famous book the “Division of Labor” in
Society (Durkheim 1997) which is a follow up from sociological
perspective of the renowned economics Adam Smith in his work on
Division of Labour in his book “The Wealth of Nations” (Durkheim
1997).
• Marcionis (2010) argues that structural functionalism as a theory sees
“society as a complex system whose parts work together to promote
solidarity and stability.” The central theme of this theory is its
macrobial orientation. Meaning, ills and deficiency or dysfunctionality
in any system is as a result of its social structures and/or systems.
• The revered anthropologists Bronislaw Malinowski and A.R.
Radcliffe-Brown in the early 20th century developed structural-
functionalism. Other prominent scholars to attest to theory
include, Auguste Comte, Herbert Spencer, Talcott Parsons, Davis
and Moore, Robert Merton, Almond and Powell.
• A resound argument and commonality in their analogy to
structural functionalism is that a society has a structure and
functions and these structures and systems function together to
ensure a structural functional system in the society called
structural functionalism.
• Hence, the functions are integral in the development and
peaceful coexistence in the society. These functions are
customary in line with the norms, customs, tradition and
institutional change and advancement of a system to repel
discrepancy of a system.
• According to Spencer (1896) in Urry (2000), the society is seen as
a part of an “organ” that works toward the proper functioning of
the entire human body without which the person’s activity will
be limited.
• Key in the assumptions of these authors in structural
functionalism is idea of an equilibriumical assertion that
socialization and social control is systemic.
• In that, socialization ensures that accepted values and
norms are transferrable from society to the individual
while social control on the hand is divided to informal
and formal controls.
• While informal deals with assimilation of values and
norms of social behavior of an individual in the society,
formal deals with sanctions, chaos, anomie and
regulations used in curbing an individual from de-raying
from stipulated societal standards (Poore 2007; Lindzey
1954).
• Structural-functionalism was adapted to political science in 1970s by Gabriel
Almond and Bingham Powell. It was used to compare political systems in America.
Almond et al. (2004) argue that in order to understand a political system, it is
necessary to understand not only its institutions or (structures) but also their
respective functions.
• In its simplest form, structural-functionalism or in many contexts simply
functionalism “sets out to interpret society as a structure with interrelated parts
with each structure performing role function.”
• The failure of one structure leads to dysfunctionalism or disorderliness in the
entire system. Structural-functionalists like Gabriel Almond and Bingham Powell
posited that for proper understanding of the structures (institutions) in the society,
there is need to place them in a meaningful and dynamic historical context.
• They also insisted that these institutions, to be properly understood, must be
placed in a meaningful and dynamic historical context. In order to buttress their
points, Almond et al. (2004) stresses that structural-functional approach believes
that while a particular function such as law-making or rule-making, it does not
have a monopoly of this function. Presidents and governor may share in the
legislative function (veto power), as do the higher courts (judicial review of
statutes for their constitutionality).
 Tenets of the Theory
• 1. Structures :
• Functionalist analysis looks at society as being
made up of different structure that caters for the
needs of the society.
• Such structures include all public institutions and
organizations that minister to the needs of the
society, such as educational, health, regulatory,
legal, economic institutions etc.
• The structures are functional in the sense that they
help society to operate.
• 2. Functions: The different structure
(institutions) contributes positively to the
operation of the whole (society).
• This is the functional part of the structural
functionalism. Each structure (institution) has a
particular function to perform that helps in the
smooth running and survival of society.
• 3. Interdependence: Since the different parts
have to perform their functions for the smooth
running of society, the interdependence of
these parts is an important feature of functional
analysis.
Applying Functional Analysis to the Study of
Politics
• In 1960, Almond and Coleman were the first to compare the political systems
of "developing" areas systematically according to a common set of categories.
T
• o do this, they felt, they could no longer rely on the comparative approaches
used to study governments in Western Europe. To find concepts and categories
appropriate for use in comparing developing countries, they turned to
sociological and anthropological theory (Almond & Coleman, 1960).
• Rather than adding new terms, they adopted and adapted an old vocabulary to
a new situation. lnstead of the concept of state, which would be limited by
legal and institutional meanings, they used political system; instead of powers,
with its legal connotations, they preferred functions; instead of offices, they
used roles,' instead of institutions, which directs thinking toward formal norms,
they used structures; and instead of public opinion and citizenship training,
they preferred political culture and political socialisation.
• Political systems have common properties,
according to Almond and Coleman (1960).
• First, all political systems, even the simplest,
have political structure.
• Second, the same functions are performed in
all political systems.
• Third, all political structure is multifunctional,
whether in primitive or in modem societies.
• Finally, all political systems are "mixed" systems
in the cultural sense. No society is strictly
modem or only primitive.
• Almond stresses on functional activities of and responses
to and from a political system. He laid more emphasis on
input functions.
• He argued that the input or political functions, not the
output or government functions are crucial in
characterizing the political systems of the developing
areas.
• He believes that decisions (outputs) are a synthesis of
input demands. To him, thus, a political system is
functional and developmental persistently undertaking a
flow of unending demands from the input public sector to
the output governmental sector.
• A both way feedback process synthesizes the input-output
interaction.
 conclusion
• Demands, decisions and capabilities keep the political system dynamic. The
demands of the people, capabilities of political system and decisions of the political
elites gives an outcome which shows the development process or decaying process
in the political system.
• Demand becomes a vital factor in suggesting a social change. Culmination of
decisions into outcomes are subject to the capabilities of the system. The quantum
of change determines the quantum of satisfaction.
• According to Almond input structure should be given priority. Integrated demands
are fed into the system if there is cultural coherence. Functional theory of Almond is
superior to Easton’s behavioral approach. If people are socialized, trained politically,
the political culture is raised to high level. If the culture is politically fragmented,
there will be variety of cultures and there will be no coherence of demands.
• Political recruitment is the essence of developmental change. High level of
recruitment ensures political change. If the induction of manpower and material
resources in the system is of higher level, then the capabilities and ultimately
outcomes will be high.
• Capabilities of a political system depends on the structural
functional specialization. Higher the level of structural
functional specialization, higher is the system efficacy.
Higher the level of its resourcefulness, higher the system
capabilities will be enhanced.
• System should be responsive, integrative, adaptive and
innovative. There should be balance between input and
output structures. Strong input structures can ensure
demand aggregation in an effective way and strong output
structures can ensure the desired ends based on incoming
demands.
• Input-output activity is evaluated through political culture,
socialization and recruitment. Recruitment is important
because it represents the level of participation of people.