Social policy for social work

Social Policy for
Social Work
Robert Adams

Other titles by Robert Adams:
A Measure of Diversion? Case Studies in IT (with S. Allard,
J. Baldwin and J. Thomas)
Prison Riots in Britain and the USA
Problem-solving with Self-help Groups (with G. Lindenfield)
Protests by Pupils: Empowerment, Schooling and the State
Quality Social Work*
Social Work: Themes, Issues and Critical Debates* (edited with
L. Dominelli and M. Payne)
Self-help, Social Work and Empowerment
Skilled Work with People
Social Work and Empowerment*
The Abuses of Punishment
The Personal Social Services: Clients, Consumers or Citizens?
Critical Practice in Social Work* (edited with L. Dominelli and
M. Payne)
*Also published by Palgrave

Social Policy for
Social Work
ROBERT ADAMS
Consultant Editor: Jo Campling

© Robert Adams 2002
All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of
this publication may be made without written permission.
No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or
transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with
the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988,
or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying
issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 90 Tottenham Court
Road, London W1T 4LP.
Any person who does any unauthorised act in relation to this
publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil
claims for damages.
The author has asserted his right to be identified as
the author of this work in accordance with the Copyright,
Designs and Patents Act 1988.
First published 2002 by
PALGRAVE
Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS and
175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N. Y. 10010
Companies and representatives throughout the world
PALGRAVE is the new global academic imprint of
St. Martin’s Press LLC Scholarly and Reference Division and
Palgrave Publishers Ltd (formerly Macmillan Press Ltd).
ISBN 0–333–77473–6 paperback
This book is printed on paper suitable for recycling and
made from fully managed and sustained forest sources.
A catalogue record for this book is available
from the British Library.
10 09 08 7 06 05 4 03 02 01
11 10 09 08 07 06 05 04 03 02
Printed in Malaysia

This page intentionally left blank

vii
Contents
Introduction x
PART I: CONTEXTS
1 Changing Perspectives on Social Policy and
Social Work 3
Social work consists of more than merely 4
implementing the law
How do social workers use social policy in their practice? 5
What changing contexts affect social policy and 6
social work?
What are social policy, social administration, social security, 26
social services, social care and social work?
How does social policy relate to social work? 29
PART II: POLICIES
2 Social Security 37
Policy context 38
Key policy changes and related issues 45
Implications for social workers 53
3 Employment 55
Policy context 55
4 Housing 72
Policy context 72

5 Health and Community Care 92
Policy context 93
6 Family and Childcare 110
Policy context 110
7 Youth Justice and Criminal Justice 127
Policy context 129
PART III: ISSUES
8 Tackling Divisions and Inequalities 151
Contexts 152
Key aspects 152
9 Organising and Delivering Social Services 173
Policy context 173
Key changes and related issues 177
10 Financing Social Services 186
Contexts 186
Key aspects 188
11 Who Controls Social Services? 200
Contexts and key aspects 200
12 Future Trends 213
How have social conditions changed since 1981? 213
Can government policies deliver improvements 217
to the people?
What are the implications for social workers? 224
viii Contents

Contents ix
APPENDICES
1 Abbreviations 229
2 Key Dates: Legislation 234
3 Internet Addresses of Main Sources of Information 237
on Policy and Research
Bibliography 239
Index 263

Introduction
Several approaches are possible with a book of this kind, which sets out
to provide a particular professional group – social workers – with rele-
vant aspects of social policy. The chapters on each policy area could
take a historical approach and the first chapter could attempt a general
historical introduction to social policy. Alternatively, the book could
undertake a systematic examination of theories and interpretations of
social policies. Or the book could go through each area, detailing the
legal enactments and procedures and specifying what the practitioner
could, or should, be doing.
But in practical terms none of these approaches would be possible in
a book of this length. There would not be space to give the required
attention to detail in each area. As far as the history was concerned, in
the introduction it would be impossible to attempt a complete history of
welfare policy since the welfare state began in the 1940s, or to present
a history of a more recent period. More important, neither approach
would engage necessarily with social work concerns. Examination of
general welfare theories and theories and perspectives on each area
would be fraught with problems of inadequate space. The problem of
relevance, or lack of obvious relevance, to practice would be just as
acute. Finally, lists of laws and procedures would consume far more
space than the book allows. Any attempt to offer commentary would
collapse in the face of the vast body of material in each policy area.
Added to this, of course, is the reality that merely listing and describing
legislation does not stimulate the reader to reflect and develop a more
critical practice. A better basis for this would be to evaluate practice
against key European and UN Declarations of Children’s Rights,
Women’s Rights and Human Rights.
Returning to social policy in Britain, there are limits on what can be
achieved in the relatively small space, but there is an even more press-
ing problem, expressed in the question: in what way is this relevant to
social work?
I decided to keep asking myself this question while I was writing. I
finished up providing a little of each of the above approaches in every
chapter, drawing on historical, theoretical and legal aspects where
appropriate. So, the book is not a history, but it is historical. It is not a
review of theory, but it refers to theories, perspectives and approaches.
x

And it is not a descriptive survey of all the different policies, but never-
theless I do try to bring most of them into the discussion of the various
areas.
The book provides a core of discussion of the nature of the tradition-
ally accepted main areas of welfare policy – employment, social secu-
rity, health, housing and social services – with the addition of criminal
justice. This discussion is informed by reference to material of direct
relevance to social work: authoritative commentaries, selected research
and other reflective writing. It is hoped that this strategy will encourage
the development of questioning and critical approaches to practice.
The book falls into three parts. Part I contains Chapter 1 and gives an
overview of social policy and social work, providing a context for the
rest of the book. Part II comprises Chapters 2 to 7 and deals with par-
ticular aspects of social policy which bear on social work. Part III,
Chapters 8 to 12, examines key issues of relevance in social policy and
social work. The layout of the chapters is intended to further debate
about the contexts and nature of policy, focus on issues in particular pol-
icy areas and raise pointers for critical practice in social work. Each
chapter concludes with a summary and suggestions for further reading.
Introduction xi

1
Changing Perspectives
on Social Policy and
Social Work
The idea that policy is an organised, coherent, worked out strategy
which leads to a readily applied, straightforward plan for practice is
attractive but mistaken. As an experienced social policy researcher says:
it is a view born of a rational, logical approach to the process of planning and pol-
icy formulation. Appealing as this view may be, the reality, especially in the field
of social policy, is that it tends to be complex, messy and created within a
dynamic environment of competing forces and tensions. (Spurgeon, 2000, p. 191)
It is in this context of arguments, differences of perspective, compro-
mises, decisions made at the last minute, plans needing implementing
yesterday, that policymakers and politicians construct the laws which
empower social services and probation departments, for implementing
by overworked managers and practitioners.
The resulting legislation gives practitioners their statutory duties,
powers, responsibilities and functions. The Local Authority Social
Services Act 1970 establishes the framework for social workers by req-
uiring the local authority to set up and operate a social services depart-
ment. Within this, particular legislation generates specific duties. The
Probation Services Act 1993 requires probation committees in the area
covered by each magistrates’ court to appoint probation officers who
are responsible for carrying out specified functions in the criminal
justice system (see Chapter 7). Not surprisingly, given the context
of conflict and negotiation in which the laws are framed, the resulting
brief for practitioners is often full of dilemmas, uncertainties and
contradictions.
3

Social work consists of more than merely implementing the law
Louis Blom-Cooper wrote in the introduction to the report of the inquiry
he chaired into the death of Jasmine Beckford:
We are strongly of the view that social work can, in fact, be defined only (his
italics) in terms of the functions required of its practitioners by their employing
agency operating within a statutory framework. (Blom-Cooper, 1985, p. 12)
This is tantamount to asserting that practitioners implement the law.
That is all they need to know, where to find the law. Why bother with
social policy? This legalistic model of social work (revisited near the
end of this chapter)
emphasises the need to work within the statutory framework, in contrast to a view
that what really matters is social workers using their expertise to help clients.
(Brayne and Martin, 1999, p. 15)
But, as we discuss at the end of this chapter, the relationship between
social work and the law is more complex and problematic than this.
Social policy, like psychology and sociology, offers even wider contexts
on people’s circumstances, sometimes contributing research which
raises vital questions, at other times offering theoretical debates. All
these elements make possible critical reflection on our part as practi-
tioners, contribute to our expertise and engage our personal and profes-
sional values, activating a moral dimension on our work, a judgement
about what sort of society we want and what contribution we believe
social policy and social workers should make to it.
As if this is not complicated enough, outside the statutory duties of
social workers lies the range of therapeutic, community-based and
community work tasks in which some social workers get involved, which
are not underpinned directly by legislation. These activities include some
of the aspirations of critical practitioners – to encourage advocacy and
empower clients, for instance.
So, the law is necessary to social workers; they have to abide by it and
carry it out where necessary. But there is more to social work than
implementing the law. Social workers are not simply lawyers, working
on people’s problems. Social workers draw on a range of social science
perspectives and research in their practice. As part of this process, social
policy contributes to the critical practitioner’s grasp of the context
of practice. Many years ago, Paul Halmos wrote about the need for
the professional to encompass the tensions, conflicts, paradoxes and
4 Social Policy for Social Work

contradictions embodied in the ‘personal’ and the ‘political’ dimensions
of people’s circumstances (Halmos, 1978). Social policy and social
work share these tensions and dilemmas.
Using this book
This chapter forms Part I of this book. It contains general maps of ideas
about the links between social policy and social work. You, as a student
or practising social worker, may prefer not to start here, but may go to one
of the chapters in Part II. You can think of these as larger scale maps of
particular aspects of policy. Or, you may consult Part III, pursuing an
issue which slices through the other chapters. It will be helpful, though,
at some stage to return to the questions dealt with in this chapter under
the three main headings below: what changing contexts affect social
policy and social work?; what are social policy, social work, social secu-
rity and the other disciplines with ‘social’ in them?; how does social
policy relate to social work? Before tackling these, we justify the need
for all practitioners to have an up-to-date knowledge and critical under-
standing of social policy by posing a prior question: how do social
workers use social policy in their practice?
How do social workers use social policy in their practice?
Changing Perspectives on Social Policy and Social Work 5
EXAMPLE
Mrs K is a divorced Asian lone parent who has restricted movement through
an arthritic condition made worse by the cold. She lives in rented accom-
modation with her 16-year-old son who has a learning disability. Mrs K is
entitled to housing benefit. She rings social services to complain that her
application has been put into the pending tray because she is still living with
her former husband.
The social worker who picks up the case visits Mrs K and soon realises
that there is no food and no heating in the house and Mrs K’s son is too
scared to go out. It emerges that he has been cautioned by the police for
allegedly throwing a stone through a shop window, an offence he denies,
saying a gang of boys keep harassing him, shouting ‘Paki’ at him, so he
prefers to stay indoors. The social worker asks whether Mrs K’s former hus-
band pays maintenance. Mrs K does not answer but her son interjects that
his father, who is white, owns three shops, drives a Mercedes, calls his son
an idle scrounger and gives them nothing.

The social worker realises that this case touches on the policies of the
housing department, social security and youth justice. Mrs K may need
health and community care services and her lack of everyday means
of living adequately needs attending to. There are issues of racism, dis-
crimination, poverty and family and child support. So, it is vital that the
social worker feels confident about drawing on up-to-date knowledge
and understandings in these areas, including critical research, to inform
practice with Mrs K and her son. Social policy does not provide an
answer, but may give us a sense of perspective, a context, which helps
us to appreciate and interpret what is going on.
Not every case is as complex. But, as Anne Brechin argues in her
important chapter which introduces critical practice, it is vital for prac-
titioners to grasp the policy context of the cases they deal with and
thereby improve their responses to the constraints and uncertainties
which contribute to the complexities of many people’s lives (Brechin,
2000, p. 25). This book is devoted to this task.
How can we keep up to date?
● As social workers, we need to keep up to date on the changing con-
texts of policy and policy changes. These often affect what happens
to clients, for example, when they go into offices to seek benefits or
services and there has been a change of policy. The social worker
needs to be abreast of this and be proactive in work with the client,
anticipating rather than responding.
● Books, articles in social policy and social work journals are a good
up-to-date source. Another source are organisations offering infor-
mation, some which are detailed in Appendix Three at the end of
this book.
● It helps to take an informed daily newspaper, or a good Sunday
paper and maintain files of recent press cuttings. In a period of rapid
change, it helps to subscribe to key social work journals and weekly
magazines such as Community Care.
What changing contexts affect social policy and social work?
Social policy and social work both show signs of the disruption to the
welfare state and welfare services which has occurred since the 1970s.

This has eroded, if not actually destroyed, the policies and those health,
social work and social care practices derived from them, which were
established in the 1940s, and which evolved through the significant
social, economic and political changes of the 1950s and 60s.
At the same time, debates about what welfare is, who should have it,
whether some services should be free and if so on what basis should this
be decided, have broadened, as the language and concepts informing
welfare policies and professions have been subject to critical scrutiny.
While politicians from the New Right from the late 1970s have questi-
oned the assumptions justifying state provision of health and social
services as a right for all, on the basis of need, those receiving services
have organised to express collective preferences and challenge estab-
lished concepts, policies and services. The traditional power relation-
ships between the state and the citizen, people and their welfare,
professionals and ‘clients’ or ‘service users’, managers and practitioners
have been challenged successfully. Children and parents now attend
case reviews, service users represent their own views at policy and
management levels in the work of the Care Commissioners.
Academics, researchers and practitioners express concern that the
centre of gravity of social policy has shifted to the political Right since
the 1970s and identify threats to the identity and survival of social work.
Undeniably, changes are occurring, but there is little consensus about
which are the most significant of these and it is almost impossible to
predict how likely they are to persist.
Ideas context: no consensus about values and goals
There is little doubt that welfare services have changed massively dur-
ing the twentieth century, but it is a more open question as to how far
the ideas and values informing the shaping and delivering of these serv-
ices have been affected by these changes. Debates about this draw on a
vast and rapidly growing body of research evidence, as well as the more
subjective sources of personal opinion, experience and beliefs. The sub-
ject matter of welfare – people’s lives – may be subject to independent
critical analysis but is prone to value judgements and assumptions based
on opinion. To make this more complicated, no simple dichotomy bet-
ween research and personal experience and prejudice can be drawn.
Critical perspectives on social research attest to the inherently problem-
atic nature of traditional, so-called scientific research, often mimicked
by social scientists, while qualitative research methodologies are prone

to attack by adherents to experimental research for not meeting the basic
conditions for the carrying out of respectable research.
A welfare revolution: illusion or a reality?
Another way of posing this question is to ask how revolutionary the
massive changes which have occurred in the social services during
the twentieth century have been, in terms of their impact on people.
Before the First World War, social services were embryonic. In the
decade following the outbreak of the Second World War, the welfare
state was conceived and set up. The National Assistance Act 1948
replaced the nineteenth-century Poor Laws and instituted the basis on
which social services for adults are still provided. The Children Act
1948 represented the first recognition of the duty of local authorities to
provide comprehensive services for caring for children who lacked a
normal home life. In the 40 years after the Second World War, all
aspects of social services were the targets of an unprecedented mass of
legislation, much of it creating new powers, duties and responsibilities
for social services agencies.
During the last decades of the twentieth century, a second revolution
in social policy could be said to have taken place, as many welfare serv-
ices were reconstituted and privatised and markets were created for the
purchase and delivery of services. Local government was subjected to
transformation, not just through the creation of unitary local authorities,
but also involving the shift from local government to local governance
by complex arrangements involving the public, private and voluntary
sectors.
Have these changes significantly improved the quality of life of
specific groups of people? On the whole, those who already have wealth
and are higher earners have fared well. Welfare policies during the twen-
tieth century have left the living conditions of many worse-off people
largely unchanged. Chapters 2 to 7 of this book provide evidence that
unemployment, inadequate housing, deficient health and community
care, low incomes and problems associated with poverty still
particularly affect people experiencing physical or learning disabilities,
older people, people with mental health problems, lone parents, those
with less earning capacity, children in poor families and families living
in resource-starved urban and rural districts where access to welfare
services is far from adequate. Poor people are still likely to be viewed
with a mixture of sympathy and suspicion, depending on the extent to
which they are regarded as trying to help themselves. Stereotypes of the
beggar, the orphan, the ‘morally careless’ pregnant young girl, the ‘mad’

person, the disabled person deemed less capable, or the older person
regarded as ‘past it’ are still dominated by prejudices rather than
informed by the realities of their circumstances and the experiences
of people themselves. The focus on the undeniable changes in welfare
services, and how they are organised, managed and delivered, diverts
attention from the unchanging realities of being poor, being a lone
parent, experiencing mental health problems, becoming older or living in
a society which discriminates against people who are different, whether
through class, age, gender, ethnicity, disability or other social divisions.
Up to a third of people in Britain still live in poverty. Many children,
especially those living with lone parents, experience poor housing,
long-term poverty and inadequate education, health and childcare
provision. The gap between rich and poor people at the beginning of
2000 was as great as in 1900.
Demographic context
There are some changes which are less matters of judgement and per-
sonal value and more subject to objective measurement. The population
of Britain, for instance, has increased overall, but some areas, notably
inner cities and some rural regions, have experienced decreases in pop-
ulation, particularly of economically active, better-off people. In 1901,
just over 38 million people lived in the UK. By 1961, there were nearly
53 million and by 1997 this figure had increased by a further 12 per cent
to 59 million. However, in this latter period, whereas the population of
Northern Ireland increased by 17 per cent, that of England increased by
13 per cent, Wales by 11 per cent, whereas the population of Scotland
actually fell by 1 per cent (Office for National Statistics, 1999, p. 30).
During the twentieth century, the burden of caring has shifted consid-
erably within families and households. More people are dependent and a
smaller proportion are in the workforce. Whereas in 1961, about 12 per
cent of the UK population were aged 65 and over and 4 per cent were
over 75, in 1997, these figures had risen to 16 and 7 per cent respectively
(Office for National Statistics, 1999, p. 31).
Even in the demographic context, there are myths. For instance, it is
often said that only since the waves of immigration from the Caribbean
and Asian countries from the 1960s onwards, Britain has become a mul-
tiracial society. But the reality is that immigrants have figured largely
throughout the history of this country. In the mid-nineteenth century,
more than a million Irish people were driven by potato famines and

poverty to seek a home elsewhere, while almost as many died at home.
In the late nineteenth century, Jews and others from Central and Eastern
Europe settled in towns such as Manchester, Hull and Leeds. Britain
again provided a refuge for Jewish people in the 1930s and 40s.
Ugandan Asian people and the so-called ‘boat people’ from Vietnam
settled in smaller numbers from the 1970s. From the 1990s, refugees
and people seeking asylum arrived from Central, Southern and Eastern
Europe and the Middle East.
International context: globalisation and post-devolution welfare
During the social and political upheavals in Romania and former
Yugoslavia in the 1980s and 90s, there were cases of British people
travelling to those countries, obtaining orphaned or abandoned children
and bringing them back as adopted. Concepts, policies and practices
regarding adoption, children’s rights and parental responsibility differ
widely in different countries. In January 2001, controversy followed the
purchase from an Internet adoption agency by Alan and Judith Kilshaw
of six-month-old twin girls in Arkansas, USA, taken into care when they
arrived at the couple’s home in northern England. While it is illegal in
the USA to purchase children directly for a fee, adoption procedures
often are more abbreviated than in England and a private adoption for a
fee paid to the agency can be obtained in Arkansas, provided the
relevant authorities and courts are satisfied with the arrangements and
the adoptive parents have been resident in that state for a minimum of
30 days.
Devolution
These cases show that social policy and social work in post-devolution
England, Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales cannot be isolated from
welfare policies and legislation in other European countries forming
the European Union (EU) (Cannan et al., 1992) and the wider social,
political, economic and policy contexts provided by the USA as a major
world power and other more and less developed countries. Influences
on British social policy occupy concentric spaces: macro (global),
mezzo (European) and micro (local). At the macro, global level, there
may be a growing tendency towards international standards being set
and sustained. At the other extreme of the micro level, the impact of
devolution in the UK may mean that local conditions are in the process
of fragmentation as the four countries of the United Kingdom – England,

Scotland, Northern Ireland and Wales – gather momentum in expressing
their separate identities through policy and practice.
Europe
Between global and national entities, at the mezzo level, the EU plays
an increasingly influential role in British social policy. European gov-
ernment and legislation superimpose a further layer of duties, powers,
responsibilities and roles on central and local governments in Britain.
These include a huge mass of laws and regulations relating to the Single
European Market and the Social Chapter of the Maastricht Treaty,
covering many areas of employment protection and the promotion of
equality.
Despite Britain’s proximity to the rest of Western Europe, historical,
cultural, political and economic factors contribute to the distinctive
differences between Britain and its neighbours (Adams et al., 2000).
There is evidence, however, of some convergence in welfare policies
and levels of welfare spending, ‘as lower spending Mediterranean
countries with left-wing governments increase provision and Northern
governments retrench’ (George and Taylor-Gooby, 1996, p. x).
The creation of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) in
1951, the European Atomic Energy Community (Euratom) in 1957 and
the European Economic Community (EEC) (1957) began the process of
social, economic, financial and political convergence in Europe which
led in 1994 to the replacement of the European Community (EC) by
the EU. The EU is run by the Executive Commission, the European
Parliament, the Council of Ministers and the Court of Justice. The pow-
ers of the European Parliament, whose elected members consider issues
in a similar way to the parliament in Westminster, are considerably less
than those of Westminster. In contrast, the pronouncements of the Court
of Justice are binding on member states.
In some senses, the EU operates as a supranational entity, with its own
political structures able to make policy and law and impose them on
individual member states. In the main, though, member states pool their
sovereignty in most areas of policy, retaining the right to make their own
decisions about what they do (Kegley and Wittkopf, 1997, p. 163).
Britain and the rest of Western Europe are undergoing a period of
major adjustment in the wake of the collapse of the Union of Soviet
Socialist Republics (USSR) at the end of the 1980s and the expansion of
the EU as former communist states negotiate entry. Such expansion
heightens debates about whether greater monetary, economic and policy
integration is desirable. Despite the persistence in Britain of a significant

cohort of conservative politicians who resist closer political and policy
integration on the grounds that it would undermine national sovereignty,
there are strong economic and business pressures towards Britain har-
monising more closely with Brussels and reformist pressures towards
interventionist economics and social policies, stronger protection of peo-
ple’s social rights and needs (through the Social Chapter of the
Maastricht Treaty 1991) and minimum wage and maximum working
week legislation (through the EC Working Time Directive). There is also
the ideological argument that isolationism and nationalism are inconsis-
tent with progressive democratic and social policies aiming to transcend
divisions, maximise equality and achieve monetary and financial union.
There are internationalist and nationalist pressures both pulling
European countries together and, in some senses, fragmenting their dis-
tinct, separate identities. Within some countries, as support for regional
government within England shows, there are campaigns for sub-national
identities, independence and government.
The USA
Historically, economic and social policy in Britain has been influenced
greatly by developments in the USA, in the early years of the Thatcher
government. Milton Friedman, a US economist committed to free-
market principles, was used in the 1980s by Conservative politicians to
justify the monetarist policies of the Thatcher government, one goal
being to reduce the role of the public sector in providing health and
social services and encourage private and voluntary providers to enlarge
their contributions. This political proximity between these two countries
was furthered by a convergence of views, the so-called ‘special relation-
ship’, between the Republican President Ronald Reagan and Prime
Minister Margaret Thatcher.
Globalisation
Globalisation is a recognised feature of economic and social systems, as
well as social policy and the delivery of welfare services (Mishra, 1999).
Björkman and Altenstetter observe that in health policies ‘the diffusion of
policy ideas is truly global’ and there is ‘considerable evidence of cross-
national borrowing of reforms – or at least (re)labelling of reform
proposals – in order to obtain beneficial results’ (Björkman and
Altenstetter, 1997, p. 1). They agree with Maynard, however, that
it is remarkable in all health care systems how policy formation reflects fashion
and beliefs rather than the knowledge base … The reluctance of physicians to be
‘confused’ by facts in their everyday practice is paralleled by the reluctance of

‘policy makers’ to be informed by evidence when ‘redisorganising’ health care
systems in pursuit of perfection ie. equity, efficiency and cost control. (Maynard,
1995, p. 49, quoted in Björkman and Altenstetter, 1997, p. 1)
These observations are applicable to the social care, social services and
social work fields, many of whose services are attached to, or form part
of, healthcare provision.
As important as the transnational nature of ideas about social policies,
the persistence of massive global inequalities of wealth, income, politi-
cal and economic power makes it ironic that no statutory body has been
set up charged specifically with the pursuit of global improvements in
associated services. The nearest approach to this is the United Nations
(UN), an intergovernmental organisation (IGO) whose members are
individual nations. In contrast, there are nongovernmental organisations
(NGOs) whose members include groups and private individuals. In
1909, there were 176 NGOs and 37 IGOs, these totals increasing to
4830 and 272 respectively (Kegley and Wittkopf, 1997, p. 146).
United Nations
The UN is the best known IGO, with the broadest range of economic and
social responsibilities, only a minority of countries, such as Switzerland,
not seeking membership. It grew from the somewhat pathetic initiative
of the League of Nations whose major purpose, collective security, was
intended to prevent a repetition of the catastrophe of the First World
War. The UN was formed in 1946, after the collapse of the League of
Nations. The UN’s purposes include maintaining international peace
and security; developing friendly relations between nations based on
principles of equal rights and self-determination of people; solving eco-
nomic, social, cultural and humanitarian problems; and promoting
respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms through interna-
tional cooperation and harmonising the actions of nations to achieve
these goals (Kegley and Wittkopf, 1997, pp. 148–9). Its enactments
include the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), European
Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental
Freedoms (1950), Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees
(1951), International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Racial Discrimination (1965), Convention on the Elimination of All
Forms of Discrimination Against Women (1967), Inter-American
Convention on Human Rights (1969), Declaration on the Elimination of
All Forms of Intolerance and of Discrimination Based on Religion or
Belief (1981), Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman,
or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (1984), Convention on the

Rights of the Child (1989), Convention on the Elimination of Political,
Economic, Social, Cultural, and Civil Discrimination Against Women
(1991), Declaration on Principles of International Law on Compen-
sation to Refugees (1992). In addition, the UN has sponsored confer-
ences raising international awareness on many issues affecting social
policy, including ageing (1982), crime prevention and treatment of
offenders (1985), drug abuse (1987, 1992), child protection (1990),
housing (1996) and social development (1995) (Kegley and Wittkopf,
1997, p. 160).
Any international association of states is no stronger than the moti-
vation towards cooperation of its contributing members. The principal
weakness of the UN is the lack of legal power in its resolutions and the
lack of political and organisational structures to enable it to achieve
global governance in any meaningful sense. It is easy for members and
non-members to weaken it by turning their backs on it.
Complexity of international context
Whatever uncertainties exist about the political future in Europe and the
USA, it is likely that social policies in Britain will continue to be influ-
enced by those in other countries, particularly Europe and the USA, and
international associations such as the UN.
The area of children’s rights illustrates the extraordinary complexity
of legislation and policies at the micro, mezzo and macro levels. At the
micro level, the British government passed the Children Act in 1989 and
the Human Rights Act in 1998. At the mezzo level, there are decisions
in the European Court of Human Rights, for example in the case of
A. v. the United Kingdom, 1998, which found against the UK, that the
law failed to protect a child from inhuman or degrading treatment
and therefore violated Article 3 of the European Convention on the
Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, 1950. At the
macro level, there are the UN declarations of children’s rights, referred
to above. On occasions, the interpretation of these different enactments
may not harmonise, and may actually conflict.
Organisational context: tensions between
state and local government
The responsibilities of central and local government for the personal
social services changed considerably during the twentieth century, and
these changes accelerated in the second half of the century. Notably,
legislation governing services for adults, including those receiving

community care, older people, disabled people, people with mental
health problems and children and families, has increased the powers,
duties and responsibilities of the state and local authorities for ensuring
the delivery of a vast and complex range of services.
The last years of the twentieth century saw relations between central
and local government changing, as central government laid down
increasingly specific standards for the delivery of quality health and
welfare services, to be inspected and monitored through the Social
Services Inspectorate of the Department of Health.
Local government also experienced a shift from the tradition of the
local authority largely monopolising the organisation, management,
provision and delivery of services, to a style of governance involving
the public, voluntary, private and informal sectors. The local authority
became the enabler, as commissioner and purchaser, with other agen-
cies as providers of an increasing range of services, particularly for
adults and in significant areas of family and childcare.
Unitary local authorities were created under the local government reor-
ganisation of 1995–8 (see Chapter 9), amid some concerns about whether
the smaller unitaries would be disadvantaging those requiring social serv-
ices, by not being equipped to provide an equivalent range of choice of
services as the larger unitary authorities. Craig and Manthorpe (1999a,
1999b), in their evaluation of the reorganisation, pointed out that the then
Conservative government advocates of unitary authorities tended to
adopt the argument that ‘small is beautiful’, stressing the enhancement of
opportunities for citizen participation and involvement by elected local
councillors in decisions affecting planning, resourcing and service
delivery. Robin SeQueira, director of social services for Dorset until local
government reorgnisation in April 1997, noted that the smaller unitary
authorities could expect more involvement by elected councillors in the
day-to-day running of social services. From the viewpoint of profession-
als and clients, this might be a mixed blessing (SeQueira, 1997, p. 8).
Government control over what local authorities did was exercised not
only through the content of their work but also through the way it was
resourced from the purse of the state. Central government control over
local government was enhanced by tighter monetary regulation. Various
funding arrangements, such as those associated with economic regener-
ation, were subject to central government approval. Local provision was
restricted by capping arrangements which restricted choices available
at local level. Local government was financially vulnerable in the sense
that central government could withhold funding over and above local
rates and council taxes and thereby exercise sanctions over the nature
and level of appropriate provision.

Historical context
The changing focus of debates about what welfare provision should be
made, how much should be provided by the state and how much in the
voluntary, private and informal sectors reflects broader shifts in norma-
tive values, rooted in political, economic and social trends. Between the
1940s and 2000, there have been three significant watersheds in politics
and welfare policy: the significant wave of legislation setting up the
welfare state in the 1940s, the partial dismantlement of the welfare state
under Thatcherism in the 1980s and the partial synthesis of these ideas
in the so-called third way of ‘New’ Labour from 1997 onwards.
While the first two periods represented turning points for politics and
social policy, it would be a mistake to regard them as revolutionary, or
as totally new departures, largely disengaged from preceding events.
Historians and social policy analysts may emphasise the rapid changes
which often separate one era from that which precedes it. However, they
often point to continuities which enable rapid change to take place.
These seemingly contradictory themes of change and continuity are both
necessary to an understanding of changes in politics and social policy.
Beveridge: the birth of the welfare state?
Social work and social services both lie at the heart of the most signifi-
cant and influential innovation in social policy in the twentieth century,
that of the welfare state. This term conveys the impression of a grand
plan or holistic set of welfare laws by a munificent state. In some ways,
though, the welfare state was never a homogeneous entity, but rather a
succession of legal provisions which arose from the complex processes
of policymaking, reflecting the range of beliefs of politicians and
others involved in bringing in legislation. It was never a prior agreed
plan, leading to a generally agreed body of prescriptions becoming law,
which met a set of goals with agreed criteria by which its success or
otherwise could be evaluated.
The term ‘welfare state’ was not widely used until the 1940s. The
most positive accounts of it present it as:
a system of social organisation which restricts free market operations in three prin-
cipal ways; by the designation of certain groups, such as children or factory work-
ers, whose rights are guaranteed and whose welfare is protected by the community;
by the delivery of services such as medical care or education, so that no citizen shall
be deprived of access to them; and by transfer payments which maintain income in
times of exceptional need, such as parenthood, or of interruption of earnings caused
by such things as sickness or unemployment. (Fraser, 1984, p. xxi)

It refers to a disparate and at times somewhat confused group of legal
enactments, measures, policies, practices and their consequences for
individuals and groups of people. According to T H Marshall, for
instance, its social security provisions were aimed at providing every-
body with the guarantee of a minimum, while its setting up of the
National Health Service aimed to provide an optimum level of service
(Marshall, 1970, p. 92).
People born during the Second World War have lived through a half
century during which the idea of the welfare state has had currency. But
beyond that, there is no general agreement about its birth, maturity
and dissolution. The welfare state was not conjured from the morass
of hardship and disaster of the Second World War. The war certainly
contributed, shaping and highlighting certain societal inadequacies and
promoting the passing of certain laws. But many historical factors led
to its creation, some linked with traditions and forces whose origins
cannot be located entirely in the twentieth century.
The Beveridge Report (1942), despite the above comments, is unde-
niably one of the most influential social policy documents of the twen-
tieth century. Before the war ended, Sir William Beveridge had spelled
out his ideals for a full employment society (1944). Beveridge’s politi-
cal affiliations were left of Centre but with liberal rather than Marxist
inclinations. In many ways, Beveridge would have had an easy dialogue
with Tony Blair over the diagnosis of social ills. Beveridge was no
revolutionary. He synthesised many of the existing beliefs and trends
of liberals of his day. His ideas came at a period in Britain’s wartime
history when the mass of people wanted to build a new society.
Some social policies proceed by pragmatism and small, incremental
changes. In contrast, both the making of the welfare state in the 1940s,
and the unmaking of the welfare state in the 1980s and 90s, have
resulted from the coincidence of a huge swathe of social policy changes
across the health, social security and welfare services. The spirit of
radical reform which gathered impetus through the mass, dehumanising
experiences of millions of people during the war was partly the senti-
ment of ‘never again’. There was widespread regret that the First World
War had neither been the gateway to a social utopia nor the war to end
all wars. Partly also, some people had broader aspirations. Nowhere was
this idealism expressed more clearly than in the Hutton Press edition of
the magazine Picture Post for 4 January 1941, on sale not only in Britain
but also distributed to forces overseas. The list of chapter headings
is indicative of its scope: A Plan for Britain; This is the Problem; Work
for All; Social Security; The New Britain Must be Planned; Plan the

Home; The Land for All; A Plan for Education; Health for All; A Real
Medical Service; When Work is Over; this last, incidentally, written by
the novelist and playwright J B Priestley. The editorial of this Picture
Post rooted the rationale for this in the war effort:
Our plan for a new Britain is not something outside the war, or something after
the war. It is an essential part of our war aims. It is, indeed, our most positive war
aim. The new Britain is the country we are fighting for. And the kind of land we
want, the kind of life we think the good life, will exercise an immense attraction
over the oppressed peoples of Europe and the friendly peoples of America. What
we have done in this number is simply to rough out a plan. We have tried to out-
line a fairer, pleasanter, happier, more beautiful Britain than our own – but one
based fairly and squarely on the Britain we have now. We have not imagined away
South Wales or Tyneside, or our confused system of education. We have tried to
show how they can be reconstructed – or at least to begin to show it. This new and
better Britain could, we believe, be realised – given goodwill – within ten years…
We believe that, after this war, certain things will be common ground among all
political parties. It will be common ground, for example, that every Briton – man,
woman or child – shall be assured of enough food of the right kinds to maintain
him in full bodily health and fitness. It will be common ground that we must
reform our system of education – so that every child is assured of the fullest edu-
cation he can profit by. It will be common ground that our state medical service
must be reorganised and developed so as to foster health, not merely battle with
disease. (Picture Post, 4.1.41, p. 4)
By and large, this optimism was realised in the legislation passed by the
Labour government (the Education Act 1944 was the precursor) which
swept into power in 1945 (National Health Service Act 1946; Welfare
Services Act 1947; Children Act 1948; Criminal Justice Act 1948;
National Assistance Act 1948), ousting the wartime leader Winston
Churchill.
Thatcherism and the New Right: end of the welfare state?
Derek Fraser’s authoritative historical study of the evolution of the
welfare state had a short postscript added in the second edition, headed
‘The Decline of the Welfare State 1973–83?’ (Fraser, 1984, pp. 250–3).
It might seem obvious that it took more than a century for the principles
and policies embodied in the welfare state in Britain to be expressed in
the legislation of the late 1940s, but less than a quarter of that time for
it to be dismantled in the closing years of the twentieth century. But the
assumption that the welfare state was born in the 1940s and destroyed
by the Thatcher government should not be accepted uncritically. Has the
cluster of legislation from the 1940s been ‘reified’ (treated as a fact)
with hindsight into ‘the welfare state’? Should the Thatcher government

take all the blame for dismantling this apparatus? Surely, the foundations
for its undermining were laid during the preceding Labour government
(1974–79) and the task was completed by the Blair government (1997
onwards), in its rejection of much of the thinking of the New Left? The
‘New Left’, incidentally, is a term used by some to refer to Marxists,
black power and radical feminist theorists, adherents to anti-psychiatry
and critical social policy analysts (Page and Silburn, 1999, pp. 100–1).
Critics of the welfare state Pressure to reduce the so-called monopoly
of services supplied by the welfare state, which apparently denied
people freedom of choice, came after the 1960s from ‘neo-liberal’ econ-
omists and the Institute of Economic Affairs, who attacked what they
described as the welfare consensus of the 1940s and 50s. There were
critics on the Left, too, such as Peter Townsend, who argued that the
welfare state had not yet achieved its goal of abolishing want, poverty
and the redistribution of wealth (Fraser, 1984, p. 251). Whereas the
New Right wanted to develop selective benefits as the way out of the
perceived welfare ‘crisis’, the Left wanted to strengthen universalistic
benefits.
The momentum of the Thatcher government from its accession to
power in 1979, in implementing monetarist policies and cutting public
expenditure, was increased by the policies of the preceding Labour gov-
ernment. Throughout the entire 1970s, there was a notable
sharp decline in capital expenditure in the major areas of education, housing and
health … [a] police pay rise, the extension of police powers in strike-breaking and
the formation of para-military squads. Even in the citadel of Thatcherism –
monetarism – it is possible to suggest that current practice is simply a more
rhetorical version of a trend initiated under previous governments. (Taylor-Gooby,
1981, p. 19)
There is no doubt, though, that Margaret Thatcher’s Conservative
government gave these New Right policies an unprecedentedly high
profile.
Ironically, the emphasis of Thatcherite social policy on an expanded
role for the voluntary and informal sectors, as part of a conservative
re-emphasis on the mid-Victorian notion of self-help, benefited
the advocates of welfare pluralism. They were keen to explore the
viability of ‘participative alternatives to centralised social services’
(Hadley and Hatch, 1981, pp. 170–5) through voluntary and informal
activity. Ironically, too, the extensive privatisation of public services and
the civil service under the Conservatives, which gathered momentum

during the 1980s, and the marketisation of local authority services and
key areas of the health and social services, such as community care,
were embraced by the Blair government of 1997 onwards. The centre of
gravity of the Labour Party had shifted a long way from the days when
Labour served the trade union cause first and foremost and regarded
itself as the enemy of ‘capital’ in the form of industrialists, entrepre-
neurs, business managers and professionals, as well as many middle-
class people.
New Labour and the ‘third way’
The size of the two landslide victories of New Labour in the 1997
and 2001 general elections took most commentators by surprise. They
reflected the success of Labour in detaching itself from its exclusive
roots in the interests of the working class, its unique links with certain
sectors of trade union movements, especially those in mass production
industries, and its expressed commitment to left-wing socialism. Tony
Blair and a group of New Labour colleagues reformulated policies with
the aim of winning support from a substantial body of what might
be described as ‘haves’ rather than simply the ‘have-nots’ among tradi-
tional Labour supporters. Thus Labour attracted many middle-class
voters who had not felt able to support a left-wing Labour agenda, and
yet who were disaffected with Tory politics.
New Labour claimed to offer a way between the ‘extremes’ of con-
servatism and socialism, beyond the traditional, ‘old’ Labour politics of
confrontation between the trade union sponsored working classes and
the ruling capitalists, industrial and business entrepreneurs, portrayed
by socialists and Marxists. The Blair government attempted a difficult
balancing act, trying not to alienate the traditional working-class
supporters of Labour while attempting to recruit support from what was
called ‘middle England’, those who constitute the middle classes, who
might otherwise have given their allegiance first to the Conservatives or
Liberal Democrats.
The ground had been prepared by John Smith, leader of the Labour
Party in opposition, when he set up the Commission on Social Justice in
1992 on the fiftieth anniversary of the publication of the Beveridge
Report (Beveridge, 1942). The Commission reported under its chairper-
son Gordon Borrie in 1994 (Commission on Social Justice, 1994).
Borrie Report
The report of the Commission on Social Justice was published in 1994
shortly after the death of John Smith, leader of the Labour Party, and,

significantly, contained the following panegyric on its cover by
Tony Blair, who succeeded him and led Labour to victory in the elec-
tion of May 1997: ‘Essential reading for everyone who wants a new way
forward for our country’.
Borrie occupied the transitional period between what became known
as Old and New Labour. The Commission’s membership was a demon-
stration of the ability of New Labour to bring into the consultation
process theorists, pragmatists, radicals, researchers and activists in the
voluntary sector. Borrie focused on how to shift from a so-called
dependency culture to supporting people in need, while developing the
culture of self-reliance and partnership in provision between the state
and voluntary, private and informal sectors.
Social welfare reforms under New Labour
Blair’s third way contained sufficient former Labour policies to retain
the traditional Labour vote and sufficient also to attract people who
might otherwise have committed themselves in the ballot box to the
Liberal Democratic or Conservative parties. Far-reaching reforms of the
social services were in prospect, even though in the immediate wake of
the general election, the Queen’s Speech which opened the new parlia-
ment followed the Labour Party manifesto in not mentioning social
services. This contrasted, for instance, with the high profile given to
details of intended measures to combat youth crime (Douglas, 1997,
p. 11). Yet the Green Paper of March 1998 provided a set of proposals
for the comprehensive overhaul of the welfare state (Secretary of State
for Social Security and Minister for Welfare Reform, 1998). This was
followed by the White Paper in November of the same year (Secretary
of State for Health, 1998). A Labour government consultation paper
published in 1998 (Ministerial Group on the Family, 1998) aimed to
complement these proposals on service provision, in what Jack Straw
claimed was the first ever consultation document on the family. This
affirmed the government’s commitment to the family as the foundation
of society (Ministerial Group on the Family, 1998). The consultation
document set out a commitment to better financial support for families,
better advice on parenting and the prevention of family breakdown, and
better services to families with problems. The rationale was partly that
a stronger family would promote greater independence from costly
state-provided services. At a deeper level, while the Blair government
took tight control of the work of civil servants in central government
departments, there were continuities with the contract-based market ide-
ology created by the Thatcher government in central government

departments traditionally dominated by civil servants. Thus, the Social
Care Group of the Department of Health (DH) had the stated aim:
to improve the quality, reliability and efficiency of social services in England …
[as] one of the three key business areas within the Department of Health, work-
ing alongside the NHS Executive and the Public Health Group. (DH/SSI, 1999,
The Work of the Social Care Group, DH at http://www.doh.gov.uk, 26.5.00)
The picture is more complex because that part of the DH concerned
with the personal social services was distinctive in having close links
with agencies and practice, and also in its research and grant-giving
functions, with social policy and social work departments in universi-
ties. This culture of formal partnership and informal interaction had
been built up since the days of the Social Work Service of the DHSS
in the early 1970s and interwove personnel who had moved around the
triangle linking practice, academic work and the DH in London, the
regions, Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales.
Tackling shortcomings in quality of social services: ‘Quality Protects’
Quality assurance procedures in the social services were enforced from
the early 1980s by central government, under the umbrella of the Audit
Commission and the Social Services Inspectorate (SSI), which grew
from the former Social Work Service of the DHSS. These arrangements
reflected public and political reactions to a succession of scandals in
social services, shown in demands for increased accountability and con-
trol of social services staff, including social workers, who by then had a
very poor public image (Franklin, 1999). In Wales, the Social Services
Inspectorate for Wales developed a performance management frame-
work for social services departments which incorporated performance
indicators, Joint Review inspections and regular monitoring (Social
Services Inspectorate, 2000a).
Quality Protects (QP), a three-year £375m programme, was launched
in England by the Secretary of State for Health on 21 September 1998
with the aim of transforming social services for children. Local author-
ities were expected to demonstrate by 2002 their success in meeting
specified key performance targets, improving the wellbeing of children
in need and looked after children (that is, those for whom the local
authority is directly responsible). Management Actions Plans (MAPs)
had to be devised indicating how children’s services would be
modernised and progress reported to the DH. In October 1999, new sub-
objectives were published for children’s services, under the umbrella of

Quality Protects. One target was to reduce repeated child abuse and
neglect by 10 per cent by 2002 (see Chapter 6). The intention to bring
in HM Inspectors of Schools to inspect daycare and childminding had
been announced in March 1998.
These measures for quality assurance meshed with the contract
culture established in the early 1990s with the implementation of the
NHS and Community Care Act 1990, under the banner of promoting
best practice at the ‘best value’. A new Best Value Inspectorate was
established to oversee and inspect all local services, with the govern-
ment intervening promptly to tackle any serious or persistent failures in
performance. The regime of compulsory competitive tendering was
abolished, and new national performance indicators were set in place,
against which the efficiency, cost and quality of services were to be
judged.
The White Paper (DH, 1998a) published in November 1998 set out
the government’s proposals for the reorganisation of the social services
in England and consultation documents were published in 1999 on
the regulation of private and voluntary healthcare in England and for
the regulation and inspection of healthcare and social care services
in Wales. A spate of further publications followed. The Local Gover-
nment Act 1999 introduced the principle of ‘best value’, increasing the
accountability of local authorities by requiring more clearly stated
objectives; specific criteria for measuring performance and outcomes;
the involvement of citizens in the community, including people receiv-
ing services, in assessing the quality of services; and efficiency in using
resources.
In April 1999, the Department of Health (1999e) issued a consulta-
tion document, A New Approach to Social Services Performance. This
stated the intention to approach the performance of social services
departments more proactively than previously. Forty-six performance
indicators (PIs) were put forward as the means to achieve this. Here, as
elsewhere, the specification of PIs was regarded by critics as neglecting
the tension between purchasing the ‘best value’ service and maximising
the quality of services. Also, the focus on PIs associated directly with
practice emphasises the quantitative aspects of services rather than
qualitative dimensions, which are crucial, for example, when research,
monitoring and perceptions of users and carers need to be taken into
account. For example, typical PIs included the stability of placements of
looked after children and whether children are reregistered on the Child
Protection Register. They also neglect issues associated with educating,
training and supervising staff and resourcing services.

Seventeen local authorities were named in November 1999 as ‘failing’
and, at the launch of new performance assessment tables by John
Hutton, Minister of Health, were made subject to special measures and
performance indicators.
The Care Standards Bill, introduced to parliament by the Labour gov-
ernment in 1999, heralded a major departure from arrangements dating
from the Registered Homes Act 1984 which would be repealed in its
entirety. The Bill proposed regulation of community homes, voluntary
adoption societies, local authority fostering and adoption services
and welfare aspects of all boarding schools and colleges of further edu-
cation taking children. The resultant Care Standards Act 2000 created
new, independent, regulatory bodies in England and Wales for social care
and private and voluntary healthcare services. The English body would be
known as the National Care Standards Commission. In Wales, this body
would be an arm of the National Assembly for Wales. At the same time,
new, independent councils were to be set up to register social workers, set
social care standards and regulate social workers’ education and training
in England and Wales, keep an up-to-date list of people judged unsuitable
to work with vulnerable adults and reform the regulation of residential,
domiciliary and daycare, fostering, adoption and childminder provision.
To some extent, welfare reforms after 1997 were the product of wider
concerns of the Labour government, beyond social services, about how
to reduce the huge, crisis-level volume of spending on state benefits for
people with chronic problems associated with ageing and disability.
There was also a crisis in social services. The term ‘crisis’ may refer to
the slow, insidious impact of chronic problems such as lack of resources
and financing (see Chapter 10). Or, as happened after the inquiry into the
abuse and death of Maria Colwell in the early 1970s and the wave of sub-
sequent scandals and inquiries, there could be said to be a growing crisis
of credibility of social work and in the provision of welfare services.
There is a crisis from the vantage point of those politicians disenchanted
with social workers, impatient with nurses and viewing doctors’ com-
plaints about working conditions as unreasonable. There is a crisis from
the standpoint of those professionals who feel undervalued, undertrained
and underpaid. Patients, clients and service users, who feel they often
receive less than adequate services, may also perceive a crisis.
The main achievements claimed by the prime minister by 2000 were
not in the personal social services, but in the areas of employment,
social security and education:
The New Deal has helped create nearly 100,000 new jobs in metropolitan areas.
The Working Families’ Tax Credit and Minimum Wage are making work pay for

millions of people on low incomes. Schools have sharply improved standards in
literacy and numeracy particularly in deprived areas. (Social Exclusion Unit,
2000b, p. 5)
One of the linking themes was the initiative aimed at tackling social
exclusion, through the setting up of the Social Exclusion Unit (SEU)
(see Chapter 8). In September 1998, the SEU published a report pro-
posing the need for a national strategy for neighbourhood renewal,
based on policy development in 18 intersecting areas, with two goals:
to bridge the gap between the most deprived neighbourhoods and the rest of
England; and in all the worst neighbourhoods, to achieve lower long-term
worklessness; less crime; better health; and better educational qualifications.
(Social Exclusion Unit, 2000d, p. 5)
Eighteen Policy Action Teams (PATs) (Table 1.1) were set up, each hav-
ing a Ministerial Champion but bringing in a range of ‘outside experts and
people working in deprived areas to ensure the recommendations were
evidence-based and reality-tested’ (Social Exclusion Unit, 2000d, p. 5).
The reports of the PATs were summarised (Social Exclusion Unit, 2000d)
and fed into a consultation report (Social Exclusion Unit, 2000b) (see
Chapter 12) and summary (Social Exclusion Unit, 2000c) published early
in 2000, the responses to which would feed into the government’s
National Strategy intended to be published later in the year. Some areas
which cut across many PATs, notably minority ethnic issues (Social
Exclusion Unit, 2000a), were given particular attention during the con-
sultation process in 2000.
As the Blair government began its second term of office in 2001, it did
not escape criticism in the light of evidence of the enduring problems of
poverty (see Chapter 2). The government claimed that the priority in the
Table 1.1 Policy action teams
1. Jobs 10. Arts and Sport
2. Skills 11. Schools Plus
3. Business 12. Young People
4. Neighbourhood Management 13. Shops
5. Housing Management 14. Financial Services
6. Neighbourhood Wardens 15. Information Technology
7. Unpopular Housing 16. Learning Lessons
8. Antisocial Behaviour 17. Joining it up Locally
9. Community Self-help 18. Better Information

second term would be improving the quality of public services, notably
education and health.
What are social policy, social administration, social security,
social services, social care and social work?
We have spent much of this chapter using terms with ‘social’ in them.
It is now time to specify what we mean by them. Perhaps the subject of
this book could be defined in a sentence: social work is politics and pol-
icy made local. This simplification contains some truth but ignores vital
distinctions. The terms ‘social policy’and ‘social work’seem simple yet
refer to disciplines, fields of study and practice of great complexity.
There is no consensus about what they are, no agreement about the
perspective from which they are best viewed and no single preferred
way to research, teach or practise them. People from a range of political
persuasions are engaged in them and it is not surprising, therefore, that
they are often the subject of strenuous debate, controversy and conflict.
Since the nineteenth century, there has been a growing vocabulary of
terms used to refer to the ‘social’ perspectives informing research, the-
orising, politicking, policy, provision and professional practice. There is
often confusion about their meanings.
Social policy
This is the term applied to the study of the development, implementation
and impact of policies which influence the social situations of people.
Social policy may be defined as a discipline in the social sciences, as a
field of study, or as ‘social action in the real world’ (Alcock et al., 1998,
p. 7). Social policy is not a static discipline. Its change since the 1970s
from the study of social administration to policy studies reflects grow-
ing independence from liberal perspectives, a developmental focus and
political affiliations with Fabianism and social democracy, rather than
the Right or the socialist Left.
Social administration
In the 1960s, Kathleen Slack of the London School of Economics (the
first director of the LSE was William Beveridge whose Beveridge Reports

in the 1940s provided the foundations of the welfare state) acknowl-
edged the difficulties of defining the meaning of social administration,
as social policy was then called. She suggested two common uses for
the term ‘social administration’ – as a subject of study and as a process
‘directed to the solution of social problems, the promotion of social
welfare or the implementation of social policy’ (Slack, 1966, p. 9). This
process, she acknowledged, ‘is furthered by the use of different meth-
ods or techniques designed to reach a decision, promote some action or
establish a precedent’ (Slack, 1966, pp. 9–10).
Social security
This is the term used to describe those arrangements made for the
support of people in financial need, as examined in detail in Chapter 2.
Social services
Kathleen Slack commented on the confusion over the meaning of the
term ‘social services’, raising questions about whether they included
all services for the community, or only those for children and families,
mental health services and elderly people (Slack, 1966, p. 11). In the
process, she highlighted the work of Richard Titmuss as portraying the
widest view. Titmuss drew attention in 1955 to the tendency over
the previous 50 years for more and more areas to be drawn into the def-
inition of social services, as ‘collective provision for certain “needs” ’
(Titmuss, 1976a, p. 40), in contrast with its former limited territory in
poor relief, sanitation and the control of public nuisances. Despite what
he perceived as the elasticity of the boundaries of the social services
(p. 40), Titmuss clearly specified three sectors as its constituents: social
welfare, fiscal welfare and occupational welfare (p. 42).
Kathleen Slack states that the social services include:
national insurance, assistance and family allowances, health services, physical
and mental, education, housing which must be linked with town and country
planning, maternity and child welfare, care of the deprived and the delinquent
child and of the adult offender, youth employment, youth work and community
welfare, welfare of the family, the disabled, aged and the homeless, legal aid,
advice and information services. (Slack, 1966, p. 13)
Slack indicates a further list of services – private pension or superannu-
ation schemes, industrial or employers’ welfare, and fiscal policy in the

form of income tax rebates in respect of dependent children, aged
parents or education costs – for which Titmuss makes a strong case for
inclusion in the social services:
on the ground that it is the aim of a service, not the administrative method or the
institutional devices employed to achieve the aim, which justifies its being
regarded as ‘social’. (Slack, 1966, p. 13)
Finally, Slack asserts the need for the study of social administration to
include relationships between the content of the subject and cognate dis-
ciplines such as social history, psychology, economics and sociology
(Slack, 1966, p. 14). Her view is that researchers and students of social
administration and social services consider matters such as conceptions
of poverty and sentencing policies and practices in the light of different
theoretical perspectives (Slack, 1966, pp. 13–14).
Social care
This has come to mean the broad field of services offered to people
in need – often assumed to be people in residential and daycare, older
people and people with disabilities – by local authority social services
departments in England and Wales and social work departments in
Scotland, although the latter also are responsible for probation work.
As discussed in Chapter 9, in many parts of these countries these depart-
ments are being combined with other services. In Northern Ireland,
services are delivered through health and social services boards.
Social work
This is a prominent yet intrinsically contested profession. Social work-
ers carry out some of the most demanding tasks of individual and social
protection in the whole of society, yet, like the social welfare field in
general, are often subjected to vilification in the mass media, as though
they, and not the inherently uncertain and problematic situations in
which they work, are the problem (Franklin, 1999, 2000). Social work
is highly visible in the welfare systems of England, Northern Ireland,
Scotland and Wales. The reasons for this are many and complex.
Since the Seebohm Report (Seebohm, 1968) and the subsequent
Local Authority Social Services Act 1970 which set up social services

departments in England and Wales, it has been situated in the personal
social services which themselves have been subjected to massive
changes in structure, function and organisation. Increasingly, since the
mid-1970s, specialist social work has been provided by voluntary agen-
cies, notably in childcare, such as National Children’s Homes (NCH),
Barnardo’s and the National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to
Children (NSPCC). Social work is a troubled and, some would say,
troublesome profession. Social work is a political profession, if for no
other reason than its close association with the transformation of wel-
fare which has preoccupied politicians for more than half a century
since the Second World War.
Social work occupies an ambiguous position in the welfare system,
thoughtfully analysed by Geoffrey Pearson (1975). Is it a key agent of
social control, from a Marxist perspective, functioning as the iron fist in
the velvet glove of welfare? Or is it a potentially subversive empower-
ing agent on behalf of the individual citizen, or a vulnerable or excluded
group? Social work, like the welfare state, can be regarded as an activ-
ity in terminal decline as other professions encroach on its territory and
its practitioners are abused, deskilled and deprofessionalised. Or, it can
be regarded as an activity which is subject to transformation as the wel-
fare systems change which provide a major context for its practice,
research and theorisation.
How does social policy relate to social work?
The terms ‘social work’ and ‘social policy’ carry meanings to do with
the way they are approached and the theoretical vantage points or
perspectives of the people who study and use them. The study of social
policy, like the practice of social work, is inseparable from politics,
which means that critical thought and critical practice involve our per-
sonal and professional beliefs and values. They affect our ideas about
how to define social policy and social work.
We have to acknowledge, also, that other external factors contribute to
the social construction of the subjects called social policy and social
work. They are not simply a personal matter for the individual. In some
ways, while the current study of social policy does not differ significantly
from social administration in the 1960s, the world has changed greatly.
For instance, the centre of gravity of the study of social policy shifted
from the political middle ground of liberalism and Fabianism since the
1960s, to incorporate socialist, feminist and Marxist perspectives from

the 1970s. Later, during the Conservative government of 1979 to 1997,
Thatcherism was born and the term ‘New Right’ came into the fore-
ground. Many people shifted towards an acceptance of ideas about the
strengths of the market philosophy and the free-market approach,
notably sponsored by the right-wing Adam Smith Institute, and away
from support for socialism, particularly the more explicitly Marxist and
communist forms of socialism.
Different perspectives on politics and welfare policies
It is difficult to create a simple division of something as complex
as people’s political beliefs and values, expressed in social policies. In
practical terms, there are as many sets of beliefs as there are people. Our
political beliefs are inseparable from our views about how far the state
should meet people’s welfare needs. The link between social policy and
party politics helps to remind us that the vast range of political affilia-
tions are reduced to two main political parties in England, Labour and
Conservative, with the Liberals somewhere between them. From the
many attempts by academics over the past 30 years to codify perspec-
tives on social policies, three are selected here, which to some extent
mirror what is going on in politics at the time of their publication:
George and Wilding, Anderson and Powell.
George and Wilding (1976) wrote before Thatcherism was born,
when Labour were in power and Marxism was a critical force. They
identify four ideological perspectives on social policies, from the indi-
vidualism (the state relies on people to look after their own welfare) of
the extreme political Right to the full-blooded collectivism (all people
can expect, as of right, that the state will meet their needs) of the
extreme Left.
Fourteen years later, when the Conservatives had been in power for
more than a decade, Communist USSR had collapsed and the Berlin
Wall was being dismantled, Anderson distinguished three perspectives
on social policies in the welfare field and the state: conservative, liberal
and social democratic (Anderson, 1990). The conservative approach
reinforces class and power divisions and inequalities and views inter-
vention by the state as a last resort. It supports traditional family forms
and advocates a benefits system buttressing the role of women as moth-
ers rather than as workers outside the home. The liberal approach relies
on the marketplace as the main bearer of welfare services, supports
means testing and private as well as state-funded social insurance.

The social democratic, some would say socialist, approach supports the
principles of universalistic services and equality for citizens. It works
towards abolishing inequalities and achieving a high standard of living
for all, the total cost of welfare being borne by full employment.
Powell, writing in the year New Labour enters a second term of
government, distinguishes the third way of the Blair government from
the equality-focused ideals and emphasis on state provision and nation-
alisation of the Old Left and the preoccupation with free markets,
privatisation, competition and deregulation of the New Right (Powell,
2000, p. 42). He suggests the third way is not new, not coherent and
implies it is a pragmatic ‘pick-and-mix’ of political and policy ideas,
borrowing from both Old Left and New Right (Powell, 2000, p. 57) (see
Chapter 12).
Social policy provides perspectives on the context in which social
work is practised. But the relationship between social work and social
policy is far more intimate than the oft-quoted truism that policy pro-
vides the context for practice. The reality is that policy infuses practice
and practice affects policy in complex and diverse ways. Linked closely
with this is a simplistic perception that the major part of social workers’
responsibilities is simply the discharge of the law. In support of this,
it may be argued that five laws provide the main legal reference points
of social work in the new millenium: the Mental Health Act 1983,
the Children Act 1989, the National Health Service and Community
Care Act 1990, the Criminal Justice and Public Order Act 1994 and the
Crime and Disorder Act 1998. Yet the law sets the contours of practice
rather than specifying everything social workers do.
Shared territory of social policy and social work
We have seen that although social policy and social work cover distinct
territories, they have much in common. They share concepts, draw
on many common theories, perspectives and disciplines, use similar
language and terminology and occupy neighbouring and overlapping
positions in systems of social welfare. Social work is a closer neighbour
to social policy than most other disciplines, yet this very proximity
makes it more difficult to clarify the relationship between them.
The nature of society is reflected in its social problems and policy is
reflected in the nature of social work. Social work has been greatly
affected by policy changes, notably in the second half of the twentieth
century and the early years of the new millenium. In the 1940s, social

work as a generic entity was not even foreshadowed in the children’s
services set up as part of the inauguration of the welfare state. Fifty
years later, although the theoretical and research reference points for
social services and social work provision have changed incrementally,
the language of policy reflected in service delivery has undergone a sea
change. This is exemplified in the key words in the statement that social
work demonstrates diversity of provision in a mixed market which is
contract-based, the slogan ‘quality protects’ informing the practice of
best value maintained through competitive tendering.
Social policy, legislation and social work
Social work is linked with social policy through the legislation which
implements policies. The relationship between the law and social work
is rightly the subject of debate, the main parameters of which became
particularly clear after the publication of The Law Report (Ball et al.,
1988) which recommended improvements in the teaching of law
in social work qualification programmes. Two models representing
the polar positions of this debate about the relationship between law
and social work are Louis Blom-Cooper’s advocacy of legalism and
Olive Stevenson’s support for the ethical nature of care. This dichotomy
highlights the intrinsically contested territory of the seemingly most
straightforward aspect of social work – how social workers should prac-
tise, in the light of their powers, duties and responsibilities as laid down
in legislation.
Legalistic model
The view quoted at the start of this chapter, that social work can be
defined purely in terms of the statutory duties of social work agencies,
has been criticised for encouraging local authorities to prioritise their
statutory work and cut back on other areas, focusing on intervention
rather than encouraging client participation and empowerment, leading
to procedure-following rather than a service user orientation. It gives the
impression that social workers are more powerful than in reality; it pro-
motes the false view that all practice proceeds from the law; it implies
that major social problems such as child abuse and delinquency can be
abolished simply by passing a law which social workers carry out; and
it conceals the constraints on practice and heightens the myth that
implementing procedures is good practice.

Ethical duty of care model
Stevenson argues that debates about the quality of law teaching on
social work courses arise from more fundamental questions about the
nature of social work. She views law as only one component of the man-
date of social work to carry out an ethical duty of care, framed by key
values and skills deployed by professionals in encouraging client self-
determination and in working for change, not only in individuals but in
their circumstances (Stevenson, 1998). Braye and Preston-Shoot argue
that competence in practice requires a balance between values and the
law, as the basis for practice (see Braye and Preston-Shoot, 1990).
Carole Smith argues that social work should be more than simply
the operation of instrumental rationality. By this she means that there
should be space for more than following procedures, scope to achieve
what is morally desirable, through the exercise of values such as sensi-
tivity, concern, reassurance, compassion and warmth (Smith, 2001).
This corresponds with Ann Brechin’s comment that the critical practi-
tioner may be helped by two guiding principles: respecting other people
as equals and adopting an open and ‘not-knowing’ approach (Brechin,
2000, p. 31). These principles of respect for others and uncertainty
about knowledge provide a good vantage point from which to survey all
the material in the rest of this book.
Chapter summary
This chapter has identified demographic, political and ideological
factors affecting the context of social policy. It has examined the diffi-
culties of defining the major concepts affecting welfare policy and
provision, including the terms ‘social policy’ and ‘social work’. It has
surveyed the main aspects of social policy change with a bearing on
social work.
It has justified the necessity for the critical social worker to maintain
an up-to-date, informed view of research and commentary in the differ-
ent areas of social policy which relate to practice.
Further reading
Alcock, P. (1996) Social Policy in Britain: Themes and Issues, Macmillan,
Basingstoke – now Palgrave
Alcock, P., Erskine, A. and May, M. (eds) (1998) The Student’s Companion to
Social Policy, Blackwell, Oxford

Burden, T., Cooper, C. and Petrie, M. (2000) Modernising Social Policy:
Unravelling New Labour’s Welfare Reforms, Ashgate, Aldershot
Commission on Social Justice (1994) (The Borrie Report) Social Justice: Strategies
for National Renewal: The Report of the Commission on Social Justice, Vintage,
Random House, London
Powell, M. (2000) ‘New Labour and the Third Way in the British Welfare State:
A New and Distinctive Approach’, Critical Social Policy, 20(1): 39–60
Social Exclusion Unit (2000b) National Strategy for Neighbourhood Renewal:
A Framework for Consultation, The Cabinet Office, London

2
Social Security
Social security policies should be considered in the context of signifi-
cant levels of poverty which persist in society. Child poverty in Britain
is three times higher than 20 years ago, and 40 per cent of British
children are born into low-income families with unhealthy lifestyles.
David Piachaud, professor of social policy at the LSE, observes that
out of all 13 year olds, 7% are regular smokers. Alcohol consumption among
11–15 year olds more than doubled in the 1990s; one quarter drink every week,
averaging the equivalent of over four pints of beer. (Piachaud, 2000, p. 7)
Research on child poverty indicates that children have a disproportion-
ately high chance of experiencing short but repeated periods of poverty
which are very difficult to eliminate (Jenkins and Hill, 2000); children’s
health does not automatically improve simply by giving them more
money and government social security policies may not be sufficient to
lift the poorest families out of poverty (Gordon et al., 2000). This is
partly because the benefits structure offers more to families with fewer
children, thereby putting children in larger families more at risk. Also,
children in local authority rented accommodation are more likely to suf-
fer deprivation, thus throwing into question the government’s linked
social security anti-poverty strategies of raising national minimum wages
and offering parents more generous in-work benefits.
Social workers face the consequences of poverty on a daily basis, in
their work with people. Many members of the public regard social work
as largely concerned with relieving people’s physical wants. It is common
to encounter confusion between the work of social security and social
services. While social workers cannot ignore inadequacies in the physi-
cal conditions of people’s lives, it is an oversimplification to describe
social work as wholly concerned with remedying material problems such
as lack of money.
37

The task of trying to guarantee all family members in a given house-
hold an adequate level of social security is fraught with dilemmas.
One person’s welfare may be another person’s ‘dis-welfare’. In such
circumstances, it will be difficult, if not impossible, for welfare agencies
to please everybody.
A good deal of legislation used by social workers relates in one way
or another to the problems of individual want and social deprivation. The
National Assistance Act 1948 enables social services departments to
provide residential accommodation for needy people. Section 65 of
the Health Services and Public Health Act 1968 provides for financial
assistance to voluntary organisations. The Community Care (Direct
Payments) Act 1996 concerns payments to people who have negotiated
the direct provision of community care services. There is also legislation
governing benefits, for which the gatekeepers are professionals outside
social work. This includes budgeting and crisis loans from the Social
Fund, under the Social Security Act 1986 (s. 167), the Social Security
Contributions and Benefits Act 1992 (s. 140) and the Social Fund
(Applications) Regulations 1998 (Brayne and Martin, 1999, p. 435). It
also includes sources of help through Housing Benefit, under the Social
Security Contributions and Benefits Act 1992 (s. 130) and the Housing
Benefit (General) Regulations 1987. Further, people with a physical or
learning disability may be able to claim Disabled Persons Tax Credit and
may be entitled to the Disability Living Allowance for care and mobil-
ity needs, under the Social Security Contributions and Benefits Act 1992
(s. 129) and the Disability Working Allowance (General) Regulations
1991 (Brayne and Martin, 1999, p. 434). Incapacity Benefit replaced
Invalidity Benefit in 1995. Income Support was often used to top up dis-
ability benefits and claimants could apply for help from the Social Fund.
Social workers mediate between people’s problems and sources of
help from the state. Social workers also operate at the interface between
people’s individual deprivations and the social problems of poverty.
While individuals experience the problems of lack of money, goods and
services to meet their needs and the needs of other family members,
there is a social dimension to these problems. The practitioner needs to
have a critical awareness of those social problems of poverty, when
working with individuals.
Policy context
No other social problem preoccupies governments, local politicians and
philanthropists as much as addressing the impact on people of having an

insufficiency of goods and services to meet their basic needs. But current
debates about the social aspects of poverty would be quite foreign to
even the most liberal mid-Victorian with a social conscience and a com-
mitment to helping individual poor people. The Victorians would have
recognised the term ‘pauper’, with all the implications of personal fail-
ure, moral weakness and inadequacy this carries.
Despite much research into the scale of the problems of poverty,
policymakers have failed consistently to arrive at a ‘solution’ which
eradicates poverty. Some critical analysts such as Craig (1998) argue
that policies have increasingly obscured the true extent of poverty, sup-
pressing, distorting, manipulating and misrepresenting the collection
and presentation of relevant statistics. Evidence abounds of unsympa-
thetic gut responses to social work with poor people, illustrated in unin-
formed debate in the tabloid press. Many people find it hard to escape
the assumption that poor people, especially those in long-term poverty,
are somehow less energetic, sensible about budgeting, clean-living, well
organised and highly motivated towards work than we are. Do all poor
people equally deserve hand-outs from the state, or are some of them
scroungers? Are people who sit begging on the pavements really in dire
need, or just acting a part? Is poverty a social reality, or merely an
excuse for some lazy individuals to avoid pulling their weight in soci-
ety? The personal and political dimensions of poverty and social secu-
rity are inescapable and generate difficult choices for professionals
making decisions about how best to respond to poor people. Social
workers operate at the sharp end of such dilemmas, questions and
debates about the realities that poor people face, every time they engage
with individuals and families in poverty.
The scale and consequences of poverty
Poverty is not an independent happening or syndrome which strikes
people, with its own defining characteristics, its own causes and conse-
quences. Poverty is often brought about by other circumstances which
are immense in their effects and catastrophic in their impact. For exam-
ple, in the post-war recession, in 1920, outdoor relief under the Poor
Law cost £5.4m and unemployment insurance £8.7m. In 1938, when
the Great Depression was at its height and the impact of mass unem-
ployment had been felt for several years, whereas outdoor relief had
risen to £19.4m, unemployment benefit was a massive £51.7 m and non-
contributory unemployment allowances a further £41.3m (Golding and
Middleton, 1982, p. 46). Townsend’s monumental study of poverty in
Social Security 39

Britain in the 1960s and 70s concluded that 28 per cent of the popu-
lation were
below or just above the state’s standard [measure of poverty] for the year as a
whole, but the figure increases to 36 per cent if people who dropped to these levels
for at least a short period of the year are added. (Townsend, 1979, p. 895)
Thus, more than a third of the population were in poverty for at least a
part of the year and well over a quarter remained constantly in poverty
during that period. There was a ‘huge scale of unmet need’ (Townsend,
1979, p. 891); it was far greater than the government estimates of poor
people taking up social security benefits, since
a higher proportion of those in poverty or on the margins of poverty at any single
time are not receiving means-tested benefits than is officially believed. (Townsend,
1979, pp. 891–2)
The level of child poverty, that is, children living in households below
half average income, of 4.4 million in 1997, represents an almost three-
fold increase on the total of 1.4 million in 1968. The Labour government
(1997 onwards) was committed to halving child poverty by 2009 and
eradicating it by 2019. But the Child Poverty Action Group estimated in
2000 that, at the current level of progress, in 2019 child poverty would
only be back to the level of 1979 (Green, 2000, p. 10).
Images of poor people
To the Victorians, pauperism was a condition arising partly or wholly
from the inadequacies of the individual, whereas nowadays poverty is
held to arise from a range of causes, some of which are social, includ-
ing the structure of society, the environment and the economy, as well
as aspects of employment, housing, social security and other policies.
In the 1970s, there was less sympathy for those who a century earlier
were referred to as the ‘outcast poor’ (Stedman Jones, 1976) or, in less
sympathetic contemporary terminology, ‘scroungers’. Beggars – from
the time of the gangs of ‘sturdy beggars’, sometimes believed to have
terrorised vulnerable people and communities in Elizabethan and Tudor
England, to those who beg nowadays on the streets – have traditionally
evoked a mixture of sympathetic and rejecting responses.
‘Scroungerphobia’ is the term used to describe the fear or horror con-
jured up by scroungers. In 1834, the level of outdoor relief under the
Poor Law Amendment Act was set so low, using the so-called principle

of less eligibility, as to be below the lowest wage likely to be earned,
as a way of discouraging people from voluntarily claiming charity. Now-
adays, significant resources are allocated to discovering those who might
be falsely claiming entitlement to social security. According to a classic
research study, the social security scrounger is a fictionalised folk devil
created and sustained by the mass media, rather than a widespread phe-
nomenon (Golding and Middleton, 1982).
What is poverty?
There is no agreed definition of what it means to be poor, and the defi-
nition changes through time and according to one’s own circumstances.
Neither is there a satisfactory set of social policies which can be picked
off the shelf, guaranteed to remedy particular problems of poverty. In
fact, it can be argued that poverty is a consequence of faults and defi-
ciencies in those very social policies.
Whereas some commentators hold the view that poverty is beyond
objective definition, others strive for an objective measure of poverty. To
state how much poverty there is in a society, who is poor, how they have
become poor and how their poverty is best relieved are matters of opin-
ion subject to argument and controversy, where moral judgements about
poor people and their poverty tend to be applied, which are affected by
the political persuasion of the commentator.
Despite these inherent problems of specifying the nature and impact
of poverty, social investigators have tried constantly to bring evidence
of it to the attention of policymakers. Mayhew and Binney (1862)
vividly portrayed the lives of poor people, Charles Booth, in keeping
with the empirical spirit of researchers of his era, gathered many vol-
umes of statistics on poverty in London (Booth, 1889) and Seebohm
Rowntree, over half a century, produced three uniquely detailed surveys
of the impact of poverty in York (Rowntree, 1901, 1941; Rowntree and
Lavers, 1951). More recently, Townsend’s study in the late 1970s is a
uniquely comprehensive, contemporary snapshot of poverty. Townsend
begins his report with the following definition:
Individuals, families and groups in the population can be said to be in poverty
when they lack the resources to obtain the types of diet, participate in the activi-
ties and have the living conditions and amenities which are customary, or are at
least widely encouraged or approved, in the societies to which they belong.
(Townsend, 1979, p. 31)
Social Security 41

Townsend concluded that poverty
has to be understood not only as an inevitable feature of severe social inequality
but also as a particular consequence of actions by the rich to preserve and enhance
their wealth and so deny it to others. … control of wealth and of the institutions
created by that wealth, and therefore of the terms under which it may be gener-
ated and passed on selectively or for the general good, is therefore central to any
policies designed to abolish or alleviate the condition. (Townsend, 1979, p. 893)
Some commentators who discuss the persistence of poverty create the
misleading impression that poverty somehow is handed down from one
generation to the next. Oscar Lewis wrote a classic study in this vein
(Lewis, 1965), arguing that the poorest strata in society have a distinc-
tive culture which tends to perpetuate itself. Although full of detailed
illustration and anecdote at the level of the individual and family group,
Lewis’s work lacks surveys, census data or sociological analysis of the
wider society and views the culture of poverty from a judgemental,
middle-class position (see summarised critique in Townsend, 1979,
pp. 65–70). A related view, espoused by the Secretary of State for Social
Services in 1972, was that there is a tendency for deprivation to persist
in localities, passed on in disadvantaged families from one generation to
the next. Related to this is the idea, familiar among politicians in Britain
and the USA from the late 1960s, that there is a cycle of deprivation,
which can be broken by motivating individuals and groups of people,
providing housing improvements, opportunities for education, enter-
prise and acquiring new skills for employment. Townsend notes that the
way the concept of deprivation was presented reflected the govern-
ment’s intense interest in area deprivation policies. (Educational prior-
ity areas, community development and urban aid programmes started in
the late 1960s.)
The concept of area deprivation … has a close affiliation to a ‘sub-culture of
poverty’. The discussion in Britain has tended to echo much of the corresponding
discussion in the United States. But the assignation of responsibility for the dep-
rivation to the individual and family also has a close affiliation to the sub-culture
thesis. (Townsend, 1979, p. 71)
The response, therefore, tends to be
a mixture of traditional social control and case-work policies. Theoretically, dep-
rivation is treated as being a residual personal or family phenomenon rather than
a large-scale structural phenomenon. (Townsend, 1979, p. 71)

Absolute and relative poverty
The distinction between absolute and relative poverty is often made.
Absolute poverty is usually defined in relation to a view about the
minimum level of adequate subsistence. It is often associated with the
attempt to justify the view that an absolutely objective measure of
poverty can be reached. Critics assert that if the subsistence level is to
be meaningful, then poor people below it cannot survive. Defenders
of the subsistence concept argue that morbidity and mortality rates
reflect the fact that people cannot survive indefinitely below this level.
Relative poverty, in contrast, tends to be defined in more flexible terms
which may incorporate the experience of the poor person and can move
in comparison with different benchmarks, perhaps representing living
standards in different groups or societies. The assumption is invariably
that judgements about poverty levels contain a subjective element. For
example, spectators of a household in receipt of social security benefits
may look through the window and see a family member smoking or buy-
ing a can of beer, or watching television, and may regard these as proof
of a lack of poverty which therefore cancels entitlement to benefits. But
this is a gross value judgement which greatly oversimplifies the nature of
poverty. A judgement about relative poverty rests on a comparison
between the circumstances of poor people and a notion about the aver-
age living standard in the rest of that society, at that time. That standard,
of course, varies through history and from society to society.
Even accepting that over the years there has been a great range of con-
ceptions of the poverty of individuals and groups of people, the most
restricted definition of poverty – in terms of the number of people with
incomes below the level of social assistance benefit to which they are enti-
tled – produces the finding that whereas during the 1960s and 70s poverty
and low incomes in the UK may have declined, since the late 1970s
poverty has been increasing. The percentage of the population of the UK
in poverty, using the above yardstick of income below the level of enti-
tlement to social assistance, increased from 6 to 8 per cent between 1979
and 1992. The percentage of the population living below and just at
the level of social assistance in the same period increased from 14 to
24 per cent (George and Wilding, 1999, p. 137).
Wealth and income
The differences between better-off and worse-off people are affected by
how much they possess as well as how much they earn. Wealth is much
Social Security 43

less equally distributed than income. In 1995, the 10 per cent most wealthy
people in the UK owned half the wealth of the household sector, whereas
only about 8 per cent of the total wealth was owned by half the popula-
tion (Office for National Statistics, 1999, Table 5.25, pp. 100–1).
In the UK, about a quarter of the total income in the UK in 1995 was
earned by about 10 per cent of the population (Office for National
Statistics, 1999, p. 101). Although average disposable income in the
household has risen dramatically, by 55 per cent from 1971 to 1996, so
has the gap between people earning the highest and the lowest incomes
(ONS, 1999, Table 5.16, p. 95). People with the lowest earnings include
42 per cent of lone parent families in Great Britain, in the bottom 20
per cent of income distribution (ONS, 1999, Table, 5.17, p. 95).
How far does poverty interact with other social problems?
Research positively correlates poverty with other social problems such
as homelessness, long-term sickness and unemployment, underachieve-
ment of children at school and the incidence of illness and mental health
problems such as depression. The Report of the Commission on Social
Justice, inaugurated in 1992 by John Smith and precursor of Labour’s
social policies before coming to power in 1997, linked problems of
poverty with other deficits in the quality of life (Commission on Social
Justice, 1994, p. 287).
The higher risk of unemployment and low pay among ethnic minority
groups means they are more prone to poverty, relative to the rest of the
population (George and Wilding, 1999, p. 142). The Joseph Rowntree
Foundation report into income and wealth found that in 1991 over 60 per
cent of the total of ethnic minority people lived in neighbourhoods cate-
gorised in the worst fifth, in terms of their high rate of unemployment:
Whereas only 18 per cent of the (white) population was in the poorest fifth of the
whole population, more than a third of the non-white population was in the poor-
est fifth. (Joseph Rowntree Foundation, 1995, p. 28, quoted in George and
Wilding, 1999, pp. 142–3)
Among different kinds of household, families with children constitute
the largest category of poor people (measured in terms of income at less
than 50 per cent of average income after deducting housing costs, in
1994–95), at 39 per cent of the population (George and Wilding, 1999,
p. 138). In terms of economic status, families with one or two adults in
full-time work constitute the lowest percentage in poverty, while those

with the head of the household or spouse over 60 form the highest
percentage group, at 23 per cent (George and Wilding, 1999, p. 139).
An impressive research study in the late 1990s has analysed the extent
of poverty and social exclusion, relating them to 46 indicators (Howarth
et al., 1998). These could be used by governments as benchmarks to
assess progress or otherwise in relation to reducing these problems.
Key policy changes and related issues
It is conventional for the first lecture in a sequence on poverty or social
security, like a written history of anti-poverty or social security meas-
ures, to begin with a stream of legislation to curb pauperism, which
runs from the Elizabethan Poor Law to the Poor Law Amendment Act
of 1834. But, acknowledging the Local Government Act 1929 which
abolished the Poor Law Boards of Guardians and transferred their
responsibilities and functions to local authorities, most contemporary
policies relate directly to conditions since the 1940s.
While social security provision since the 1940s has been overwhelm-
ingly state provision, other related aspects of welfare services such as
pensions and health insurance have witnessed a drift towards the private
sector, as those with the means buy these from commercial companies
(Burchardt et al., 1999). Bertoud and colleagues suggest that policy
responses to poverty can be grouped according to whether they are
directed towards the individual in poverty, the area or are national in
scope. Individually focused policies target particular groups such as
older people, disabled people, families including lone parent families,
ethnic minorities, women, young people and lower paid workers. Area-
based anti-poverty policies on the whole arise since the 1960s and
include regional economic development, rural employment opportuni-
ties, educational priority areas, urban aid, community development proj-
ects, inner city programmes and various programmes of urban
regeneration. Nationally based policies, while similar to those in the
previous category, are more targeted towards institutions and systems
than towards individuals or groups and involve shifting resources on a
macro scale. They include the kinds of institutional reorganisation
envisaged by Beveridge, as well as policies intervening in the market-
place such as the provision of subsidised houses through council hous-
ing or housing associations and the redistribution of income and
resources through systems of taxation and social security (Bertoud et al.,
1981, pp. 263–77).
Social Security 45

The Beveridge Report (1942) provides the foundation of a more posi-
tive approach to state intervention to protect people from poverty, a plan
to abolish the five giant evils of want, unemployment, squalor,
disease and ignorance. Beveridge made assumptions which would not
sustain a social security policy in the twenty-first century: that most
males would spend their active adult years in paid employment; that they
would be able to pay social insurance contributions to the state; that most
women would not join the workforce, but would get married, have chil-
dren and stay at home to look after them. The reality is that employment
patterns have changed dramatically. A significant proportion of men do
not stay in full-time employment until retiring age; the numbers of long-
term unemployed men has risen; and many women have joined the work-
force, part and full time.
From the 1960s there was growing criticism of the failure of the
implementation of Beveridge’s proposals to eradicate poverty. The
phrase ‘rediscovery of poverty’ dates from the early 1960s. Brian Abel-
Smith and Peter Townsend analysed two Ministry of Labour surveys
carried out in 1953–54 and 1960. They calculated a poverty line based
on rates of national assistance in those years. They found that those in
poverty in 1953–54 included 19.6 per cent of households headed by a
full-time worker, who, with dependants, amounted to 34.6 per cent of
the total number of people in poverty (Abel-Smith and Townsend,
1965). This stimulated an unprecedented debate about how social pol-
icy could tackle this apparently intractable and high level of poverty,
which had not been touched by the prosperity claimed by the then
Conservative government.
Political perspectives on social security
A range of political views can be taken in respect of social security
policies. David Green takes one right-wing view, in advocating the
abolition of the social security safety net, which he argues discourages
the poor from working to help themselves (Green, 2000). On the left-
wing are socialists who advocate universal social security as of right to
all members of society, throughout raising children, unemployment,
sickness, disability and old age. Some left-wing critics advocate
extending existing social security benefits and developing a range
of measures to redistribute wealth and reduce inequalities in income.
A range of positions between these are taken by liberals and leading

politicians in the Labour government 1997 onwards, who refuse to
adopt universalistic policies of social security and retain means testing
for many benefits.
What are the main features of contemporary social security policies?
The definition of ‘social security’ is difficult, since the term covers a
variety of meanings. It is possible, though, to divide social security ben-
efits into contributory, insurance-based social security and noncontribu-
tory, means-tested social assistance. Piecemeal developments in social
security arrangements since the Second World War have led to an
increasingly complex set of legal enactments. John Ditch (1998, p. 274)
puts them into one or more of the following five categories: contributory –
social insurance, such as retirement pension; means-tested – social
assistance, such as Income Support; categorical – neither means nor con-
tribution tested, that is, given regardless of means, such as Child Benefit;
occupational – based on employment record/status, such as statutory
sick pay; and discretionary – based on rules and judgements, such as
payments from the Social Fund, established under the 1986 Social
Security Act.
Contributory benefits return to the person who has paid National
Insurance contributions, usually, except where self-employed, alongside
an employer. These benefits usually are paid on a sliding scale according
to how many contributions have been paid. They include retirement pen-
sions and sickness, widow’s and unemployment benefits. Some pensions
are paid in the form of returns on pension schemes related to particular
employment. In addition, employees may claim entitlement to statutory
sick pay and maternity benefits. Sick pay may be paid by the employer
at a basic minimum, or may exceed this at the discretion of the employer.
Income maintenance for lone parents is provided by the Department of
Social Security (DSS) which incorporated part of the former Department
for Education and Employment in June 2001 and became the Department
of Work and Pensions. Claimants are normally required to be available
for work unless they are responsible for a child under 16. A number of
universal benefits are also available, including free healthcare, and Child
Benefit. Income Support (IS) claimants can claim full rent rebates and
council tax allowances from the housing benefit department.
Child Benefit was introduced in the Child Benefit Act 1975, which
replaced family allowances and tax allowances for children with a new
Social Security 47

tax-free Child Benefit payable for all children, increased allowances
being payable to lone parent families.
Some attempt was made by the Labour government (1974 to 1979)
to protect benefits from inflation. The Social Security Act 1975 intro-
duced an earnings-related pensions scheme which aimed to insulate the
individual against inflation. By 1980, the entitlement of a claimant for
supplementary benefit in real terms was twice that received in 1948
(Fraser, 1984, p. 252). However, there were some major retrograde
changes. The Supplementary Benefits Commission was abolished in
1980. Whereas claimants were given more rights through the reduction
in discretion which social security staff could exercise, in general they
received less through the failure to increase benefits proportionately
with inflation. Further, the earnings-related supplement was withdrawn
in 1982, which threw more people onto means-tested benefits. In the
year between 1980 and 1981 alone, the number of people dependent
wholly or in part on supplementary benefit rose from five to eight mil-
lion. The so-called safety net for the few was becoming a core feature
of the social security system for the many (Fraser, 1984, pp. 252–3).
The Labour government (1997 onwards) set out to reduce the liabil-
ity of the state for significant and increasing levels of welfare payment
to vulnerable people without adequate income, such as lone parents
and disabled people. The government published its proposals for
reforms to welfare policy in the Green Paper (Department of Health,
1998) New Ambitions for our Country: A New Contract for Welfare, the
aim of which was to reduce the burden of welfare payments on the state,
by encouraging as many people as possible back to work. The subse-
quent Welfare Reform and Pensions Act 1999 was accompanied by
the Green Paper (Department of Health, 1999) A New Contract for
Welfare: Partnership in Pensions and the White Paper (Department of
Health, 1999) A New Contract for Welfare: Children’s Rights and
Parents’ Responsibilities.
North-south divide: fiction or reality?
In 1854–5, Elizabeth Gaskell wrote an excellent novel about the con-
trasts between people’s experiences of Lancashire and the south of
England (Gaskell, 1970) and the Tory, later to become prime minister,
Benjamen Disraeli described two nations in Britain, the rich and the
poor (Ensor, 1936, p. 30). In the wake of the Depression of the 1930s,
George Orwell toured the north of England and found the evils

dominating society to be unemployment, poverty, homelessness and lack
of social security for sick, disabled and retired people (Orwell, 1967,
p. 154).
In the 1980s, Beatrix Campbell used George Orwell’s classic book
The Road to Wigan Pier as her own point of departure in 1982 for a
six-month journey through working-class Britain. Revisiting Wigan Pier,
she observed that men’s oppressive behaviour towards women made
their poverty more intense and hard to bear. Gender oppression rein-
forced class stratification. The spikes (basic sleeping accommodation
for ‘tramps’, homeless travellers and others in similar circumstances)
had gone, poverty remained, rooted in sexism and social class stratifi-
cation (Campbell, 1984, p. 6).
It is true that average gross weekly household incomes in 1996–97, at
£321, were lowest in Northeast England closely followed by Northern
Ireland at £326, West Midlands at £359, Yorkshire and Humberside at
£364 and the Northwest and Merseyside at £377. In contrast, they were
highest in Southeast England, at £483 (Regional Trends 33, 1998,
p. 107). The impact of divisions of age, gender, race and geographical
location on social class inequalities between people create double and
triple jeopardy, perpetuating inequalities of wealth and income. However,
even within areas of relative prosperity, such as the south of England
where wealth and higher income are concentrated, other inequalities cre-
ate hardship. Also, other divisions between north and south appear to
have given poorer people in Scotland advantages over those in England,
an effect heightened by devolution. In 2001, the Scottish Executive
planned to fund long-term health and personal care of older people,
whereas in England and Wales healthcare remained free while personal
care was means-tested; in Scotland, higher education students paid no
tuition fees and school teachers achieved a 21.5 per cent three-year pay
increase, in contrast with the situation in England and Wales.
How accurate is it to refer to an underclass in society?
Fear of the potential havoc members of the underclass or residuum
could wreak was deeply ingrained in late Victorian society. By the
late 1880s, the theory of urban degeneration gained widespread accept-
ance, inverting Darwin’s ideas of natural selection to argue that poor
people who migrated into towns and suffered bad housing and working
conditions would decline physically and morally and breed a savage
and brutalised lower stratum of society, lazy, work-shy and incapable of
Social Security 49

helping themselves (Stedman Jones, 1976, pp. 286–7). Charles Murray,
a century later, argues from a right-wing perspective that a new under-
class has emerged. In the 1980s, his work provided the New Right in
Britain with evidence to support their arguments. He suggests that there
is a causal association between the decline of the family, the growth of
illegitimacy, violent crime and unemployment of males of working age
(Murray, 1994). His particular targets, therefore, to discourage from an
‘unhealthy’ dependence on welfare benefits are unemployed people and
lone parents, which predominantly means women. His argument is that
illegitimacy and the disintegration of the family and its associated moral
values contribute to social problems of crime, poverty, social disinte-
gration and, by implication, urban decay. The way to address this, from
a New Right perspective, is through confronting the individual. This
contrasts with the Social Exclusion Unit set up by the Labour govern-
ment in 1997 with a view to addressing exclusion as a social problem
(see Chapter 8).
Underclass theory resonates with the mid-Victorian belief in self-help
and hard work as routes out of pauperism. The assumption is that people
should take responsibility for their own misfortunes. The caseworkers of
the Charity Organisation Society, founded in 1869, which was the fore-
runner of modern social work, operated on the belief that time and
resources should only be spent on people assessed as being not so far
down the social scale as to have lost the capacity to help themselves. They
were even below the respectable working class, a ‘paupetariat’ (Pearson,
1975, p. 174), a residuum (Stedman Jones, 1976, p. 321) or underclass.
Underclass theory can be criticised on the grounds that it distorts the
true nature of poverty by focusing on the individual, denies the social
dimension of personal hardships, inaccurately represents the realities of
poverty and underrepresents its impact on poor people. It also makes
value judgements about the virtues of marriage as opposed to cohabita-
tion and lone parenthood. By accepting that there is an underclass, it rei-
fies (makes into a fact) a category or class of people whose diverse
circumstances and problems cannot be simplified in that way.
Lone parents
Lone parents have always been a demographic feature of the population.
Being an unmarried mother traditionally attracted the scorn and punish-
ment of banishment to a distant relative, incarceration in a mental
hospital as a moral imbecile or the workhouse and destitution as an

ostracised and stigmatised criminal. Only gradually did the welfare state
erode the assumption that women were dependent on men. Unmarried
mothers had no financial support from the state until the National
Assistance Act 1948, which was rooted in the Public Assistance Board
of the Poor Law. Lone fathers remain a neglected minority.
The United Kingdom has one of the highest divorce rates in the EU,
about half of marriages breaking up, with 7 out of 10 of the 150,000 cou-
ples who divorce having children. Between 1971 and 1996, the number
of lone parent families trebled, totalling more than 20 per cent of the total
of families with dependent children. A lone parent is a person not living
as a married or cohabiting couple, and who lives with one or more chil-
dren or young people in full-time education. The proportion of lone par-
ent families on state benefits who also received maintenance decreased
from a half to less than a quarter, between 1979 and 1989 (George and
Wilding, 1999, p. 62). The proportion of lone parent families dependent
on social security benefits increased from 44 per cent in the early 1970s
to 70 per cent in the mid-1990s (George and Wilding, 1999, p. 61).
Between 1971 and 1995, the proportion of families headed by lone
parents increased from about 7 to 22 per cent (Newman and Smith,
1997, p. 25). Lone parents are a legitimate focus of social policy because
lone parenthood tends to be associated with poverty, largely evident
through their high and, since the late 1980s, increasing rate of depend-
ency on state benefits. Two-thirds of lone parent families depend on state
benefits and 80 per cent are on Income Support, costing the government
£4 billion in 1989/90 and increasing to £9.1 billion in 1994/95
(Bradshaw, 1998, pp. 264–5). The high level of poverty among lone par-
ent families is reflected in their pattern of housing and home ownership.
Whereas four-fifths of married couples with dependent children owned
their own homes in 1995–96, more than three-fifths of lone parents with
dependent children rented their homes (Newman and Smith, 1997,
Table 2.27, p. 45). Possible social policy objectives include enabling
lone parents and children to maintain an adequate living standard, and
enabling parents to support their children without working if they so
wish (Bradshaw, 1998, p. 265).
The social and political construction of lone parenthood incorporates
moral judgements. There is a tendency to regard the lone parent as syn-
onymous with the unmarried mother. This discriminates against women
by implying that they represent family groups which are somehow incom-
plete because the man is absent. It also wrongly assumes that lone parents
are a homogeneous group of women. Also it does not take account of
social divisions of class, age, income, marital status, gender and ethnicity.
Social Security 51

The implication is that ‘single parent’ families are a major cause of indi-
vidual and social breakdown in society and, consequently, the origins of
many contemporary problems of disturbance, depression and criminality
can be traced to them. Not surprisingly, governments have focused atten-
tion on lone parents in social policy changes in social security.
Paradoxically, Conservative ideology intervened in family life as a
moral issue, while maintaining that individualism, self-help, free choice
and the marketplace should operate to support lone parents, rather than
state benefits. By the 1970s, 45 per cent of lone parents were receiving
state benefits, by the 1980s this had increased to 70 per cent
(Glendinning and Millar, 1992, p. 151).
Child Support Agency
The Child Support Agency (CSA) was set up under the Child Support
Act 1991 (and reformed under the Child Support Act 1995) to try to
remedy the above situation. The CSA requires the absent parent to pay
towards the costs of supporting the children. The introduction of the
CSA was symbolic of the goal of the Conservative government to attack
lone parents by pushing the biological parents, notably absent fathers, to
take primary responsibility for the support of the child. The consequence
was to defer benefits to lone parents who were in a conflictual or other-
wise unresolved situation regarding the payment of maintenance by, in
most cases, the biological father. This created a backlog of work which
the CSA was unable to deal with in time to prevent considerable physi-
cal hardship and emotional stress to many lone parents and children.
Social policies concerning lone parenthood followed a broadly similar
trajectory under the Labour government of 1997 onwards as its Conser-
vative predecessor. The Blair government set out to reform the Child
Support Act, but focused on the alleged failure of the previous Conser-
vative government to reduce the welfare burden on the state and the
taxpayer, rather than the shortcomings of the CSA. As a token recogni-
tion of the arguments about poverty among lone parents, the Labour gov-
ernment left undeducted from state benefits the first £10 of maintence
payments. But lone parents were still subjected to increased government
control through the CSA, made more dependent on the absent parent and
more dependent on the child/ren for the receipt of benefit, since mothers
lost their entitlement to benefit in their own right.
The Child Support, Pensions and Social Security Act 2000 was
intended to reform the child support system, by addressing a number of

problems besetting the existing system set up in 1993 under the Child
Support Acts 1991 and 1995. The new Act aims to increase the 20 per
cent of the 1.5 million children registered with the CSA who benefit
financially from child support payments; reduce the complexity and con-
sequent delays in assessing liability; and enable families on Income
Support, whose benefit hitherto is reduced by an equal amount to main-
tenance payments, to benefit financially from them.
Implications for social workers
EXAMPLE
Joel is a social worker working in a neighbourhood badly affected by the
closure of large factories which employed, part time or full time, most of the
adults in the locality. He works closely with local voluntary organisations,
welfare rights officers and money and debt management specialists, who
advise him and clients when specific problems arise. The large-scale poverty
he witnesses brings it home to Joel that he practises at the point where peo-
ple’s individual deprivations overlap with the social problems of poverty.
Joel decides to write a checklist of all the items his critical study of
poverty policy has brought to his attention, which are relevant to dealing
with the hardships of his individual clients. Here is his list:
● Engage in basic welfare rights work
● Facilitate debt management
● Enable people to develop and use local measures such as credit unions
● Work with voluntary agencies and neighbourhood groups
● Join organisations in the anti-poverty field, such as the Child Poverty
Action Group, and continue to develop a critical understanding of poverty
and anti-poverty strategies
● Liaise with colleagues to gather ideas. This involves less experienced
social workers learning from those who have worked successfully with
people most in need
● Involve people in local projects. The advantages are, as Bob Holman
notes, that such projects tend to be long term, operate close to needy
families, emphasise personal relationships, offer mentoring to help indi-
viduals through difficult times and can empower people by involving
them in running these projects, as well as sometimes offering people in
need a mixture of voluntary and paid jobs (Holman, 2000, p. 22)
● Challenge the scrounger image which bedevils many aspects of social
security policy and practice
Social Security 53

● Recognise that people are victims of poverty at the same time as offering
them the means to empower themselves and overcome the stigma which
persists in its attachment to being poor
● Engage in consciousness raising and challenging attitudes and policies
in Britain which make it one of the least family friendly countries in
Europe by persuading employers, retailers, bus and rail companies,
restaurants, pubs and public services to audit and improve services so as
to improve social and employment support to parents during pregnancy
and childbirth, achieve adequate maternity and paternity leave, balance
work and family life, engage in childcare and travel, improve neigh-
bourhood safety and reduce the incidence of traffic accidents
● Contribute to wider anti-poverty, community development and economic
self-help initiatives, such as encouraging credit unions.
Chapter summary
This chapter has examined conceptions of poverty and social security. It
has surveyed changing anti-poverty and social security policies. It has
highlighted the preoccupation with rooting out lazy people and social
security scroungers which has played a prominent part in social security
policies of both Conservative and Labour governments since 1979.
Whereas measures to combat poverty have traditionally been based on
assumptions about the fecklessness and failings of individuals, includ-
ing social work clients, many of the causes of poverty are social in
origin and require the redistribution of wealth and income in society.
Further reading
Alcock P. (1997) Understanding Poverty, 2nd edn, Macmillan, Basingstoke – now
Palgrave
Ditch, J.S. (ed.) (1997) Poverty and Social Security: Issues and Research,
Englewood Cliffs, NJ, Prentice Hall
Child Poverty Action Group (CPAG) publications, such as:
Oppenheim, C. and Harker, L. (1996) Poverty: The Facts, London, CPAG
Walker A. and Walker, C. (1997) Britain Divided, London, CPAG

3
Employment
It is quite likely that social work clients will have experienced
unemployment, underemployment or work which is unrewarding and
low paid. This is because of a massive shift from full-time to part-time
working, which meant that by the early 1990s only a third of the British
workforce worked a conventional full-time working week (Hewitt,
1993). At the same time, British men, on average, have the longest
working hours in the EC, 40 per cent of them in 1990 working an aver-
age of more than 46 hours a week (Commission of the European
Communities, 1993). Among women, there is a trend towards more
unpaid domestic work at home; and in employment, more part-time, rel-
atively lower paid work in absolute terms and relative to men in similar
work. This range of unsatisfactory circumstances is not recorded
adequately in official statistics. The unemployment statistics tend to
record those claiming unemployment benefit, when, according to the
International Labour Organisation (ILO), the level of unemployment
should total all those seeking a job and available to work, regardless of
their social security status.
Understanding such issues is important to social workers. They need
to bring to bear on their work with people a critical understanding of
employment policies and the consequences for people of being trapped
in low-paid work or being unemployed.
Policy context
For many people employed work and its loss have great significance,
since they define themselves, and achieve social status, by the employed
work they do. It matters to them and to others that they can earn the
money they spend on themselves, their families and friends. Clearly, if
people cannot find the work they seek, or if they are underemployed,
55

underpaid or out of work, they are likely to suffer. Unemployment also
has a social and community dimension. It can reflect economic prob-
lems experienced by employers and others in an area where unemploy-
ment is high. Mass unemployment has secondary effects on all those
individuals, groups, neighbourhoods and sectors of society with whom
unemployed people come into contact.
Employed work has different meanings to people in different strata of
society. Monetary rewards apart, work varies enormously in the status it
confers. Some types of employment, such as hospital consultant, carry
high prestige. The situation of people in less desirable, lower paid jobs
is more contradictory. If out of work, they may suffer psychologically,
becoming depressed and losing motivation, as well as experiencing the
deprivations of loss of income. But they still may regard jobs, for exam-
ple as cleaners or attendants in a sewage plant, with ambivalence. Such
work offers none of the rewards of prestige or social advancement open
to the successful lawyer or business tycoon. Jobs are a means of reward-
ing higher achieving people, and confining people at the lower levels, in a
stratified society. Renaming dustmen as garbage disposal engineers does
not necessarily ensure that they will be able to relate to, say, electrical
engineers as equals.
Changing patterns of employment,
underemployment and unemployment
Employment
The proportion of women in the workforce has increased as signifi-
cantly as the proportion of men has declined. Women are tending to
delay having children until they are older, then returning to work more
quickly afterwards. Between 1971 and 1997, the proportion of econom-
ically active women aged 25 to 44 rose from just over 50 per cent to
over 75 per cent. Between 1971 and 1997, the proportion of economi-
cally active men aged 45 to 54 fell from 98 to 91 per cent. It is projected
that, by 2011, the proportion of all women who are economically active
will be 58 per cent compared with 70 per cent of all men (ONS, 1999,
Tables 4.3 and 4.4, p. 73). Although the proportion of men in the high-
est two socioeconomic groups, professional and managerial, has
increased between 1975 and 1996 from 5 to 6 per cent and 15 to 22 per
cent respectively, the increases from 1 to 2 per cent and 4 to 9 per cent
for women still leave them lagging significantly behind men (Thomas
et al., 1997, Table 5.6, p. 59).

In spring 1995, almost twice the percentage of white people,
19 per cent, as Pakistani/Bangladeshi people were likely to be man-
agers, and 2.3 per cent of solicitors and less than 2 per cent of police
officers were from ethnic minorities (Church and Summerfield, 1996,
p. 43). The 14 per cent of Pakistani/Bangladeshi workers were twice as
likely to do shift work as the 7 per cent of white people and were twice
as likely as white people to be in temporary employment (Church and
Summerfield, 1996, p. 44). Across all age groups, people in ethnic
minorities suffered higher unemployment than white people (Church
and Summerfield, 1996, p. 46). The average earnings of white men were
higher than men in any of the ethnic minority groups (Church and
Summerfield, 1996, p. 47).
Unemployment
Unemployment remains a serious problem for many developed and devel-
oping countries, including Britain. Relatively high rates of unemployment
in Britain mirror those in most other European countries, average figures
for each decade growing from 338,000 in the 1950s to 459,000 in
the 1960s, 976,000 in the 1970s and 2,714,000 in the 1980s (Piachaud,
1997, p. 49).
Britain has suffered repeated economic recessions, invariably accom-
panied by high unemployment, probably since commentators first started
examining the data. Often, such recessions have followed major wars
fought overseas, as in 1815 and again in 1918. Some more recent reces-
sions have led to prolonged mass unemployment, as in the 1930s, a
period whose hardships are still remembered by many older people. In
the late 1970s there was increasing concern about the need to develop
policies to combat unemployment, with particular reference to training
opportunities for young people (Roberts, 1995, p. 11). Youth employ-
ment, especially full-time employment, has declined dramatically since
the 1970s. In 1972, the vast majority of the two-thirds of young people
who left school at 16 had jobs, compared with only one in ten of school
leavers ten years later.
The incidence of unemployment in Britain is by far the highest
among semi-skilled and unskilled men, at 16 and 24 per cent respec-
tively, contrasted with 7 and 6 per cent among women and 6 per cent
or less among both men and women in professional, managerial and
junior non-manual socioeoncomic groups (George and Wilding, 1999,
p. 27). Unemployment especially affects disabled people and peo-
ple from ethnic minorities. It affects some regions where particular
employers have dominated the local economy and are now in decline.
Employment 57

Examples are the coal-mining communities of South Wales and
Yorkshire, the textile industry of Yorkshire and Lancashire, iron and
steel, shipbuilding and sea fishing. In the early 1960s, more than eight
million people worked in manufacturing industry in Britain. By the
early 1990s, there were four million. Whereas in the USA such dein-
dustrialisation has been accompanied by a doubling in output per
worker, between 1970 and 1985 in Britain, job losses have been accom-
panied by zero growth in industrial output over the same period
(Greenhalgh and Gregory, 1997, p. 98). Undoubtedly, long-term unem-
ployment, the widespread impact on communities of the loss of major
employers and the mass unemployment which follows exacerbate these
problems and multiply their impact, not just on the unemployed person,
but also on dependants, the neighbourhood and the community.
The level of unemployment, like the level of true crime, is difficult to
gauge. The changing basis on which unemployment has been measured
points to inherent problems in measuring its true incidence. Difficulties
of estimating the motivation of individuals towards types of work they
can or cannot obtain contribute to the problematic reliability of related
statistics. In the past, measures of the level of unemployment have
involved totalling the number of people without work. The shift to
regarding the unemployment total as the number of people claiming
unemployment benefit underestimates the unemployment total because
not everybody who seeks work is claiming benefit, either through lack
of eligibility or unwillingness to claim.
Underemployment
The traditional problems of losing one’s job are only marginally worse
than those of having insufficient, inadequate or unsatisfying work.
Underemployment is a contemporary feature of the changing structure
of the workforce. More people, especially older people and women, find
job opportunities limited to temporary, part-time work, often without
security of employment. In the absence of a reasonable level of guaran-
teed minimum wage, some people are forced to accept employment at a
low hourly or weekly rate which is inadequate and, in any case, may be
lower than the level they were employed at previously.
Employers may prefer to draw on a growing workforce of casual
labour, as this enables them to trim overheads and maximise profits.
When the pool of unemployed labour is relatively large, employers are
in a stronger bargaining position and can afford to take for granted the
compliance of the workforce.

Problems associated with employment,
underemployment and unemployment
Problems of employment
The acceptability of work can be a key determinant of how worthy, con-
fident or depressed people feel. Whereas unemployment has harmful
consequences for individuals, their families and other dependents, much
employment has negative aspects. Some people work in hazardous
occupations, such as sea fishing, or occupations where health risks are
unavoidable such as chemical processing, plastics production or mining.
Casual and seasonal agricultural work, such as cutting greens in the
winter months, can be uncertain, low-paid and create proneness to
rheumatism, arthritis of the hands and other chronic conditions. Some
work is unsocial, such as night work in supermarkets, early morning and
late night office cleaning, hotel and pub work, or residential care. Other
work such as caretaking involves long hours. More than five million
people in the spring of 1998, about 25 per cent of those in work, habit-
ually worked more than 48 hours per week in their main job (ONS,
1999, Table 4.12, p. 77).
People’s health may be affected by prolonged exposure to stressful
work. The risks of relatives, including children, suffering indirectly, per-
haps through abuse or family violence, are increased by such condi-
tions. Absenteeism from work in Britain in the late 1990s averaged 8.26
days per employee per year (George and Wilding, 1999, p. 39).
Low-paid work is highly correlated with poverty, despite the intro-
duction of social security benefits such as family credit. Many people,
especially women, take additional part-time jobs to supplement low
wages earned by them or their partner elsewhere. Low-paid, low-status
work is often associated with social exclusion.
Problems of unemployment
Most people depend for their living either on their own income from
employment, or on the income of somebody else. People may grumble
about work, but for most unemployed people any reasonably paid job
would be better than chronic unemployment. The work people do often is
relied on by them, and by others with whom they interact, as evidence of
their respectability and worth. Being without a job often leaves a person
with reduced self-respect, and long-term unemployment correlates highly
with other social problems such as poverty, health and mental health and
other personal problems (Fryer, 1992). It is unsurprising, therefore, that
Employment 59

policies designed to provide employment and reduce unemployment are
core aspects of social policy. Being unemployed can create problems for
the person without work, psychologically, economically and socially. Its
economic consequences may be as serious for other family members, and
includes the risk of family break-up (Lampard, 1994, p. 61). People who
do not work are likely to be marginalised or even excluded, depending on
the extent to which they are able to sustain credible links with the social
networks which normally would sustain them if they were in work.
Criminal activity (Dickinson, 1994) and drug use (Parker et al., 1988) are
also likely to increase. As in the recession and high unemployment of the
1930s, racism may increase, as Husbands found in research 50 years later,
positively correlating the growth of unemployment with the growth of the
right-wing National Front and racial exclusion (Husbands, 1983). Entire
neighbourhoods may be socially and economically devastated by the clo-
sure of a factory. Shops and other businesses may be forced to close. The
quality of housing may decline. The social and cultural life of a village
may be destroyed by the closure of the pit which has provided work for
generations of coal miners.
Unemployed people are more likely to experience poverty, because of
the lower level of their benefit entitlement and the relatively close sur-
veillance of their activities. Low pay and lack of work are likely to lead
to poverty beyond retirement age, because of reduced pension entitle-
ment. Ritchie concludes that in times of unemployment, state benefits
rarely offer adequate resources even to meet the most basic needs of
clothes, food and heating (Ritchie, 1990).
Furthermore, some would argue that unemployment is creating an
underclass of excluded people (Chapters 2 and 8).
The unemployment trap One result of unemployment is the loss of
incentive to work. It is often said that the social security system reduces
this incentive still further. The ‘unemployment trap’ is the term used to
refer to the assumed impact on an unemployed breadwinner in a large
family, with a high rent, entitled to a relatively large Income Support
payment, who could only expect to earn a lower wage when employed.
It would be said that there was little incentive for this person to seek
work, since this would entail a drop in income. The so-called ‘wage-
stop’ was introduced in the 1960s, following a similar principle to that
of ‘less eligibility’ under the Poor Law Amendment Act 1834. The
wage-stop reduced entitlement to benefit to below the expected wage
level. The ineffectiveness of this led in the 1970s to means testing of
Family Income Supplement (FIS) for workers on low incomes who had
dependant children (Alcock, 1997, p. 224).

Young unemployed people Unemployment rates have a particularly
close relationship with the level of education a person achieves. People
with no qualifications have four times the level of unemployment of peo-
ple with a higher education qualification (ONS, 1999, Table 4.21, p. 82).
On this basis, young unemployed people are particularly vulnerable.
Young people’s life chances may be adversely affected by the inadequacy
of education and shortcomings in the transition from school to work.
A report of research by the Paris-based think-tank, the Organisation
for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), concludes that
in only 4 out of the total of 29 OECD member countries – Britain,
Hungary, Mexico and Spain – did 20 per cent or more young people
drop out of education in less than a year after the end of com-
pulsory schooling. Only Hungary and Portugal, out of 14 countries
researched in depth, had as poor a record as Britain in helping young
people make the transition from school to work (Atkinson and Elliott,
2000, p. 6).
Paradoxical consequences of changing patterns of
employment and work
The trend towards more fragmented, part-time, temporary job opportu-
nities, and more self-employment, paradoxically creates the potential for
greater discrimination and exploitation of the workforce, and greater
flexibility for people wanting more time at home with their families, and
the opportunity to engage in lifelong learning. The Report of the
Commission on Social Justice (1994) initiated by John Smith, then
leader of the Labour Party, which informed the employment policies of
the Labour government after 1997, stated that
in the UK, mothers in part-time employment – despite their lower status and
lower pay – consistently report higher levels of satisfaction with the balance they
can achieve between employment, family and personal leisure. But full-time
employment for men and part-time employment for mothers is an unstable and
unsatisfactory pattern: the new challenge is to take advantage of increasingly
flexible forms of employment to give men as well as women far greater choice as
to how they combine employment, family, education, community activities and
leisure in different ways and at different stages in their lives.
We saw in Chapter 2 how nineteenth-century attempts of governments
to relieve individual people’s poverty have been compromised by the
fear of encouraging idleness among scroungers, a fear which persists
Employment 61

into the twenty-first century. The Factory Act 1819 limited the hours of
work of children, but it was not until the similar Acts of 1833 and 1844
that measures were built into legislation to require children to spend
some time in schools. Primary schooling for all children became com-
pulsory under the Education Act 1870. Legislation in 1891 and 1895
restricted the hours of work further. During the twentieth century, the
upper age limit for compulsory schooling increased from 12 to 16.
Increasingly during the twentieth century, policies have been directed
at the twin goals of alleviating the impact of unemployment on individu-
als and intervening in the economy to try to improve the balance between
the performance of the economy and the level of unemployment.
Exactly a hundred years after the Poor Law Amendment Act 1834
introduced outdoor relief and the workhouse test so as to ensure that the
level of payments was less than the lowest payable wage, in order to dis-
courage ‘idleness’ by the ‘undeserving paupers’, the Unemployment Act
of 1934 segregated relief against poverty from unemployment insurance.
The 1911 National Insurance Act had already provided some restricted
recompense for loss of earnings through illness and unemployment, in
order to reduce the most drastic consequences for people of losing their
jobs. Increasingly from the 1930s, unemployment policy in Britain was
influenced by the economic theories of John Maynard Keynes (see
below). Sir William Beveridge held the view that the guarantee of decent
employment was one part of a broader insurance that the state should
provide. Beveridge’s reforms led to the National Insurance Act 1946 and
the National Assistance Act 1948. Beveridge regarded full employment
as desirable, with no more than 500,000 people in ‘frictional unemploy-
ment’, that is, in transition between jobs at any one time (Beveridge,
1944). This remained broadly the case in the relatively full employment
of the 1950s and 60s. From the 1970s, the free-market ideas of F A von
Hayek (1960) and the monetarist Milton Friedman had an increasing
influence over the market-driven policies of the Reagan administration
in the USA and the Thatcher government in Britain.
Between the mid-1940s and mid-1970s, Britain enjoyed near-full
employment. While governments liked to claim responsibility for this,
it is likely that post-war reconstruction, the growing demand for goods
and services and industrial development contributed as much to high
employment as deliberate manipulation of the economy through eco-
nomic and social policies. After the oil crisis in the Middle East in late
1973, for nearly a quarter of a century from 1974, Labour (1974–79)
and Conservative (1979–97) governments abandoned full employment
as a social policy goal.

The Conservative government (1979–97) rejected the Social Chapter
of the European Union and refused to accept other employee protection
measures such as the restriction of weekly hours of employees through
the European Working Time Directive, agreed under the health and
safety provisions of the Single Market Act (not the Social Chapter of the
Maastricht Treaty) (Hewitt, 1997, p. 87), which set a maximum work-
ing week of 48 hours. These failures of Directives and legislative meas-
ures to bite in key areas of discrimination indicate that, because of
strong antagonism among some politicians and employers, some
employment protection measures have limited impact in areas of
employment where discrimination is deeply rooted or may be covert
rather than overt. Consequently, inequalities remain and are resistant to
legislation attempting to eliminate them.
Since the 1970s, when decades of apparently full employment ended,
particular attention has been paid to growing levels of youth unemploy-
ment and long-term unemployment among adults. The Social Security
Act 1988 withdrew the automatic right to benefits from young people
aged 16 to 18, thus emphasising and prolonging their economic depend-
ency on adults with parental responsibility or other significant adults, or,
where relationships with significant adults had broken down, driving
them onto the streets (Roberts, 1995, p. 90).
The incoming Labour government of 1997 onwards, as part of its
anti-poverty strategy, reintroduced the minimum wage, a measure of
regulation not seen since the 1970s, and set about reshaping welfare
provisions to encourage as many people as possible – controversially,
lone parents and disabled people claiming Invalidity Benefit (see
Chapter 2) – to go to work rather than stay dependent on state benefits.
This was partly an attempt to reduce the massive bill for means-tested
unemployment benefits which had grown by 300 per cent between
1973–4 and 1995–6 (Glennerster and Hills, 1998a, pp. 2–3).
Attempts have been made to associate policies to combat unemploy-
ment with measures aiming to counter social exclusion, reduce discrim-
ination and promote equality. But no government to date has attempted
to strengthen anti-discriminatory legislation by combining all forms of
age, gender, race and disability discrimination. The submission of the
Transport and General Workers Union (TGWU) to the Commission on
Social Justice which led to the Borrie Report recommended
improvements in child benefit, shorter working weeks, a woman’s right to
an independent income, a national framework for affordable child care and a
statutory obligation for single parents to be given priority in housing. (Rubery,
1997, p. 78)
Employment 63

Only limited measure of protection of low-paid workers through the
minimum wage was introduced by the Blair government.
What major strategies have been adopted by governments
since the 1940s to combat unemployment?
We consider now the six main measures taken since the 1940s to com-
bat unemployment: demand management; nationalisation and economic
planning; labour market legislation; taxes and subsidies; benefits and
intervention in wages; education and training.
Demand management
The strategy of ‘demand management’ owed much to the ideas of the
economist John Maynard Keynes, who, during the Great Depression of
the mid-1930s, put forward the then heretical proposal to stimulate
demand in the economy, thereby boosting the demand for goods and
services, increasing employment and enabling the economy to expand
out of the recession. The brilliance of Keynes’s analysis enabled him to
rebut the opposing argument that reducing wages would increase
employment because it reduced the cost of producing goods and serv-
ices (Keynes, 1961, p. 261). Sixty years on, a report of the International
Labour Organisation (ILO) referred to the role of macroeconomic pol-
icy (large-scale policy operating across the economy) in bringing about
mass unemployment by deregulating (leaving to their own devices) the
financial and capital markets of the world since the 1970s. The result
has been that interest rates have risen, investment has been curtailed,
many countries have had to follow deflationary monetary and fiscal
policies and economic growth has taken place at levels below which full
employment can be realised. The ILO argues that there is enough scope
in the economies of most European countries wishing to achieve full
employment for them to stimulate demand (International Labour
Organisation, 1995, quoted in Philpott, 1997, p. 24). But according to
Philpott, this policy is not endorsed strongly in the deflationary model
of the European Economic and Monetary Union (EMU).
There are three main groups of ideas held by critics of demand
management:
● the supply of jobs needs to be increased for demand management to
work
● monetarist controls (for example regulating the supply of money in
the economy) are necessary to stimulate enterprise and investment

● support for fiscal measures (for example manipulating taxes) is
needed to stimulate saving and investment in the job market.
Nationalisation and economic planning
There was ambiguity over whether one major purpose of nationalised
industries was to help to maintain full employment in the economy, or
whether they should be run on a narrowly commercial basis, with a view
to cutting costs and maximising what is often called ‘added value’ (any
surplus revenue once all the costs have been met). Since the early 1960s,
there has been a trend towards nationalised industries being run on more
commercial lines. Since the Thatcher government of 1979–97, the
process of denationalisation has accelerated to the point where the suc-
ceeding Labour government did not countenance renationalisation, for
example, of the companies which replaced the former British Rail.
National, regional and local planning have tended to suffer problems
of conflicting goals, similar to those experienced in nationalised indus-
tries. As with nationalised industries, the political dilemma is whether it
is the responsibility of governments to use planning as an accompani-
ment to investment by the state to create jobs, or whether to leave such
decisions to the private investor in the marketplace. Given the stake of
Labour in state intervention, it is ironic that the Conservative govern-
ment under Harold Macmillan in the early 1960s was supported by
Keynesian economists and the Federation of British Industry (Lowe,
1993, p. 116) in creating the National Economic Development Council
(NEDC) for addressing economic problems and planned growth, as well
as a number of subsidiary bodies concerned with economic development
(often since referred to as ‘Neddy’ and ‘Little Neddies’ in the press).
The succeeding Labour government under Harold Wilson (1964–70)
created the Department of Economic Affairs and the Ministry of
Technology. As major industries have been subjected to recession from
the 1970s, and mass unemployment has afflicted some localities, this
has created policy choices with particular poignancy for those on their
receiving end as they are thrown into joblessness.
Economic planning has linked the goal of achieving full employment
with other goals, such as improving the housing stock, often through
focusing on regional development, targeting run-down urban and rural
areas for redevelopment and enhancing the quality of life in the inner
cities. Examples include the educational priority area (EPA) and
community development project (CDP) initiatives. Enthusiasm among
politicians and local government officials for the community action
aspects of community work and community development waned during
the 1970s. However, programmes giving extra funding to localities
Employment 65

targeted as high in social problems continued. The pattern was more to
use special funding to supply services which 30 years earlier Beveridge
might have argued required core funding by the state to abolish unem-
ployment and want. For example, the Priority Estates Project (PEP) was
set up in 1979 and ran for about ten years in locations such as Broadwater
Farm Estate in Haringey (Power, 1999, pp. 199–209). More recently, a
wealth of schemes have been created, from inner city partnerships to
urban aid and urban regeneration programmes.
Labour market legislation
Regulation of employers includes legislation in the spirit of the Treasury
White Paper (HM Government, 1944). Employment protection includes
tackling discrimination and exclusion and promoting equality. The most
significant measures, those designed to abolish restrictive practices, still
operate today, as investigations from time to time into price-fixing by
major companies demonstrate. The Monopolies Commission was set up
in 1948, the Restrictive Trade Practices Court was established in 1956 and
the Office of Fair Trading began work in 1973 (Lowe, 1993, pp. 113–14).
Although over the past 150 years in Britain there has been a trend
towards legislation governing the conditions of employment, since the
1980s there has been a tendency towards deregulation of some key
aspects of employment. For instance, the power of the trade unions has
weakened, especially since the confrontation between the Conservative
government and the miners during the miners’ strike of 1984–85.
Legislation has made it easier than formerly to dismiss employees and
minimum wage councils have been virtually abolished (George and
Wilding, 1999, p. 29). Also, there is a trend towards part-time work, work
at unsocial hours and temporary or part-time work which is only sup-
ported by temporary contracts and does not carry the contractual security
of full-time, permanent work. There have also been initiatives to promote
enterprise by equipping unemployed people with the necessary skills to
get back to work, either as employees or on a self-employed basis, run-
ning their own small business or working in a craft or skilled trade.
Since 1979 there has been a steady erosion of collective pay bargain-
ing and industrial relations procedures, and of the powers of trade
unions to take part in these. This has been achieved by a succession of
more than half a dozen Acts and by the defeat of trade unions in public
and private sector strikes in the 1980s, among which the miners’ strike
of 1984–85 ranks as the most dramatic confrontation between the
governments of either party and the Labour movement since the General
Strike of 1926.

Taxes and subsidies
Various tax incentives, weighted towards areas where unemployment was
particularly high, were offered also to encourage employers to invest
more in plant and machinery.
Benefits and wages
In the wake of Keynesian (see above) attempts to encourage the econ-
omy to expand as a way of solving economic problems such as reces-
sion and rising unemployment, after the 1940s there were various
attempts to develop policies to curb prices and incomes, to try to over-
come what were perceived as the dangers of a spiralling increase in
wages and prices as demand expanded.
The Blair government’s programme of Welfare to Work included the
aim of reducing lone parents’ dependence on state benefits and inducing
them into employment. This was in the face of the reality that it is inad-
equate childcare provision which inhibits many women, in particular,
from this move, rather than lack of motivation (Hewitt, 1997). It did not
abolish inequalities arising from the lack of adequate childcare facilities
that prevent women entering the workplace on equal terms with men.
Sustained lobbying by pressure groups and researchers has led to sub-
sequent policies moving in a more positive direction. For example,
childcare support and provision has been enhanced and a Working
Families Tax Credit (WFTC), with special regard to childcare, has been
introduced.
Welfare to Work programmes have the strength of providing meas-
ures of encouragement and support to people who, in principle, want to
work. However, they suffer from several weaknesses: they strengthen
the punitive, right-wing ideology of self-help rather than state provision
of family and child support; they make some people feel under duress
to work, thereby running the risk of accepting jobs with poor working
conditions and low pay; they make it more likely that lone parents
will pass on to their children the values and assumptions – reinforcing
support for traditional family forms and discriminating against lone
parents – in which these practices are grounded; they strengthen the
direct control of people by government regulation of tax and benefit sys-
tems; they do not guarantee the alleviation of divisions and inequalities,
particularly the harmful effects of poverty on adults and children.
Education, training and enterprise
A range of initiatives have aimed to equip or re-equip the unemployed
person for entry or re-entry into employment or self-employment and
Employment 67

The Industrial Training Act 1964 was an early attempt to encourage
employers to support better education and training for employees.
The ‘New Deal’, like ‘Welfare to Work’ was a term used by the Blair
government of 1997 onwards to refer to a new employment initiative.
The government developed an Employment Action Plan, partly in
response to policy initiatives in the EU, promoting positive strategies for
addressing problems of unemployment. This included, as part of the gov-
ernment’s Welfare to Work programme, the New Deal for young people
aged 18 to 24 and the New Deal for long-term unemployed people of 25
and over. The Labour government’s ‘workfare’ initiatives were consistent
with EU requirements of active measures to counter unemployment prob-
lems. The aim was to close the gap between the skills and experience
of unemployed people and the expectations of employers. The criteria
people had to meet to qualify for unemployment benefit were made more
stringent. Eligibility depended on having received the Jobseeker’s
Allowance for six months or more and being prepared to participate
actively in seeking work. While the Labour government had reversed the
Wages Act of the Thatcher government in 1986, which removed the min-
imum wage for young people under 21, and introduced the minimum
wage, this was set at a relatively low hourly rate and unemployment ben-
efit payments were made conditional on young people accepting available
work under the New Deal, even if this was low-paid, relatively low-skilled
work. After six months unemployment, young people on benefits had to
take part in a Gateway interview, which involved the appointment of a
personal supervisor to appraise their qualities, skills, previous training and
experience in order to ensure that they obtained paid or voluntary work,
or went on to further education or training. Once a young person was
working or training in this way, he or she was removed from the list of
unemployed people, thereby artificially reducing the unemployment rate.
From 1997, the Blair government did not depart fundamentally from
the market-based assumptions of the preceding Conservative govern-
ment, merely expanding incentives for people wanting to start new
businesses and tying unemployment benefits even more closely than
hitherto to job seeking and retraining for work, through such initiatives
as the New Deal for unemployed people, workfare, and schemes for
skill development and retraining.
Labour government policy advocated non-exclusionary employment
policies, conditional on participation in the labour market and rejection
of long-term unemployment and receipt of benefits. The New Deal on
unemployment was strongly influenced by such ideas as ‘workfare’ in
the USA and combined training opportunities – increasingly the receipt

of benefits was made dependent on these – with clamping down heav-
ily on unemployed people considered lazy or benefit cheats. The Labour
government’s Social Exclusion Unit report (SEU, 1998) identified
161,000 young people, 9 per cent of the age group at the end of 1997,
as outside education, training and work for long periods after leaving
school. Young people not in education, training or work, if they go into
employment, are more likely to earn less, have poorer physical health
and, if they become parents, experience depression. Nonparticipation at
age 16–18 is the strongest predictor of unemployment at 21. The Labour
government published the White Paper Learning to Succeed (DfEE,
1998) which would offer a universal advice and support service for
young people aged 13–19, to target agencies as well as young people in
an effort to improve the transition from school to work. The aim was
social inclusion: offering all young people access to high-quality learning
and accredited achievement by 19; more unity, yet still diversity and
choice, of services; recognition of hitherto underacknowledged achieve-
ment by young people such as volunteer work; and use of financial and
other incentives (noncompulsory) to reduce nonparticipation of 16–18-
year-olds in some form of learning.
How can social workers use critical insights concerning employment
and unemployment policies to improve their practice?
EXAMPLE
Marian is a new social worker, working with Luke, a boy who has just
become 17, exactly one year after coming into care when his parents were
killed in a car crash. He did exceptionally well at GCSEs but refused to take
A levels in the wake of their death. He did have a chronic asthmatic condi-
tion when younger, which until two years ago seemed likely to inhibit his
mobility so much that he would not be able to secure work, but this
improved gradually as he grew older. He found a job last year. However, he
lost this job eight weeks ago and seems to have lost all will to seek another.
Marian has just found out that he has been pilfering and on talking to Luke
realises that he has not received any money since losing work.
The question is what should Marian do? It may be useful to jot down
some responses to this question before looking at the follow-up actions
described below.
Employment 69

1. Marian meets Luke and with him makes a list of the key features of his
situation, paying particular attention to his own experiences, feelings
and what ideally he would like to happen next.
2. Marian’s and Luke’s list includes the following points: Luke’s list: fed
up because of no money; can’t be bothered to look for another job;
scared of having another asthma attack; might be chucked out of a job
again; what’s the point of trying? Marian’s list: what put Luke off
continuing his education?; he may want to go into higher education and
if so he probably needs to pursue A level or GNVQ courses; responsi-
bility for paying Luke’s benefits under Children (Leaving Care) Act,
Benefits Agency or social services?; role of care staff; reasons why
Luke is fed up, loss of job or loss of parents, or both?; what links with
careers service?; possibility of access to training and Jobseeker’s
Allowance; ways of obtaining suitable work.
3. Marian and Luke talk. It emerges that Luke doesn’t talk any more to any-
one about his grief about his parents’ death. The lack of a job seems to
have impacted on him psychologically. Marian also speculates what he
feels about not continuing his formal education. She arranges for him to
meet members of a young people’s network and he starts to attend their
group meetings and make friends there. Some of them are moving
through GCSE and A level courses. His mood becomes noticeably more
upbeat over subsequent weeks.
4. Luke refuses to discuss higher education. Marian takes up the question
of Luke’s entitlement to benefits. It emerges that until he is 18, social
services will be responsible for paying Luke’s benefits, if he is entitled
to the means-tested benefits of Income Support, Housing Benefit and
Jobseeker’s Allowance. She notes that if Luke’s asthma returned, any
non-means-tested benefits such as Disability Living Allowance would be
paid by the Benefits Agency.
5. Marian is aware that Luke will be leaving care eventually. She meets staff
in the residential home and talks to her predecessor social worker, who
has moved away from the area, to find out what issues have been dis-
cussed at previous reviews. She makes sure Luke has independent access
to expert advice on employment, housing, training, benefits and educa-
tion. She helps Luke to examine the possibility of further and higher edu-
cation, now that he has begun to talk about possibly studying for A levels.
Chapter summary
This chapter has examined the ways governments have drawn on
economic theories when developing policies to tackle unemployment.

The widespread consequences of changes in patterns of employment
and unemployment have particular implications for social work practice,
because of their effects on individuals and families. Prolonged unem-
ployment can be devastating, creating depression and mental health prob-
lems, contributing to poverty and being associated with criminal activity.
Further reading
Department for Education and Employment (1999a) Report of Policy Action Team 1:
Jobs for All, TSO, London
Hewitt, P. (1993) About Time: The Revolution in Work and Family Life, IPPR/Rivers
Oram, London
Roberts, K. (1995) Youth and Employment in Modern Britain, Oxford University
Press, Oxford
Social Exclusion Unit (1999) Bridging the Gap: New Opportunities for 16–18-
year-olds not in Education, Employment or Training, Stationery Office, London
Employment 71

72
4
Housing
How can housing policy and practice ensure that all people have access
to decent housing which meets their needs? Housing policy questions
such as this are inseparable from the broader concerns of social policy.
The quality of houses that people occupy provides a benchmark for the
quality of their lives. Housing is a core aspect of the environment in
which people live.
Housing is both a personal matter for the individual and a social issue
for the policymaker. Housing deficits and improvements are not just an
aspect of the deficiencies or qualities of the individual, but a reflection
of social divisions, policies and problems. Deficiencies in housing,
depending on the extent to which they are restricted to isolated dwel-
lings or are features of housing in a particular locality, are likely to impact
adversely on individuals, families and communities. Thus, housing
can be a critical indicator of, and contributor to, other social problems.
Housing problems and policies, therefore, are close neighbours to those
of the personal social services.
Social workers have much in common with housing officers. Housing
and social services both use the law to respond to people’s needs. Housing
for older people is provided under the National Assistance Act 1948.
Homeless people and those threatened with being homeless are dealt with
under the Housing Act 1986, which specifies how social services depart-
ments and housing departments should work together. The Matrimonial
Causes Act 1973 deals with the respective housing and property rights of
separating and divorcing couples. Resettlement units for itinerant people
are provided under the Supplementary Benefits Act 1976.
Policy context
Over the past two centuries, most industrialised, Western countries have
moved from largely rural to predominantly urban concentrations of the

population. The industrial city has been a feature of the lives of an
increasing proportion of the population since the early nineteenth century.
Housing policy has played an increasingly important role in the shaping
of industrial and urban Britain since the early nineteenth century. The
town has been a particular focus of the ambivalence of people towards the
changes associated with industrialisation, symbolising both the best and
the worst conditions of human life on earth. This is understandable, since,
as the artist Gustave Doré (Doré and Jerrold, 1872) shows in his portray-
als of the flamboyant high life as well as the sordid poverty of late
Victorian London, the city is a contradiction, a source of great wealth for
some people who benefit from its products but utter misery for those who
live in its slums or are homeless.
To what extent does the quality of housing make a unique
contribution to the quality of people’s lives?
People’s quality of life depends on their housing meeting their needs.
Housing shapes people’s lives in immediate physical terms, depending
on the extent to which it protects them from the elements, is free of
damp and other hazards to health, and allows sufficient space for each
person to maintain their lifestyle. Housing, in theory, is flexible in
allowing people to choose whether to live singly, in families or adopt
other arrangements. It should, in theory, be designed to enable disabled
people to live as independently as possible. In practice, physical and
financial constraints may militate against such flexibility. Collectively,
houses also form neighbourhoods, estates, hamlets, villages, towns and
conurbations, which affect quality of life in different ways.
Home ownership can be a major source of wealth; conversely, poor
housing represents a key index of poverty. Indices of the nature and
quality of housing can be used to gauge a person’s status. The location
and nature of housing can affect access to friends, shops, leisure, health
and social services. Housing interacts with other areas such as transport
provision. People without cars living in remote rural areas, or urban
areas not served by appropriate or affordable public transport, may be
isolated from essential services and those offering a better quality of life.
Between 1971 and 1989, the average size of household in Britain
steadily declined from 2.91 to 2.51 people. Since that date, the decline
continued, but at a slower rate. By 1996, the average mean size of
household was 2.43 people (Thomas et al., 1998, Fig. 2A, p. 11). In
1996, 31 per cent of households consisted of married couples with no
children, 10 per cent lone parents with or without children, 7 per cent
Housing 73

cohabiting couples with or without children, 3 per cent were other types
of household and a massive 27 per cent were one person households
(Thomas et al., 1998, Fig. 2B, p. 11).
Ironically, in view of its centrality to the quality of life, and in con-
trast with other related areas of social policy, most housing provision in
Britain traditionally has remained in the private sector. There has been
a marked shift, though, during the twentieth century from 1914 when
90 per cent of all housing was in the private rented sector, to 1968 when
this figure had declined to 22 per cent (Raynsford, 1989, p. 83). This
apart, state intervention has tended to be limited to regulating the private
market and on occasions encouraging its operation. Tax subsidies have
encouraged many people to borrow sufficient money over long periods
of time from specialist financial institutions, such as building societies,
to buy their own homes. By 1980, more than 50 per cent of people were
owner occupiers, a third lived in rented council houses and a sixth had
private landlords (Taylor Gooby, 1996, p. 99). By 1990, the number of
council house tenants had declined and the proportion of home owners
had increased to more than two-thirds. By the mid-1990s, more than
three-quarters of British homes were either owner occupied or rented
from private landlords. The total including housing associations was
more than four-fifths. This contrasts with areas such as education and
health where most provision since the 1940s has been in the public
sector (Ginsburg, 1999, p. 223).
Housing for the working classes in the nineteenth century was often
built quickly and as cheaply as possible, with little regard for their com-
fort or health. The priority was to maximise the availability of labour,
as close to the mushrooming factories as possible. Great conurbations
such as Birmingham grew from a few scattered villages in less than a
century. Rapid urban growth multiplied human misery. Theories of
urban degeneration fed concerns about the threat to respectable society
of order breaking down in the slums. Poverty, prostitution, disease and
physical disabilities were regarded by Darwinists as an inheritance of
a grossly corrupted environment, which could create an underclass – the
residuum – of paupers who were beyond help. In mid-Victorian
England, social reformers such as Edwin Chadwick put debates about
the living environment – notably sanitation and public health – on the
agenda of discussions about how to improve the lot of poor people. The

Public Health Act 1848 aimed to address the sanitary problems which,
it was beginning to be realised, contributed to devastating and repeated
epidemics of cholera and typhoid.
Housing reform was patchy and reflected the Victorian values of
respectability and keeping up appearances: smartening up the façades of
buildings rather than building first-class housing for all. In similar vein,
efforts were made to brighten up the lives of poor people living in
appalling conditions, by diverting them with outings to the seaside and
countryside. Mass holidays for slum dwellers were made possible by
the ‘factory fortnight’, the growth of seaside resorts, railways and the
cheapness of third-class travel.
The utopian drive to create better communities originated in the early
nineteenth century with Robert Owen’s New Lanark community. The
minority of industrialists and philanthropists who designed and built
Saltaire and Port Sunlight between Chester and Birkenhead, the
Rowntrees’ New Earswick housing development in York, Reckitt’s vil-
lage in East Hull and Bourneville in Birmingham set out holistically to
cater for the educational, social, physical, employment and spiritual
needs of the individual and the community. From the 1930s, the garden
city movement led to the creation of new towns such as Welwyn Garden
City, Crawley and Milton Keynes.
Meanwhile, many millions of people lived in appalling conditions.
Efforts were made to sweep away slums and replace them with
respectable housing. The (Torrens) Act of 1868 gave local authorities
powers to demolish properties considered unfit for human habitation.
Almost a century later, the post-war rebuilding of many towns in Britain
affected by the German bombing raids of the Second World War had as
one goal the provision of better housing.
In the 1950s, there was a move towards rehousing people from slums
in new estates on the outer fringes of cities. Thus, Wythenshawe on the
southern fringe of Manchester was created from lifting out part of the
population from near the city centre. So-called overspill estates in sub-
urban towns catered for individuals, families and parts of communities
from London. However, when social problems arose on those estates,
there was an increasing realisation that moving people wholesale did
not abolish poverty and the consequences of deprivation.
Poorer people are constrained from exercising free choice about
where to live and the more impoverished and overcrowded parts of
towns create many persistent social and health problems. Concerns
about the health hazards of sulphurous smoke emissions and fog, creating
so-called ‘smog’ in large towns such as London, from the 1950s led to
Housing 75

efforts to legislate to create cleaner air, for example by designating
‘smokeless zones’ where householders could only burn smokeless fuels
in their grates and boilers. Debates about traffic congestion and result-
ant fumes from petrol and diesel engines in towns led to ring roads
being built to carry cars and lorries round towns. Trunk roads and
motorways built from the 1950s, the reintroduction of electric trams and
other more environmentally friendly transport systems were attempts to
relocate traffic on roads which bypassed centres of population and
reduced urban pollution.
What major trends in housing policies in the twentieth century are
most relevant to the work of the personal social services?
In the twentieth century, housing policy has witnessed the rise of the
state as public landlord, a trend towards encouraging home ownership,
the subsequent decline of state housing and the growth of diverse forms
of private and collective home ownership. The Housing and Town
Planning Act 1909 modestly moved local authorities towards providing
council housing, although not subsidising it. The Rent Act 1915 came
about as a result of protests in many parts of the country about landlords
who raised rents in the wake of wartime wage rises. After the First
World War, the Housing and Town Planning Act 1919, which introduced
government subsidies for council house building, was a partial fulfil-
ment of Liberal Prime Minister David Lloyd George’s promise to
provide ‘homes fit for heroes’.
From 1900 to the end of the 1970s, there was a move towards greater
regulation of the housing market by the state, while since the 1980s
deregulation has prevailed. Social landlords usually are publicly
accountable, that is, subject to some form of public regulation and work
to some publicly agreed standard of housing and landlord practice. They
include public bodies such as local authorities in England, Scotland,
Northern Ireland and Wales, privately sponsored but publicly subsidised
non-profit housing associations and companies and member-based or
resident-controlled cooperative housing schemes (Power, 1999, p. xix).
The Housing Act 1924, the first significant socialist legislation, put
council house provision on a more permanent basis. In the 1940s, the
failure of Attlee’s Labour government to provide sufficient public sec-
tor housing for the families of demobbed service personnel after the
Second World War contributed to Labour’s defeat in 1951. Post-war
housing policy and provision is characterised by the growth of mass

housing and the further rise of the social landlord. The massive pro-
gramme of council house building by the Conservative government in
the early 1950s played a large part in their re-election in 1955.
Mass housing is a key symbol of the great wave of housing recon-
struction which has taken place since the Second World War. Typically,
it is publicly sponsored and subsidised, uses mass production industrial
construction methods and targets a ‘mass’ sector of middle- to low-
income people who live in urban settings. Bombed sites and land cur-
rently occupied by houses considered substandard were subjected to
housing clearance and redeveloped, drawing on ideas about town plan-
ning and architecture which were popular in that era. New techniques of
construction using ferro-concrete, for example, and the use of building
techniques and tracked and other vehicles whose prototypes were often
created in wartime made possible the rapid construction of large-scale
housing developments and the roads and bridges around them. The
clearance of slums, however, has been criticised for the destruction of
local neighbourhoods and networks of support between people, subse-
quently rehoused in new developments which cut swathes through
traditional working-class districts such as parts of the East End and
docklands of London.
The building of high-rise flats in the post-war period was considered at
first to provide people with a cleaner and more convenient living environ-
ment than living at or near ground level. Later, high rise came to signify
not just high-density but high-risk housing.
Housing, planning and regional development
The increasing sophistication of environmental and planning policies has
meant a heightened focus in the latter years of the twentieth century on
improving the quality of people’s living and working environments,
viewed strategically and with the aim of preventing rather than remedy-
ing social and individual problems. Housing policies have increasingly
overlapped into strategies for local and regional development. The new
Regional Development Agencies (RDAs) set up by the incoming Labour
government of 1997 were intended to develop policies which matched
those of local authorities (Local Government Information Unit, 1999a).
Urban deprivation, however, has been recognised for decades as a
factor contributing to individual and social problems. The need to
improve the quality of existing state/council housing and contribute to
‘urban regeneration’ was appreciated during the Thatcher government’s
Housing 77

drive for urban development, but was given a spin reflecting New Right
ideology, through its emphasis on enterprise and entrepreneurialism.
The Liverpool, Salford and London docklands, for instance, were
developed by urban development corporations which transcended the
interests of small, local groups, organisations and agencies. Conse-
quently, although representing investment and social improvement on a
massive scale, they were criticised for contributing further to the whole-
sale destruction of neighbourhoods and established networks in urban
communities, such as those in the East End of London described by
Willmott and Young some thirty years previously (Willmott and
Young, 1960).
The Single Regeneration Budget (SRB) was introduced in 1994 in
response to criticism that such housing redevelopments lacked coordi-
nation between agencies. During the Labour government (1997
onwards), housing policies have begun to link more holistically to poli-
cies in other related services such as health, employment and leisure.
Health Action Zones are one example of such initiatives. The New Deal
for communities represents Labour’s central strategy for promoting
regeneration. The £800m budget at its 1998 launch was intended to
address all the problems of some of the poorest areas of Britain, not only
those of housing and other buildings. To attract maximum funding, pro-
jects were expected to be underpinned by multi-agency partnerships and
community and citizen involvement.
Owner occupation
Between the First and Second World Wars, there was an unprecedented
increase in the proportion of owner occupiers, from 10 to 32 per cent. At
the same time, the number of owner occupied houses quadrupled,
encouraged by more flexible building society loans (Ginsburg, 1999,
pp. 232–3). However, the rapid expansion of council housing and the
lack of specific inducements to home ownership during the immediate
post-war decades did not lead to a continuous expansion in owner occu-
pation. But after the 1970s, house ownership, traditionally a middle- and
upper-class phenomenon, spread to the working class in a pronounced
way, as the Conservative government’s policy of encouraging council
house tenants to buy their own homes took effect. During the 1980s, the
proportion of owner occupation increased from 54 to 66 per cent.
However, during the 1990s, the proportion of owner occupiers hardly

changed (Thomas et al., 1998, p. 24). This may be explained partly
through the impact of several periods of inflation in house prices.
Growing critical awareness of housing deficits
Alan Murie identifies the mid-1970s as a watershed. By that time,
it was widely argued that housing problems had been generally solved and what
remained were specific, local problems which needed targeted interventions.
(Murie, 1998, p. 303)
To some extent, the supply of housing for potential buyers was chang-
ing, due to economic factors arising from changes in the supply of, and
demand for, housing. Successive inflationary surges in house prices
since the early 1970s increased the gap between ‘haves’and ‘have-nots’,
as house owners made massive capital gains which, on their main
dwelling, were exempted from any taxes, and those without substantial
capital or property to trade in were prevented from buying houses. But
in another sense, problems of homelessness and poverty associated with
living in poor quality housing had always existed, but were highlighted
as public awareness, through such dramatic events as Jeremy Sandford’s
film Cathy Come Home, became sensitised to them.
Repossessions
People in the owner occupied housing sector were not exempt from hous-
ing problems. Repossessions of houses, usually by building societies and
banks loaning money through mortgages, increased dramatically from
the 1970s, as mortgagers were affected by unexpected crises such as job
loss, compulsory early retirement and in some areas falling house prices.
These factors contributed to periods of declining house prices and
so-called ‘negative equity’(where the price of a house fell below its orig-
inal purchase price), making it impossible for a house owner to defray
expenses by recouping the original outlay on a property. In 1982,
there were 33,000 cases of mortgage arrears of more than six months,
whereas by 1992, during the economic recession of the early 1990s, there
were more than 300,000 such cases (Ginsburg, 1999, p. 240). Shelter
estimated that despite the numbers of repossessions falling during 1999,
more than 13,500 families and single people still suffered the trauma of
losing their home through repossession during the last six months of
1999 (Shelter, Press Release, 26 January 2000).
Housing 79

From the late 1980s, came the first of a number of reductions in tax
relief on mortgage interest payments, which, however, only temporarily
curtailed the demand for home ownership.
Changes in the social housing sector
The Housing Act 1957 required local authorities to consider housing
conditions and assess housing needs in their area, giving them powers
to acquire land by compulsory purchase and build and convert houses.
By such means, by the 1970s local authority council house provision
became a significant part of the housing stock. By the early 1980s, this
trend had reversed. The Conservative government of 1970–74 built on
Labour’s introduction of ‘fair rents’ and under the Housing Finance Act
1972 brought in the system of ‘fair rents’ in the council house sector.
This attempt to raise council house rents was reversed in 1975 by the
Labour government (1974–79) and was followed by the introduction of
housing benefit in 1980 by the Conservative Thatcher government.
The Conservative government (1979–97) set out four goals for its
housing policy: encouraging private owner occupation; reducing the
number of council houses; reviving the private rented sector; and focus-
ing on the most urgent housing problems (Atkinson and Durden, 1994,
p. 183). Between 1979 and 1995, the proportion of local authority coun-
cil houses in the housing stock declined from 31.4 to 18.9 per cent
(Ginsburg, 1999, p. 241). Most controversially, the Housing Act 1980
cleared the way for the wholesale privatisation of council housing, by
creating the ‘right to buy’, partly as a means of reducing local authority
expenditure, and more than two million homes were purchased by their
tenants between 1980 and 1985.
Over the years, the length of waiting lists of people wishing to occupy
council housing has become a political issue. The discrepancy between
the numbers of empty houses held by local authorities, and the numbers
on their waiting lists, has led to efforts to speed the process of new allo-
cations. The first survey of waiting lists in 1949 found more than one
and a half million applications, 85 per cent of whom were married cou-
ple families, over 60 per cent of whom had children (Green et al., 1997,
p. 114). By 1988, the number of people on waiting lists had reduced to
670,000 and by 1995/96 the total was 631,000 (Green et al., 1997, Table
6.1, p. 115).
Housing associations follow the trend of the rest of the social rented
sector and tend to cater for poorer people. Housing associations played
an increasingly important role from the 1970s, bringing flexibility in
home ownership to the housing market. The Housing Act 1974 boosted

the funding of housing associations under the Labour government.
Rising house prices from the 1970s created difficulties for people of
limited means wanting a home. This particularly applied to older peo-
ple, young couples on low wages and without savings, who wanted to
start a family and lone parents. It was a feature of many rural areas
which attracted retired people and second-home owners, and parts of the
south of England, notably the London area. In 62 per cent of households
in housing association accommodation in Britain in 1996, the head of
the household was ‘economically inactive’ (Thomas et al., 1998, p. 36).
People with the lowest average gross weekly incomes (£184) lived in
the social housing sector, in contrast with people with mortgages
(£543). In the late 1990s, lone parent families were the most likely to
live in socially provided housing, 53 per cent occupying it as opposed
to 16 per cent of other families (Thomas et al., 1998, p. 25).
A person of limited means who met the criteria of the particular hous-
ing development owned by the housing association could contract to pay
a mixture of rent and mortgage for a house, with part of the proceeds of
any profits from its eventual sale being returned to the housing associa-
tion. Between 1971 and 1996, the percentage of households renting from
housing associations on this basis increased fivefold, from 1 to 5 per cent
(Thomas et al., 1998, p. 28). This steady expansion in housing associa-
tion provision was not great enough during the Thatcher government to
compensate for the decline in council housing. During the 1980s, the
number of new developments started by housing associations averaged
about 14,000 annually. Between 1979 and 1994, the previous main
activity of housing associations, renovations, declined by 62 per cent
(Ginsburg, 1999, p. 241). The Housing Act 1988 provided new financial
arrangements for housing associations and initiated housing action
trusts in England.
Between 1994 and 1996, housing associations catered for 30 per cent
of the total of ethnic minority residents of all types of housing (Thomas
et al., 1998, p. 38). Lone parents and their children and people from eth-
nic minorities, particularly Afro-Caribbean and Bangladeshi people,
despite a significant increase in their rate of home ownership, were still
much more likely than other groups to occupy social rented housing, that
is, council housing and housing association accommodation (Thomas
et al., 1998, p. 38). Pakistani and Bangladeshi households were, on aver-
age, the largest. At 4.5 persons, they were nearly twice the size of white
households, which averaged 2.4 persons (Thomas et al., 1998, p. 13).
The Housing Act 1996 required local authorities to investigate appli-
cants’ claims of homelessness, and decide whether they are intentionally
Housing 81

or unintentionally homeless. An eligibility test was used to determine
whether a person was homeless or threatened with homelessness.
A number of schemes were set up in the 1990s aiming to help people
on low incomes gain access to living accommodation in the privately
rented sector. Two of the main policies involved grants to voluntary
agencies and accommodation registers, boosted by Section 73 funding
(under the Housing Act 1985), and schemes setting up special funds to
enable potential householders to pay deposit guarantees and rent in
advance. Deposit guarantee schemes expanded so rapidly that by the
mid-1990s there was a National Forum representing them (Rugg, 1997,
p. ix). Evaluation of these access initiatives indicates that they fulfil an
important function, reassuring and supporting housing clients, prevent-
ing them from risking rooflessness when seeking more suitable and
permanent accommodation (Rugg, 1996, pp. xxiii–xxiv). Subsequent
policy changes by the Conservative government – notably restricting pay-
ments of Housing Benefit to people under 25 – had a negative effect on
these access schemes (Rugg, 1997).
A strategic approach to neighbourhood renewal
The main housing policy issues as perceived by the Labour government
were summarised in May 2000 in the Housing Green Paper issued by
the Department of the Environment, Transport and the Regions. This
acknowledged longstanding neglect of the housing stock in Britain, half
of which was more than 50 years old. This contributed to widespread
housing problems: a backlog of £19b on housing repairs had left many
people poorly housed; many run-down housing estates contributed to ill
health, crime and poverty; many people, especially older and vulnerable
people, could not afford to heat and maintain their homes; most public
sector tenants were denied choice about where to live, paid rents not
comparable with other comparable homes and, in the case of the most
disadvantaged, were often placed in the poorest housing; some, perhaps
for reasons of unemployment, could not afford to keep up mortgage
payments; and some people were sleeping rough or homeless (DETR,
2000, p. 5).
There are strong associations between poor housing and poverty, deprivation,
crime, educational under-achievement and ill health. People are discriminated
against in looking for work or using services because of where they live. Whole
neighbourhoods suffer from neglect. (DETR, 2000, p. 5)

The Green Paper advocated measures to improve the standards of service
provided by private landlords, supporting sustainable home ownership,
supporting local authorities taking a more proactive role in developing a
strategic response to needs in their locality in partnership with the private
housing sector, consistent with the broader purposes of social, economic
and environmental development (DETR, 2000, pp. 10–11).
Reports by the Policy Action Teams (PATs) of the Social Exclusion
Unit (SEU) highlighted the need for community self-help, the promo-
tion of local enterprise, neighbourhood management including meas-
ures to encourage local leadership, improved housing management, an
enhanced role for on-the-spot neighbourhood wardens in reducing
crime, enhanced access to local and externally available information,
financial shopping facilities and cultural and recreational activities,
effective joint working and for a more strategic approach than hitherto
to reducing unpopular housing (see Chapter 12 for more details).
Social exclusion: ghettos, ‘sink’ estates and mass housing
One test of an inclusive society is the openness of more privileged res-
idents to migrants settling from minority, stigmatised populations.
Hostility may be displayed towards immigrants, refugees, asylum seek-
ers and people wanting to abolish the segregation of groups seen as
‘problems’. Housing policy is one way of achieving this. Anne Power
identifies common features of mass housing, that is, publicly sub-
sidised, mass built and associated with deprivation and social exclusion,
in her research across five northern European countries (Denmark,
France, Germany, England and Ireland) (Power, 1997, p. 397). Some
black ethnic minorities are prone to being segregated in this way, as
Peter Ratcliffe notes:
The conventional consensus amongst writers on the UK scene is that the existing
spatial patterns involving heavy concentrations in poor (largely pre-1919) ter-
raced housing on the part of Pakistani, and more especially Bangladeshi, house-
holds is the combined result of poverty, unemployment and negative housing
market effects. These factors, combined with the development of an ethnicised
social, economic and religious infrastructure serve to reinforce existing spatial
patterns. (Ratcliffe, 2000, p. 174)
They significantly worsen the chance that social workers will succeed
in empowering people to counter the effects of stigmatisation. Research
indicating that segregating diverse populations into distinct blocks of
public and private housing leads to greater fear and resentment encour-
ages optimism that in future residents may prefer to live on mixed
Housing 83

tenure estates. But even in streets of mixed housing tenure, only a small
minority of residents appeared to belong to an inclusive social group
(Jupp, 1999).
Local housing companies
The Labour government (1997 onwards) continued the policy of the
Conservatives initiated in 1986, since when the vast majority of local
councils have been transferring the housing stock to newly created land-
lords in the form of local housing companies which include tenants on
their management boards. These have taken over the running of about
half a million council houses, on estates which often burden local author-
ities and give off an air of unattractive uniformity and urban neglect.
The Labour government (1997 onwards) acted to reverse some
clauses of the Housing Act 1996 and also introduced a number of hous-
ing policies to remedy longstanding deficits in housing. These included:
acting on the recommendations of the Construction Task Force report
and introducing a Quality Mark scheme to improve public and profes-
sional confidence in the quality of builders; improving the availability
of affordable social housing; improving the effectiveness of housing
services delivered by local authorities and social landlords, for instance
by adapting the housing role of local authorities to local circumstances
so as to meet local needs; using the private finance initiative (PFI) as an
umbrella for a pathfinder programme aimed at attracting private invest-
ment in local authority social housing; introducing the ‘Supporting
People’ initiative which improves support aimed at increasing the inde-
pendent living of vulnerable older and disabled people; delivering
Housing Benefit more efficiently, through the principles of best value;
and expanding the Home Energy Efficiency Scheme to enable older,
poorer and disabled people to benefit from insulating and heating
improvements.
Central government approaches to quality assurance (see Chapter 9)
follow a similar pattern of standard setting and evaluation of perform-
ance in the social housing sector as in the related field of personal social
services. The Housing Corporation is a UK government agency with
responsibility for funding, regulating and facilitating the performance of
the social housing sector in England. The Housing Corporation reports
annually to parliament and is subject to political scrutiny by a five-
yearly Finance, Management and Policy Review commissioned by min-
isters, is subject to the jurisdiction of the Parliamentary Commissioner
for Administration (the Parliamentary Ombudsman) and, if necessary,
can be called before the House of Commons Public Accounts

Committee. It is also subject to public scrutiny through the National
Audit Office. Housing associations – the major providers of subsidised
housing for people, of which there are more than 2,200 – are registered
social landlords (RSL) with the Housing Corporation, which evaluates
their performance annually against a range of performance indicators,
through an Innovation and Good Practice (IGP) grant programme and a
guide to good practice. This careful approach to regulating the per-
formance of housing associations in the social housing sector throws
into even sharper relief the glaring housing problems elsewhere.
Homelessness
Homelessness may inflict a range of devastating conditions which may
cause severe harm, including serious mental health problems (Cooke and
Marshall, 1996; Stone, 1997), to individuals, groups, households, fami-
lies and neighbourhoods. People tend to be driven to leaving home as a
desperate measure, rather than becoming homeless from casual choice.
Women who leave their partners, ‘runaway’ children and young people –
a high proportion of women and young people who leave home are escap-
ing from abusive situations – asylum seekers, people who are substance
abusers, older people may all appreciate the extreme sense of loss and
chaos, trauma and isolation, which may result from losing one’s home.
Homeless people may be offered temporary accommodation, moved to
another area and offered housing, squat in empty buildings or sleep rough
or on the streets. Access to adequate shelter, food and washing facilities,
social security benefits, work, friends and relatives may all be severely
restricted by becoming homeless. Women may be particularly trauma-
tised by the loss of home and family including children (Hanmer and
Statham, 1999). They may be particularly vulnerable to physical and sex-
ual abuse and, because of inequalities in the employment market, may
find it more difficult than men to secure even the most poorly paid and
temporary, non-exploitive work to try to retrieve their status as house-
holders. A high proportion of homeless women have been assaulted,
raped and abused while in temporary accommodation for homeless peo-
ple, such as bed and breakfast houses, hotels and hostels (Smith, 1995).
Debates about homelessness have become more critical as the perception
of homelessness as a category has extended to include those who are
inadequately housed. Since the early 1970s, the reduced availability of
social, particularly council, housing and increased owner occuption led to
social housing being treated as last resort housing for socially excluded
people with the most limited housing and social aspirations. Increased
demand for social housing has been caused by more family breakdowns,
Housing 85

the expansion of community care, greater numbers of people living alone
and the widening gulf between ‘haves’ and ‘have-nots’ in society.
The Housing (Homeless Persons) Act 1977 required local authorities
to give priority to housing homeless people on the housing waiting list
in their local authority of residence. However, a person defined as
homeless could be redirected to another local authority where they had
a local connection, a principle reminiscent of the Elizabethan Poor Law
which directed people to their parish of origin for poor relief. People in
debt through rent arrears had to clear their debt before they could
become eligible for housing. They then had to compete with other peo-
ple on the housing list and earn sufficient points to progress up the
queue of housing applicants.
The Housing (Homeless Persons) Act 1977 and the Housing Act
1985 provided a safety net for families and vulnerable people, who were
not made homeless through any fault of their own. These Acts stimu-
lated local authorities to provide nearly two million affordable homes
for homeless people.
Shelter used official statistics to derive estimates that about 400,000
people were officially homeless in England in 1998, about 49,000 fam-
ilies and individuals were placed in temporary accommodation by local
authorities – bed and breakfast, hostels or lodgings – and about 78,000
people faced action to repossess their homes (Shelter, 2000b).
According to analysis of over 80,000 calls to Shelterline in its first year,
the three main reasons for people becoming homeless are criminal vio-
lence in the home, financial problems and the lack of a social security
safety net for single people (Shelter, 2000a). One particular problem is
the vulnerability of young people who have no social security benefits
and no legal entitlement to emergency housing in bed and breakfast or
hostel accommodation. Many finish up squatting in empty houses and
begging on the streets. They are likely to be arrested for trespass or unli-
censed begging and are prone to being recruited into prostitution. In
contrast, they are often portrayed in the mass media as predators on
other people’s generosity, rather than as victims of circumstances
largely outside their control.
Responses to homelessness, living on the street and begging include
theoretical and empirical research. Among a great mass of empirical
research, Shelter and Crisis estimated that in 1999 at least 2,500 people,
2,000 in England alone, slept out on the streets on any one night. A
quarter of these were between 18 and 25 years old, 6 per cent were over
60, 30 per cent had been in the care of the local authority and between
a third and a half were suffering mental health problems (Shelter, Press

Release, 15 November, 1999). A survey of homeless people by Shelter
revealed that more than three-quarters had mental health problems and
had been discharged from hospital without the security of housing or
care services. Many people who had obtained accommodation had
problems living independently and ultimately lost their tenancy.
Disabled people were often faced with inaccessible accommodation
which made basic household tasks impossible. Shelter recommended
that local authorities should be required to make sure such people were
enabled to put in place comprehensive housing and care plans, includ-
ing help with their personal care, budgeting and maintaining their ten-
ancy (Shelter, 1999).
Shelter has campaigned for legislation to prevent homelessness rather
than offer help only when people reach a crisis, to ensure single people
are not excluded from obtaining homes, to avoid homeless people being
placed in the worst accommodation and to give homeless people a
meaningful say in choosing the type and location of their home,
together with the right to a permanent home with the necessary support
to rebuild their lives (Shelter, Press Release, 22 February, 1999).
Legislation has tended to address homelessness and street begging in
isolation from other social needs, and as though they are problems of the
individual person, rather than linked with other aspects of social and
economic change. Kennett and Marsh are among those recognising the
inadequacy of such a response, instead locating the phenomenon of
homelessness in terms of debates about social, economic and policy
changes (Kennett and Marsh, 1999). Dean (1999) argues for street beg-
ging not to be dismissed as reprehensible, but to be understood in rela-
tion to related issues of homelessness and social exclusion, including
problems of mental health, sexual exploitation and substance abuse.
Meanwhile, since the early 1990s, the removal of benefits for 16- and
17-year-olds, the implementation of the Housing Act 1989 and imposi-
tion of charges for hostel accommodation have combined further to
impoverish many vulnerable young people already experiencing severe
poverty. So the impact of neo-conservative economic policies in the
1980s and 90s has been to propel more young people into homelessness,
begging and, in extreme cases, prostitution, through reducing their abil-
ity to support themselves in other ways.
The Labour government set the target of reducing the number of peo-
ple sleeping rough by two-thirds by 2002 and, ideally, to zero (foreword
by the Prime Minister to SEU Report on Rough Sleepers, 1998b).
However, it can be argued that targeting rough sleepers in this way
accentuates social exclusion and perpetuates right-wing policies, based
Housing 87

on the assumption that people become intentionally homeless and that
street beggars, for example, are confidence tricksters. The solution to
street begging, apparently, is to render less visible and embarrassing the
problems of those begging by sweeping them off the streets.
Social support and social control
There is a tension between the roles of housing officials and social
workers in supporting people and intervening to protect others in the com-
munity. The Labour government introduced antisocial behaviour orders
under the Crime and Disorder Act 1998. The purpose of these orders in
this connection is to curb anyone over the age of 10 judged to be harass-
ing, alarming or causing distress to others. They run for a minimum of two
years, with no maximum, and may be used to curb a person’s free access
to accommodation in a locality from which, in effect, they are banished.
Asylum seekers Applications from those seeking political asylum,
mainly from Iraq, the former Yugoslavia and nearby countries, grew to
more than 78,000 per annum by 2000. Asylum seekers are restricted in
access to local authority housing under Section 9 of the Asylum and
Immigration Act 1996 and the Housing Act 1996. The situation of asy-
lum seekers is problematic in some parts of Britain, due to antagonism
exacerbated by the mass media and misrepresentation of their circum-
stances and the historical reality of immigration as an important con-
tributory factor in the growth and health of many seemingly indigenous
communities. The processing of applications for asylum can be lengthy.
During this period, asylum seekers may be imprisoned, confined in
conditions resembling imprisonment, or housed in conditions which
they experience as stigmatising (see also Chapter 8).
Victims of domestic violence The Women’s Aid movement was a self-
help initiative arising from women experiencing criminal violence in the
home working together to provide refuges for themselves and other
women. Refuges were generally anonymous houses where women and
their children could seek protection, emotional support, counselling and
advice, while moving towards planning their next moves. Sometimes
the refuge offered space to consider police action against a violent male
partner, separation or divorce. In general, the refuge offered women an
alternative short-term or medium-term home when conditions at home
became unbearable.
The Housing (Homeless Persons)Act 1997 provides limited protection
for those experiencing criminal violence in the home (see Chapter 6).

Use of temporary accommodation Since the early 1980s, as a result of
the increased tendency by agencies to refer families to temporary accom-
modation, a staggering increase occurred from that period in households
occupying temporary accommodation, from 4,710 households in 1980
to 63,070 in 1992 (Ginsburg, 1999, p. 244). These have often included
families which have experienced sudden and unexpected traumas or
crises, such as unemployment or family break-up, including diasporas
of refugees in the wake of recent wars and other social upheavals. Often,
such housing is unsuitable for family life, consisting of bed and break-
fast or hostel accommodation, with inadequate space and privacy for
family members.
Similarities between housing and social services
There are close connections and some shared territory between housing
and social services policy and practice. The functions of housing and
social services overlap significantly, not least because of their common
focus on the needs of people in the social housing sector. In some local
authorities, housing and social services have remained separate depart-
ments, while others merged during the 1990s. One local authority in
Yorkshire has created a department of Public Protection, Housing and
Social Services, with public protection dealing with environmental
concerns.
However, housing officers and social workers exercise different pow-
ers under different legislation. Nevertheless, it is worth posing the ques-
tion: what can social workers draw from housing policy and use to
improve their own practice?
The following example may help to illustrate how a critical understand-
ing of housing policies may help to improve social work practice.
EXAMPLE
D is a newly qualified social worker, inexperienced in dealing with rent debt,
faced with the housing problems of Gloria, a lone parent of four young chil-
dren who occupies local authority rented accommodation. Gloria is very
independent. She has a slight learning disability, can be disorganised in her
housekeeping and since getting work has not noticed that her Housing
Benefit was overpaid until four months later she has received a visit from the
bailiffs. She arrives at D’s office early one Monday morning, very distressed
Housing 89

but unable to explain what was happening, except that she is terrified of los-
ing her home and having the children taken into care.
What should D do next? It may be useful to make notes on how you
would respond before reading further.
1. D calms Gloria, and confirms that she didn’t let the bailiffs in. She
verifies that the children have gone to school as normal and manages to
persuade Gloria to accept a lift to her job, promising to make progress
by the time they meet up when she has finished her shift at lunchtime.
D consults with colleagues and soon finds out that her local authority
landlord has employed bailiffs, in one or two extreme cases, to collect
rent arrears at the door. But she still can’t understand how the debt has
arisen. D receives advice from colleagues on how to proceed and the
need for immediate action. One particular colleague offers her a check-
list she uses in rent arrears cases and offers to be available on her mobile
phone during the day for further consultation. This general checklist
is summarised here: getting to know sources of specialist advice on
housing law and money management; and finding out the legal stages
in debt recovery, from the notice seeking possession to the warrant for
possession which precedes eviction. This warrant requires a court order
and would need to be suspended by a County Court once debt recovery
proceedings reached this late stage.
2. D arranges an immediate meeting with the relevant housing officer and
finds out that the local authority has discovered an overpayment of
Housing Benefit and has recovered it from Gloria’s rent account, leav-
ing her in arrears. She hasn’t responded to rent demands. Nobody has
visited her or checked to confirm she has received and understood the
written notices sent to her. D confirms that the housing officer will be
available for follow-up action later in the day.
3. D meets with Gloria at home and, reading the letters and notices which
have piled up, works out how the problem has arisen. She works out
with Gloria that errors have been made by the local authority in the cal-
culations of Housing Benefit and rent due. She notices the poor state of
the upstairs bedrooms, with roof leaks and dampness. Apparently, prom-
ised repairs have not taken place.
4. D rings the housing officer and meets with her and Gloria, at Gloria’s
home. It emerges that Gloria’s debt can be challenged by her and she can
claim compensation for the delays in repairing the house. By the time
the children return from school, all the debt recovery proceedings have
been suspended. The next day, D discusses with colleagues how to put
housing policy and practice locally on a more positive basis and improve

joint working practices with social services. Later, D puts Gloria in
touch with the local tenants’ group. It emerges that Gloria knows a
neighbour who helps to organise it. Recently, the tenants’ group have
taken part in training to enable them to gain skills in dealing with their
own housing issues. (Capacity building training for residents and hous-
ing staff, for example, is provided by the National Tenants Resource
Centre at Trafford Hall, tel. 01244 300246.)
5. D knows she hasn’t ‘solved the problem’. But she is pleased that she has
responded in two main ways: starting to deal with Gloria’s immediate
concerns and starting the process of empowering Gloria to take up wider
issues, through networking with other people receiving housing services.
Chapter summary
This chapter has examined the main trends in housing policy, concen-
trating particularly on those which affect clients of the social services.
The policy issues have been emphasised which have implications for
improving social workers’ practice. Ways in which the critical practi-
tioner can take up implications for changes in policy and practice have
been highlighted.
Further reading
Journals: Housing; Housing Review; Inside Housing and (more academic) Housing
Studies
Green, H., Deacon, K., Iles, N. and Down, D. (1997) Housing in England 1995/96,
Stationery Office, London
Malpass, P. and Murie, A. (1994) Housing Policy and Practice, 4th edn, Macmillan,
Basingstoke – now Palgrave.
Housing 91

92
5
Health and Community
Care
Health services are struggling to meet the demands of the public and
many are failing the performance criteria of government: excessive
length of waiting lists for treatment; variable costs and levels of effi-
ciency; variable standards of treatment in different hospitals; an unac-
ceptable risk of patients becoming infected in hospitals; geographical
inequalities in mortality rates; and class inequalities in morbidity (dis-
ease and suffering) and mortality rates and the take-up of services (Ham,
1985, pp. 165–83). Community care suffers from different problems but
they add up to similar shortcomings in services: a suitable range of facil-
ities is not available to meet the needs of people in all urban and rural
areas; care managers finish up prioritising need and determining eligi-
bility for services; rationing occurs to meet available resources rather
than to meet all potential assessed needs (Baldock and Ungerson, 1994).
Morale among health and social services front-line workers is low, the
turnover of staff is higher than desirable, pay and conditions in social
care and healthcare professions are not what they should be.
Health and community care services are supplied through a consider-
able body of legislation. Residential care of older people is provided under
the National Assistance Act 1948 and registered under the Registered
Homes Act 1980 and Registered Homes Act 1984. Facilities for the
employment of disabled people are provided under the Disabled
Persons (Employment) Act 1958. Local authorities are required to pro-
vide welfare services for long-term sick and disabled people under the
Chronically Sick and Disabled Persons Act 1970. Mental health powers
in respect of people who are mentally disordered, detained patients
and people with mental health problems proceed from the Mental
Health Act 1959 and the Mental Health Act 1983. By far the most sig-
nificant legislation in terms of community services for adults is the NHS

and Community Care Act 1990, which provides for the planning and
implementation of authority-wide care plans and the assessment of indi-
viduals and preparation and carrying out of packages of care services to
meet their needs. The needs of carers and the assessment of the level of
care they can provide are dealt with under the Carers (Recognition and
Services) Act 1995. Discrimination against disabled people is tackled
under the Disability Discrimination Act 1995. Direct payments to peo-
ple arranging their own community care services are made through the
Community Care (Direct Payments) Act 1996.
Health and social services require close coordination in the delivery
of community care. The organisation of social services may be sub-
sumed under healthcare, or, in some areas, social services departments
may be merged with health services. This changes the structure and
management of social work, but does not erode the integrity of social
working as a distinctive activity. Healthcare remains a need for the
entire population. Whereas health has been regarded merely as the
absence of disease, increasingly health services adopt more positive,
inclusive definitions such as that of the World Health Organization
(WHO), full health being:
a state of complete physical, mental and social well being and not merely the
absence of disease or infirmity. (World Health Organization, 1946)
Policy context
Pragmatism rather than idealism has motivated governments to develop
health policies ensuring an adequate supply of fit labour for the trenches
in two world wars. In the early 1900s, in the aftermath of the Boer War,
concerns about the poor quality of recruits to the armed services led to
free school meals and free school milk being introduced and under the
Children Act 1908 neglect of a child’s health by a parent was made an
offence.
Towards the end of the twentieth century, critical research studies,
scandals about specific failings of nursing, medical and surgical practice
and the assumed link with votes on election day motivated the Labour
government (1997 onwards) to try to improve what has been dubbed the
‘National Illness Service’. There was a move also towards enhancing
primary and preventive health and promoting health through health edu-
cation. Despite this, persistent inequalities in health are reflected in dif-
ferential risks of disease and premature death for people in different
Health and Community Care 93

wealth and social class strata of society, identified by the Black Report
(Department of Health and Social Security, 1980a). When successive
governments failed to ban tobacco advertising absolutely, critics alleged
this was partly because they would lose too much government revenue
from excise duty on tobacco and cigarette sales and partly because of
the enormous global power of tobacco producers.
The balance of power in the coordination of healthcare has shifted
from the hospital to the community-based health centre, with the gen-
eral practitioner (GP) managing the process of assessing the person’s
healthcare needs and ensuring that they are met.
A range of professionals and para-professionals work together –
health visitors, occupational therapists, pharmacists, doctors, domiciliary
and social care staff and social workers – sometimes in multidisciplinary
teams as in community mental health, in assessing and care planning
community care, and sometimes in looser collaborative arrangements in
health and community care. In the hospitals, consultants and surgeons –
most of whom are male – still wield considerable power, which either
may be harnessed to achieving what the patient wants, or may be used
to defend traditional power hierarchies and poor practices against com-
plaints. But litigation by dissatisfied patients and advocacy by bodies
such as the Patients’ Association are signs that inroads are being made
into this bastion of professional power by some assertive and empow-
ered people receiving services.
The National Health Service (NHS) was set up under the National
Health Services Act 1946, a core part of the legislation which inaugu-
rated the welfare state. Although always ‘national’, the health service
has never been totally free of charges. One original aim of the NHS – to
extend the principle of access to free services in the interests of preven-
tive healthcare – was to an extent compromised from the outset by the
presence of charges for some services such as dentistry, spectacles and
home helps (Titmuss, 1976a, pp. 136–8).
Since the Seebohm Report (1968) which led to the establishment of
local authority social services departments, health and social services
have been subjected to repeated reorganisations, nationally, regionally
and locally. In 1968 the Department of Health and Social Security
(DHSS) was formed from the merger of the Ministry of Health and the
Ministry of Social Security. Continual efforts have been made in the NHS

to achieve an improved balance between central government-led,
regional, area and local provision. Social services agencies, however titled
and organised, are much smaller than health authorities and fulfil the
specialist function of meeting the needs of vulnerable and needy people.
After 1945, successive governments became increasingly sympathetic
towards shifting the balance of personal social services from residential
settings to the community. The publication of Care in Action (DHSS,
1981) put community care high on the (1979–97) Conservative govern-
ment’s priorities. In large part, the Conservatives were driven by financial
factors linked with cutting back the high, and rising, cost of publicly
funded residential care and by economic and political commitment to
encouraging enterprise outside the public sector, thus stimulating the
growth of the private and voluntary sectors. The momentum for change
also came from other quarters. By the mid-1980s, many professionals,
academics and critical commentators were advocating policies involving
the deliberate displacement of inappropriate residential care, some of
which was poor in quality, by high-quality community care. It was
hoped this would reduce the segregation, isolation and stigmatisation of
people in institutions, which they sometimes lived in for long periods, as
a result of professional inertia and the lack of well-thought out commu-
nity-based planning, rather than for any more positive reason. So, by the
late 1980s, the growing demand for further legislation came from the
convergence of diverse arguments: the expense to the state for residen-
tial provision increased tenfold between 1980 and 1990, to £1000m, due
to public funding of private residential and nursing home care through
the DHSS; the cost was higher because the numbers of older, dependant
people were increasing in absolute terms and relative to other age
groups; the Thatcher government was turning away from universal state
residential and daycare services and making these services increasingly
subject to means testing and private and voluntary provision; local
authority resources were under pressure, partly through controls exer-
cised by central government via mechanisms such as rate-capping; exist-
ing arrangements were inadequate for joint provision and management
of community-based services. Ironically, the availability of funding
from the state encouraged older people to go into residential care. At the
same time, the lack of public investment discouraged local authorities
from developing community care services.
The 1986 Audit Commission Report Making a Reality of Community
Care criticised the slow implementation of community care. Sir Roy
Griffiths, then Secretary of State, was asked in 1986 to report on the
future of community care services. His report (Department of Health and

Social Security, 1988) proposed the establishment of a mixed economy
of care involving care managers purchasing services from their own staff
or from the private and voluntary sectors. But his proposals were judged
to involve a heavier local government workload and his recommenda-
tions that funding for community care be ‘ring-fenced’ (that is, the
money could only be used for this purpose) conflicted with policy con-
cerned with reducing public spending. The government’s response, the
White Paper Caring for People (Department of Health, 1989), turned
away from Griffiths’ other ideas but endorsed his proposed creation of a
market economy to transform local authority social services departments
in England and Wales from near monopoly providers of services into pur-
chasers of services, three-quarters or more of which would be provided
from the voluntary and private sectors. Similar proposals were made for
the health service in the White Paper Working for Patients (Department
of Health, 1989), with hospitals becoming self-governing Trusts, GPs
becoming fundholders responsible for their own devolved budgets and
district health authorities purchasers of services. Subsequently, the NHS
and Community Care Act 1990 embodied the principles of these two
White Papers.
NHS and Community Care Act 1990
The National Health Service and Community Care Act 1990
(NHSCCA) is one of the handful of most significant laws in the health
and social services since the establishment of the welfare state in the
1940s. The Act achieved a sea change in the provision of health and
social care services, both feeding into and being influenced by broader
social and economic as well as financial changes brought about by the
Conservative government during the 1980s. The Act set up internal mar-
kets for the purchase, by local authority social services departments and
the new NHS Trusts created by the government in the health sector, of
services from a range of existing – local agency – and new – private and
voluntary sector – providers. The Act required the vast majority of these
services to be provided externally, that is, by private and voluntary agen-
cies. It ushered in arrangements for organising, commissioning and
delivering community care through a mixed economy of provision
through public, private, voluntary and informal care providers, with the
local authority social services department shifting from its role as vir-
tual monopoly provider to purchasing the majority of services. The
so-called ‘contract culture’of health and community care was underpinned

strategically by senior managers identifying community needs in their
area and publishing a Community Care Plan indicating how they would
commission, and, where necessary, develop and contract services to
meet the needs of the local population. This contract culture was
intended to improve choice for people receiving services. The basis for
this was their active involvement in assessment of their needs and the
development of a care package under the supervision of a care manager
who would ensure its implementation and regular review.
A subsequent backlash against these community care changes came
partly from those ideologically opposed to market-style approaches
to service provision and partly in the light of evaluative research, such
as the £2m five-year Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC)
‘Contracts and Competition’ programme (Flynn and Williams, 1997).
A major shortcoming of these arrangements was also the failure to set
in place adequate consultation with people receiving services and their
carers or to root the contractual provision of services in empowering
principles, using a legalistic or rights-based framework.
The implementation of the NHSCCA was fraught with the problems
arising from its inherently contradictory nature and organisational
problems resulting from the high level of inter-agency, multiprofes-
sional collaboration that it necessitated (Audit Commission, 1992). On
one hand, the advice from the government (Department of Health,
1990) was that the legislation was intended to be liberating, and linked
with other measures to improve patients’ rights (Department of Health,
1992c), customer choice and involving people receiving services in
developing their own needs-led assessments and care plans. On the
other hand, the legislation had the potential to be discriminatory, in
that the local authority had the power to determine whether particular
services or services in a specific locality should be offered. Thus, dis-
crimination was likely in rural areas and for people in minority groups,
who lacked the choice of a full range of services.
The arrangements for delivering community care under the NHSCCA
had a profound impact on front-line social work staff in social services.
Social services in social services departments were increasingly sepa-
rated into the two client groups of adults and children and families.
While middle managers were involved in commissioning and negotiat-
ing contracts with providers of services, a significant group of front-line
staff became engaged in carrying out the process of care management,
going through the sequence of assessing needs and care planning, that
is, devising a care package in consultation with people receiving serv-
ices and their carers, implementing and regularly reviewing it. Many of

these tasks were carried out by social services staff in collaboration with
other professionals, including community-based nurses, occupational
therapists, pharmacists, health visitors and paid and volunteer workers
in such fields as disability, mental health and work with older people.
Levin and Webb (1997) found that the implementation of the arrange-
ments for community care led to a sharper focus and greater accounta-
bility in the work of front-line staff. Resource constraints contributed to
gatekeeping and a concentration on short-term crisis work with those in
greatest need. Social workers increasingly were removed from direct
work with people to administering referrals and care management.
In 2000, changes in health and social care services were announced
by the government as the most significant reorganisation since the
1940s (Social Care News, 2000):
● a new type of intermediate care (see below), increasing people’s
ability to live independently
● using acute hospital beds more effectively
● measures to improve the health, social and emotional wellbeing of
children
● decreasing waiting times for outpatient appointments and operations
● a single assessment process for health and social care
● empowerment of patients through greater information
● greater control over services
● a patients’ advocate and patients’ forum in every area
● new rights and greater powers for local democratic scrutiny of local
health services through local councils
● closer partnership between NHS and social services, including
better use of pooled budgets and joint services under the Health
Act 1999
● financial incentives to improve joint working
● new care trusts building on strengths of social care and health serv-
ices and allowing joint commissioning and delivery of primary and
community healthcare and social care for older people
● more staff with fairer pay, improved training, wider responsibilities
and better working environments
● measures to set national targets for addressing health inequalities
and improve cancer screening and treatment and prevention of heart
disease, encouragement of healthier diets, resources to improve chil-
dren’s health through the Sure Start programme aimed at a third
of children under four who live in poverty, reducing the number of
smokers by at least 1.5 million by 2010

● encouraging and rewarding good performance through cash incentives
and support for poorer performers through the new Modernisation
Agency and grants to reward improved joint working arrangements
between health and social services. (Department of Health, 2000d)
The commitment of the Labour government of 2001 onwards to
enhancing health services was linked with promoting private funding,
through public private partnerships (PPP) and private finance initiatives
(PFI), proposals which critics alleged would undermine the goal of
better healthcare by introducing the profit motive.
Domiciliary care
A huge and growing sector of community care concerns services to peo-
ple living in their own homes, who need a range of services involving
home visits morning and night, meals on wheels, pharmacological sup-
port with taking regular medication. There is little consistency in the qual-
ity and patterns of delivery of such services and charging arrangements
(see Chapter 10) vary enormously between authorities. The imposition of
means-tested charges on people receiving domiciliary services by local
authorities (in contrast with European countries such as Denmark where
such services are mainly free) (Thompson and Hirst, 1999, pp. 22–3) may
put social workers and others involved in assessments and care planning
into the position of gatekeeping scarce resources, rather than devising
care packages purely on the basis of need.
Intermediate care
This term is used to describe new services, with the emphasis on active
rehabilitation, recuperation and prevention, for which health and social
services hold joint responsibility. Intermediate care includes a mixture
of clinical, therapeutic and social interventions, often short term, geared
to helping people to get better and become independent rather than sim-
ply caring for them, much of which may be provided through the private
sector. An example of intermediate care is work to equip older people in
residential care to return and stay in their own homes. The Labour gov-
ernment’s projected investment of £900m in intermediate care by 2004
could be regarded as a valuable additional policy which is bound to
improve people’s quality of life. More critically, it could be viewed as a
precarious innovation, reliant on new skills being acquired by an already
overstretched health and social care workforce, aimed at increasing the
numbers of older people and people at risk being supported by carers at
home, away from more expensive long-term care.

Mental health
The expansion of community care in mental health practice has been
made possible since the late 1950s (Mental Health Acts 1959 and 1983)
by the tremendous growth of the pharmaceutical industry, which has
supplied GPs and, through self-prescription in chemists, people them-
selves with a vast range of drugs and other products which enable them
to administer treatments themselves, for example, for depression, with-
out recourse to health service professionals, clinics or hospitals.
Financial and organisational factors also have contributed to replacing
institutions by community care. Health services are complex to organ-
ise and expensive to provide, leading to tensions between levels of desir-
able provision and resource shortages. One strategy aiming to reduce
the high human and financial cost of treating people in institutions such
as mental hospitals involves decarcerating them and supporting them in
the community. One consequence has been heightened debate about
shortcomings in the quality of services, in the wake of a succession of
inquiries into deaths as a result of violent attacks by patients discharged
from mental hospitals (Ritchie et al., 1994; Blom-Cooper et al., 1995).
People with severe personality disorders
The Mental Health (Patients in the Community) Act 1995 was intended
to tighten control over the discharge of people with more serious mental
disorders. It introduced a supervised discharge order which made the
individual worker, in this case the Community Supervisor, responsible
for delivering the service to the client. The Act also introduced a new
community treatment order, which gave powers to impose treatment in
the community. Critics of this, notably the British Association of Social
Workers (BASW, 1995), asserted that it should be reframed as a ‘care
and treatment’ order, was too intrusive a power and should be restricted
to particular groups of people, such as those who otherwise would
require long-term custodial care.
The Ashworth Inquiry (see Committee of Inquiry, 1992), responding
to repeated complaints about conditions in that hospital – one of three
special hospitals for containing high-risk patients in top security – rec-
ommended the introduction of a new reviewable sentence, in order to
protect society against dangerous personality disordered offenders
whose offences had not attracted an indefinite sentence. The Inquiry
also recommended that small units be developed for small groups of
severely personality disordered individuals within existing high-
security hospitals and prisons (Fallon et al., 1999).

Risk management
Community mental health practice typically operates within the frame-
work of risk minimisation rather than maximising the potential of the
person suffering from mental illness. Assessment of risk is located within
the medical model and relies heavily on diagnosis within the disciplines
of clinical and forensic psychiatry. Social workers in mental health have
to take account of the increasingly multiprofessional practice in such
fields as work with mentally disordered offenders and sex offenders.
Sections 1, 2 and 3 of the Mental Health Act 1983 define mental illness
and specify that people considered a risk to their own safety or that of
others should be removed from the community when they do not agree
to voluntary treatment. In Scotland, Mental Health Officers (MHOs)
exercise compulsory powers under the Mental Health Act 1984.
Approved Social Workers (ASWs) carry out such work in England.
Risk management is the pivotal concept on which much practice is
based in mental health and community care, being operated by man-
agers involved in gatekeeping and rationing scarce resources. In psy-
chiatry, the concept of risk has been institutionalised in diagnostic and
assessment processes. In mental health, risk is used to justify decisions
about compulsory detention and the allocation of support services for
people with mental health problems or mental health offenders. Risk
assessment typically focuses on the potential harm that the person may
inflict on themself or others. Despite the great attention paid by the
mass media to such cases as the killing of Jonathan Zito by Christopher
Clunis (Ritchie et al., 1994), violence is far more likely to be inflicted
on relatives and friends, rather than strangers, by people with no history
of mental illness. More than 90 per cent of mentally disordered people
are not violent. Research continues to confirm a lack of community-
based facilities offering substantial support for people, as the study of
the work of MHOs in Scotland reveals (Myers, 1999). The Department
of Health publication Still Building Bridges (1999f) proposes that all
mental health services should be located within the framework of the
Care Programme Approach (CPA). The proposed mental health legisla-
tion advocates that people with mental illnesses should be treated simi-
larly to those with physical illnesses, prioritising informal, home-based
treatment, with hospital-based and compulsory treatment a last resort. It
would be courageous for policymakers to encourage professionals to
balance a risk-taking approach against a risk-minimisation approach.
This recognises the potential value to clients, carers and relatives of
supporting and enabling the person with mental health problems to live
as normal a life as possible.

People with disabilities
Disabled people are affected directly and indirectly by policies and legal
enactments. The first legislation directly affecting disabled people was
the Disabled Persons (Employment) Act 1944, which established reha-
bilitation and vocational training centres and imposed on some employ-
ers the duty to employ a certain quota of disabled people. Under the
1970 Chronically Sick and Disabled Persons Act, local authorities were
expected where practicable to collate a register of people with disabili-
ties and publicise services, but most did not, under this permissive leg-
islation. Other such direct legislation includes the Disabled Persons
(Service, Consultation and Representation) Act 1986 and the Disability
Discrimination Act (DDA) 1995. Within months of the Disability Rights
Commission beginning work in 2000, its chairperson Bert Massie was
arguing that the Human Rights Act 1998 provided a more inclusive
framework than the DDA against which to argue that any given legisla-
tion was discriminatory against disabled people (Revans, 2000, p. 12).
Impairment refers to a physical or psychological condition or disor-
der, whereas disability indicates the personal and social consequences
of impairment for the person. The DDA accepts the damaging conse-
quences of impairment and disability and requires employers to treat
people equally, whether or not they are disabled.
The medical or personal tragedy model of disability has a close rela-
tionship with concepts of impairment and handicap, located within
Western medicine. In contrast, the social model of disability emphasises
the concept of disablement as restrictions and disadvantages impacting
on a person as a consequence of structures, values, institutions, policies
and practices in society which all too often exclude people with impair-
ments and take little account of their needs and requirements. A socio-
political model of disability has an impact on the professional identity of
the worker and the personal identity of the disabled individual.
Criticisms of the medical model of disability underline the fact that
medical definitions of disability by and large are created by able-bodied
people. Disability civil rights campaigners are among those advocating
that it is not the medical impairment which disables the individual but
the structural inequality and prejudices of society. Medical and social
models of disability exert powerful effects on perceptions of disability
and the shaping of policy. But the growth of power by people with dis-
abilities may yet eclipse in importance the challenge of the medical
model by the social model of disability and may change the position
whereby most services for disabled people are designed, delivered and
evaluated by able-bodied people according to principles alien to their lives

(Priestly, 1999). The Community Care (Direct Payments) Act 1996 per-
mits local authorities to give direct cash payments to specified categories
of people receiving community care services, including people with dis-
abilities. Receipt of the payments and control of the care package are able
to lie with the person with the strongest incentive to make sure that they
are appropriately spent and deployed. The payments can contribute to
social inclusion by providing opportunities for education, employment,
leisure and rehabilitation for people needing community care.
The introduction of direct community care payments is a symbolic
act of handing over control to disabled people, often accompanied by
other empowering arrangements. For example, the Independent Living
Scheme in one local authority, Kingston, gives advice and support to
people using direct payments (Hasler, 1999, pp. 6–7). In Scotland, the
most wide-ranging consultation for 20 years of services for people with
learning difficulties has led to the Scottish Executive taking the views of
service users and carers seriously and introducing independent advo-
cacy services as well as the right to direct payments for anyone who
wants them (Scottish Executive, 2000).
People with learning disabilities often were hospitalised on a long-term
basis in the immediate post-war years. Public and professional awareness
of the neglect in this area was raised by complaints by a group of people
in a letter to The Times on 10 November 1965 which created a wave of
public concern. Although most of their allegations against particular
hospitals led to no noteworthy official action, complaints about conditions
in Ely Hospital, Cardiff were published in the News of the World on
20 August 1967. The resulting inquiry report confirmed management fail-
ures and cruel and inhumane practices by staff (National Health Service,
1969). The White Paper Better Services for the Mentally Handicapped
(DHSS, 1971) did not prevent a succession of scandals and inquiry reports
over the following dozen years (Adams, 1998a, pp. 114–29), indicating
the notable lack of public accountability of these hospitals, the entrenched
power of medical staff including consultants, and the persistence of mal-
practices and imperviousness to change of hospital managements. As the
numbers of adults with learning disabilities in long-stay hospitals gradu-
ally declined, day services, focused on large, specially built Adult
Training Centres (ATCs), remained isolated and stigmatising, a long way
from the principles of normalisation (Wolfensberger, 1972) and social
role valorisation (Wolfensberger, 1982) advocated by Wolfensberger. The
need to develop smaller, more socially inclusive day services and employ-
ment schemes with realistic wages for disabled people was recognised by
the Department of Health in the late 1990s (Department of Health,
1998a). A government scheme titled Workstep was introduced with the

aim of desegregating more than 23,000 disabled people in supported
employment, including Remploy, employing more than 10,000 of these in
87 factories, and equipping them to join the mainstream workforce.
Supporters of this policy argue that disabled people have the right to work
alongside able-bodied people, but critics view it as a way of cutting annual
government subsidies of more than £150m to Remploy, Mencap and
other bodies employing disabled people (Lindsey, 2001, p. 2).
Older people
Research demonstrates that old people are more likely than the rest of
the population to be poor, disabled, badly housed and widowed. There
is a cumulative impact, in that an older person experiencing one of these
disadvantages is more likely to suffer one or more of the others (Sinclair
et al., 1990, p. 367).
The vulnerability of older people to abuse has been recognised as
creating additional risks. From the 1980s, the hitherto narrow focus on
child abuse was widened by research indicating significant levels of
abuse of vulnerable adults. Most research and comment did not chal-
lenge the implication of the study by Homer and Gilleard (1975) in
which the pathology of the abusing carer was implicit, instead restrict-
ing the focus to the carer for the elderly relative (McCreadie, 1991). The
more widespread incidence of abuse, for reasons beyond the stress expe-
rienced by the carer, has since been acknowledged (Phillipson et al.,
1995). Defining abuse more widely, to include active and passive neg-
lect, financial, emotional, sexual as well as physical abuse, promotes a
more inclusive view of its true incidence. Adopting a social construc-
tionist theoretical viewpoint makes it possible to appreciate how abuse
of older people can occur on a widespread scale, because of the:
social construction of ageing within Western societies, the politically and eco-
nomically weak position of older people, the structured dependency enforced
upon older people as a group and the negative stereotypes of old age which
support and justify their structural inequality. (Hughes, 1995, p. 134)
Partly in belated response to the lack of rigorous selection and suitable
training for care staff, the Care Standards Act 2000 created a central list
of people judged unsuitable to work with vulnerable adults.
Standards for the residential care of older people were published by
the Department of Health Social Services Inspectorate in the mid-1990s,
after the NHSCCA. Guidelines for addressing the issue of abuse of older

people had already been published (SSI, 1992) and were followed up
with more substantial advice (SSI, 1993). Following the White Paper
Modernising Social Services (Department of Health, 1998a), the Care
Standards Act 2000 enhanced protection for vulnerable people, and
witnesses of abuse.
Older people with dementia
Medical advances and dietary improvements have contributed to length-
ening life expectancies in the relatively better-off countries of the world,
including Britain. The incidence of people with dementia grows with
the number of older people. Although only about 5 per cent of people
over 65 have dementia, the percentage increases to more than 20 per
cent of those over 80. From the 1980s, there was an increasing move to
avoid moving older people with dementia into hospital wards, instead
maintaining them in the community as long as possible, perhaps with
brief periods in residential or nursing care to give carers some respite.
While research points to the need for joint working between health
and social services professionals to improve early assessment, the find-
ings of research on the outcomes of earlier assessment are somewhat
indeterminate. Oakley (1999) suggests that earlier detection of people
with dementia enables their community support to be more effective.
Long-term care of older people
A consequence of increased longevity of the population is the growing
proportion of people who need long-term care towards the end of their
lives. There is ongoing debate about who should pay for continuing
and long-term care of older people. Should responsibility for policy on
the long-term care of older people lie with health or social services, or
be jointly held? Should the resources be provided by the state or the
individual, health, social services or some other agency/ies or groups?
The 1986 Audit Commission Report Making a Reality of Community
Care argued that the respective tasks of NHS and local authorities
needed clarifying, perhaps by setting up boards for joint working but
with separate responsibilities. In the event, the Griffiths Report
(Department of Health and Social Security, 1988) and the 1989 White
Paper (Department of Health, 1989) rejected this and under the 1990
NHSCCA social services departments were given lead responsibility
for assessing people’s needs and putting together care packages which,
where possible, would enable their needs to be met through the appar-
ently cheaper route of community care, with informal care from relatives
rather than professional care wherever possible.

The national charter Better Care, Higher Standards – Guidance for
2001/02 (Department of Health, 2001) focuses on implementing the
Labour government’s manifesto commitment to improving services for
people needing long-term support and care, with particular emphasis on
fulfilling the goals of the Modernising Government initiative, by
encouraging local agencies such as health, housing and social services
to collaborate, and by addressing the needs of users and carers.
Debates over the provision of continuing or long-term care for older
people have become more focused since the report in March 1999 of the
Royal Commission on Long Term Care for the Elderly, chaired by
Professor Sir Stewart Sutherland (1999). The Sutherland Report advo-
cated that where possible older people should remain in their own
homes. If they need residential or nursing home care, they should only
pay the cost of board and lodging, the state meeting the costs of care,
whether it takes place at home or in the residential setting. Free personal
care services for chronically sick and disabled older people, the report
stated, would remove a tax on frailty. The Labour government refused
to adopt the recommendation of free personal care in England, on the
grounds that it would be too expensive. Instead, various funding
changes were proposed, the government’s argument being that these
would make the funding of long-term care much fairer. They included
the abolition of payment of the Residential Allowance to new care home
residents, the resources being transferred to local councils. In Scotland,
the Scottish Parliament’s Health and Community Care Committee
endorsed the Sutherland Report’s recommendation for personal care to
be provided free of charge on the basis of assessed need. The Scottish
Executive responded as expected to this recommendation (Sutherland,
2001, p. 5), introducing a new system of assessment under which more
people would qualify for free health and personal care.
Critics of the government’s refusal to provide all personal care free of
charge allege that this reinforces discrimination between free health
services and charges for personal social services; harms the interests of
vulnerable older and chronically disabled people; and demonstrates that
the government is prepared to sacrifice the interests of older and poorer
people to the voting power of younger, wealthier and healthier people.
Carers: informal care sector
Alongside the public and private sectors is the often unacknowledged
but huge informal sector, where unpaid care is provided by relatives,
friends and neighbours. Carers are predominantly women, as partners,

daughters and sisters. The number of carers is impossible to quantify
precisely but lies between five and seven million people in Britain
(Department of Health, 1999d). The Audit Commission (2000) found
that less than half of carers of people with dementia had been asked
if they needed any help. With government policy devoted to reducing the
official annual cost of more than £1000m on caring through attendance
allowance payments, there is little official incentive to acknowledge the
need to offer financial support to carers. However, changing patterns of
family life, such as increased financial pressures, growing numbers of
lone parents, especially women, and people living alone, are likely to
increase the pressures on informal carers. Many carers become the
cornerstone of the remaining independence of many older and disabled
people, yet their needs remain largely hidden. Legislation only began
to recognise the crucial role of carers from the mid-1980s with the
Disabled Persons (Services, Consultation and Representation) Act 1986,
Schedule 8 of which enabled local authorities to provide support groups
and information for carers, and the Carers (Recognition and Services)
Act 1995 which explicitly acknowledged the essential role of informal
carers to the formal system of community care. Research taking in the
perceptions of both carers and people being cared for highlights the
complexities of their situations and their different perceptions on needs
assessments and service reviews (Williams and Robinson, 2000).
Young carers
It has been known for several years that in Britain, as in other European
countries, child carers form a particularly vulnerable group (Becker,
1995). Research into the impact of caring on young people has been
scanty. A study of the experiences of 60 young people caring for a par-
ent with a long-term illness or disability (Dearden and Becker, 2000)
found that caring often had a significant negative impact on their own
education, job prospects, growth to independence and social life.
It can be very difficult for the social worker to balance the risks to a
client of leaving her or him at home against the loss of independence if
a placement in a nursing home is arranged.
EXAMPLE
Colin is working with Mr H, a chronically depressed man in his mid-fifties
who has been diagnosed as suffering from a serious medical condition, from

which the painful symptoms and loss of mobility could be alleviated if the
need for pain management, physiotherapy and occupational therapy services
could be assessed. His doctor wants him to go into hospital for a period to
enable this to happen. He lives in a rural area on the side of a hill, in the
house he was born in, and is terrified that if he goes into hospital he will
never come out. The doctor has expressed a preference for having Mr H
admitted to a nursing home. He can no longer do his own shopping and there
is a real risk to his safety, in the absence of 24-hour personal care.
Should Colin put his efforts into devising a community care package to
support Mr H at home, or have him put into a nursing home for his own
good?
You may like to reflect critically on your responses to the issues facing
Colin before reading further.
1. This question vexes Colin because he feels it is loaded. He wants to
empower Mr H and feels resentful on his behalf at the pressure coming
from some health professionals to resolve the clear problems of risk,
if Mr H stays at home.
2. Colin sets out to win round the views of local healthcare professionals
to his view that it is in everyone’s interests to work together, in the real-
istic knowledge that Mr H’s condition is likely to deteriorate, but taking
into account his wish to retain his independence.
3. This has a surprising outcome, when a concerted effort is made by all
the professionals involved to meet Mr H and take on board his anxieties.
A number of local neighbours turn up, at Mr H’s instigation, who offer
a rota of care.
4. A genuinely multiprofessional assessment and community care plan is
drawn up. Mr H appears very relieved.
5. The apparently ideal solution is short-lived. Mr H’s condition deterio-
rates rapidly as winter approaches. He suffers a fall in his house and has
to be transferred to hospital for emergency treatment.
6. Colin now finds it necessary for him and other professionals to revise
their plan. Mr H is forced to accept that he needs full-time nursing care.
Some aspects of his day-to-day life have become easier, but in other
ways he is struggling to cope with the loss of his familiar surroundings
and his mobility, however difficult and restricted these were.
Chapter summary
This chapter has considered the major changes affecting the organisa-
tion and delivery of health and community care services since the

1980s. It has examined the major issues arising in respect of the shift
towards a mixed economy of provision and a market-based philosophy
underpinning the provision of services. It has indicated the major prob-
lematic areas for social workers, in particular those arising through
collaboration between health and social services. It has highlighted ten-
sions and consequent dilemmas for practice between organisational
pressures to minimise risks and follow procedures and the professional
goal of empowering people and maximising their quality of life.
Further reading
Allsop, J. (1995) Health Policy and the NHS, 2nd edn, Pearson, Harlow
Davies, C., Finlay, L. and Bullman, A. (eds) (2000) Changing Practice in Health
and Social Care, Open University Press, Buckingham
Payne, M. (1995) Social Work and Community Care, Macmillan, Basingstoke –
now Palgrave
Symonds, A. and Kelly, A. (eds) (1998) The Social Construction of Community
Care, Macmillan, Basingstoke – now Palgrave

110
6
Family and Childcare
Social workers still relate to the Children and Young Persons Acts of
1933, 1963 and 1969 for some aspects of work with children and fami-
lies, but the bulk of the legislation affecting social work in this area has
been consolidated in the Children Act 1989. However, mediation
between separating and divorcing couples is dealt with under the Family
Law Act 1996, and the Matrimonial Causes Act 1973 deals with the
respective housing and property rights of separating and divorcing
couples. Maintenance payments are dealt with by the Child Support
Agency, which was created and reformed under the Child Support Acts
1991 and 1995 (see Chapter 2), while married couples not undergoing
divorce can apply for maintenance orders and lump sum payments
under the Domestic Proceedings and Magistrates’ Courts Act 1978.
Critical practice involving children and families requires the practi-
tioner to have more than knowledge of how to use the law, important
though that is. It necessitates a critical appreciation of the changing
nature of the family and ways of interpreting these changes. This chap-
ter examines policy aspects of these changes which bear directly on
practice.
Policy context
Families and family forms have undergone rapid change in recent gener-
ations, for reasons that are hard to ascertain. Even if it were possible to
set aside the strong views that many people hold about the sanctity or
otherwise of ‘the family’ and family values, it would be impossible to
develop social policies based on future certainties about what ‘typical’
families will look like, a generation from now. It is more realistic to plan
on the basis that, in the foreseeable future, the character and significance
of families in society will continue to change.

Social work intervention in families is a two-edged sword. It may be
wielded – as with the compulsory removal from home of a child deemed
at risk of harm – with care in mind, but experienced by the individual as
painful and detrimental. It may benefit one person and not another. The
analogy of the sword is misleading because it implies merely the dual-
ism of the dilemma. Social work intervention more often than not is
hedged around with uncertainties and difficulties which, despite the fact
that crises may arise suddenly, are often deep-seated and longstanding.
Families are complex, problems tend to be multifaceted, decisions tend
not to be simple and issues are rarely clearcut. Robert Harris puts it pith-
ily: ‘it is impossible to protect a child and not control a family’ (Harris,
1995, p. 37).
Lorraine Fox Harding argues that it is invidious to use a term such as
‘the family’ because
it contains certain values concerning the worth of a particular type of institu-
tion – the married two-parent family form, gender-differentiated, stable through
time, and assumptions about social stability which accompany the perception of
that form. (Fox Harding, 1996, pp. xi–xii)
Dominant values can be oppressive. Emphasising the ‘normality’ of
the traditional nuclear family has to an extent led successive govern-
ments to reinforce a stereotype of the problem-ridden lone parent fam-
ily. Pat Carlen and Chris Tchaikovsky summarise the assumptions
shared by the New Right, those who believe that there is an ‘under-
class’, which symbolises the collapse of the moral health of the nation,
and those who want to see single mothers deterred from living off state
benefits by punitive welfare and housing policies:
Basically, the rhetoric goes like this: found in neighbourhoods containing high
numbers of fatherless families headed by never-married mothers, the ‘underclass’
poor are those who, having been reared by permissive mothers and a supportive
welfare state, now refuse to work and instead, engage in predatory, violent and
society-threatening crime. (Carlen and Tchaikovsky, 1996, p. 208)
Family change is linked with government policy on the family through
the medium of politics, and particularly reflects the ideologies of politi-
cal parties dominating politics and policies at any one time. Despite fem-
inist and radical critiques attacking traditional views about the family as
a central institution promoting desirable social values and the roles
of husbands and wives as breadwinners and nurturers respectively,
social policy since the 1940s, with some notable exceptions, has not
Family and Childcare 111

departed significantly from these views. The most apparent exceptions
include the marked tendency of women to join the workforce, full or
part time, the growing numbers of lone parent families and the trend
towards same-sex couples (gay or lesbian) wanting to rear children as a
family group.
To some extent, how children’s socialisation and any associated prob-
lems are addressed depends as much on the mindset and societal preoc-
cupations of the day, as on the inherent nature of any of those problems.
Many of the changes in parenting styles and the focus of professional
intervention in children’s lives which have occurred over the past cen-
tury can be summed up in the statement that whereas in 1900 about
300,000 pauper children in Britain were on outdoor relief, in 2000,
about 200,000 children, many alleged to be suffering from attention
deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), are being prescribed the behav-
iour controlling drug methylphenidate (MPH), or ritalin as it is better
known. At any one time in 1998/99, about 90,100 children were being
looked after by local authority social services departments, mainly
through fostering, supervision or spending time in a children’s home.
Children’s policies and legislation are complex and matters for debate
and controversy, reflecting dominant values and norms rather than a
consensus in society. Changes in one area tend to have knock-on impli-
cations for other areas. Two examples are given here. First, the impact
on parental and children’s rights of new medical technologies to improve
fertility, surrogate parenting and use of stored embryos and sperm, for
instance, are profound. Second, the implications of the prime minister’s
review of adoption from 2000, according to Keith Bilton, include
the need to reform the law relating to step-parent adoptions, to redefine the status
conferred by adoption and to provide a proper basis for services to birth relatives
and adult adopted persons. (Bilton, 2000, p. 2)
From the early 1960s, the wish to develop policies to prevent the col-
lapse of the family as a bearer of core societal values figured largely in
the concerns of both Labour and Conservative politicians.
The ideological emphasis of the New Right of the Conservative
(Thatcher and Major) government of 1979–97 was foreshadowed in the
Labour government of 1974–79. Key themes evident in children’s leg-
islation were individual rights and responsibilities, the upholding of law

and order and the primacy of the family as the private domain for
nurturing and caring rather than the state having this responsibility.
The Adoption Act 1976 marked the shift towards recognition of children
and young people as persons with rights. The Children Act 1989 is con-
cerned to emphasise the primacy of meeting the child’s needs through
adults, professionals and parents, working in partnership and to caution
again state intervention unless there is evidence of harm to the child.
Despite the relative increase in marriage and remarriage in compari-
son with other European countries, in absolute terms marriage is declin-
ing. By the mid-1990s the number of people getting married in England
and Wales had fallen to its lowest level since 1900 (George and Wilding,
1999, p. 59). Between 1979 and 1996, the proportion of married women
aged 18 to 49 dropped from 74 to 57 per cent. Cohabitation seems to be
replacing marriage as the preferred pattern, the proportion of cohabiting
women aged 18 to 49 increasing from 11 per cent in 1979 to 26 per cent
in 1996 (Thomas et al., 1998, Table 12.7, Figure 12B, pp. 200, 204).
The Labour government (1997 onwards) showed a commitment to
developing welfare policies which encourage lone parents to work
whenever possible. It is hard to avoid the conclusion (see Chapter 2) that
this strategy owes more to the impulse to reduce social security spend-
ing than to improving the quality of family life. Jack Straw, the Home
Secretary, drew attention in a keynote speech to the fact that the pro-
portion of children who live in families where no adult is in paid work
trebled from 7 to 21 per cent in the 1980s and early 1990s, an identical
increase to the number of families headed by a lone parent (speech by
Jack Straw at launch of the Lords and Commons Family and Child
Protection Group’s Report Family Matters on 23 July 1998).
Jack Straw continued:
In our manifesto we committed ourselves to strengthening family life. We prom-
ised to ‘uphold family life as the most secure means of bringing up our children.
Families are the core of our society. They should teach right from wrong. They
should be the first defence against anti-social behaviour. The breakdown of fam-
ily life damages the fabric of our society.’ … The core of this Government’s pol-
icy is to provide practical help for parents, through money, time or services, so
that parents can better bring up their children.
These statements were consistent with the series of linked measures
developed by the Ministerial Group on the Family, chaired by Jack
Straw since its inception in 1997, which emphasised the role of the insti-
tution of marriage in strengthening family life (Ministerial Group on the
Family, 1999, pp. 30–1).

The Ministerial Group on the Family developed five key themes on
which the government’s family policy should be based:
● better financial support for families ensuring children’s needs were met
● strengthened support for marriage and stable relationships between
adults (thereby the government acknowledged that adults who were
not married could provide high-quality parenting)
● helping families to balance work and home life
● providing enhanced services and support for parents in children’s
early years
● focusing additional resources on family problems such as criminal
violence in the home, juvenile crime and teenage pregnancy.
New Labour’s policy of supporting families was based partly on a
commitment to women’s equality as parents, carers and workers, and
partly on keeping the family together by strengthening the support of
childcare in the home. The tensions between the multiple roles of
women were not resolved by resulting measures, although some
improvement had occurred by May 2001 when the second Labour gov-
ernment came into power. By 2000, family support came to mean not
only financial help for parents and children but improved support for
working parents, through childminding and nurseries. In 2000, there
were no less than 82,000 registered childminders, each taking up to three
children under five years of age. Between 1990 and 2000, the number of
children under five in full-time nurseries increased 300 per cent and the
number of daycare nurseries increased from 2,900 to 7,500. A survey of
120 children’s information services by the Daycare Trust in February
2001 estimated the cost of childcare for working parents as an average
of £6,000 per child per year. The Childcare Commission, after a year-
long study, recommended a toddler tax credit to enable working parents
either to pay for childcare or to stay at home themselves (Hall, 2001,
p. 9). The Labour government’s childcare tax credit of up to £70 per
week for one child and £105 for two was seen as inadequate to pay
weekly bills of up to £200 per child. The statistics were taken to imply
that parents either make sacrifices to achieve adequate childcare or are
forced to abandon it as too expensive (McVeigh, 2001, p. 12).
Family-based social work, not surprisingly, is the main focus of social
work with adults and children. The Children Act 1989 emphasises the
principle of working in partnership, between professionals and parents,
professionals and children and between agencies (Petrie and James,
1995, p. 315). But one of the key tensions in social work with families

involves reconciling the different viewpoints and interests of different
family members. Sometimes, conflicts between family members cannot
be resolved and agency and social work activity is devoted to enabling
those involved to come to terms with such differences.
The Lord Chancellor’s Department takes the policy lead in provisions
of the Children Act 1989 concerned with family proceedings. The Act
governs the work of the social worker acting as guardian ad litem (GaL)
and reporting officer services. Court welfare services provided by (about
600) family court welfare officers from the probation service were
reviewed in 1998 and in 1999 the government decided to establish a uni-
fied service, bringing together family court welfare officers, GaLs (about
700–800) and the children’s branch of the Official Solicitors Office,
dealing with complex High Court proceedings involving children. There
were doubts about whether the probation officer and social work com-
ponents of this service would fit easily together (McCurry, 1999, p. 22).
Childcare and child protection
Whereas those aspects of childcare which touch on child protection are
never far from the law and policy, what constitutes ‘good enough’ or
‘excellent’ childcare is hardly given equivalent attention. Increasingly,
childcare policies and practices in Britain have been overshadowed by
the development of child protection responses to child abuse. Nigel
Parton regards the late 1980s as a historical moment of shift from an
understanding of child abuse as a socio-health problem to a socio-legal
focus on child protection (Parton, 1991, p. 146). The multifaceted nature
of responses to child abuse is evident in the fact that simultaneously
with the child being treated as in need of medical care, the rights of the
child were becoming a more prominent concern. The 1991 version of
guidance on multi-agency collaboration in child protection procedures
was updated in 1999 to meet the requirements of the Children Act 1989
and be consistent with the United Nations Convention on the Rights of
the Child and the European Convention of Human Rights.
Public childcare in England and Wales, including childcare by the
state, as well as through social services and voluntary childcare organi-
sations such as Barnardo’s, the Children’s Society (formerly Church of
England Children’s Society), the National Children’s Homes (NCH)
and the National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children
(NSPCC), has been marked by an increasing emphasis during the
twentieth century on reforming legislation intervening in children’s

lives with a view to promoting their wellbeing. This includes, for exam-
ple, the Children Act 1908, the Adoption of Children Act 1926, the
Children and Young Persons Act 1933, the Children Act 1948, the
Children and Young Persons Act 1963, the Children and Young Persons
Act 1969 and the Children Act 1989. Undoubtedly, the Second World
War (1939–45) scarred the upbringing of many children of that genera-
tion, when so many of those who lived in towns were evacuated away
from their families and others were subjected to the direct horrors of air
raids and the loss of relatives, particularly a generation of young fathers.
By the late 1960s, the large children’s homes and approved schools
were regarded askance through the critical research of Goffman into
total institutions of all kinds (Goffman, 1961), as well as in the wake of
specific shocking incidents such as the Carlton Approved School riot
(Durand, 1960), which exposed the poor conditions in many childcare
establishments.
The 1970s marked a watershed in policy and practice regarding
childcare, in at least two major ways. First, the implementation of the
1969 Children and Young Persons Act coincided with the establishment
of the generic profession of social work in new social services depart-
ments and was also a legislative high-water mark of what might be
called the welfare approach to treating problem families and children in
the community. Second, by the end of the 1970s, children’s rights were
becoming more prominent than hitherto and feminism was establishing
child abuse along with domestic violence as aspects of patriarchy and
oppressive male power. There was growing disquiet over the large num-
ber of placements some children experienced, as they moved from fos-
ter home to foster home and from one children’s home to another. It was
felt there was a need to keep such movements and the disruption of car-
ing relationships to a minimum.
Much of the legislation providing the legal framework in England and
Wales governing work by a range of statutory and voluntary agencies
with children and families needing the personal social services has been
brought together under one umbrella – the Children Act 1989. However,
a good deal of civil law still relates to other legislation, in the case of
adoption for example, including the Education Act 1944, Children Act
1980, Child Abduction Acts 1984 and 1985 and the Child Support Act
1991 (Lyon, 1995, p. 153).
One of the great paradoxes of childcare in Britain since the late 1940s
is that, despite a regular catalogue of reforming childcare legislation, there
is a continuing incidence of major incidents of child abuse. A significant
level of abuse occurs in the very childcare facilities provided by childcare

professionals themselves, although it appears that about three-quarters of
deaths of children under 16 for nonaccidental injury are brought about by
their own parents and relatives (Browne, 1995, p. 43). This suggests that
campaigns to persuade children not to trust strangers should be regarded
as only addressing a minor part of the problem.
Since the early 1970s, when the inquiry (Secretary of State for Social
Services, 1974) into the death of Maria Colwell at the hands of her step-
father brought the roles of professionals in child protection into the fore-
ground in an unprecedented way, the physical and emotional abuse of
children has become a subject of greater public concern than hitherto
and child sexual abuse has emerged as a widespread problem. Some
aspects of child abuse have become particularly controversial: the ques-
tion of whether children could be prompted to fantasise or create
incidents – so-called ‘false memory syndrome’ – arose from interviews
conducted in the wake of the Cleveland cases; the Orkney case led to a
massive professional and public debate about whether satanic abuse was
real and a distinguished anthropologist was commissioned to investigate
this (La Fontaine, 1994). The mass media coverage of such scandals in
childcare sometimes is great enough to transport them across the Atlantic.
In the late 1990s, massive media attention focused on the trial in the USA
of the English nanny Louise Woodward for the death of the baby in her
care. Widespread controversy arose in 2001, when an English couple, the
Kilshaws (see Chapter 1) paid a fee in the USA to adopt infant twins,
brought them back to England but were later forced to return them,
following legal action by the local authority. This highlighted the need
for international standards regulating adoption policy and practice.
The great publicity given to the above issues, important though they
are, has aligned consideration of the broad field of fulfilling children’s
rights (Franklin, 1995) and the meeting of children’s immediate and
long-term needs with child protection. Consequently, many children’s
services may resemble a fire brigade – prioritising suspected abuse and
devoting such marginal resources as remain to other aspects of child-
care. Often, the outcry which results from the publicising of abuse and
in some cases the death of a child also has the effect of bringing down
on social workers, already involved with the family where that child has
been killed, charges of professional neglect, negligence or incompe-
tence. On most occasions, social workers are accused of intervening
insufficiently early to remove children from potentially harmful situations
(Blom-Cooper, 1985; London Borough of Lambeth, 1987), although
sometimes they are pilloried for being overzealous, as in Cleveland
(Butler-Sloss, 1987) and the Orkneys (House of Commons, 1992).

The debate in these circumstances tends to be about how much power
social workers and allied professionals should exercise to intervene in
families where the parents, or those with parental responsibility, are not
judged to be fulfilling their parental responsibilities.
In the wake of the Children Act 1989, policy has shifted towards keep-
ing the family intact and intervening only when families clearly cannot
cope, or are not functioning adequately. This, plus the more rigorous
scrutiny of evidence required before a case of child abuse is presented in
court, leads to some children being left in their abusive relationships at
home while sufficient evidence is gathered by social workers.
At the same time, one consequence of the skewing of childcare in
social work and social services towards child protection has been the
convergence between the roles of police and social workers in investi-
gating suspected cases of abuse (Harris, 1995, p. 31). The links between
child protection and the criminal justice system are closer, as a conse-
quence, than between social workers and professional therapists such as
family therapists, art and drama therapists and psychotherapists. As
Robert Harris also implies, quality may be enshrined in the general prin-
ciples of childcare as stated in legislation, but this does not ensure that
it resides in the quality of practice. Legislation which has the express
purpose of protecting children does not always protect. Harris identifies
a gap between the rhetoric of childcare and the political complexity of
decisionmaking which often governs practice. Whereas ‘child welfare
is a rule-driven activity’, in some parts, notably child protection, ‘pre-
scription is impossible, rules are insufficient and … the world seems
especially messy and unpredictable’ (Harris, 1995, p. 36). The clarity
and simplicity of general statements exists only at the level of law and
policy.
The application of law and policy to the individual case is inextricably linked
with the moral, practical, strategic and intellectual position and astuteness of the
practitioner. (Harris, 1995, p. 36)
The Children Act 1989 moved away from the hitherto widespread
belief in good child protection involving minimal involvement by the
state and social workers, towards courts taking many decisions formerly
taken by social workers (Lane and Walsh, 1995, p. 266). The increasing
tendency for children to become victim or bystander witnesses in crim-
inal proceedings has sharpened debates about how to protect them in
such stressful and potentially harmful circumstances (Williams, 1995,
p. 295).

A succession of inquiry reports into child abuse in residential care
contributed to the launch of the three-year ‘Quality Protects’ programme
in England by the Labour government on 21 September 1998. This
involved a £375m new children’s services grant to local authorities over
the three years. A similar, separately funded programme, ‘Children
First’, was launched in Wales in April 1999. Local government bench-
marking in Wales was based on best value principles and had the poten-
tial to enable social services departments to contribute to shaping per-
formance indicators in the Performance Assessment Framework of the
government (Huber, 2000, p. 20). These programmes aimed to improve
the quality – management and consistency of service delivery – of chil-
dren’s services and included four components: objectives for children’s
services stated in the form of a measurable outcome for children, some
of which were associated with precise dates by which local authorities
were intended to achieve them; new roles for local councillors in deliv-
ering the programme; the requirement for all local authorities to submit
a Quality Protects Management Action Plan (MAP) to the Department
of Health by 31 January 1999; and a new £375m grant for children’s
services. The objectives for children’s services included:
● ensuring safe, secure, stable and effective care for all children
● protecting children from neglect and abuse
● enhancing the life chances of children in need and in care in terms
of education, healthcare and social care
● enabling young people who leave care to lead successful lives as
adults
● meeting the needs of children with disabilities and their families
● improving services through improved assessment
● involving service users and carers actively in planning, decisions and
reviews of their services
● protecting children through regulation
● ensuring childcare workers can do their jobs
● maximising the use of resources.
But, as Beatrix Campbell notes sceptically:
Quality Protects worries as many managers as it enthuses. Will the resources be
made available to train and pay foster carers to take on challenging children who
currently find their way into children’s homes? What would it really take to
transform children’s homes into locales that are no longer stigmatised by the
adult community while functioning as magnets for other disenchanted young
people? (Campbell, 1999, p. 14)

And, more critically:
While Quality Protects may target bad practice, or inappropriate practice in pub-
lic care, it hardly challenges the adult community about its disposition towards
children. (Campbell, 1999, p. 14)
For reasons which are not entirely clear, the numbers of children on
Child Protection Registers peaked in 1991 at 49,000, then fell by about
25 per cent up to 1993, before levelling out. This followed the imple-
mentation of the Children Act 1989. In 1997, neglect was the most com-
mon reason for boys and girls being on the Child Protection Register
and accounted for about 30 per cent of all cases (ONS, 1999, p. 149).
One indication of the move towards safeguarding the rights of the
child was the appointment of a GaL by the court, who acted independ-
ently of the local authority in order to safeguard the interests of the child.
This role was introduced in adoption proceedings in the Adoption Act
1958, broadened under the Children Act 1989 (Head, 1995, p. 281) and
now, along with family court welfare officers, is replaced by child and
family reporters and family court advisers.
The marketisation of some aspects of social services has impacted
greatly on the provision of childcare services. It could be viewed as
unethical for price tags to be placed on childcare provision through
contracts which, in effect, reduce children and young people to com-
modities. In adoption work, for example, fees are paid to individuals
and voluntary organisations involved in the lengthy and exhaustive
process of social work and family court proceedings, leading to a child
being adopted.
Looked after children: residential and daycare, adoption and fostering
From the 1960s, residential childcare was increasingly replaced by
attempts to substitute family care through fostering and adoption. In
2000, partly as a gut reaction to the horrors of residential care uncov-
ered by the Waterhouse Report (see below), the Labour government set
in motion the prime minister’s UK-wide review of adoption. This
attempted to increase the speed and effectiveness of lengthy and time-
consuming adoption processes, attract, recruit, retain and support more
adoptive parents, improve local authority adoption performance,
improve the court processes and change the law to put the interests of
the child first (Winchester, 2000). In autumn 2000, a new Adoption and
Performance Taskforce began work, focusing on eight local councils,
encouraging social services departments to regard adoption as a posi-
tive, responsible option.

There were still more than 40,000 children in residential childcare in
1971, but the total had declined to less than 7,000 by the late 1990s. There
are indications that residential care is more of a last resort than it was.
Placements are shorter on average and there are more placements of older
children, a significant proportion being above 16, the minimum school-
leaving age. The number of new children looked after during 1998/99 fell
5 per cent from the previous year while the number who ceased to be
looked after fell by 8 per cent. Consequently, the number of children
being looked after by local authorities under the terms of the ChildrenAct
1989 increased by 4 per cent during the year ending 31 March 1999, to a
total of 55,300. Of these, 36,100 were looked after in foster placements,
an increase of 3 per cent on the previous year. The use of care orders
increased by 7 per cent over the year, to a total of 34,100, while the use
of voluntary agreements declined (Department of Health, 1999b, p.1).
The review of residential childcare by Sir William Utting (Utting,
1991) identified one weakness as the extremely low proportion of qual-
ified care staff. Almost a decade later, although three-quarters of those
running children’s homes had a recognised qualification, this applied to
less than a quarter of other staff (Hills and Child, 2000). Criticisms that
children were housed in institutions, rather than being placed in settings
offering a ‘home from home’, had been made of residential childcare
establishments (Millham et al., 1975) since the days of the Home Office
approved schools, retitled community homes with education (CHEs)
under the Children andYoung Persons Act 1969. Twenty years after this
Act, most of those large institutions had closed and even the average
number of children in the smaller homes had fallen from 10 to 7
(Berridge and Brodie, 1998).
A succession of scandals and inquiry reports was extremely critical of
neglect and management weaknesses by the local authorities, failure to
monitor conditions in homes and a lack of adequately qualified,
experienced and trustworthy staff, which allowed regimes to develop
which were abusive to children, sometimes over long periods of time
(Kirkwood, 1992; Waterhouse, 2000). Continuing evidence of wide-
spread child abuse in children’s homes led to Sir William Utting being
commissioned to assess the adequacy of the child protection safeguards
introduced by the Children Act 1989 (Utting, 1997). The report of the
most comprehensive and large-scale official investigation into child abuse
in residential care and foster care was published in 2000 (Waterhouse,
2000). Waterhouse had the status of a judicial inquiry, which, unlike more
than a dozen previous inquiries into alleged abuse in childcare in Clwyd,
meant that witnesses could be required to give evidence under subpoena

powers of the court and the report could be published, with its authors
having the legal indemnity usual in a judicial inquiry.
The Labour government broadly accepted (Department of Health,
2000c) the 72 recommendations of the Waterhouse Report (Waterhouse,
2000), which focused on the need to appoint a Children’s Complaints
Officer in each local authority social services department and upgrade
the quality of training and supervision of childcare staff and the opera-
tion of child protection procedures. A Children’s Rights Commissioner
was appointed for Wales, with responsibilities beyond residential child-
care to include domiciliary services for disabled children and adoption
agencies and services. The government turned down similar proposals
for a children’s commissioner in England and for children to have the
statutory right of access to independent advocates (Martell, 2000, p. 10).
The observation that social services departmental managements neg-
lected their children’s homes also came from researchers (Berridge and
Brodie, 1998), inquiries into malpractices such as the abusive ‘pindown’
regime in Staffordshire children’s homes (Levy and Kahan, 1991) and
the Department of Health itself (Department of Health, 1992b). This
neglect included a scandalously low level of educational support for,
and achievement by, children in residential care, compared with their
peers elsewhere. Three-quarters of young people leave public care with
no qualifications, only 35 per cent obtain five or more GCSEs at Grade C
or above and less than 19 per cent proceed onto further or higher edu-
cation (Who Cares Trust, 1999). This has been acknowledged to some
extent by the Department of Health (1998a) and the Who Cares Trust is
attempting to tackle it through the Right to Read Project, a pilot initia-
tive in five local authorities in association with the National Literacy
Association (NLA) and the Paul Hamlyn Foundation. However, the
quality of care provided by an establishment depends in part on the cul-
ture of the setting rather than external factors alone (Brown et al., 1998).
Positive messages for improving practice in work with children and
young people living away from home came from research funded by the
Department of Health and brought together in a key series of publica-
tions between 1998 and 2000 (Brown, et al., 1998; Bullock et al., 1998;
Whitaker et al., 1998; Sinclair and Gibbs, 1998; Wade et al., 1998; Hills
and Child, 2000; Farmer and Pollock, 1998).
The attitude that children being looked after by the local authority
should not have contact with their natural parents became less important
than offering the hope that families ultimately might be reconstituted.
Undoubtedly, the work of John Bowlby (1965), which contributed to the
widespread view that children separated from their natural parents,

particularly mothers, suffered deprivation, played a major part in this
shift. But fostering is not a straightforward option for children whose
backgrounds are disturbed and disrupted, since they may find it difficult
to cope with being cared for in a family household which, nevertheless,
is not intended as their permanent family home. Despite the admitted
shortcomings of residential childcare, foster care placements break
down more often than residential care and this may be due in part to a
decrease in the proportion of so-called more straightforward infant adop-
tions from three-quarters in 1968 to 10 per cent in 1991 (Triseliotis et al.,
1997, p. 15); a tendency for excessive numbers of moves between foster
parents and residential childcare placements (Jackson and Thomas,
1999); a shortage of suitable adopters and fosterers and of resources
devoted to training and supporting them (Berridge, 1997). However,
increased resources are now available through the Quality Protects
programme and standards for adoption, fostering and ‘looked after’ chil-
dren – the unwholesome official terminology for being in the care
of the local authority – have been introduced (Department of Health/
Department of Education and Employment and Home Office, 2000).
Children and young people leaving care
The traditional way out of an abusive residential care situation was for a
young person to abscond. Often, absconders committed offences and
their deprivation was turned into depravation (Millham et al., 1978). The
need for support packages for children and young people leaving care
was well known (Stein and Carey, 1986). Many piecemeal improvements
had been made over a dozen years. The White Papers Modernising
Social Services (Department of Health, 1998a) and The Government’s
Response to the Children’s Safeguards Review (Department of Health,
1998b) committed the government to legislation to strengthen the duties
of local authorities to support young people leaving care, at least up to
the age of 18. The Children (Leaving Care) Act 2000 gave the local
authority the duty to stay in touch with all care leavers qualifying for the
new support arrangements, beyond age 21 in some cases. All eligible
young people must have a personal adviser to ensure their continued
access to support and advice and a ‘pathway plan’. The financial arrange-
ments to support them were to be simplified. One aim was to reverse the
trend (an increase for 16-year-olds from 33 per cent in 1993 to 46 per
cent in 1998) towards more young people leaving care early.
The application of a social exclusion perspective to the life chances
of children defined as in need produced four categories of child welfare:
young carers, school inclusion, child and adolescent mental health and

youth offending. Research indicates that the educational attainment of a
child is the single most important indicator of future life chances
(Department of Health, 2000b, Chapter 5). The government’s pro-
gramme to support families included setting up the National Family and
Parenting Institute, the Sure Start programme and early years initiatives,
which began in 2000 with a grant of £500m.
Teenage pregnancy
A report by the SEU (1999a) on teenage pregnancies identified nearly
90,000 conceptions a year to teenagers across England, but mostly
affecting poorer districts and the most vulnerable young people, includ-
ing those excluded from school and those being looked after by the local
authority. Fifteen thousand teenagers a year had abortions, 90 per cent
had their babies outside marriage. Teenage parents were more likely
than their peers to experience subsequent poverty and unemployment.
The SEU report recommended action to halve the rate of teenage con-
ceptions by 2010 and improve the preventive and supportive measures
for teenagers and teenage parents, including ensuring that social serv-
ices prioritise the prevention of teenage pregnancy for looked after
children and young people and all Young Offender Institutions provide
sex education and parenting classes. A new unit in the Department of
Health was set up to coordinate the work.
The following example shows how social workers’ critical understanding
of policies concerning children and families may enable them to improve
their practice.
EXAMPLE
Ruth is a social worker working with a mother of five children under 10
years old, who have three different biological fathers. When the mother is
depressed, which is every few weeks and is made worse through chronic
poverty and poor housing, she loses her ability to parent, turns to alcohol,
and at those times her failure to bond with the older two children, both of
whom then display behaviour problems, is more apparent. Neighbours have
phoned several times reporting shouting in the house.
Should Ruth take action for the children to be looked after by the local
authority, thereby protecting their interests?
There are no simple answers to this question. Ruth is faced with genuine
unresolvable dilemmas. Here is a summary of some of the issues she faces
and the outcomes.

1. Ruth works to enable the mother to build her confidence in her
undoubted parenting abilities and to find ways of supporting her through
her depressive periods.
2. Ruth realises that her priority is to protect the children, attend to their
interests and assess their needs under the Children Act 1989. She isn’t
confident that local authority care is better for all the children than the
care of their mother, at her best. Ruth feels the tension between her inter-
ventive role and legal powers and responsibility for counselling, sup-
porting and empowering members of this family. She notes the risks to
the children by leaving them with the mother and her sporadically pres-
ent partners, but views the possibility of neglect as less harmful than
splitting the family up by placing the children in long-term foster care
or adoption.
3. Ruth hopes to persuade the mother to take part in a local project aiming
to support parents and improve their parenting skills. She works to per-
suade colleagues in the housing department to rehouse the family. She
also provides financial assistance which enables the mother to throw
away soiled bedding and damaged furniture and smarten the house up.
4. Ruth’s risk-taking is justified. Against all odds, the mother’s morale
improves, her pride in home-building is rewarded by the two older chil-
dren becoming more positive, relationships within the household
improve and the family stays together. The mother has a new partner,
who seems to have increased the stability of the household. However,
Ruth realises that not all the children feel they have gained from this new
partner entering their lives. She knows one person’s interests and wishes
are almost inevitably going to conflict with another’s. However, she
remains committed to empowering children, as well as adults, to partic-
ipate in decisions affecting their childcare. So she asks the children, as
she has done before, for their views about the future of their family.
From their responses, she judges that on balance the gains for family
members as a whole outweigh the losses for some. Also, she feels that
the risk of abuse from this partner is far less than if the children had been
looked after by the local authority.
Chapter summary
The overwhelming attention by policy has been paid to the preservation
of the family, while the major threats to the safety of children come
from close relatives within the family, or friends who are close to the
family. This ironically presents paradoxes and dilemmas for the practi-
tioner. There is a need to balance the interests of one family member

against another. Families need liberating from poverty and children,
particularly, need liberating from the consequences of poverty for their
life chances. Policies have failed to ensure this in the past. On the basis
of past evidence, there is a need to view critically any claims by politi-
cians that family poverty will be abolished in the near future.
Further reading
Fox Harding, L. (1997) Perspectives in Child Care, Addison Wesley Longman,
Harlow
Franklin, B. (ed.) (1995) The Handbook of Children’s Rights – Comparative Policy
and Practice, Routledge, London
Parton, N. (ed.) (1997) Child Protection and Family Support – Tensions, Contradictions
and Possibilities, Routledge, London
Stevenson, O. (ed.) (1999) Child Welfare in the UK, Oxford, Blackwell
Wilson, K. and James, A. (eds) (1995) The Child Protection Handbook, Baillière
Tindall, London

7
Youth Justice and Criminal
Justice
To judge by the excessive use of custody, youth and criminal justice in
the UK remains overpunitive. An unacceptably high number of young
offenders continue to be locked up, including some in prison. In the
adult sector, an excessive number of minor, including first, offenders
are imprisoned. Meanwhile, the number of life sentence prisoners –
currently 4,000, the highest total in recorded history – has grown by ten
times over the past 30 years, exceeding the total for the rest of Western
Europe put together and growing at more than 300 per year. We can
expect the equivalent of ten prisons to be catering for more than 7,000
pensioner prisoners serving life or very long sentences, a decade from
now. By the criteria used by officials themselves – reconviction rates,
cost, cleanliness – prison is not effective.
The average sentence meted out to 15–17-year-old boys increased
dramatically from 5.6 to 11.6 months between 1989 and 1997.
Increasing numbers of young people receive custodial sentences.
Between 1992 and 1998, the number of young people aged 15–17 being
given custodial sentences increased by nearly 80 per cent from 3,300 to
5,900 (NACRO, 2000). Between 1997 and 1999, the number of young
people aged 18–20 given custodial sentences increased from 17,000 to
18,000 (NACRO, 2001, p. 4). Between 1992 and 1999, the number of
10–17-year-olds convicted or cautioned for an indictable offence fell
from 143,000 to 120,400 with a similar decline for those aged 18–21
(NACRO, 2001, p. 2).
Governments tend to justify increasingly punitive policies, especially
regarding young people, with reference to the claim that youth crime is
rising, particularly crimes associated with sex and violence. However,
the total of recorded youth crime, measured by the total of young peo-
ple aged 10–20 convicted or cautioned for indictable offences decreased
127

by 12 per cent from 247,100 to 217,500 between 1988 and 1998; the
numbers of young people aged 10–20 found guilty or cautioned for vio-
lent or sexual offences fell by 1 per cent from 30,900 in 1993 to 30,500
in 1998 (NACRO, 2000).
Young people who fail to obtain any graded GCSEs are significantly
overrepresented among those coming into the criminal justice system
(Office for National Statistics, 1998). The increase in fixed-term and
permanent exclusions from school and the lack of provision in many
areas for children excluded for a fixed term of up to 45 days, and sig-
nificant levels of persistent truancy, both correlate highly with offend-
ing. A Home Office research study found that half of young women and
three-quarters of young men subject to fixed-term exclusions and 63 per
cent of young women and 100 per cent of young men permanently
excluded were offenders (Graham and Bowling, 1995).
Social factors such as poverty and disadvantage, low family income,
poor housing, large family size and inadequate parental supervision
make it more likely that a young person will commit offences, as found
in the Cambridge Institute of Criminology’s long-term research into
the criminal careers of young people (West and Farrington, 1997).
However, it is difficult to determine which factors operate first in the
cycle of offending, the above factors or the failure to achieve qualifica-
tions at school, truancy, exclusion from school and unemployment on
leaving school (Farrington et al., 1986).
Social work duties in youth justice are placed on the social services
department rather than on social workers. Probation officers work with
adults under the Probation Services Act 1993 which places responsibil-
ity on the individual officer for specific duties, such as offender super-
vision. They engage in throughcare of offenders sentenced to custody
and supervise them after discharge. The National Probation Service,
launched in April 2001, replaced more than 50 probation services and
had the target of reducing reconviction rates of the 200,000 offenders
supervised annually by 5 per cent. Probation officers are involved in
programmes to tackle offending behaviour and specialist sex offender
treatment programmes. Social workers come into contact with the crim-
inal justice system mostly through work with or in a youth offending team
(YOT). Social workers are responsible for fulfilling the responsibilities
of local authorities. These mainly concern:
● children appearing in court and needing care, protection or control
(Children and Young Persons Act 1933)
● young people needing care, protection or control (Children and
Young Persons Act 1963)

● care and treatment of children and young people through court
proceedings (Children and Young Persons Act 1969)
● supervision of families and children (Children Act 1989)
● prosecuting a person failing to maintain a spouse or children
(National Assistance Act 1948)
● prosecuting a mental health patient for sexual offence/s (Mental
Health Act 1959)
● prosecution and after care of detained mental health patients (Mental
Health Act 1983). (Brayne and Martin, 1999, pp. 16–18)
These duties bring practitioners into the heart of the criminal justice
system, and this in-depth involvement makes it absolutely essential to
have a critical grasp of its workings.
Policy context
Changing societal norms
Some areas of criminal justice policy are subject to change as societal
norms and legislation change. For example, same-sex relationships
between adult males and young people have been affected by changes
in the law since the late 1960s yet remain problematic in the sense that,
despite equality and anti-discriminatory policies, they are subject to
controversy and debate. Lesbian women and gay men were not pro-
tected by comparable legislation to the Sex Discrimination Act 1975 or
Race Relations Act 1976 (Cosis Brown, 1998). Gay sexual activity was
criminalised from the late nineteenth century until the Sexual Offences
Act 1967 decriminalised gay sexual activity between consenting adults.
The Criminal Justice and Public Order Act 1994 lowered the age of con-
sent for gay men to 18 years. The controversy raised by attempts in
2000 to reform Section 28 of the Local Government Act 1988 indicates
how problematic is the social situation of lesbian women and gay men.
This is despite the fact that employers are required to apply the same
principles of equal opportunity and treatment to their employees as
apply to clients, consumers and members of the public. There are pro-
posals to make gay and heterosexual behaviour between adults on an
equal basis before the law.
There is also strenuous debate about whether cannabis should be
legalised, now that it is no longer subject to police arrest. Drug use is
common and increasing. The rate of drug use among 15–16-year-olds is
higher in the UK than any other European country.
Youth Justice and Criminal Justice 129

The problematic legal status of children and young people is reflected
in the different ages at which they become ‘adult’, for different pur-
poses. They can leave school, buy cigarettes (Protection of Children
(Tobacco) Act 1986) and fireworks, have certain drinks in a pub, ride a
motor cycle unaccompanied to Scotland and marry there at 16. They
cannot marry in England or drive a car unaccompanied until they are 17,
or vote in a local or general election or buy alcoholic drinks at the off-
licence or supermarket (Licensing Act 1964) until they are 18.
Public intolerance of offenders
Social workers and probation officers in the UK work with offenders in a
climate of public hostility and intolerance towards adult and young crim-
inals. At the same time, on the positive side, the interests of the victim are
taken into consideration much more than they were before the 1990s.
However, widespread punitive and unforgiving public attitudes
towards offenders in Britain and USA contrast with the greater tolerance
of them in other Western European countries, such as the Netherlands
and Scandinavia.Youth justice work suffers from the attitude that young
offenders should be punished first and talked to afterwards. Smacking
as a parental sanction is still condoned by the government. Traditional
disciplinarian approaches to child rearing – whether family-based or
residential, for example boarding school – are deeply rooted in the
overpunitive and often child-phobic culture of the UK.
Social workers and probation officers are often regarded by the pub-
lic as too tolerant towards offenders. Intermediate treatment was criti-
cised in the 1970s as playing with young offenders instead of punishing
them. More recently, social workers have been criticised for arranging
residential courses and what are perceived as ‘holidays for criminals’.
Increasing use of custody despite its inadequacies
Prison
Prison remains at the hub of government criminal justice policy. Prison
budgets soar, the number of prisons grows. More and more people are
needlessly subjected to being locked up in prisons that do not work.
Prisons do not reform more than a minority of offenders. Reconviction
rates remain so high that any similar commercial organisation judged
on reconvictions as key performance indicators would be closed down

immediately. Prisons also do not work, in the sense that they are abusive
of prisoners’ rights to expect reasonable and decent treatment. Prisoners
sent to prison as punishment invariably are punished in double jeopardy
by appalling living conditions which HM Inspectors of Prisons
have condemned repeatedly over the past 25 years. A Howard League
Commission of Inquiry found unacceptable levels of intimidation,
violence and bullying in penal institutions in England and Wales
where young people were held on remand and serving sentences
(Kennedy, 1995).
Prison is ineffective, too, according to cost–benefit analysts. The
costs of the policy of ‘three strikes and you’re out’ for burglars, under
the Crime (Sentences) Act 1997, are likely to outweigh the benefits,
according to the recently published report by the Prison Reform Trust
(1999). Research has largely undermined the justifications for the use of
imprisonment. Although keeping a person in prison prevents them
offending at that time, a 25 per cent increase in the use of custody would
be necessary to generate a 1 per cent change in crime levels (Tarling,
1993, p. 154). In general, incarceration actually can generate more
crime, through the magnifying of criminal skills and networks while
offenders are together in the criminal culture generated in the institu-
tion. Despite the USA using prison between 5 and 8 times the level of
most other developed nations, its federal and state prison populations
continue to rise and now exceed one million.
In Britain, 53 per cent of all prisoners discharged in 1993 had a fur-
ther reconviction within two years, and 73 per cent of those discharged
in 1987 were reconvicted within seven years (Kershaw and Renshaw,
1997). Of young offenders released from young offender institutions
(YOIs), 75 per cent are reconvicted within two years.
It is very difficult to eradicate abusive punishment from institutions
and prevent prison regimes themselves being punitive (Adams, 1998c,
pp. 99–117). Most women in prison are serving 12 months or less for
minor offences including theft and handling stolen goods. Partly because
of this, Carlen and Tchaikovsky (1996, p. 216) argue that most women’s
prisons should be pulled down and only 100 prison places retained. It is
hard to find a rational argument against closing 80 per cent of penal insti-
tutions and only locking up serious offenders, in view of their known
ineffectiveness in reducing criminal behaviour.
Other custodial institutions
Custodial sentences are relatively expensive and ineffective as ways of
curbing future offending, particularly repeat custodial sentences for

young people who have been in residential childcare establishments
and adult prisoners. The average annual cost of locking up each
young offender aged 15–17 in 1998/99 was £26,113 (HM Prison
Service, 1999). Political pressures may override the evidence of what
is expensive and ‘what works’, as the actions of home secretaries in
the Conservative government of 1979–97 and the Labour government
(1997 onwards) demonstrate, in encouraging longer and more custodial
sentences.
Research by bodies such as the Howard League for Penal Reform and
the Prison Reform Trust and reports on penal institutions by HM
Inspectorate of Prisons (set up in 1980) highlight the persistence of
injustices and discrimination, including sexism and racism. A dispro-
portionately high percentage (21 per cent) of young people aged 10–20
serving prison sentences on 30 June 1998 were black, South Asian,
Chinese or other ethnic minority origin (Commission for Racial
Equality, 1992).
In 2001, Labour Home Secretary Jack Straw anticipated that current
government policies would cause the prison population to rise to
nearly 80,000 by 2007. In contrast, Sir David Ramsbotham, HM Chief
Inspector of Prisons, argued for the removal from prisons of all children
and young people, pensioners, mentally ill people, asylum seekers and
trivial offenders such as shoplifters as well as those imprisoned for drug
offences, which would reduce the current prison population from
63,000 to just over 40,000 (Hattenstone, 2001, p. 8). Martin Narey,
Director General of the prison service, stated that he would resign unless
prison conditions improved. He identified Wormwood Scrubs, Leeds,
Wandsworth, Portland and Brixton as ‘hellholes’, too often regarded as
impossible to change (Travis, 2001a, p. 1).
Tougher community penalties
Hand in hand with greater use of custody, both Conservative and Labour
governments since the 1980s have introduced measures to strengthen
the punitive content of community penalties for offenders. Noncustodial
or community-based sanctions for offenders have existed, of course, for
many years. The Criminal Justice Act 1948 introduced the conditional
discharge and the attendance centre. The Children and Young Persons
Act 1969 brought in intermediate treatment and police cautions.
It is commonly recognised that the 1969 Children and Young Persons
Act was the high-water mark of the promotion by governments of

community sentences as a positive treatment, primarily directed at the
welfare of offenders. Thereafter, the need to protect the community,
exact retribution from the offender and ensure a deterrent element in the
community punishment have all been components in policymaking.
First the Conservative, then the Labour governments have been con-
cerned to try to introduce a more stringent and punitive element into
noncustodial penalties, notably those supervised by the probation serv-
ice. The Criminal Justice Act 1972 introduced community service, a
purely punitive sanction. The punitive philosophy did not vanish when
Labour came into power in 1997. The government’s aim of strengthen-
ing the punitive element of community punishments for offenders was
furthered by the weakening of resistance in the probation service, as
Michael Cavadino and James Dignan note (1997, p. 216), through
growing managerialist control of officers and the distancing of recruit-
ment from graduation through university-based social work degrees and
postgraduate qualifications.
Even though they are more punitive than traditional probation order
supervision, most community punishments remain at best an alternative
to prison, rather than claiming to replace it (Worrall, 1997, p. 150).
More sobering still, community service seems to be an accompaniment
to prison and not even an alternative (Oldfield, 1993).
Changes to probation service
Since the 1990s, probation officers’ professional base in criminal justice
has been eroded, their role has been distanced from the welfare approach,
their training has been separated from the professional qualification
for social workers and control over their organisation, management and
standards of performance has been centralised to an unprecedented
extent.
The Criminal Justice and Court Services Act 2000 set up two new
services, the National Probation Service for England and Wales and the
Children and Family Court Advisory and Support Service, the latter
dealing with the work of the former Court Welfare Service traditionally
staffed by probation officers.
Since the Dews Report (Dews and Watts, 1995) recommendation that
probation officer training be removed from universities and located out-
side the Diploma in Social Work, there were moves by Conservative and
Labour governments, notably through the Home Office, to bring proba-
tion staff closer to the prison service and create a seamless custodial

and community criminal justice service. The National Association of
Probation Officers (NAPO) has raised concerns about the deprofession-
alisation of probation work, through the widespread appointment of
probation service officers to carry out many of the tasks formerly the
responsibility of probation staff holding the Diploma in Social Work or
an equivalent professional qualification. The establishment by the
Programme Development Unit of the prison psychological service of
cognitive-behavioural programmes for offenders in prisons has put
psychologists in the position where they can exercise professional
supervision over probation officers in the area of face-to-face work with
offenders.
Evidence-based and cognitive-behavioural approaches
The move towards an effectiveness approach in the prison service and
probation service is linked with a wider shift in the personal social
services towards adopting evidence-based practice as a basis for quality
assurance. This has several strengths:
● it encourages a reading of relevant research on ‘what works’ (Hope
and Chapman, 1998; McGuire, 1995)
● it creates the impression that practice is based on methods of proven
effectiveness
● it promotes greater consistency in standards.
Its weaknesses are:
● it tends to bypass less pragmatic and immediately achievable goals
which are less amenable to effectiveness research and/or do not meet
the research requirements for a random controlled trial
● it tends to promote the value of psychologically based interventions,
such as cognitive-behavioural work
● it does not challenge the simplistic view that we understand what
causes offending and can address the diversity of offending behav-
iour effectively once the correct technique has been identified
● it does not acknowledge sufficiently the complexity of causal mech-
anisms of offending: individual – genetic, physiological, physical –
psychosocial – family, peer – or social – gender, ethnic, social class,
geographical, housing, employment. (Webb, 2001, p. 62)

In this connection, Webb warns of the dangers of adopting a simplistic,
evidence-based approach to social work, overdependent on natural
scientific and experimental research at the expense of qualitative
methodologies.
Behavioural theories underpin the expanding programme of reason-
ing and rehabilitation (R and R) programmes supervised in English pris-
ons by the psychologist-managed Programme Development Unit in the
Home Office. R and R programmes attempt to curb criminality by cor-
recting deficiencies in inmates’ cognitive processes and perceptions –
somewhat ambitious, in the face of the social factors which cause crime.
Cognitive skills training or cognitive restructuring has become favoured
by the authorities since the 1990s on the basis of research evidence from
Canada (see below) that correctional intervention can reduce some
categories of offenders’ propensity for reconviction.
The growing appeal of cognitive approaches in work with offenders
lies largely in its feature of locating the risk indicators or precursors for
criminality in the thinking and behavioural and cognitive styles of indi-
viduals. This provides a ready justification for interventions aimed at
changing the thinking and behaviour of individuals rather than broader
goals, such as targeting social and environmental factors, or more flex-
ible social work programmes geared to addressing the assessed needs
of individual offenders in achieving cognitive and social competence.
These occur in six key areas – self-control, cognitive style, interper-
sonal problem-solving, social perspective taking, values and critical
reasoning (Ross and Fabiano, 1985; Zamble and Porporino, 1988).
Cognitive groupwork, thus, is a crude and generalist approach, not
designed to respond to individual needs but assuming one treatment
plan can meet the needs of all those assessed as in the target group of
offenders with cognitive and, it is assumed therefore, behaviour
deficits (Porporino, 1995, p. 6). The element of rigidity in the pro-
gramme does not take account of the individual offender’s particular
circumstances and the programme by and large does not address social
and other factors related to offending, which lie outside the psycho-
logical aspects of person’s thinking skills. But cognitive-behaviour
approaches have built up a huge ideological commitment in the Home
Office and it could be argued that they provide the government
with its best chance of proving work with offenders can reduce their
offending. The successes claimed for such prestructured schemes of
cognitive-based work with offenders are large. For example, Porporino
quotes research (Robinson, 1995) in Canada, into a precursor of

groupwork in UK prisons, combating cognitive deficits:
in a large-scale and very methodologically rigorous evaluation with Canadian
federal prison inmates, where there was at least one year of post-release follow-up
with several thousand cases, it was shown that cognitive skills programming
reduced the likelihood of recidivism for violent offenders by 18.5%, for
sex offenders by 39%, and for drug offenders by 29%. (Porporino, 1995, p. 12)
It is naive to expect to be able to transplant cognitive-behavioural pro-
grammes from Canada to Britain, without taking due account of the
cultural differences which affect attitudes to offenders in these two
countries. These approaches need using cautiously, in carefully
screened cases where assessment suggests that the person will benefit,
where the worker has access to appropriate professional supervision and
the offender can receive support during and after the programme.
Even an advocate of cognitive approaches such as Porporino observes
that such a strategy will be effective
only if it is understood and left uncompromised, and only if it is intelligently
managed and supported in the implementation. (Porporino, 1995, p. 13)
This means that the offenders probably need to be in a custodial setting
which respects and supports them. For the continued effectiveness of
the programme, this supportive and sympathetic attitude to them needs
to continue in the community after their discharge, when they are look-
ing for a job and somewhere to live. The state of British prisons, and
negative attitudes towards offenders by the public at large, make it
unlikely that these conditions will be met.
Measuring performance in contract culture of
agency and private prisons
In the early 1980s, the prison department became an agency, the prison
service, as part of the Thatcher government’s policy of ‘denationalising’
the civil service. At the same time, moves were made to contract out the
running of a few penal establishments. The Blair government of 1997
did not reverse the Conservative government’s policy of introducing
privately run custodial institutions (Ascher, 1987). A greater proportion
of British prisons are privately run in 2001 than in any other country in
Western Europe.
From the 1990s, the prison service and probation service adopted
convergent approaches to effective practice. Penal establishments and

the probation service worked to quality standards based on key per-
formance indicators (KPIs). In 1998, Her Majesty’s Inspectorate of
Probation (HMIP), the Home Office Probation Unit and the Association
of Chief Officers of Probation (ACOP) supported the distribution to all
probation officers and managers of a Home Office guide to effective
probation practice (Chapman and Hough, 1998). This was an unprece-
dented attempt to specify what probation officers should do, using
principles of evidence-based practice.
Welfare and justice: tensions inherent in policy
Most of the huge volume of criminal justice legislation in the twentieth
century does not affect social workers directly. However, insofar as it
determines the nature, culture, functions and activities of custodial insti-
tutions and alternatives to custody and the roles of all professionals in
contact with them – judges, lawyers, police, prison service staff, for
example – it shapes social work practice.
Ambivalence towards children and young people is reflected in the
twin themes of welfare and justice which permeate youth justice leg-
islation and procedures. The so-called welfare principle is inherent
in the Children and Young Persons Acts of 1933, 1963, 1969 and
the Children Act 1989. In contrast, children and young people can
be locked up and subjected to numerous punitive sanctions under
criminal justice legislation such as the Crime and Disorder Act 1998
(see below).
The major thrust of criminal justice policy in Britain since the 1970s
has been towards protecting society and the interests of victims, rather
than attending to the circumstances and needs of the offender. There has
been a tendency towards punitive sentences, that is, custodial rather than
community-based. Or, to put it another way, there has been a move away
from offering the treatment model, enshrined in the 1969 Children and
Young Persons Act, based on welfare principles, to disposals based on
the justice model.
Advocates of the justice model criticise individualised treatment of
crime as deriving from a misguided view of crime originating in the
pathology of the individual which leads to unfairness and discrimination
in the way offenders are dealt with. The justice model, it is claimed, is
fairer because the offence is attended to through the due process of the

law and court proceedings, sentencing following principles of propor-
tionality according to the seriousness of the crime.
Justice is an ambiguous ingredient in criminal and youth justice pol-
icy and practice. On one hand, it is used by right-wing supporters of
more punitive responses to offenders. On the other hand, it is used as the
basis for some critical and radical calls for reform. For example, the
National Association for Youth Justice (NAYJ) manifesto (2000) advo-
cates improved justice based on reforms to laws on children’s rights, for
example by raising the age of criminal responsibility to 16, preventing all
those under 18 being placed in adult prisons and reversing the legislative
trend for younger children to be sentenced to longer custodial sentences.
Policy under the Conservative government 1979–97
Quite exceptionally, Douglas Hurd, who became Home Secretary in
1985, tried to develop criminal justice policies which reduced prison
populations. The Green Paper of 1988 (Home Office, 1988) and the
White Paper of 1990 (Home Office, 1990) noted the ineffectiveness of
prison in crime reduction. He drew on correctional ideas from the USA,
legislating ‘just deserts’ for offenders in the Criminal Justice Act 1991.
This attempted to match the punishment to the seriousness of the offence,
increase noncustodial sentences and reduce the numbers in prison.
This Act was attacked by politicians and the judiciary as too soft and
liberal. The Criminal Justice Act of 1993, passed in the moral panics
following the murders of Jamie Bulger and Stephen Lawrence, largely
repealed its less punitive measures, giving discretionary powers back to
the judiciary and enabling more punitive sanctions to be imposed. John
Major started a ‘back to basics’ initiative that, as he said in his speech
to the Conservative Party Conference on 8 October 1993, would ‘lead a
new campaign to defeat the cancer that is crime’. At the peak of this
media-fanned panic, on 7 October 1993, Michael Howard, then Home
Secretary, set out the Conservative government’s proposals on crime in
a 27-point plan to combat what he described as a tidal wave of offend-
ing. Michael Howard’s philosophy of punishment embodied ‘a freely
interpreted mix of retributive, deterrent and incapacitative grounds’
(Sparks, 1996, p. 76). This ran counter to the direction of criminal jus-
tice policy since the mid-1980s. The assertion that ‘prison works’ was
central to this. Since that date, the legitimacy of prison as the central
pivot in criminal justice policy has not been challenged by either
Conservative or Labour governments. Decarceration and alternatives to

prison have only been considered in the context of more harsh and
punitive punishments.
Criminal Justice and Public Order Act 1994
The Criminal Justice and Public Order Act 1994 proposed secure train-
ing orders for young offenders aged 12–14, who previously had breached
a supervision order or who had been convicted of imprisonable offences
while on supervision. Curfew orders and electronic monitoring of
offenders (known as tagging) also were introduced under this Act.
An Audit Commission report in November 1996 (Audit Commission,
1996) was highly critical of the ineffectiveness of the youth justice sys-
tem. It concluded that more constructive measures should be developed
to address youth crime and prevent further offending, since the youth
justice system had failed because young people had not been diverted
from the criminal justice system. There was a general recognition
among researchers and critical commentators of the continued need to
seek significant diversion of offenders from prosecution (Cavadino and
Dignan, 1997, pp. 217–18).
Criminal justice under New Labour 1997 onwards
The criminal justice policies of the Labour government 1997 onwards
shared with the Conservatives a reliance on custody and on punitive
community sanctions. An unprecedented mass of legislation was passed,
mostly by the start of Labour’s second term in office in June 2001. The
policy had four elements:
1. Crime reduction strategy, through every police authority setting
challenging targets for reducing vehicle crime, burglary and, in the
large metropolitan areas, robbery; a National Crime Reduction Task
Force, Regional Crime Reduction Directors and Local Crime and
Disorder Partnerships.
2. Increasing penalties for persistent offenders through tougher
sentences.
3. Tackling racist crime following the Macpherson Report
(Macpherson, 1999), including better definition of racially motivated
incidents, a long-term recruitment programme for ethnic minorities
into the police and the addition to the statute book of nine new
racially aggravated offences.
4. Reducing illegal drug taking.

The positive features of youth and criminal justice policy under Labour
include the initiatives to tackle racism; the principle of restorative
justice, involving making the offender responsible to the victim; the
emphasis on throughcare, involving probation officers planning with
offenders throughout the sentence and supervising them after release;
and the emphasis on protecting the public and working with offenders
to prevent offending.
The negative aspects include the emphasis on punishment in custodial
and community sanctions, especially for persistent offenders, such as
automatic three-year prison sentences for third-time burglars; the contin-
ued prominent role played by the expanded prison system, a feature of
Conservative government policy not reversed by Labour; a growing
emphasis on preplanned programmes of work with offenders, based on
cognitive-behavioural approaches (see discussion above). Goldson and
Peters (2000) challenge the punitive element of criminal justice policy
which involves locking up increasing numbers of children and young
people, at great financial and human cost, recommending instead the use
of more just and humane community-based alternatives to custody.
Significant new punitive measures were introduced by the Labour
government (1997 onwards) under the Crime and Disorder Act 1998,
including antisocial behaviour orders, sex offender orders, parenting
orders, child safety orders, local child curfews, police powers to remove
truants, drug treatment and testing orders, the final warning scheme,
reparation orders (expanding powers in s. 12A(3)(aa) Children and
Young Persons Act 1969), action plan orders, the detention and training
order, the recall of short-term prisoners and the home detention curfew.
The Crime and Disorder Act of 1998 set up YOTs to provide multi-
agency approaches to community problems rather than putting the onus
on the police alone, for example, police and local authorities being
required to work together to develop anti-crime measures. Electronic
tagging of offenders was introduced for adult offenders and in 2000 plans
were under way to extend tagging to young offenders committing serious
offences. Home detention curfews could be imposed on offenders, with
penalties for any breaches.
Section 73 of the Crime and Disorder Act 1998 comprised a new cus-
todial detention and training order for children and young people aged
10–17, introduced on 1 April 2000 and specified as 4, 6, 8, 10, 12, 18 or
24 months, half to be served in detention and half on supervision in the
community. It replaced with a single, invariable sentence the secure
training order for young offenders aged 12–14 and detention in a YOI
for those aged 15–17. It represented a fourfold increase over the

six-month maximum custodial penalty previously available to the youth
court. It required that a training plan should be devised within five work-
ing days of admission, specifying objectives – including those relating to
education, health and accommodation – and how they should be achieved
and assessed. The supervision of the post-custody period was an integral
part of the sentence and involved mandatory meetings with the young
person on the day of release and subsequently, home visits at least once a
month and supervisory contact twice a week for the first three months and
once weekly thereafter, with regular reviews of the training plan.
The Youth Justice and Criminal Evidence Act 1999 introduced a
referral order for first-time offenders, supervised by a youth offender
panel under the aegis of the YOT. The Powers of Criminal Courts
(Sentencing) Act 2000 codified all available sentencing legislation. The
Criminal Justice and Police Act 2001 extended child curfews to children
under 16 and empowered courts to order secure remands on boys aged
15–16 to prevent them committing further offences. This was expected
to increase the demand for secure places.
Pilot YOTs began work in 1998 and all 154 YOTs started work in
April 2000 simultaneously with the implementation of detention and
training orders under the 1998 Act. Referral orders were anticipated on
a pilot basis from June 2000, under the Youth Justice and Criminal
Evidence Act and parenting orders, child safety orders, action plan
orders, final warning schemes and reparation orders would be available
from the same time. Antisocial behaviour orders and detention and
training orders (an outcome of amalgamating sentences to young
offender institutions and secure training orders) were also introduced. It
was intended that their work would be monitored against National
Standards forYouth Justice published in April 2000 by theYouth Justice
Board (YJB), in terms of the primary goal of preventing offending by
children and young people. The final evaluation report published in
2001 acknowledges implementation problems but endorses the positive
achievements of strong multi-agency teams in tackling youth offending
(Home Office, 2001). This responded to the Quality Protects pro-
gramme launched by the Secretary of State for Health in September
1998 (see Chapter 1).
Local authorities and social workers were faced with the complex
implications of applying Quality Protects (particularly objectives 3 and
4 which relate to improving the life chance benefits from educational
opportunities, healthcare and social care and reducing the rate of offend-
ing of children in need and looked after children). In particular, this
implied working to improve liaison between those responsible for

devising and implementing youth justice plans and children’s services
plans, Quality Protects Management Action Plans, probation and drug
action team plans, including health services, police, victim agencies,
YOIs and district councils and others responsible for local crime
reduction (Bailey and Williams, 2000).
Persistent young offenders
One target of Labour’s policy was a minority of young offenders who
were alleged to be responsible for waves of multiple offending. This
proved largely mythological. The Children’s Society researched the
situation of children and young people aged 12–14 who were potentially
likely to be sent to secure training centres. It examined their circum-
stances and offences and found crime waves involving them are rare and
when they present problems local authorities usually place them in
secure provision (Crowley, 1998).
Drug and alcohol use and offending
Drug taking is a particular target of Labour government policy. While
many young people may experiment with prohibited substances, most
will only take cannabis, will stop of their own accord and will never
become involved in other types of offending. The great expense of
maintaining dependence on heroin or ‘crack’ cocaine (upwards of £100
per day) creates strong pressure on those without a regular income
to turn to crime. Crack cocaine is a relatively recent phenomenon, not
being mentioned in the Misuse of Drugs Act 1971.
The use of drugs by young people is increasing. John Balding’s sur-
vey notes that at least a third of young people will have tried some illicit
drug before they reach 15 and almost half of young males and more than
a third of females aged 16–19. Drug taking among 14–15-year-olds has
increased about six times since the late 1980s (Balding, 1998). Most
drug taking takes place among poorer and less advantaged young people
(Marlow and Pearson, 1999). There is apparently a close correlation
between illegal drug taking and offending, but whether this is a causal
relationship remains unclear. Seventy per cent of young people on super-
vision were reported to have taken illegal substances (Audit
Commission, 1996). The continued criminalisation of cannabis taking in
particular, but also other mood-altering drugs such as crack and ecstasy,
is held by critics to be responsible for increasing housebreaking and
other burglary rates, as addicts try to obtain money to buy drugs. Some
critics advocate decriminalising drug taking and making certain drugs
available on prescription, to ensure that heroin addicts, for instance, have

access to clean supplies of the drug. There is little doubt that, if the taking
of cannabis was legalised and registered addicts of heroin and other hard
drugs were given access to clean, medically prescribed sources, much of
the vast illegal industry associated with other offences of burglary and
violence, as drug users try to maintain supplies, would disintegrate and
the incidence of recorded criminality would fall significantly. In the
meantime, any proposals to decriminalise such drug taking remain con-
troversial and unacceptable to the main political parties.
In the meantime, services responding to young drug users’ needs, for
instance, should be linked with community services used by young peo-
ple and clubs and agencies with flexible hours. Research highlighted by
the Youth Crime Briefing of NACRO for July 2001 indicates that young
people in ethnic minorities are not likely to take up drug services
because of distrust of white agencies (Pearson and Patel, 1998), reluc-
tance to admit need (Awaih et al., 1992) and lack of awareness of how
drug services could help them (Awaih et al., 1990).
Excessive alcohol consumption correlates positively with offending.
A survey of young men aged 17–21 in a YOI found that more than two-
fifths of them reported having drunk alcohol at the time they committed
the offence (Cookson, 1992).
Of course, research demonstrating correlations between offending
and substance abuse does not amount to proof that drinking and drug
taking cause crimes. Similar patterns of substance abuse may be present
in non-offenders. Nevertheless, the relatively high proportion of young
offenders who have taken illegal substances raises the likelihood that
YOTs will undertake offending behaviour work to address illegal drug
taking and alcohol abuse. This is likely to involve working in partner-
ship with statutory and voluntary agencies working with drug action
teams, in particular. The introduction in October 2000 of drug treatment
and testing orders (DTTOs) for 16–17-year-olds makes it more likely
that social workers will become involved in working with young offend-
ers who are misusing drugs. DTTOs can involve the court imposing
compulsory drug testing, and, if the young offender consents, subse-
quent treatment with regular reviews. Several YJB-funded projects
are running, with built-in evaluation, until 2002, to establish whether the
drug agencies’ widespread practice of harm minimisation helps to
reduce offending.
Mentally disordered offenders
People diagnosed as mentally ill who commit homicides have created a
public furore in a succession of incidents and inquiries in the 1990s,

notably into the death of Georgina Robinson and into the care and
treatment of Christopher Clunis who killed Jonathan Zito (Ritchie et al.,
1994). In 1991, the Confidential Inquiry into Homicides and Suicides by
Mentally Ill People, set up by the Department of Health, identified 34 such
deaths over a three-year period (Boyd, 1994; Confidential Inquiry, 1996).
Research by the Glasgow University Media Group showed that two-thirds
of media references to mental health related to violence, with headline
treatment typically of the ‘homicidal maniac’ type (Philo et al., 1993,
cited in Sayce, 1995, p. 129). Significantly, other tragedies in the mental
health field do not attract similar attention, notably the approximately one
death per week of psychiatric patients, associated with neuroleptic drugs,
three to four times the rate of homicides (Sayce, 1995, p. 127). This is
evidence of a debate skewed by media and public preoccupations, which
risks raising public intolerance of people with mental health problems
and focusing policy on controlling them through such measures as super-
vision registers, rather than responding to the entire continuum of need
and the complexities of risk (Sayce, 1995, p. 128).
The task of meeting the needs of mentally disordered offenders may
conflict with the requirement that society is protected. The tension is
made more pronounced since the trend from the Mental Health Act 1959
for locked wards in the large, often Victorian mental hospitals to be aban-
doned and mentally disordered people to be treated more and more on an
‘open door’ basis, and in the community. Many people who have mental
health problems finish up remanded or sentenced to imprisonment. There
is controversy about whether mentally disordered people who offend
should receive different treatment to other offenders. The views of the
general public, the police, the victim/s and relatives of victim/s are rele-
vant to this debate, as well as the professional arguments for and against
diverting mentally disordered offenders from the criminal justice system.
On the whole, a groundswell of professional opinion in the 1990s has
supported the argument for maximising the diversion of mentally disor-
dered offenders from the criminal justice system, although the lack of
support in the community for those discharged from mental hospitals,
who commit serious offences or even murder, has been highlighted in
several inquiry reports (Blom-Cooper et al., 1995; Davies et al., 1995;
Confidential Inquiry, 1996; Ritchie et al., 1994). The majority of men-
tally disordered offenders, however, do not fall into this category
(Muijen, 1996, p. 151). To the end of meeting their needs, psychiatric/
panel court assessment schemes and diversion schemes have been set up,
as encouraged by Home Office Circular 66/90 (Home Office, 1990), in
more than 60 locations, to develop ways of diverting mentally disordered

offenders from the criminal justice system, by multi-agency working.
The Care Programme Approach introduced in the 1990s emphasises the
collaboration of health and social services in assessing the needs of the
person, developing a care package, implementing and reviewing it, with
the full involvement of professionals, patient/s, relatives and carers.
Supervision registers were introduced in 1994 (see Vaughn and
Badger, 1995). Courts tend only rarely to use the probation order with a
condition of psychiatric treatment, which can last six months to three
years. The supervision and treatment order under the Criminal
Procedure (Insanity and Unfitness to Plead) Act 1991 became opera-
tional on 1 January 1992 and is appropriate only for a very small num-
ber of people deemed unfit to plead. A guardianship order can be made
where the conditions for a hospital order could be met and the nature
and degree of mental disorder warrants a person’s reception into
guardianship.
The need for psychiatric services in mental hospitals and prisons to
equate with each other is not likely to be achievable in the foreseeable
future. People with mental health problems are not in a powerful posi-
tion, vis-à-vis professionals, the mass media and the general public, to
advocate changes in policies and practices based on their perspective on
their circumstances. This imbalance would be helped by strengthening
user involvement, independent advocacy for users of mental health serv-
ices, improved complaints procedures for users, improved training for
professionals, health promotion and education work with journalists, as
well as an overhaul of mental health policies so as to decrease the
emphasis on containing madness and coercion in community care and
bring about the treatment of users of mental health services as citizens
(Sayce, 1995, pp. 146–7).
Black mentally disordered offenders, and even more so black women,
may suffer double or triple jeopardy: being more likely to be appre-
hended by the police, more likely to receive a custodial sentence and, if
regarded as having a mental disorder, more likely to be removed under
a place of safety order under the Mental Health Act 1983, to be diag-
nosed as suffering from schizophrenia or other psychosis and to be
given higher doses of medication (Brown, 1990).
There is a tension in government policy between improving the con-
ditions in which some of the most dangerous and disturbed offenders
with mental health problems are held and protecting the public.
Government policy has created human rights issues on behalf of those
offenders. By 2000, the Home Office had put in place measures enabling
mentally disordered people to be locked up, who had not committed an

offence, were regarded as untreatable for their mental health disorder,
and who were considered too dangerous to the public to be left at liberty.
Plans were made for the closure of the three former special hospitals and
their replacement by a larger number of much smaller secure units cater-
ing for people with severe personality disorders as well as mentally
disordered offenders. It was anticipated these establishments would be
less institutional and more integrated into local mental health provision.
Practitioners engaged with work with offenders at different locations in
the criminal justice system need to come to grips with the practice
implications of the great body of policy and legislative changes since
2000. Here is one example of the range and complexity of issues faced
by one social worker.
EXAMPLE
Peter is a youth justice worker in a downtown area, with a group of young
offenders displaying a variety of problems.
1. The mother of a girl aged 14 who has committed several offences has
herself been sentenced to imprisonment. The rented flat they share may
not be available when she is discharged. The girl will be taken into care
if negotiations to persuade relatives to offer her suitable accommodation
are not successful. Despite indications that the girl goes on drinking
binges, Peter manages to obtain the offer of accommodation from a
sympathetic and motherly aunt. Peter is aware that some local authori-
ties will not commit themselves to rehousing prisoners on discharge,
waiting instead for them to apply for housing as homeless persons
(Cavadino and Bell, 1999). Peter will be working jointly with the hous-
ing officer to ensure the mother receives housing advice and that their
flat is retained for her discharge.
2. A boy at the point of leaving primary school to go to secondary school
is getting into trouble and risks being excluded from school. Peter per-
suades managers to set up a mentoring scheme with local schools, based
on Chance, a project in Islington, which will provide the boy with a sup-
portive relationship with a trained, matched adult. Peter also liaises with
a project offering targeted help through social work trained school-
home support workers, to prevent children judged likely to offend from
being excluded from mainstream education.

3. Peter uses as the basis for his future work the guidelines for practitioners
in key areas of work in the youth justice system, and the Manifesto for
Youth Justice published by the National Association for Youth Justice
(NAYJ). Among the 18 major aims and principles are the following that
Peter finds relevant and useful, paraphrased and summarised here:
● promoting non-discriminatory policies and practices against black, other
ethnic minority and disadvantaged children and children in public care
● ensuring the application of child protection legislation
● ensuring the implementation of the UN Convention on the Rights of the
Child and the Human Rights Act 1998
● ensuring direct preventive work does not take place with children who have
not committed offences or are under the age of criminal responsibility
● providing non-criminalising family support services in preference to
child safety orders, antisocial behaviour orders and parenting orders
● clarifying boundaries in multi-agency work
● developing sufficient child welfare and social work expertise to ensure
that adequate account is taken of children’s development and the impact
on them of material and emotional disadvantage
● ensuring consistency and parity, locally and nationally, in decision-
making when reprimanding, warning or prosecuting
● minimising the use of powers that result in unnecessary separations
between children and their families
● ensuring assessment tools do not harm and that attempts to reduce
delays do not compromise quality information gathering and assess-
ment or deny children’s rights. (NAYJ, 2000)
In addition, it is important that Peter takes up any mental health problems
and drug and alcohol abuse, both of which, he realises, correlate positively
with offending in a significant percentage of cases, and, if he is lucky in his
area, will be addressed by health resources which have a substantial input to
other YOTs of which he knows. Peter also bears in mind that education
authorities have an input in the education of school-age children with whom
YOTs are working.
Chapter summary
This chapter has surveyed briefly selected aspects of criminal justice
and youth justice which affect social work. It would be beyond the

scope of this chapter to attempt a comprehensive discussion of the
implications for practice of the vast quantity of sentencing provision
which has become law since 1998. However, issues of most relevance
to practitioners have been examined.
Further reading
Cavadino, M. and Dignan J. (1997) The Penal System: An Introduction, 2nd edn,
Sage, London
Drakeford, M. and Haines, K. (1998) Young People and Youth Justice, Macmillan,
London – now Palgrave
Goldson, B. (ed.) (2000) The New Youth Justice, Russell House Publishing, Lyme
Regis
Haines, K. (1996) Understanding Modern Juvenile Justice, Avebury, Aldershot
Matthews, R. (1999) Doing Time: An Introduction to the Sociology of Imprisonment,
Macmillan, Basingstoke – now Palgrave

151
8
Tackling Divisions and
Inequalities
The goal of abolishing discrimination in society and bringing about
equality between people has been integral to welfare policy since the
establishment of the welfare state. Richard Titmuss, looking back to
those days in the 1940s, commented in a lecture in 1964 that:
built into the public model of social policy in Britain since 1948 there are two major
roles or objectives: the redistributive objective and the non-discriminatory objective.
To move towards the latter it was believed that a prerequisite was the legal enact-
ment of universal (or comprehensive) systems of national insurance, education,
medical care, housing and other direct services. (Titmuss, 1976b, p. 191)
The gap between the political ideal of ending discrimination and real-
ity is apparent. We could argue that Britain’s commitment to people’s
rights and ending discrimination is beyond doubt. But the Human
Rights Act 1998, like Britain’s anti-discriminatory legislation, offers
protection only in certain areas – the right to life, liberty, security, fair
trial, free elections and free expression, education, marriage, privacy
and family life – but excluding, for example, discrimination on grounds
of age, sexual orientation and religion or belief. Ironically, Britain was
not represented in Rome in November 2000, the fiftieth anniversary
of the signing of the European Convention on Human Rights, when 25
of the member states of the Council of Europe signed Protocol 12
prohibiting all forms of discrimination. Britain refuses to sign, appar-
ently, because the Protocol is too open-ended and general (Palmer,
2000, p. 21). Incidentally, the Human Rights Act affects only England
and Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales having made separate provision
in 1998.

Contexts
All societies have some features which are shared by their citizens and
which contribute to them being relatively coherent and homogeneous.
Inevitably, there will be differences between people, individually and
collectively, major divisions and areas of inequality and conflict.
The growing awareness of the reality that social policy and social
work take place in the context of divisions and inequalities in society
comes about partly through research demonstrating the extent of dis-
crimination, oppression and exclusion on people, individually and in
families, groups, organisations and communities. The impact of these is
not limited to certain societies but is felt by people in both developed
and developing countries. Economic, demographic, social and political
factors all affect these inequalities, either exacerbating or modifying
their impact on people’s lives.
Embedded in everyday perceptions of difference and diversity is the
assumption that they present problems to be surmounted. In preference,
a goal of anti-discriminatory, equality-based policy and practice should
be to move towards celebrating diversity.
Key aspects
Diversity and difference are features of all humanity. The problem is
that some people’s differences lead to injustice, want and discrimina-
tion, some people being in double jeopardy through having more than
one difference. For instance, a year after the Immigration and Asylum
Act 1999 which focused on the relationship between immigration con-
trol and refugee status (Cohen, 2001), researchers estimated that at least
20,000 asylum seekers were disabled; in some cases, when refugee sta-
tus was granted their situation did not improve. Most were existing at 70
per cent of income support rates; they were not usually eligible for dis-
ability benefits; shops stocking their particular diets – for those with
diabetes, for example – did not always take vouchers; the interface with
local community care practice, under the dispersal policy, was not
working (George, 2000, pp. 95–6).
Social division
What is meant by social division? A social division is a way of grouping
people which reflects common features of their situation and differences

from other social groupings and may rank them in terms of power,
exclusion or other measures of inequality. Class is a good example of a
way of differentiating groups of people which also ranks them.
Other social divisions which are crucial to social policy and social
work are those of gender, age, ethnicity or race and disability, but it is
important to other marginalised and excluded groups to keep this list
open-ended.
Class
Class is the most obvious social division, although it is a somewhat prob-
lematic and changing concept whose definition is difficult. There is a
general tendency for class to be associated with the occupation of a per-
son, which leaves partners, carers, unemployed people, children and
older people in the same household in the problematic situation of being
designated with the social class of the main employee, while people who
work in the higher professions are even more advantaged. There are
exceptions, since aristocrats tend to be located in the highest class, irre-
spective of whether they work and part-time workers may be placed
below the working class, in an ‘underclass’ of unemployed people.
There is an important distinction between those divisions such as age
which are fixed and those such as social class which are socially con-
structed and, therefore, subject to debate. It needs to be acknowledged
also that, because some divisions are more fundamental or structural
features of society, they may be more influential than others, in their
consequences for people’s lives. But, at the same time, one person’s
experience, say, of being a black, disabled woman may be far more dev-
astating in a given situation than another’s of being an older, working-
class person. It is simply not possible to arrive at an undisputed hierarchy
of divisions.
The goal of welfare policy might be argued by the Left to be the
reduction of class inequalities and enabling people to be upwardly
mobile through classes. The idea of social mobility is important, there-
fore, since it concerns maintaining movement between classes, prefer-
ably upwards but, realistically, downwards as well. According to the
criterion of reducing class differentials and facilitating upward social
mobility, many health and welfare services could be said to have failed.
Le Grand (1982) showed how middle-class users benefited most from
health and education services; the Black Report (Department of Health
and Social Security, 1980a) showed the persistence of social class and
geographical inequalities in health provision and people’s health, as
measured by rates of accidents, morbidity (illness) and mortality.
Tackling Divisions and Inequalities 153

The underclass The term ‘underclass’ is somewhat controversial (see
Chapter 2), since its critics say it has been used unfairly by right-wing
commentators to refer pejoratively to people who, it is assumed, are
inferior to people in higher classes. Charles Murray (1994), for exam-
ple, is a leading exponent of the right-wing view that the rise of single
parent, by which he means lone mother, families is indicative of a moral
decline, reflected particularly in the emerging underclass of society.
This, he argues, is a key contributory factor in unemployment, crime
and irresponsibility, likely to be perpetuated in future marital break-
downs in the next generation of children.
Age
The adage that ‘you’re as young as you feel’ unfortunately does not take
account of the reality that, in an ageist society, ‘you may feel as young
as you’re treated’. Relative youthfulness or the appearance of being
older may lead to a person being discriminated against, in terms
of many everyday experiences. It may also affect access to social serv-
ices and how clients and carers are treated. Age may preclude equal
access to some services. For instance, medical and health insurance
policies may be age-linked and some expensive treatments and opera-
tions in the public sector may be rationed according to age, retirement
status, potential for re-employment, prognosis in terms of remaining
years of active life and other similar criteria.
Gender
Gender divides at least as fundamentally as age or class. Gender divi-
sions in many societies, most apparent when men exercise power over
women, probably predated all other divisions. Less visibly, but no less
significant, are historical traditions of discrimination against, and
oppression of, women, which are embedded in the structure and culture
of society. Despite the pervasiveness of these, in the past and the pres-
ent, it is only since the 1970s that feminist theory, research and practice
have brought gender issues to the forefront of all aspects of the social
sciences, social policy and social work. Nowadays, it is recognised that
gendered social relationships are embedded in the discipline of social
policy itself (Watson and Doyal, 1998) and need acknowledging and
tackling in health and welfare services (Doyal, 1998).
Women in leadership roles Women are some way from achieving
equal participation in political leadership and policymaking. By 1995,
only 24 women had been elected as heads of state or government, half

of these since 1990. In 1994, women represented 5.7 per cent of cabinet
ministers compared with 3.3 per cent in 1987 and in 59 countries women
held no ministerial positions at all (Corner, 1997, pp. 6–7).
Violence against women One of the most destructive gender-based
divisions in society arises from the incidence of male violence towards
women. The three long-term goals of Labour government policy in rela-
tion to violence against women are both to reduce crimes of violence
and the fear of violence, as measured by the British Crime Survey; to
enable children to grow up without violence in family life; and to estab-
lish good practice involving multi-agency partnerships. These goals
were specified in the joint Women’s Unit and Home Office document
(Home Office, 1999a) Living Without Fear. The Labour government
commitment to tackling criminal violence against women led to the
Home Office assuming the policy lead on violence against women in
July 1999, formerly taken by the Women’s Unit based at the Cabinet
Office. A new Inter-Departmental Group on Domestic Violence and
Violence Against Women was set up, replacing and broadening the
scope of the original Inter-Departmental Group on Domestic Violence.
Living Without Fear summarises the serious criminal nature of violence
against women and indicates that, since the late 1980s, the number of
reported rapes has nearly doubled, often being committed by a person
known to the victim. The report exemplifies government policy by iden-
tifying a number of preventive strategies, including providing support
and protection, bringing perpetrators to justice and creating a number of
projects designed to encourage prevention.
Double and triple jeopardy Gender divisions operate independently of,
as well as in conjunction with, class, age and other divisions. Thus
inequalities on the grounds of gender may be compounded through dou-
ble or even triple jeopardy, which means, in effect, that more than one fac-
tor operates at once. For example, women are particularly prone to being
defined as potential carers in community care planning processes. The
impact of the caring role on them is likely to be more pronounced where
they are also older, disabled and black. Clare Ungerson’s research into
caring uses empirical data to bridge psychology and social policy. She
argues that while some women carers have found their female identity
through caring, others bitterly regret their loss of autonomy and identity
and feel massively exploited (Ungerson, 1987, p. 149).
Feminist theory, research and practice have raised awareness of gen-
der discrimination as a social reality and have strengthened pressure for

legislation to protect women’s rights in the home, at work and against sex
discrimination in any setting. The Sex Discrimination Act (SDA) 1975
did not abolish sex discrimination. Parents, disabled people and carers
continue to experience exclusion from equal opportunities in the labour
market through the lack of adequate care provision (Lister, 2000, p. 47).
The increasing proportion of women in the workforce has lessened
discrimination against families with children and women at work, mainly
in the form of improved preschool provision and improved maternity
and paternity leave. But women still experience lower pay than men in
equivalent jobs and are discriminated against in promotion and higher
appointments in society, especially in health and social services, only 17
per cent of women working as managers in the NHS compared with 26.5
per cent in the workforce as a whole (Equal Opportunities Commission,
1990). George and Wilding draw on findings by the Equal Opportunities
Commission (EOC) (1993, pp. 25–32) when they comment that:
In 1992/93, there was no woman Chief Constable in Britain; only 2 per cent of
the top managers were women; only 10 per cent of university professors were
women; only 20 per cent of head teachers of secondary schools were women;
and, similarly, only 20 per cent of senior executive officers in the civil service
were women. (George and Wilding, 1999, p. 141)
Sexuality
The two main divisions in terms of sexuality of most relevance in social
work, both of which have a social policy dimension, are sexual activity
involving young people and lesbian and gay sexuality.
Sexual activity involving young people is more approved of in some
societies than others. In Britain, sexual intercourse involving a young
person under 16 is illegal, but in practice, is more likely to be the sub-
ject of police investigation and prosecution where one of the parties is
over 18. At this age, unlawful sexual intercourse becomes a Schedule
One offence, which means that it is subject to the same procedures and
serious implications as other sexual offences.
Despite the fact that homosexuality and heterosexuality are both
equally approved of in many cultures and societies, in Britain gay and
lesbian sexual identity and activity continues to be the subject of debate,
controversy and, on occasions, discrimination. Whereas it is illegal to
discriminate against a person on grounds of their sex or marital status,
discrimination on the basis of sexuality is not illegal:
It is not unlawful to discriminate against a man because he is gay, or against a
woman because she is a lesbian. (Brayne and Martin, 1999, p. 453)

Homophobic attitudes continue to be expressed in double standards
relating to homosexual and heterosexual activity. Kissing and embrac-
ing in public, for instance, has been illegal for many years for homo-
sexuals, but legal for heterosexuals. Since the late 1980s, section 28 of
the Local Government Act 1988 has made it illegal for local authorities
and their employees to promote homosexuality or teaching about homo-
sexual relationships as more desirable than heterosexuality. From 1999,
the Labour government raised a storm of public and media controversy
in the proposal to repeal section 28.
Violence may occur against gay and lesbian people, including so-
called ‘gay-bashing’. Inhibitions about declaring their sexuality may pre-
vent victims of abuse complaining to the police. Social workers may
encounter people who have suppressed anger for many years over abuse.
Public and professional attitudes are often mobilised covertly against
gay and lesbian relationships. For example, measures taken to protect
people against the risk of HIV/AIDS infection are often targeted at gay
males, even though HIV/AIDS is not restricted to the gay population. It
is as though moral judgements are being made against gay people for
their behaviour and HIV/AIDS is part of the poetic justice they deserve
for their deviance (Sontag, 1991, p. 131).
HIV (human immuno-deficiency virus) can take up to a decade to
lead, in some cases, to AIDS (acquired immune deficiency syndrome).
AIDS, however, is an umbrella term covering a variety of infections and
cancers which a person with a damaged immune system may suffer
and die from. The virus is not infectious, so cannot be caught through
normal everyday contact, but can only be passed on through sexual con-
tact, sharing needles, sharing infected blood, from mother to child
before birth or through breast-feeding. HIV/AIDS worldwide affects
mainly heterosexual people, although in developed countries gay men,
haemophiliacs and injecting drug users were infected first.
People with HIV/AIDS may be treated by employers, insurance com-
panies and even by former friends and acquaintances as though they are
afflicted with a disease on a par with an infectious plague. People such
as food handlers, whose HIV status poses no risk to consumers and who
have no legal obligation to disclose their status, may be subject to exclu-
sion from work on the grounds of other people’s sensitivities. Their
AIDS illnesses may lead to their employment being terminated in cir-
cumstances where other equivalent illnesses may only lead to temporary
absence from the workplace.
The law offers no specific legal protection in Britain against direct
discrimination on the basis of people’s HIV/AIDS status. But specific

forms of discrimination, such as the use of medical tests without the
person’s consent, medical questionnaires and the screening of job appli-
cants who have declared their HIV/AIDS status, could be the subject
of legal claims on the basis of indirect discrimination. Indirect and
direct discrimination are both unlawful under legislation regarding dis-
crimination against people on the grounds of race and gender. These
considerations make it desirable to encourage employers and those
responsible for pensions and insurance schemes to include HIV/AIDS
status in their equal opportunities policies and statements.
Under the Sex Discrimination Act 1975, for the purposes of sex dis-
crimination, English law recognises only two sexes, men and women, as
recorded on birth certificates. Thus:
the UK was not in violation of the Human Rights Convention for failing to regis-
ter as father of a child a man who had been female at birth. However, the European
Court has ruled that dismissal of a person who changed sex from male to female
amounted to sex discrimination against her as a woman. (Brayne and Martin,
1999, p. 453)
Efforts are being made by activists to promote government action which
will bring Britain into line with the rest of the EU by establishing equal-
ity before the law for gay, lesbian and heterosexual activity and
relationships.
Race
Racism is not a short-term problem. For years, black people in Britain
have been subjected to unequal treatment by professionals and the
state, in most aspects of their lives. Black people are more likely than
white people to be poor and unemployed, the trend being particularly
marked for Pakistani and Bangladeshi people (Smith et al., 1998, p. 14).
Contributory factors include higher than average and relatively increas-
ing unemployment levels resulting from the concentration of black peo-
ple in inner city areas disproportionately hit by industrial decline; and
racism inherent in selecting people for jobs and making them redundant.
Also the restructuring of capital on a global basis disproportionately
increases poverty among black people (TUC, 1994, 1995b).
Black and working-class people are overrepresented in the penal sys-
tem whereas black people are underrepresented among staff. A confi-
dential report, following a three-month internal inquiry into the beating
to death in 2000 of Zahid Mubarek at Feltham young offenders’ institu-
tion, concluded that institutional racism existed. Martin Narey, Director
General of the prison service, generalised the problem to other parts of

the prison system, saying ‘It goes beyond institutional racism to blatant
malicious pockets of racism’ (Dodd, 2001, p. 1). An official report by
probation inspectors concluded that the probation service is permeated
by racism to ‘an unacceptable degree’ (Travis, 2000, p. 9).
Criticisms of the limitations of systems for combating discrimination
include recognition of the male-dominated judicial system, with over-
whelming proportions of white men from public school and Oxbridge
backgrounds occupying key positions as barristers and judges. Legal
procedures and terminology remain opaque to people from less advan-
taged positions.
The Race Relations Act 1976 (RRA) made it unlawful to discriminate
against people on the grounds of race, in their employment, education
and training and in the provision of goods and services to them. It
defined race in terms of colour, nationality, ethnic or national origins,
but did not include religion. Rastafarians
are not treated as a racial group because the movement is too recent in origin, so
[as late as 1993] it was lawful to refuse a man a job unless he cut his hair …
Gypsies have been accorded the status of a racial group … although … discrim-
ination against travellers … [is not regarded as] illegal, since they represent a
mode of life rather than a racial grouping. (Brayne and Martin, 1999, p. 453)
Patriarchal features of countries and cultures where women are sub-
ordinated to men lead to double jeopardy for them. Bangladeshi Muslim
women, for instance, traditionally have been subjected to violence in the
household, but there is also a tradition of oppression and exploitation of
women by the state. Race relations legislation, such as the Race
Relations Act 1976, has not impacted on discrimination against black
women from within their own community. Challenges to women’s
oppression and failure to gain adequate access to social services and jus-
tice agencies such as the police, when subjected to criminal violence in
the home, have come more from women themselves as they have
achieved economic and social emancipation, and from black commu-
nity groups and self-help organisations. On the positive side, reforms to
divorce laws in Britain have made it easier than hitherto for women to
leave oppressive and violent relationships. However, housing policy has
not made it easy for black women who are lone parents – many of whom
are without adequate educational qualifications and work experience to
enable them to find any jobs, let alone employment which does not dis-
criminate against them – to obtain suitable housing.
Contemporary debates in Britain about racial discrimination came
to a renewed crisis point in the late 1990s, when the murder of Stephen

Lawrence, a young black man, led to the Macpherson inquiry
(Macpherson, 1999) into the conduct of the subsequent murder inquiry.
The Labour government introduced measures aiming to improve trust
and confidence and combat the institutional racism in the criminal
justice system and in the Metropolitan police, identified by the
Macpherson inquiry.
Inequality, discrimination and oppression
We can distinguish divisions, which may be positive or negative, from
inequalities. Some divisions, such as age and geographical location,
are not necessarily associated with inequalities. Others which are often
associated with inequalities include gender and race. Divisions such as
social class differences are inevitably associated with inequalities, or
even oppressiveness.
Alan Carling points out that, while many of the material and social
divisions between people are a positive feature of the differences bet-
ween them, some divisions are associated with injustices which should
be rectified (Carling, 1991, p. 1). Critical perspectives on sociology and
social policy help to illuminate the nature of such inequalities and point
to ways of developing more inclusive services.
The enduring nature of structural and systematic inequalities, which
ensure the persistence of discrimination and disadvantage in all their
forms, but particularly affect some groups and strata in society, implies
that the social worker’s responsibilities extend far beyond ensuring that
current legislation is complied with in working with people. It also
implies that addressing discrimination and inequality is a social and
political task and is a proactive requirement.
Direct and indirect discrimination operate at the personal, ideological
and institutional levels in society. Direct discrimination involves treat-
ing a person less positively on the grounds of age, gender, race, class,
nature of ability or disability, religious belief or affiliation, accent and
so on. Indirect discrimination involves imposing requirements which
it would be more difficult for a person in one of those categories of
difference to meet than other people.
The law is a useful weapon in the struggle against discrimination, but
is fundamentally restricted because legislation such as the Race
Relations Acts of 1965 and 1976 and the Disability Discrimination Act
1995, despite their acknowledgement of the realities of collective forms
of discrimination, overwhelmingly focus on the individual rather than

protecting the interests of groups and other collectivities. Pressure
groups and educational campaigns contribute a good deal. The Visible
Women Campaign, challenging race and sex discrimination and hosted
by the Commission for Racial Equality (CRE), is one example. In a
reference to the requirement that professional qualifying programmes
in social work include anti-discriminatory practice, Brayne and Martin
observe that ‘good practice is way ahead of the minimum that the law
requires’ (1999, p. 452). However, a local authority is required to adopt
and publish a written equal opportunities policy combating sex, race and
disability discrimination (Brayne and Martin, 1999, p. 452).
The Treaty of Rome required legislation in England eliminating dis-
crimination on grounds of pay and treatment. Also, complainants may
seek access to justice using the additional protection of the European
Convention on Human Rights (Brayne and Martin, 1999, pp. 454–5).
Legislation to combat discrimination – Sex Discrimination Act 1975,
Race Relations Act 1976, Disability Discrimination Act 1995 – has been
passed by Labour governments in two main periods, the mid-1970s and
mid-1990s. All such legislation addressing direct discrimination tends,
by definition, to focus attention on the interaction between two parties
rather than taking account of the social inequalities which contribute to
discrimination. The group nature of much discrimination, including dis-
crimination in domestic settings, is not addressed by laws focusing on
the individual. Neither is indirect discrimination as often a target of leg-
islation and anti-discriminatory practice. One reason for the restricted
concentration on direct discrimination is that indirect discrimination is
much more difficult to prove in a court of law.
Employment discrimination
The two most obvious and unjust dimensions of employment inequality
lie in discrimination against women in the form of unequal access to jobs
and unequal pay. In Scotland, for example, despite equal pay legislation,
women earn 65 per cent of men’s weekly earnings; only 52 per cent of
women are economically active compared with 71 per cent of men;
19 per cent of lone mothers are unemployed; and women are segregated
in certain occupational skill areas (factsheet on social inclusion by Equal
Opportunities Commission, Scotland, http://www.scotland.gov.uk/
inclusion/ssin09.htm 18 July 2000). The fact that inequalities persist in
the workplace affects not just the situation of individual women, whether
in social work practice, management or in politics, but also the quality of
decisionmaking in those work settings. Thus, arguments for equal oppor-
tunities need to take account of both of these aspects.

The unequal treatment of women who are black and/or disabled
compounds the discrimination, creating double or triple jeopardy.
Employment discrimination is tackled to some extent by the Equal
Pay Act 1970 and the Sex Discrimination Act 1975. Employment tri-
bunals, formerly industrial tribunals, contribute to the struggle for equal
and fair treatment in the workplace. Complainants can be awarded a
declaration regarding the rights of the complainant, compensation
involving a monetary award, and/or a recommendation specifying an
action to be taken to reduce or eliminate the need for the complaint.
However, such outcomes apply only to individual complainants and
cannot apply to a discriminatory policy or a rule affecting others in an
equivalent situation.
Wage inequalities are tackled to some extent through the minimum
wage (see Chapter 3). In 1998, the Labour government set up the inde-
pendent advisory body, the Low Pay Commission (LPC), under the
National Minimum Wage Act 1998. The brief of the LPC is to advise
the government about the national minimum wage, administered by the
DTI. The LPC reported on the level and working of the national mini-
mum wage in May 1998 (Low Pay Commission, 1998), evaluated its
introduction and impact early in 2000 (Low Pay Commission, 2000)
and is due to report in 2001 on possible increases.
Mental health discrimination
According to large-scale research by MIND, people with mental health
problems constitute the most socially excluded group in Britain (MIND,
1999). Mental health survivors testify to the harmful effects of stigma-
tisation due to various forms of treatment, notably through incarceration
in mental hospitals. A continuum exists, however, from that extreme to
the no less traumatic labelling experienced by people who may be com-
pulsorily hospitalised for a short period through an isolated psychotic or
severely depressive episode and subsequently find themselves discrimi-
nated against because it appears on their medical record. In some ways,
the invisibility of discrimination on mental health grounds makes it even
more insidious because it is less able to be challenged.
Disability discrimination
People with disabilities experience inequalities and discrimination,
relative to other groups in society, in their education and work. Their
achievements are adversely affected by the fact that schools, colleges and
universities are ill-equipped to offer them adequate learning facilities
and opportunities. Disabled people suffer higher rates of unemployment

than the rest of the population. When able to obtain work, it tends to be
below their capacity and motivation and to offer lower rewards than for
equivalent work carried out by their able-bodied peers.
Campaigns by disabled people themselves, buttressed but not dis-
placed by research findings, pressure groups and advocacy, have put
disability rights on the social policy and professional agenda. There
has been a significant shift from professionals in the personal social
services seeking to give people with disabilities the services profession-
als assess them as needing, to disabled people possessing equal citizen-
ship and having the power to determine the kinds of services they want
(Oliver, 1998, p. 261).
Religious discrimination
Religious beliefs have played a prominent part in conflicts at many
levels – in the household, in communities and in warfare within and
between different states – in societies of all kinds, throughout history. In
Northern Ireland there is legislation prohibiting discrimination on the
grounds of religion, nevertheless, religious differences have played a
major role in years of inter-communal disruption in Ireland and Northern
Ireland.
Discrimination against immigrants, asylum seekers and refugees
Of more than 25 million people estimated by the Office of the UN High
Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to be displaced by wars and state
terrorism, ethnic cleansing and human rights abuses, few ever return
home. But the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) estimates
that this is the tip of the iceberg, millions more people being made home-
less by countries being partitioned, huge development programmes and
schemes to depopulate rural areas in order to grab land (Vidal, 1999,
p. 19). Like travellers, refugees and people seeking asylum through dias-
poras and other traumatic dislocations in their lives are likely to encounter
discrimination when they arrive in Britain. This is despite the reality that
immigrants contribute – socially, politically, culturally and economically –
far more than they disturb (Vertovec, 1999). Britain, like most other
European countries, is a signatory to the Refugee Convention. This states
that if someone is likely to be persecuted they should be allowed a hear-
ing and fair treatment, on arrival to this country. Despite this, since the
1980s, critics of government policy such as human rights lawyers have
maintained that the Home Office immigration service has acted illegally
so as to detain asylum seekers punitively in the prison system for lengthy
periods while their applications, and in many cases their subsequent

appeals, were processed. The 1971 Immigration Act gave immigration
officers almost unlimited powers to detain people seeking asylum in the
UK. Research by Amnesty (1994) suggested that the average length of
detention increased after the Asylum and Immigration Appeals Act
1993. Organisations such as Bail for Immigration Detainees (Bid) and
the Refugee Legal Centre (RLC) and civil rights lawyers work to chal-
lenge the excessive detention of asylum seekers, many of whom are
deeply traumatised by their experiences. Bid works to obtain bail for
detainees. The RLC argues that detention for someone who cannot
return to their country of origin is illegal under the European Convention
on Human Rights (Gould, 2001, p. 7).
Legislation protects Britain’s boundaries rather than respecting the
interests of asylum seekers. The Asylum and Immigration Act 1996
removed some housing rights (see also Chapter 4) and benefit entitlement
from asylum seekers not applying for asylum immediately on arrival in
the UK, presumably on the grounds that this would prove they were not
genuine. In 2000, the Audit Commission noted that only ten per cent of
social services departments in England and Wales had a policy to deal
with asylum seekers (Audit Commission, 2000). This followed the vol-
untary dispersal scheme set up by the Home Office early in 2000, and the
implementation of the Immigration and Asylum Act 1999 which made it
easier for local authorities to manage asylum seekers by giving them pow-
ers to disperse them (Griggs et al., 2000, p. 23), leaving many asylum
seekers even more isolated and socially excluded (Bateman, 2000, p. 29).
Refugee children require careful placement to ensure that their class,
culture and ethnic background are taken into account as well as the
violence they may have experienced and the trauma, isolation and loss
they may still be feeling (Dutt, 1999, p. 30). The resources of voluntary
organisations such as Refugee Action, the Refugee Council and the Red
Cross are often stretched by the need for intensive work with the
increasing numbers of people being displaced by social upheavals and
armed conflicts in different parts of the world (Wellard, 1999, pp. 8–9).
In 2001, the Labour government began international negotiations to
have the applications of asylum seekers processed as near to their coun-
try of origin as possible. This procedure was intended to reduce the
number of applications to Britain. The number of applications for asy-
lum in Britain in 1999 (76,040) was the highest in Europe, with almost
40 per cent (26,630) being turned down on noncompliance (technical)
grounds without the applications being examined (www.homeoffice.
gov.uk/rds/pdfs/asy-dec00.pdf, 12 February, 2001). The Refugee Council
criticised the great rise in noncompliance refusals since the introduction

of a faster procedure in April 2000, as indicating a flaw in the system
leading to injustices, most of those refused in this way having failed to
obtain legal advice and complete a complex 19-page form in English
within 10 working days (Travis, 2001b, p. 9). The system of giving
vouchers rather than money to asylum seekers for food may have had the
strength of giving them direct access to emergency rations, but it
increased the sense they were being stigmatised and heightened the risk
of racist attacks (Bateman, 2000, p. 29).
Post-war labour shortages and waves of immigration from the late
1950s, especially from the Indian subcontinent, parts of Africa, notably
Uganda, and the West Indies, heightened awareness of deep-seated
racism and rejection of black immigrants in particular. They also led to
the government developing policies to promote integration and combat
racism, demonstrated to a limited extent in the Race Relations Act 1965,
prohibiting discrimination in public places.
The British Nationality Act 1981 allowed a spouse to enter Britain
and live with the person to whom he or she was married, provided the
marriage was deemed to be genuine. The Conservative government
introduced the habitual residence test in 1994, to assess a person’s
immigration status and eligibility for state benefits. According to the
TUC, the guidance on how adjudication officers were to distinguish
habitual residents, that is, those living in Britain permanently, rather than
casual travellers seeking to claim benefits, was too vague, consisting of
five factors to be taken into account:
● the intentions of the claimant
● the apparent reason for coming to the UK
● the claimant’s employment record
● the length and continuity of residence in another country
● whether the job, home and friends of the claimant were sufficient to
indicate that the UK was the centre of interest. (TUC, 1995a)
Critics of these attempts to control so-called illegal immigration provide
evidence that they operate in a racist manner, largely discriminating
against black people and against other people on grounds of race.
Social exclusion
In 1997, the incoming Labour government initiated a broad swathe of
strategies with the aim of trying to transcend discrimination and social

exclusion. The Labour government’s Social Exclusion Unit describes
social exclusion as:
a shorthand term for what can happen when people or areas suffer from a combi-
nation of linked problems such as unemployment, poor skills, low incomes, poor
housing, high crime environments, bad health, poverty and family breakdown.
In the past, governments have had policies that tried to deal with each of these
problems individually, but have been less successful at tackling the complicated
links between them, or preventing them arising in the first place. (www.cabinet _
office.gov.uk/seu/index.htm, May 2000)
The Social Exclusion Unit
The government announced the intention to initiate a national anti-
poverty and social inclusion strategy, which would apply to both urban
and rural communities, monitored by a national civic forum represent-
ing all major stakeholders. To this end, one of the government’s first
actions was to set up the Social Exclusion Unit (SEU) in December
1997, based in the Cabinet Office. The SEU reports directly to the prime
minister who steers its work, an indication of how closely it is intended
to work with the No. 10 Policy Unit. The SEU’s main aim was to help
the government improve the coherence and integration of work across
departmental boundaries to reduce social exclusion. By 2000, Policy
Action Team (PAT) reports on 18 areas covered by the 18 PATs had been
published, on key areas of social exclusion (see Chapter 12). These
focused on the initial targets of the SEU, namely reducing truancy and
school exclusion, eliminating people sleeping rough in towns and cities,
developing integrated and sustainable strategies to tackle problems such
as unemployment (especially through creating new opportunities for
16–18-year-olds not in education or employment) and crime and drug
use on housing estates viewed as the worst. In late 1999, the life of the
SEU was extended to 2002.
The government’s social exclusion initiative in Scotland was annou-
nced on 9 December 1997. Policy and initiatives in Scotland were coor-
dinated by a Scottish Social Inclusion Network (SSIN) formed on 8 May
1998 as a result of responses to a consultation paper Social Exclusion in
Scotland (Scottish Office, 1998), advocating the need for a more inclusive
approach to policy development in this area. The report by the Scottish
Office (Scottish Office, 2000) Social Inclusion: Opening the Door to a
Better Scotland sets out the government’s strategy and provides a basis for
consideration by the future Scottish parliament.
In June 1999, the Promotion of Social Inclusion (PSI) initiative in
Northern Ireland was announced, as part of a broader package of measures

aimed at New Targeting Social Need (New TSN) (Northern Ireland
Information Service Press Release, 18.7.00). The New TSN initiative
was one of the main items in the government White Paper Partnership
for Equality (Department of Health, 1998c). Social exclusion in
Northern Ireland was regarded as resulting
from the impact on individuals or areas of a combination of linked problems such
as poor skills, unemployment, living on a low income, coping with difficult home
circumstances, living in poor housing or areas blighted with crime and having dif-
ficulty accessing services. (Northern Ireland Information Service Press Release,
18.7.00)
Travellers and people from ethnic minorities were a particular focus for
action.
The Labour government advanced proposals to enhance inclusion
in the education system through a Special Educational Needs Bill to
be introduced in the 2000–1 session of parliament, implementing rec-
ommendations of the Disability Rights Task Force regarding schools,
post-16 learning and higher education. Labour also promoted the
Human Rights Act 1998, which aims to give disabled people the right
to education without unfair discrimination.
The SEU reported on the work done across different PATs (see
Chapter 12) on minority ethnic communities and social exclusion (SEU,
2000b). The report of PAT 12 found that Afro-Caribbean pupils were,
on average, 5 times more likely than other pupils to be excluded from
school, rising to 15 times in some inner city areas. This identified
several aspects of disproportionate disadvantage for people from ethnic
minorities which intersected all aspects of social exclusion. People from
ethnic minorities were more likely to:
● live in poor housing in deprived areas
● be unemployed (unemployment rates were 2 to 3 times higher
among 16–24-year-olds) and poor
● perform less well at school and be excluded from school
● suffer ill health
● experience racial harassment and racist crime. (DETR, Minority
Ethnic Communities and Social Exclusion Press Notice, 6 June 2000)
Similar persistent inequalities between ethnic groups were identified by
the EOC in Scotland, which also emphasised that gender and sex ineq-
uality are common themes in any area of social exclusion. PAT 11, report-
ing on Schools Plus activities, noted that children from disadvantaged

areas fail to achieve their potential within the current educational system,
about 24 per cent of students in disadvantaged schools gaining 5 or
more GCSEs contrasted with the national average of 46 per cent (DfEE,
2000, p. 19).
The SEU report proposed five broad strategies to address these:
● tackling racial discrimination
● improving services through ethnic monitoring
● targeting specific programmes at the needs of ethnic minorities
● tackling racist crime and harassment
● improving information about these communities. (SEU, 2000a,
pp. 8–9)
These statements imply the need for a broad swathe of social policy
initiatives. In 2000, the Local Government Association launched its
strategic community development initiative, The New Commitment to
Regeneration, to be evaluated by the Urban Alliance. Other government
initiatives aiming to cross-brace with the SEU include rebuilding com-
munities on problem housing estates, Welfare to Work, Employment
and Health Action Zones.
Perspectives on social exclusion policies
Levitas (1998) identifies three forms of discourse concerning social
exclusion: redistributionist, moral underclass and social integration. The
efforts of New Labour to eradicate poverty by focusing on particularly
high-profile social problems such as street begging are redistributionist.
However, they are not as effective as fundamental changes in social
security aimed at eliminating poverty. Moral underclass discourse iden-
tifies people’s tendency towards becoming dependent on benefits as a
weakness dragging them into delinquent and lazy habits. The underclass
is treated as an identifiable group of people located outside and, as the
term implies, below the remainder of the population. The policies of the
Thatcher and Major Conservative governments (1979–97) concentrated
on social policies attempting to reduce what was seen as a culture of wel-
fare benefits dependency. The report of PAT 3 Enterprise and Social
Exclusion (HM Treasury, 2000) was published in 2000 in response to
the SEU report on deprived neighbourhoods published in September
1998 (SEU, 1998a). The report advocated promoting enterprise in
deprived areas. Patricia Hewitt, former left-winger and member of the
CND Committee of One Hundred in the late 1950s and now Minister
for Small Business at the DTI, echoed the Thatcher government’s

promotion of private entrepreneurship at the launch of the report, with
the words:
I see this report as a contribution not just to the debate on social exlusion but also
to the Government’s broad agenda for an enterprise society. Enterprise is an out-
look, an attitude of mind, that needs to be encouraged right across society, and the
proposals here are about one facet of that broader task. (HM Treasury Press
Release, Enterprise – A Vital Force Against Social Exclusion, 2 November 1999)
Social integration discourse identifies a correlation between people’s
lack of attachment to the family, work and education and their degree of
exclusion. Much discussed phenomena such as the collapse of families,
visible in rising rates of separation and divorce (see Chapter 6), and the
breakdown of order in schools (to be estimated, it is assumed, through
bullying, indiscipline and rates of exclusion and explusion) are held
to be symptomatic of a disintegration of the social and moral order in
society. The policy responses, therefore, focus on trying to promote peo-
ple’s active citizenship by offering them meaningful and rewarding
work and other ways of participating in society. The social policies of
the Labour government (1997 onwards) reflect a mixture of moral
underclass and social integration discourses, through the tougher
responses taken towards people seen as abusing the welfare system,
welfare and employment policies based on ‘workfare’as practised in the
USA, the New Deal (see Chapters 2 and 3) and the stakeholder society
(see Chapter 11). The Labour government viewed citizens as maintain-
ing their stake in society by helping themselves and not succumbing to
dependency. Citizenship also is a concept which can provide social
workers with a framework to develop a critical practice based on inclu-
siveness, anti-poverty and anti-oppressive policies (Lister, 1997).
From a critical perspective, JockYoung’s book, discussing the origins
and nature, contradictions and dilemmas of exclusion, makes the point
that an inclusive society can be oppressive. This is because it may
deny people’s values and particular identities and the problematic nature
of difference in society (Young, 1999, p. 102).
Anti-discrimination and promoting equality
There is a tendency for legislation to promote a minimum standard rather
than an optimum level. For example, section 71 of the Race Relations
Act 1976 requires local authorities to make arrangements to eliminate
unlawful racial discrimination and promote equality of opportunity. But
this does not empower a social worker and client to combat discrim-
ination individually and collectively, at social and political levels.

The CRE and EOC are responsible for working towards eliminating
discrimination and promoting equality of opportunity, as well as
reviewing the law. The immensity of this task is emphasised by the real-
ity that the nature of discrimination is subtle and not restricted to gross
stereotyping of differences between people, or negative labelling
and stigmatisation. Inferior and unequal treatment may come about
through implicit differentiations which are part of ingrained cultural
patterns not recognised by perpetrators, or even victims in some cases,
as discriminatory.
The problematic nature of definitions of discrimination is illustrated
by the issue of gender reassignment in relation to definitions under the
sex discrimination legislation, which identifies only two sexes, male
and female, and relies for this on the information contained in a birth
certificate.
Also, the Disability Discrimination Act 1995 defines disability in terms
of a person’s physical or mental impairment having a substantial and
long-term adverse effect on a person’s ability to carry out normal
day-to-day activities. Thus it excludes any consideration of social dis-
crimination which arises from stereotypes and misconceptions rather than
being inherent in the impairment of the disabled person. The Disability
Discrimination Act, according to one evaluation of early responses
by employers and service providers, has had a limited impact. More
proactive measures will be necessary to achieve significant change in
the direction of actual rather than formal equality for disabled people
(Gooding, 2000).
Promoting rights and citizenship
There is a general failure to implement in agency practice the full spirit
of European and UN statements on human rights, even though,
for example, the Human Rights Act 1998 attempts to incorporate into
the law in England and Northern Ireland the principles of the European
Convention on Human Rights (Scotland and Wales made their own pro-
visions in 1998). This law sets out rights to life, liberty, security, fair
trial, freedom of expression, free elections, privacy, education, marriage
and family life. It covers gross abuses such as torture, slavery and forced
labour, but not the protection of social, economic and cultural rights
tackled by the RRA and SDA. For areas covered by the provisions of the
Human Rights Act, citizens no longer have to go to the European Court
of Human Rights in Strasbourg. Through the Act, citizens will be able
to challenge existing legislation, although this may not be straightfor-
ward. For instance, in the field of consumer protection, the Act confers

rights on companies as well as consumers and, in theory, companies
could use the Act to challenge existing consumer protection legislation
on the grounds that it restricts them from exercising their rights against
consumers (Which, 2000–01, p. 2).
The persistence of inequalities and discrimination make it necessary,
now as ever, to establish an equality-based perspective (Thompson,
1998, p. 3) on policy and service delivery, but practitioners are likely to
encounter barriers, tensions and dilemmas in doing this. Exclusion, as
in the circumstances of many refugees, may be hidden and people may
live in double or triple jeopardy through having compound problems to
cope with. Social workers must exercise vigilance, sensitivity and
assertiveness, bringing to bear on individual situations a critical aware-
ness of how people may be excluded or discriminated against. Here is
an example.
EXAMPLE
A social worker is making first contact with a Kurdish family of two parents
and a child of about ten, living in bed and breakfast accommodation,
following a comment by the landlady that the father seems unresponsive
and the child has not been seen for a few days. The Benefits Agency have
been requiring the father to apply for Jobseeker’s Allowance or to sign on
for work and the landlady knows he has not done this. She makes a dismis-
sive remark about the apparent lack of motivation of ‘these people’ to help
themselves.
The social worker contacts the local refugee coordinator for the local
authority and a worker for a local Kurdish organisation. Using interpreters,
because none of the family speaks English, the social worker finds that the
child has learning difficulties and could be autistic, but this had not been
realised before. He finds the mother is deeply traumatised from being tor-
tured and the father is suffering from major hearing problems, probably
through bombs having exploded very close to him. The social worker works
with the refugee organisations to ensure that family members receive the
benefits to which they are entitled. The father is entitled to help with learn-
ing sign language, the mother needs psychological support and counselling
and their child’s learning difficulties need assessing. The social worker
arranges for the family to move to a two-bedroomed rented flat, near other

Kurdish families, with whom they start to communicate more freely. The
social worker invites the landlady to attend social events organised by refu-
gee groups and introduces her to some of the issues she must tackle if she
is to continue offering accommodation for them, particularly celebrating
diversity rather than regarding it as a problem to be surmounted.
Chapter summary
This chapter has dealt with those aspects of divisions and inequalities in
society which are most likely to affect social work. It has examined the
efforts being made to develop equality-based policy and practice,
including the policy initiatives of the Labour government 1997 onwards
to tackle social exclusion.
Further reading
Barry, M. and Hallet, C. (1999) Social Work and Social Exclusion, Venture Press,
Birmingham
Levitas, R. (1998) The Inclusive Society? Social Exclusion and New Labour,
Macmillan, Basingstoke – now Palgrave: for theoretical perspectives on social
exclusion, citizenship and the social policies of New Labour
Lister, R. (1997) Citizenship: Feminist Perspectives, Macmillan, London – now
Palgrave
Thompson, N. (1998) Promoting Equality: Challenging Discrimination and
Oppression in the Human Services, Macmillan, London – now Palgrave

9
Organising and Delivering
Social Services
We should be sceptical of the argument that the history of the organisation
of the social services is one of fairly unimpeded development. Jane
Lewis rejects the traditional view that welfare services have moved
straightforwardly from the dark ages of the Poor Law to the enlighten-
ment of Beveridge’s plans in 1942. She questions the simplistic assump-
tion that the state took on more responsibilities as individualism was
replaced by collectivism, as though this inevitably culminated in the
wave of legislation in the 1940s which established the welfare state
(Lewis, 1999, p. 249).
Policy context
The history of other changes which relate to the birth of the welfare
state is exceedingly complex and multifaceted because it relates to
social, economic and political changes and multilayered because local,
regional and central government were all changing. For example, it had
taken almost a century and a half for the system of local government
established in 1974 to emerge, although it was to take a further twenty-
five years for parliament to pass legislation (Local Government Act
2000) extending the powers of local authorities to enable them to
address local problems in partnership with local public, private, volun-
tary and business organisations with a reasonable degree of autonomy.
The Municipal Corporations Act 1835 set up directly elected boroughs
to replace the outdated and largely corrupt self-electing corporations
which had existed for many centuries. County councils (there were 62
including the London County Council, and 61 county borough councils)
were established in England and Wales under the Local Government Act
173

in 1888; and 535 urban district councils, 472 rural district councils and
270 non-county borough councils under the Local Government Act of
1894. The London Government Act 1899 established 28 metropolitan
borough councils in London as well as the Corporation of London. In
1963, the London Government Act created the Greater London Council
(GLC) and 32 London boroughs. On 1 April 1974, when the Local
Government Act 1972 was implemented, the range of authorities com-
prised the GLC, 47 county councils in England and Wales and 6 metro-
politan county councils with 36 metropolitan district councils. On
1 April 1986, under the Local Government Act 1985, the Conservative
government abolished the GLC and 6 metropolitan counties and set
up a directly elected Inner London Education Authority (ILEA), later
abolished by the Education Reform Act 1988. A large number of new
unitary councils – responsible for supplying the full range of local
authority services – were created under the Local Government Act 1992
and came into existence from 1995. By 2000, there were five different
types of local authority – unitary councils, metropolitan districts,
London boroughs, and county and district councils. Thus, there were 26
local authorities in Northern Ireland, 32 in Scotland, 22 in Wales and
387 in England, a total of 467, excluding the Isle of Man and the Scilly
Isles. In 1998, the Labour government proposed the establishment of a
Greater London Assembly with a directly elected mayor and this was
implemented in 2000. The setting up of executives including elected
mayors formed part of the proposals in the Local Government Act 2000,
significantly enhancing the political and financial powers of local
authorities to promote the economic, environmental and social well-
being of their areas.
Forty-six unitary authorities, the 32 London boroughs and the 36
metropolitan boroughs are single-tier district councils providing all local
authority services in their area. The metropolitan district councils in
major urban areas include Birmingham, Leeds, Liverpool, Manchester
and Newcastle. Non-metropolitan areas of England are two tier, with
counties providing most services including education and social services
and districts providing other services such as housing.
An implicit bias affects the conventional treatment of the history of
social administration, impacting on the view taken of the organisation
of local authorities and social services. There is a tendency to examine
these from an explicitly or implicitly statutory vantage point. This risks
underemphasising the important contributions of the voluntary and
informal sectors, underplaying in the process the part played by ‘ordi-
nary’ people. History is not made only by important people. Power

sometimes can be exercised from below. The account of the organisa-
tion of social services should not be distorted by only taking into
account successive organisations and reorganisations of statutory serv-
ices. This also applies to the way social services are actually delivered.
Jane Lewis reminds us that social services have always been delivered
by a combination of state, family, voluntary sector and marketplace
providers, with different ones more prominent at different times (Lewis,
1999, p. 249).
The history of the organisation of welfare services in Britain since the
Second World War divides into two main periods. Between 1945 and
1975 the welfare state was expanding, while the period from 1975 to
2000 was concerned more with retrenchment (Pierson, 1992). Up to
1975, there were two major periods of reorganisation in the personal
social services: from 1945 to 1950 when the welfare state was being set
up, and between 1968 and 1974 when local authority and local govern-
ment reorganisations took place. From the mid-1970s, successive
Labour and Conservative governments have been concerned with re-
shaping welfare services so as to give the non-statutory – voluntary and
private – providers much more prominence.
Changing relationships between central and local government
One of the main ways in which central government exercised tighter
controls over local government was through the imposition of ceilings
on spending. The local authority grant from central government is based
on an estimate of spending needs in the coming year. This is negotiated,
but with central government making elements of grants dependent on
the meeting of increasingly stringent performance targets.
In 1984, rate-capping was introduced and the traditional system of
imposing rates on local householders was reformed several times, a poll
tax, community charge and council tax being introduced in succession,
the poll tax leading to widespread public protests.
Local authorities have developed imaginative ways of working
around shortages of resources: spreading initiatives over a longer period
of time; making further payments dependent on the achievement of
performance targets; building in a requirement that a project must
become self-sufficient in funding terms after a period of several years;
increasing the proportion of contracts in the private and not-for-profit or
voluntary sectors; making grants on a year-by-year basis; freezing
grants; and withholding payments linked to inflation.
Organising and Delivering Social Services 175

Most local authorities comply with central government’s require-
ments of spending cuts in the annual process of bidding for resources
and the support grant allocation by central government:
Others engage in shadow-boxing, using creative accountancy and other methods
to avoid having to make cuts or increase local taxes to unacceptable levels, while
staying more or less within the confines of the government’s policies and grant
allocations. A few authorities try to confront the government with ‘brinkmanship’
strategies, proclaiming that they would not reduce their work-forces or cut their
services and in effect daring the government to do its worst. (Elcock, 1993, p. 157)
Styles of management within local authorities were changing. Social
workers in local authority social services departments never enjoyed
total professional autonomy. They were always accountable to the law
and to their line managers. ‘Managerialism’ is the term used to describe
styles of management which put managers in the central role in the
organisation. ‘New managerialism’ (Adams, 1998a, p. 44) is the term
used to describe management approaches in the public services which
were imported from the private sector in the early 1980s, with decisions
based on the criteria of economy, efficiency and effectiveness (Farnham
and Horton, 1993b, pp. 237–8). It is probably more accurate to refer to
new managerialisms in the plural, since there was not one approach
(Adams, 1998a, p. 61). New managerialisms in welfare organisations
directly challenged and often undermined the already fragile profes-
sionalism of social work.
One key sign of the growing power of new managerialisms was the
imposition on probation and social services from the 1980s of measures
of achievement by performance indicators and service standards, often
incorporated into service agreements and contracts. The aim often was
to become more cost-effective and achieve higher standards without
increasing resources. Not surprisingly, efforts to achieve this by mod-
ernising services, improving quality, introducing computer-based office
systems, rather than increasing resources, have not necessarily been
accompanied by a lessening in the workload and stress experienced by
individual professionals. On the contrary, staffing resources have invari-
ably been subjected to cuts. In the probation service, for example, Home
Office statistics indicated a rise of 4 per cent in caseloads during 1998
and predicted a further rise of 2.5 per cent during 1999–2000 (NAPO
News, October 1999, Issue 113, p. 4). A survey by Community Care
identified ‘unacceptably high’ stress levels among over half of local
authority staff and ‘very high’ stress levels among a further 41 per cent
(Rickford, 1999, p. 22). A survey by NISW found 62 per cent of staff in

England experiencing stress in the previous year compared with 50 per
cent in Scotland and 31 per cent in Northern Ireland (McLean et al.,
1999). By 2001, social work vacancy levels in many local authorities
had reached 30 per cent.
Key changes and related issues
Organisation and delivery: 1945 to 1974
In the post-war years, general government expenditure (GGE) rose
enormously, and part of this expansion was in the public sector of social
welfare. Even though the ‘national’ civil service grew from 387,000 in
1939 to more than one million by 1951, the growth in employees in
local government was even more dramatic, from about one million peo-
ple in the late 1940s to over three million by 1971 (Farnham and
Horton, 1993a, pp. 5–7).
Local government was changing in two major ways: first, there was
a tendency for local authorities to take on increased duties and powers.
This came partly from central government as the complexity, scope and
depth of management tasks grew, in the wake of the nationalisation of
major industries including coal production, railways, airlines, road
haulage, gas and electricity. Partly, it arose from the expansion of hous-
ing, education services, the creation of the NHS and the innovation of
social services departments, which generated a public sector workforce
of about seven million people by 1979 (Farnham and Horton, 1993a,
p. 7). The novel feature was that local authorities increasingly were in
the business of governing their localities. The term ‘local government’
began to mean just that.
Second, and largely as a consequence of the above, the diversification
of central and local government into new areas of responsibility created
pressure towards strengthening the corporate control of services (Elcock,
1993, p. 151). ‘Corporate management’ was very much in vogue in local
government from the early 1970s, if nothing else as a means of address-
ing the fragmentation of local authority services, perceived in official
reports at the time (Maud Report, 1967; Bains Report, 1972) to need bet-
ter coordination (Elcock, 1993, p. 151). Local authorities appointed chief
executives from the 1970s and relied increasingly on managerial concepts
and practices imported from commerce and industry. Financial control
assumed greater importance than previously, senior management teams
were created across departments and covering an entire local authority.

Between 1945 and 1975, from at least two points of view, local gov-
ernment was in decline: it lost responsibility for delivering gas, elec-
tricity, national assistance, hospital services, residual health and water
services; and its financial dependence on central government grew as its
income from central government grew from 30 to 45 per cent. In the
personal social services, local government dependence is best illustrated
by the fact that after 1970 all appointments to the post of director of
social services had to be approved by the DHSS (Lowe, 1993, p. 88).
Paradoxically, the power of local government waned as its income and
expenditure trebled in real terms and increased in absolute terms as a
proportion of the gross domestic product (GDP) of the country (Lowe,
1993, p. 88). Local authority councils exercised existing powers in areas
such as education, where the provision of schools and youth services
was largely a matter for local government.
The uniquely powerful situation of local government in the organisa-
tion and delivery of social services from the early 1970s was ensured
by two separate but related processes of government-initiated reports
and their implementation.
First, in the personal social services, the implementation of the
Seebohm Report (1968) led to a considerable enhancement of the
responsibilities and powers of local authorities, through the setting up of
a unified social services department in each local authority. Seebohm’s
recommended structural changes in the organisation and delivery of
social services were implemented in the 1970 Local Authority Social
Services Act, which combined the hitherto separate childcare, welfare
and mental health services in a single generic social services department
in each local authority.
Second, the impact of the Seebohm innovation was increased by the
almost simultaneous deliberations of the Redcliffe-Maud Royal Comm-
ission (Redcliffe-Maud, 1969). This recommended creating 58 unitary
local authorities, each intended to be no less than 250,000 people and
responsible for all the services in their area. The exceptions were
Birmingham, Liverpool and Manchester where services were split
between two tiers of government. But the Conservative government
of Edward Heath rejected these proposals, insofar as they would have
destroyed county councils where there was strong support for the
Conservatives. The resulting Local Government Act 1972, implemented
in 1974, was a political compromise. It reduced the number and
increased the size of local authorities, but hung onto the two-tier
structure by retaining county councils. This perpetuated traditional
rivalries and divisions between services. Lowe notes, for example, that

responsibility for personal social services and housing continued to be
divided between county and district councils in the 47 non-metropolitan
counties of England and Wales (Lowe, 1993, p. 90).
Organisation and delivery: 1974 to 2001
The main obvious influences on the way that the personal social services
were organised and delivered from the 1970s were the Seebohm Report,
the creation of social services departments and the changes brought
about by the Conservatives under Margaret Thatcher, who came to power
in May 1979. But some of the policies developed by the Conservatives
after 1979 were foreshadowed by the preceding Labour government of
1974 to 1979. The first of these irrevocably changed the identity and
image of what social workers and social services departments did, while
under the Conservatives the size of the public sector, and the way it and
the voluntary and private sectors were organised, changed greatly.
Despite attempts by some local authority managers during the 1970s
to take measures to find out more about the views and expectations held
by the public about their services, most local authorities followed fairly
traditional, often bureaucratic practices. During the ‘winter of discon-
tent’ of 1978–79, social workers in some cities such as Leeds joined
many other public service workers in strikes and other demonstrations
of widespread discontent with the Labour government. Striking and
other demonstrating social workers tended to link their individual
concerns with the wider issues of high unemployment, poverty, local
authority budget cuts and declining quality in social services.
Marketisation of health and social services
From the time of the incoming Conservative government of 1979, there
was a tendency for central government to enhance the contribution
made to the provision of personal social services by agencies in the vol-
untary sector. From the late 1980s, the Thatcher government brought
about a shift in the roles of local authorities from providers to commis-
sioners, contractors and purchasers of services. This was in the wider
context of the government’s strategy of reducing the size of the public
sector and undermining the power of trade unions.
The Local Government, Planning and Land Act 1980 forced local
authorities to sell off council houses to sitting tenants, at significant dis-
counts. It also empowered them to put out services to competitive
tender (Elcock, 1993, p. 159). The later introduction of compulsory

competitive tendering (CCT) (Local Government Act 1988) facilitated
the operation of market forces in the supply and demand for workers
and strengthened managerial control over the level of pay and working
conditions of employees (Farnham, 1993, p. 121). Some local authori-
ties established Direct Service Organisations (DSO) to carry out the ten-
dering process on behalf of the staff of that authority.
The establishment of the contract culture under the NHS and Com-
munity Care Act 1990 meant the replacement of the virtual monopoly of
state provision by a mixed economy, a quasi-market, of health and per-
sonal social services, delivered through a much more evenly balanced
range of providers than formerly, through public, private, voluntary
and informal sectors. The setting up of internal markets in social services
departments – notably under the NHS and Community Care Act 1990 –
for the purchase of services for clients, which were formerly provided by
the department, forced local authorities to sell off many facilities to vol-
untary and private agencies, from whom the social services department
subsequently bought similar services. These changes in the ways services
were organised and delivered had major implications for the style of man-
agement in the local authority, for professionals, people receiving the
services and members of the public who want a stake in local services.
Private as well as voluntary agencies and organisations played an
increasing role in provision, in such areas as daycare, nurseries and
playgroups. Childminding, traditionally located in the informal sector,
was subject to increasing regulation. A repeated pattern was for scandals
over failings in services to arise in particular localities and inquiry
reports to highlight shortcomings in mechanisms for quality assurance.
The inquiry report into abuses of children in nurseries in Newcastle
(Barker et al., 1998) is typical.
By 1991, the public sector workforce had fallen from its peak of 7.5
million employees to about 6 million, of which about 3 million were in
the local authorities (Farnham, 1993, p. 100). In contrast, the local auth-
ority workforce (full and part time) of the social services grew steadily
throughout the period. In 1961, there were 170,000 workers in social
services, increasing to 272,000 by 1974, 368,000 by 1984 and 414,000
by 1991 (Farnham, 1993, p. 102). The total full-time equivalent work-
force in the public sector of the social services workforce showed a
more steady increase, from 235,000 in 1979 to 288,000 with a slight
reduction to 287,000 in 1991 (Farnham, 1993, p. 103).
The Conservative government restricted the autonomy of local
government by reorganisation, financial controls and changes in the
delivery of services through CCT, contracting out and marketisation.

Reorganisation of local government
Just before the Labour government swept into power in the general elec-
tion of May 1997, the Conservative government had fulfilled its aim of
restructuring local government into single-tier unitary authorities. One
aim of the reorganisation was to create councils small and local enough
for people to identify as their own, accessible and responsive to local
communities. Size mattered, and the issue of participation.
The second wave of reorganisation of local government took place
early inApril 1997. It created 13 new unitary local authorities in England,
Scotland and Wales, in addition to the 67 new unitary authorities created
in 1996 and the further 19 due to emerge in 1998 (Craig and Manthorpe,
1999b).
Devolution
The Labour government’s main policies affecting social welfare were
linked with the intention to devolve powers to Northern Ireland, Wales
and Scotland and enhance the participation of citizens in local and
national government. Ironically, this stated commitment to enhancing
citizen empowerment and participation was employed through a style of
governance more tightly controlled from Westminster than that of the
previous Conservative government.
The devolution of power to Northern Ireland, the national assembly
for Wales and the Scottish parliament marks a significant move towards
democracy. It offers the opportunity to break away from the pattern
of domination of the four countries by primary legislation framed in
Westminster and in one sense brings central and local government
closer to each other. In another sense, though, it complicates that rela-
tionship by interposing a further stage of government – in Wales,
Scotland and Northern Ireland at any rate – between Westminster and
the local authority. The issue of developing meaningful government is
complicated by the simultaneous impact of local government reorgani-
sation. In Wales, for example, before the 1996 reorganisation the
8 counties had coterminous boundaries with the local health authorities.
Now, there are 22 local authorities and 5 health authorities.
While it is too early to evaluate the impact of devolution, several fea-
tures stand out. First, the relationship between Westminster and the
devolved Scottish parliament and Welsh assembly has been somewhat
tense. Labour has found it traumatic, perhaps, to devolve power.
Second, the governing of the Welsh assembly by a minority contrasts
with the coalition government in Scotland and two overwhelming
Labour majorities in Westminster. Third, it will take some time before

Welsh and Scottish ministers develop a distinctive agenda, not simply
derived from London (Taylor, 2000, p. 14). Fourth, the trend towards
structural change in social work and social care has accelerated in
Scotland, with an increasing number of authorities opting for integrated
departments, with social work, housing, leisure, education and other
services being managed together (McKay, 2000a, p. 12). Fifth, moves
to integrate social work services with other services has proceeded in
the context of no single ministerial brief being allocated to social work
in the Scottish Executive (McKay, 2000b, p. 24).
Quality assurance
In 2000, the Social Care Group of the DH – one of the three key areas
of responsibility in the DH alongside the NHS Executive and the Public
Health Group – is for improving the quality, reliability and efficiency of
the social services in England. It has six branches or subdivisions con-
cerned with policy and training, children’s services (two branches, one
concerned with Quality Protects), community care, disablity and men-
tal illness and care standards. These support government ministers and
communicate policy to people inside and outside government.
Governments since the 1970s have attended to professionals’requests
for more resources with the stringent response that failures in health and
social services quality are primarily a consequence of shortcomings in
the management and deployment of existing resources. Despite this,
concerns continue to be expressed in many areas of practice about
resource and staff shortages in health and social services. Associated
with this, for instance, it can be asked how lawful, ethical and profes-
sionally sound it is for social services staff to screen assessments over
the telephone in the key area of community care, only offering full
assessments to those judged to be at significant risk of harm (Clements,
1999, p. 28). In July 2000, the DH published the results of the response
to the June 1999 set of performance indicators. These showed a twofold
variation in death from all causes, in deaths from all circulatory disease
and from suicide and accidents, between the worst and best health
authorities. There were nearly five times as many people on waiting
lists in the worst performing health authorities as in the best (NHS
Executive, 16 July 2000, Press Release NHS Performance Indicators:
http://www.doh.gov.uk/nhsperformanceindicators).
The Care Standards Act 2000 was implemented under Labour’s sec-
ond government. Its purpose is to address failings in quality including the
many shortcomings in social services for adults and children revealed in
dozens of scandals and inquiries since the early 1970s. It has established
a national register of qualified staff through a separate council in Wales,

Scotland, Northern Ireland and England, to register more than a million
care workers and 50,000 social workers on an incremental basis as their
qualifications are judged adequate. It introduces a parallel measure to
the Protection of Children Act 1999, which dealt with people unsuitable
for working with children, to exclude from the national register people
unsuitable for working with adults. It covers statutory, private and vol-
untary health and social care, including more than 30,000 establishments
providing social services for about half a million adults and children,
such as long-term nursing and social care for older people and people
with disabilities and residential, daycare, adoption, fostering and child-
minding services for children. It will set up the National Care Standards
Commission (NCSC) in 2002 as an independent watchdog to regulate
health and social services organisations, agencies and establishments
of all types. The Commission, with a majority of lay members, has
powers to inspect conditions in the full range of services to people in
need. Ofsted, a government body replacing Her Majesty’s Inspectors of
Schools, responsible for inspecting schools under the Education
(Schools) Act 1992, with strong interventive powers to insist on reme-
dial special measures under the School Inspections Act 1996, sections
3(1), 10 and 14, is responsible for inspecting daycare and childminding.
A separate division within the Commission is responsible for healthcare,
inspection being centralised rather than being located in the inspection
units of 100 health authorities in England and 5 in Wales.
The 8th Annual Report of the Chief Inspector of the SSI confirmed
the government’s intention
to modernise local government (and) bring new political and decision making
structures together with a new duty to achieve Best Value across all services.
(Department of Health, 1999b, p. 5)
Two of the main means of achieving this were to be first, the continued
pattern of inspections, both by the SSI alone and through joint reviews
of social services with the Audit Commission; second, the Performance
Assessment Framework (PAF) already introduced to assess key aspects
of social services performance throughout the country. The Best Value
Performance Indicators for social services were cross-referenced by the
DH with the performance indicators listed in the personal social serv-
ices PAF and cover the following areas:
National Priorities and Strategic Objectives
● stability of placements of children looked after
● educational qualifications of children looked after

Cost and Efficiency
● costs of services for children looked after
● cost of intensive social care for adults
Effectiveness of Service Delivery and Outcomes
● intensive homecare
● older people (aged 65 and over) helped to live at home
Quality of Service for Users and Carers
● clients receiving a review
● percentage of items of equipment costing less than £1000 delivered within 3
weeks
● users/carers who said they got help quickly
● percentage of people receiving a statement of their needs and how they will
be met
Fair Access
● assessments per head of population
● users/carers who said that matters relating to race, culture or religion were
noted
● relative spend on Family Support. (Department of Health, 2000b, p. 1)
These are the benchmarks by which quality of services will be evaluated
in the future.
Social workers have been particularly affected by three main organisa-
tional changes since the early 1990s:
1. The creation of internal markets, locating most social workers either
on the purchasing or the providing sides of the equation of manag-
ing and delivering social services.
2. Growing managerialist control of the professional area of social
work.
3. The requirement that practice is quality assured to ensure ‘best
value’ is measured against published standards of service.
Chapter summary
This chapter has examined the main changes affecting the organisation
and delivery of services since the 1940s. It has highlighted some partic-
ular themes which currently are relevant to the practice of social work.

Further reading
Cutler, T. and Waine, B. (1994) Managing the Welfare State, Berg, Oxford
Lowe, R. (1993) The Welfare State in Britain Since 1945, Macmillan,
Mullender, A. and Perrott, S. (1998) ‘Social Work and Organisations’ in, R. Adams,
L. Dominelli and M. Payne (eds) Social Work: Themes, Issues and Critical
Debates, pp. 67–77, Macmillan, Basingstoke – now Palgrave
Payne, M. (2000) Teamwork in Multiprofessional Care, Macmillan, Basingstoke –
now Palgrave

186
10
Financing Social Services
The issue of finance affects social work at two points: at the strategic
level of resourcing services and at the tactical level where the agency
and the practitioner are charging the client for services. This chapter
deals with each of these two aspects in turn.
Contexts
Some of the most dramatic consequences of changing social policies for
people receiving social services are in the area of finance. Since the early
1990s, many people have been paying for services hitherto provided free
of charge and other charges have increased as a result of new arrange-
ments for financial assessment. Bradley and Manthorpe (1997) quite
correctly locate the necessity for social workers to come to grips with
issues of finance in the contextual pressures created by economic and
demographic trends and currently identified social problems, as well as
factors within social work such as its nature as a profession and the
reshaping and reconceptualising of care since the NHS and Community
Care Act 1990.
However, finance not only affects the micro aspects of practice but also
macro issues concerning policy on the funding of services. Questions of
the funding of services have impacted on welfare policies for several
decades, in Britain and in other developed countries.
Perspectives on financing services
Arguments about whether services should be supplied through the pub-
lic or private sectors, or through a mixture of providers including vol-
untary and informal provision, relate to political, economic and social

Financing Social Services 187
perspectives and theories which are based on fundamentally different
assumptions. Arguments by advocates of different approaches frequently
appear to be based on independent evidence, but start from ideological
assumptions reflecting a commitment either to public or private provi-
sion, with all that entails. The debate is by no means limited to Britain
or Western Europe, as is illustrated by Donahue’s examination of the
relative merits of public and private garbage collection in the USA
(Donahue, 1989, pp. 60–8).
The New Right: laissez-faire
At one extreme, classical economic theory, sometimes called laissez-
faire because it assumes that the system of supply and demand can be
left to its own self-regulatory devices, advocates letting people who want
a service make their own arrangements, choosing a supplier who,
presumably, offers it at the most competitive price.
In the 1980s, New Right ideas and practices were exchanged freely
across the Atlantic between the Thatcher and Reagan governments. Von
Hayek (1960), the right-wing economist, provided justifications for argu-
ments used by Republicans and ‘neo-conservatives’ in the USA that
spending more was not necessarily effective, that the so-called ‘war on
poverty’ and the ‘great society’ programmes of the 1960s had failed
(Mishra, 1984, p. 31). Similar arguments were used in Britain by neo-
conservatives to show that promoting economic growth through higher
spending had not achieved the claimed benefits (Mishra, 1984, p. 32).
The New Right argument flourished under Thatcherism, targeting
inflation and using monetarism (cutting back the supply of money in
the economy through cutting government, that is, public, borrowing
and spending and manipulating rates of interest for borrowers and
investors) to try to reduce inflation. The second stage, in theory, was to
cut taxes so as to encourage enterprise and business initiative, thus creat-
ing wealth through market forces, demand and supply being stimulated
and the economy recovering its health. (See Chapter 3 for further discus-
sion of relationships between economic theories and welfare policy.)
Collectivism
Towards the other extreme, there is a variety of socialist and Marxist
perspectives. Basically, they share the view that the only way to ensure
that all people who need a service get access to it is to provide it through
the state and in the process subsidise those who cannot afford to pay.
Marxists and neo-Marxists revived the analysis of the crisis of capi-
talism during the 1970s, as the economic difficulties of many Western

economies in the face of their own recessions, exacerbated by the sud-
den increase in Middle Eastern oil prices, became apparent. Marxist
analysis shares the neo-conservatism pessimism about the plight of wel-
fare provision under capitalism, but for different reasons. Whereas New
Right commentators would say the state cannot afford these services,
Marxists would add that the capitalist state is failing through the crisis
brought about by its own internal contradictions and conflicts. The
state and public expenditure continue to grow, but cannot be afforded.
A breakdown of social order will be inevitable as the crisis deepens and
the working classes become more frustrated with the exploitive activi-
ties of capitalists who are becoming ever richer at their expense. Social
conflicts such as mass urban riots are one sign of this crisis erupting.
From another perspective, of course, it could be argued that, whereas in
France and Russia there have been major revolutions, in Britain smaller
scale riots are a means of venting frustrations, which therefore never
accumulate sufficient pressure to become universal, mass uprisings.
New Labour and the third way
On the wide continuum between these extremes lie advocates of mixed
models of service provision and payment. Soon after the Labour land-
slide victory in the general election of 1997, the arguments of New
Labour about a ‘third way’, between the extremes of Conservatives and
the so-called ‘extreme’Left, were being worked out in practice. The New
Right attack on the perceived excessive cost of social welfare was taken
over, in effect, by Labour and incorporated in the view that the way for-
ward was by means of partnership between the public sector and private
and voluntary sectors, in the market economy revitalised by enterprise.
Key aspects
Resourcing services
Local authority finances
In most local authorities, social services are responsible for the largest
amount of revenue spending, after education services. Within the budgets
of social services departments, the largest single item of expenditure
is residential and domiciliary services for elderly people. In the late
1980s, as Beverley Hughes notes, community care for older people was
an obvious target area for increasing the control of finances and resources,
through the introduction of market principles (Hughes, 1995, p. 3).

Arrangements for financing personal social services provision have
been affected by three major developments: privatisation, notably thro-
ugh the introduction of contracting out and competitive tendering; the
marketisation of the provision and purchase of services; and the use of
financial auditing as a contributor to procedures for quality assurance.
Economic factors
Governments have been beset with problems of financing welfare serv-
ices for many years, far longer than a superficial retrospective view
from 2000 would suggest. Conventional wisdom has it that between
1945 and the mid-1970s, the welfare state expanded, and from the mid-
1970s it was in crisis. This crisis could be seen as having two linked
aspects. The first was a shortage of cash and the second was an acute
problem of high unemployment. The 1974–79 Labour government in
1975 faced a shortage of money in the economy plus a total of unem-
ployed people of just under one million. In the budget of April 1975,
it was decided not to increase public spending or to reflate the economy
and generate new job opportunities. By this decision, Labour turned
away from one of the fundamental principles of the Beveridge Report
(1942) that the social security system – guaranteeing people security
of income – should coexist with, and buttress, the positive benefits
of gainful employment (Lowe, 1993, p. 1). The shortage of ready money
in the economy was linked with this problem of rising unemployment
and became a running sore in the sides of subsequent Conservative
(1979–97) and Labour (1997 onwards) governments. The task was to
find ways of continuing to finance the high and growing number of peo-
ple eligible for social security payments, when the productive work-
force, relative to the number of unemployed and other dependent young
and older people, was in decline.
But the problem of financing welfare services has been a problem
since before the 1970s. In 1968, Vic George, in his classic analysis of
social security, observed that
the recent failure of the economy to grow at a rate parallel to the growth of rising
expectations and public expenditure has highlighted once again the role of the
state in social provision. (George, 1968, p. 235)
A decade before that, there were public debates about the extent to
which the fiscal and tax policies of government should encourage peo-
ple to make private provision for their own social security benefits and
pensions (Seldon, 1960, quoted in George, 1968, p. 236). In what Brian
Abel-Smith calls the most influential essay Richard Titmuss ever wrote

(1976a p. iii), Titmuss refers to the continual tension, since the 1920s,
between trying to arrive at social policies and social services which
guarantee subsistence for people in times of want, and the task of devis-
ing equitable taxation and other systems to pay for them (Titmuss,
1976a, pp. 49–53).
So it is no surprise that the major issues regarding which welfare serv-
ices should be provided generally have been framed, even since before
the establishment of the welfare state, in the form of questions about how
they should be paid for. It is important to bear in mind the distance that
Britain and other Western European countries have moved away from this
notion of the state as the sole guarantor of welfare benefit, since the early
1970s. This has huge implications for questions about who pays for serv-
ices, and who we believe should pay, and, consequently, at what points,
and how, to charge for these services. Interaction between politicians in
the EU and the USA has contributed to the development of plural means
of funding welfare services, and the declining emphasis on the state as
sole or even major provider of some services.
Demographic factors
Chapter 1 dealt with the major demographic changes affecting social
policy. It is worth emphasising here those which particularly affect the
financing of services. The main shift is from social workers before the
1980s working mainly with children perceived as ‘in trouble’ or ‘at risk’
in the terms of the Children and Young Persons Act 1969, to working
with an increasing proportion of older clients, people with disabilities
and people with mental health problems at home and in community
settings. The increasing proportion of people surviving into their eight-
ies and nineties also leads to greater workloads with this age group of
significantly older people, who often have more pronounced problems
associated with health, mobility and dependence on others.
However, while some adults who are clients of the social services are
relatively poor, a significant proportion are home owners who have
savings and occupational or other private pensions. While the typical
profile of clients of the social services can vary considerably, in terms of
social class, ethnicity and affluence, from district to district, within a
locality there are often marked differentials, which complicate decisions
about the allocation and, perhaps, gatekeeping and rationing of resources.
Financial auditing as a contributor to quality assurance
One tension is between the management and professional social work
agendas inherent in frameworks for performance. Another is between

accountabilities in respect of finance and with regard to professional
services. Michael Power (1997) argues that the enormous expansion of
many kinds of audits – of money, service delivery, technology and man-
agement – in England, Northern Ireland, Scotland, Wales and the USA
have undeniable benefits but may have costs which are less often
acknowledged.
A key feature of the process of financial audit, which enhances
the element of control by an external body (such as the Audit Com-
mission, see Adams, 1998a, pp. 55–7), is the employment of experts
who are deployed in teams to carry out inspections of particular author-
ities and services. It is intimidating for managers with relatively scanty
financial expertise to be on the receiving end of such activities, even
though the auditor may not have the relevant knowledge of the specific
services (Power, 1997, p. 78).
Community care: curbing revenue expenditure
Since the 1960s, one major justification for developing community care,
for example in mental health, has been the potential benefits through
savings in expenditure on hospital provision. The development of drugs
which can curb symptoms of conditions such as schizophrenia made this
possible and the trend was encouraged by legislation such as the Mental
Health Acts of 1959 and 1983. The long-term savings have been con-
siderable. Between 1991–92 and 1996–97, the number of long-stay
hospital beds for people with a mental illness declined by almost 50 per
cent, from over 29,000 to less than 15,000 (Office for National Statistics,
1999, Table 8.13, p. 142).
It is not surprising, given the general thrust towards cost-saving in
community care, that books about its cost aspects tend to be driven by
this dominant view. Thus, Taylor and Vigars start from the premise that
demand, through the raising of assumptions and standards of care, is infinite:
resources are finite, in terms of what a society is prepared to spend, or can spend
without substituting decline for growth. One can make a good case for saying
that we spend much less on care than we should do … getting value for money
is as important to the relief of suffering as the provision of care itself. (Taylor and
Vigars, 1993, p. 57)
One consequence of local authorities responding to budgetary pres-
sures in the contract culture is that costs are driven down at the expense
of quality, according to research into services for older and disabled
people (Unwin, 2001).

Community care: markets and quasi-markets
Under the NHS and Community Care Act 1990, the model of purchase
of services was intended to mirror the market for the supply of goods in
a free economy, with the proviso that it was subject to management by
the authority, whether jointly with others such as the health service, or
alone as the social services or other departments. Thus, this market for
the supply of welfare services was termed a ‘quasi-market’.
One consequence of the introduction of quasi-markets in the personal
social services was the necessity for systems of financial management to
be in place which met government requirements and guidelines. Such
systems need to operate at two levels, setting up and managing contracts
for the purchase of services in blocks, such as for a group of clients or
service users, and the purchase of services to fulfil an individual care
package for a single client.
The generation of multiple contracts at these different levels makes
it necessary for social services departments to develop systems for
monitoring spending and to ensure that cash flows throughout the finan-
cial year keep pace with available budgets. It also makes necessary the
provision of channels of communication with service providers and
individual users of services and, where appropriate, their carers. The
diversity of service providers by no means ensures an enhancement of
services. On the contrary, it may lead to ‘uncertainties in supply, variation
in quality and high monitoring costs’ (Mares, 1996, p. 47).
In some areas, budgets have been devolved to staff responsible
for assessing people’s needs, managing care and creating care packages.
Thus, departments, teams or, in some cases, groups of clients, such as
people with disabilities, are designated as cost centres, that is, as hold-
ing their own budgets. This policy of devolving budgets is consistent
with government policy in other areas such as making school governors
and head teachers responsible for the local management of schools
and hence for school budgets. At the same time, where resources are
limited and no ongoing negotiation of extra funds is permitted, such a
system, in effect, forces staff into the position of identifying their costs,
rationing resources and prioritising which clients’ needs should be met,
rather than focusing on assessing needs and relying on funds being
drawn from elsewhere to meet the identified needs.
This illustrates one way in which, rather than management losing
control of devolved budgets, through the enhancement of local financial
responsibility, managements use delegation of financial controls
to increase control over local policies and practices. Finance is a con-
venient focus for the political demand for greater accountability by local

managers and practitioners in social services (Power, 1997). It is rela-
tively easy for central government to use financial controls as a means
of controlling services, where it ties grant-giving to the achievement
of specified goals by particular means. For example, since the 1980s,
government-wide management exercises exist, such as the Financial
Management Initiative and the Rayner Scrutinies (Ascher, 1987,
p. 169). Financial control is also maintained through linking central
government funding of local authorities with the allocation of grants for
specified services.
Privatisation: contracting out and competitive tendering
Part of the motivation for the Conservative government introducing pri-
vatisation into public services in the 1980s was to cut costs, but another
motive was undoubtedly a reflection of the ideological commitment to
undermining the power base of independent management in the public
services. In the health service, for example, during the 1980s a number
of privatisation initiatives took place in the name of improving financial
viability, including raising the proportion of pay beds, closing down hos-
pitals considered uneconomic and selling off other residential health
facilities (Ascher, 1987, p. 169). One consequence of these was to reduce
the monopoly of managers in the public sector over provision.
Arrangements for the financial appraisal of competing bids for con-
tracts have tended to be complex since the early days of compulsory
competitive tendering (CCT), in view of the variety of factors needing
consideration in appraising the relative merits of bids (Ascher, 1987,
pp. 150–2).
Contracts are not a neutral item in the market economy. Their eco-
nomic theory is based on a recognition of their limitations, in terms of
what a contract can enforce. The kinds of outcomes of using a contract
vary according to the nature of the contract itself. The criteria to judge
whether or not it has achieved its objectives are crucial. It is almost
inevitable that at least one of the criteria will be expressed in economic
or financial terms. Quite apart from the financial requirement that the
contract should deliver at or below the quoted price, economic efficiency
is widely used to refer to
the purchaser getting as far down its list of priorities as possible for a given level
of reward to the providing organization (and the people who work for it). (Barker
et al., 1997, p. 83)
In community care, managers generally are responsible for selecting
a potential provider and negotiating a service agreement about what

services will be paid for and provided. The award of a contract and
its subsequent monitoring and reviewing are ongoing management
responsibilities (Mares, 1996, p. 44).
Charging for services
Approaches to charging people for services
National and local governments constantly seek ways of recouping from
people the costs of governing and supplying services. Taxation is the
most obvious way to do this. Tax may be direct – charged to the indi-
vidual like taxation of a wage, salary or pension – or indirect – like
value added tax (VAT) charged to the producer of goods or services and
added to their cost at the point of purchase. Taxation may be progres-
sive, that is, levied at an increasingly high rate as income increases, like
income tax, or regressive, including flat-rate charges such as VAT, which
means people pay the same regardless of their income or wealth. Those
who believe that one function of the taxation system should be to reduce
inequalities of income and wealth often support progressive taxation.
The regressive nature of individual flat-rate charges is crudely alleviated
by rebates which may be means-tested, made part of all-in payments in
rented accommodation or linked with receipt of other social security
benefits. Domestic rates were replaced with the poll tax under the Local
Government Finance Act 1988, which was the subject of mass protests
and subsequently replaced with the council tax under the Local
Government Finance Act 1992. Charging for community care services
such as meals on wheels and home helps takes place on a haphazard
basis. This leads to unevenness in charging practices, which is in itself
a form of discrimination. The Labour government’s intention to stan-
dardise charges for domiciliary services will have a direct impact on
local budgets and funding of related services.
The issue of how far individual recipients of services should pay their
real cost, or any charge at all, predates the creation of the welfare state
and has always generated debate and controversy. Notably, practices
differ between agencies and between different local authorities. Whereas
an older person would not pay for services provided through the NHS,
such services as domiciliary care provided by the social services depart-
ment could be subject to charges. But the level of charges would
vary considerably from authority to authority. Additionally, although
assessment of the person’s needs and financial assessment are
linked, practice varies considerably between local authorities. In some,

assessment of needs and financial assessment are integrated activities,
while in others social work staff assess needs and non-social work staff
make a separate financial assessment (Bradley and Manthorpe, 1997,
p. 48). The complexity and variety of methods of assessing charges
to clients and carers can be added to a tendency for continual changes
in these methods. Bradley and Manthorpe (1997, p. 12) illustrate this
from a survey of five different areas of England and Wales by Chetwynd
and Ritchie (1996), which found that each had a different way of calcu-
lating charges and each had changed this at least once in the previous
three years.
Paying for services: from means testing to financial assessment
The term ‘means test’ traditionally has associations with stigma in the
history of welfare services in Britain, which is at least as old as the Poor
Law Amendment Act of 1834 with the workhouse test, based on the
principle of less eligibility before outdoor relief could be granted. The
aim was to set the level of benefit below the lowest wage an able-
bodied person could earn, in order to discourage scroungers.
In the 1990s, the aim of financial assessment in community care is to
assess how much the person receiving services should pay towards their
cost. Those administering financial assessments of individuals might
claim the aim is to ensure that all a person’s outgoings are recorded and
all available benefits are claimed. However:
financial assessment is double-edged. On the one hand, users may find out from
the assessment process that they can get a higher level of existing benefit … [or]
income from pension or insurance schemes. On the other hand, they may be
asked to put this additional income towards paying for services. (Mares, 1996,
p. 129)
Further, the process of assessment involves completing a form, which
for older people is reminiscent of means testing for eligibility for
national assistance and other benefits. The form asks questions which
some regard as invading their privacy, concerning all forms of savings
and income from pensions and other sources. It is hard to reconcile the
claimed goal of meeting as much of the client’s unmet need as possi-
ble with the agency requirement that the maximum contribution by the
person receiving the service be offset against the full cost of the care
package. After all, the resultant net cost has to be aggregated with the
net cost of other care packages into a gross annual budget which is lim-
ited, with the implication that the services provided have to be priori-
tised and rationed, according to national or local guidelines. As Penny

Mares puts it:
Budget constraints mean that front-line workers have to plan care packages
by balancing ‘What is required?’ with ‘What is achievable?’You may be asked by
the budget-holder to identify those care needs which it is ‘essential’ to meet and
those which are ‘desirable’. (Mares, 1996, p. 126)
Dealing with debt
There has been a huge increase since the 1980s in the debt burden of indi-
viduals and families. Some of the problems of debt that poorer people
experience are brought about by their inability to meet living expenses
from benefits. In some parts of the country – London, Edinburgh and
towns in the south of England – the cost of renting and purchasing living
accommodation has soared. At the same time, finance companies, banks
and building societies are increasingly willing to offer people loans.
Government departments, local authorities and private individuals
pursue debtors in different ways in different localities. Debt recovery
procedures may involve the employment of bailiffs, or private companies
specialising in collecting money. Social workers are likely to be involved
with clients whose other problems lead them into debt.
An example of a positive strategy for dealing with the financial exclu-
sion of debt improves people’s circumstances by redistributing actual
cash. The Debt Redemption Initiative (DRI) in Ely receives referrals
from specialists such as the money advice workers in the local Citizen’s
Advice Bureau, buys people’s debts off them and owes the money for
them while they repay the DRI. A condition of such a loan is that they
must join the local credit union (Drakeford and Sachdev, 2001).
Appointees to deal with people’s finances
The context of assessment lies in policy and management issues which are
often beyond the ability of the practitioner to influence. People receiving
services and their carers tend to experience even more keenly than practi-
tioners the disempowering impact of charging policies being beyond their
control and anger and frustration at the way escalating charges may take
little or no account of their ability to pay (Chetwynd and Ritchie, 1996,
p. 16). The complexity of charging policies and practices may increase the
risk of people receiving services being subjected to financial abuse.
A person’s money may be dealt with on their behalf by a relative or
friend taking out power of attorney through a solicitor, where the person’s
mental capacity is regarded as sufficiently impaired. However, it is more
common for the appointee procedure to be operated, through the Benefits
Agency, for the managing of a person’s social security assets and income.

Several aspects of such procedures are problematic. Criteria for mak-
ing the judgement about the point when a person is no longer capable
of managing finances are not specified sufficiently rigorously.
Consequently, there is scope for different judgements to be made by
different professionals, even though the circumstances may be similar.
Policy and practice vary in different localities regarding a person taking
powers to deal with personal finances on behalf of an individual.
Langan and Means surveyed 27 local authorities and found considerable
differences between them in respect of procedures for working with
people, where another person is appointed to manage the finances of a
client with dementia (Langan and Means, 1996).
The procedure described by Bradley and Manthorpe (1997, pp. 64–5),
whereby a person applies to the Benefits Agency, under Regulation
33 of the Social Security (Claims and Payments) Regulations 1987,
to manage the financial affairs of a person felt to be no longer able to
do this, appears too loose and subject to the vagaries of personality
and other factors, rather than operating purely on the basis of objective
factors.
More subtle factors operate to complicate the practice of working
with a person not deemed capable of managing his or her finances.
There is a tension between the social work principle of empowering the
person and the appointee system, which involves the removal of powers
and choices from the person. Sometimes, the person is living in a pri-
vate residential setting and the officer in charge becomes the appointee.
Or the local authority may become the appointee and charge the person
for administering this service. It is arguable that, in such circumstances,
another independent person – possibly one with a role similar to that of
the former guardian ad litem in childcare – should be appointed to
ensure that the person’s best interests are pursued.
EXAMPLE
Samira is the social worker for Mrs J, an older woman in the early stages of
dementia living in a nursing home, and her daughter Ms P, who is physically
disabled, lives at home, has various community care services and is experi-
encing difficulties with rent arrears. Mrs J says her daughter is trying to get her
hands on her money. The daughter says she needs power of attorney because
her mother can’t be trusted to look after her money.

How should Samira approach this situation?
1. There is a need to find out how the nursing home deals with the tension
between residents’rights and the need to ensure that their financial affairs
are managed. There is also a need to clarify how the local authority
approaches funding community care services. Samira is aware that dif-
ferent approaches to these policies impact differently on practice. She
knows different assessment and means-testing procedures in neighbour-
ing local authorities lead to different amounts being charged for commu-
nity care services. Professional work with a person aiming to meet needs
and maximise the quality of life may not be fulfilled or may actually con-
flict with financing policies, procedures and practice decisions carried out
on a pragmatic, functional or cost-driven basis.
2. Samira starts with Ms P’s rent arrears and other debt problems. She con-
tacts the landlord, in this case the local authority, and finds out that the
problem is not serious yet, but could be if a summons is issued. She works
out a debt management programme with Ms P, a financial adviser and a
welfare rights expert. Ms P admits, now the pressure is off, she was wor-
rying about her mother’s money with her own, rather than with her
mother’s, interests in mind. Samira offers the comment to Ms P that if she
applied for a move two miles to the neighbouring local authority, the bill
for her domiciliary care services would be reduced significantly. Ms P
opts to stay where she is.
3. Samira is aware of ongoing problems created for Ms P by the fact that
questions of their financial commitments and the assessment of her needs
are dealt with by non-social work staff. Samira’s view is that the assess-
ment of need is complex and includes aspects of risk assessment, which
imply a level of subjective judgement impacting on areas such as a per-
son’s finances; so financial assessment cannot be segregated from the
social work assessment of need as a whole. Samira discusses the unfair-
ness of the variations in charging policies between local authorities with
a welfare rights specialist, who uses Ms P’s case as the basis for a test
case and a complaint to the ombudsman. It emerges there is some dis-
cretion in the system and Ms P’s charges are reduced on the basis that
she cannot afford them.
4. Samira realises that while Mrs J may be unable to control her personal
finances in the future, at present it would violate her rights to remove
this control from her. It is agreed with staff in the nursing home that Mrs
J should be in a position to decide how her money is spent.

Chapter summary
This chapter has reviewed policy and practice aspects of the financing
of, and charging for, services by local authorities. The implications for
practice of the differences in policy and practice in different authorities
emerge as having serious implications for those receiving services and
their carers.
Further reading
Bradley, G. and Manthorpe, J. (1997) Dilemmas of Financial Assessment, Venture
Press, Birmingham
Chetwynd, M. and Ritchie, J. (1996) The Cost of Care: The Impact of Charging
Policy on the Lives of Disabled People, Joseph Rowntree Foundation, York
Langan J. and Means R. (1996) ‘Financial Management and Elderly People with
Dementia in the UK: As Much a Question of Confusion as Abuse?’ Ageing and
Society, (16): 287–314
Rowe, J., Davies, K., Baburaj, V. and Sinha, R. (1993) ‘F.A.D.E. The Financial
Affairs of Dementing Elders and Who is the Attorney?’ Journal of Elder Abuse
and Neglect, 5(2): 73–9
National Audit Office (1994) Looking After the Financial Affairs of People with
Mental Incapacity, National Audit Office, London

200
11
Who Controls Social
Services?
Social workers are responsible for working with people so as to empower
them to take control over their lives. This is intrinsically contradictory,
though, because it implies that the empowering professionals are in con-
trol. Many initiatives aiming to give people choice and power are com-
promised in a similar way. It is important for practitioners to explore
these and other similar problems and paradoxes raised by efforts to
advance practice in this area. This chapter examines the issues affecting
the practitioner engaged in increasing the control of services by people
receiving those services and their carers.
Contexts and key aspects
Who does control key decisions about the nature and delivery of per-
sonal social services? More crucially, who should shape decisions about
these services: politicians, civil servants, professionals, or those receiv-
ing the services? A number of debates and dilemmas arise in practice,
when people in power try to implement their vision of empowerment for
those who, in formal terms at any rate, are historically relatively power-
less. The formal goal of strengthening democratic control, and the links
between the public and the council serving it, may be inconsistent with
delivering best value, that is, quality, but cheaper, services (Rickford,
2000). The Local Government Information Unit, commenting on the
Labour government’s modernisation programme for social services,
identified a tension between the setting of standards and performance
indicators by central government and the aim of giving local authorities
discretion to respond to local people (Local Government Information
Unit, 1999).

New labour and the stakeholder society: paradoxes of power
Tony Blair, Prime Minister in the 1997 and 2001 Labour governments,
promoted the idea that social exclusion would be addressed by the
Labour government, through social policies which were aimed at social
integration and the elimination of the dependency culture (Levitas, 1998)
which had contributed to the costs of welfare benefits rising to unaccept-
ably high levels. The notion of the citizen as having a valid and mean-
ingful stake in society is central to these policies. This means being
empowered to take part in local government and exercising choices about
exercising rights, duties and responsibilities. A further element in Labour
government policy is the notion of the stakeholder society. This accepts
that a variety of people and interests need representing in decisionmak-
ing. The previous Conservative government had acknowledged already
the distinctive circumstances and needs of carers alongside service users
in receiving community care services. The Carers (Recognition and
Services)Act 1995 gave carers the right to their own assessment of needs.
A further important shift away from professionals monopolising the
power has come through the disability movement. The points of com-
parison and contrast between the medical and social models of disability
have been examined in the literature (Oliver, 1990). It is important to
recognise the additional perspective brought to this area of practice by
disabled people themselves. The passage of the Welfare Reform Bill –
introducing means-tested benefits for disabled people and abolishing
incapacity benefit as hitherto known – through parliament in 1999 was
marked by protests from groups associated with disability, among many
others. The significance of such actions is in demonstrating the extent to
which people receiving services, in certain sectors, have taken control.
However, it is difficult to envisage the aspirations of all stakeholders
in a particular area of social policy being met. In circumstances where
people are moving from dependence to independence, one person’s
empowerment is likely to lead to another person’s disempowerment. In
circumstances such as families and neighbourhoods, consensus between
all people is unlikely, so no policy, practice decision or initiative is going
to please or satisfy everyone.
A further complication involves the contradictions inherent in Labour
government aspirations to achieve major reforms in the operation of local
government. The Labour government set out its aim that community
leadership should lie at the heart of the role of modern local authorities,
in the White Paper Modern Local Government: In Touch with the People
(Department of the Environment, Transport and the Regions, 1998). The
Who Controls Social Services? 201

White Paper proposes that local authorities should have freedom and
corresponding extended powers to work with the range of statutory, pri-
vate and voluntary organisations and groups to generate local solutions
to local problems.
At one level, empowering citizens to participate in the stakeholder
society raises no complications. But the White Paper (Department of the
Environment, Transport and the Regions, 1998) puts local government
officials and professionals in the position of power, when it states that
community leadership is at the heart of the role of modern local government.
Councils are the organisations best placed to take a comprehensive overview of
the needs and priorities of their local areas and communities and lead the work
to meet those needs and priorities in the round … Concerted action at local and
national level is needed to address issues such as sustainable development, social
exclusion, crime, education and training. (DETR, 1998, paras 8.1–2)
Further, the statement that central government needs to take strong con-
certed action with local government makes it even less straightforward
for the citizen, however empowered, to make a meaningful contribution
as a stakeholder.
Local participation: perspectives on empowerment
Empowerment is a term largely associated with practices, in the absence
of a worked-out body of theoretical positions, discourses, approaches,
methods, or practices. Politicans, civil servants, managers of public
services and professionals in local government, including social work-
ers, have responsibilities for personal social services. The Labour
government (1997 onwards) stated in the White Paper Modern Local
Government: In Touch with the People (DETR, 1998) that local author-
ities should have community leadership at their heart and this implies
citizens having a dynamic interest in active participation. People receiv-
ing these services, their carers and other friends and relatives also have
an interest in the nature of those services. The National Care Standards
Commission set up under the Care Standards Act 2000 requires service
users to participate actively and this encourages the view that policy-
makers are committed to user empowerment. The question is whether
these interests can be anything more than the right to make views
known, or in some circumstances to be consulted before policy deci-
sions are made.
Much of the social work literature employs a truncated or taken-for-
granted concept of empowerment to refer to procedures for involving
people, consulting them, rather than achieving transformational changes

in the personal, organisational, social and political domains through their
participation. The notion of user involvement is largely confined to health
and care services (Adams, 1997). In schools, for instance, pupil partici-
pation in the running of schools continues to be minimal, as was tradi-
tionally the case (Adams, 1991, p. 213). Prisoners’ attempts in Britain
and the USA to gain more involvement in the running of prisons have
not succeeded (Adams, 1994). The acid test of rhetoric by the authori-
ties is whether users who start to make vociferous collective demands
are heeded. It is much easier to offer a say to compliant, manipulable
clients who do not ask awkward questions about shortcomings in serv-
ices. Self-advocacy remains marginal to social services, except in what
are regarded widely as specialist problem areas of disability and mental
health, which paradoxically reinforces their difference and exclusion from
the mainstream. Otherwise, progress towards empowering service users
who engage in protests has been modest (Adams, 1998b).
Much of the literature on empowerment in social work is neutered,
classless, depoliticised, ablist and ageist in its implications. The empow-
erment literature tends to represent activity on a linear continuum, from
individual to collective activity, or from self to other. Thus, it replicates
features of the very features of dominant realities which should be chal-
lenged in the furtherance of empowerment. One useful approach which
avoids these difficulties is that of Clarke and Stewart, who identify three
models of empowerment:
1. The person as customer exercising individual choice in the market-
place of services.
2. The person as citizen with legally defined civil and political rights.
3. The community as a focus for new democratic structures and
processes. (Clarke and Stewart, 1992, p. 22)
This is helpful, because it provides a framework in terms of which a range
of possible initiatives, including those referred to above, can be viewed
critically. The customer and citizen are both viewed as people with free-
dom to make decisions and choices, but these are given to them by the
authorities who wield broader powers. This is a realistic portrayal of the
situation in most local circumstances. Responsibilities are exercised by
people ‘on licence’, as it were, from the real holders of power. In the per-
sonal social services, for instance, disability groups would be able to nego-
tiate directly with the potential providers of services, rather than having
their demands and needs channelled through professionals and agencies.
The third model is somewhat different. It takes the community as the
focus and offers the possibility of empowering people independently of

existing local government structures. Hirst offers some practical thoughts
about how what he calls associative democracy would achieve the ideal
of people becoming empowered ‘from below’, ‘limiting the scope of
state administration, without diminishing social provision’ (Hirst, 1994,
p. 12). His ideas revive the principles of the self-regulating communities
advocated by Robert Owen in the social experiment of New Lanark and
Pierre-Joseph Proudhon’s notion of a decentralised, federated state
rooted in cooperative production by local artisans in a mutualist econ-
omy (Adams, 1996b, p. 221). Hirst does not detail how to fill the gap
between concepts and existing structures and political processes.
However, his redefinition of politics is useful because it includes the
notion of a variety of organisations involved in political action, some of
which will be locally based, while others reflect shared interests by serv-
ice users on a wider geographical basis (Cochrane, 1996, p. 205).
Citizen empowerment by policymakers or professionals is inherently
paradoxical and ultimately condescending. However, we should not
underestimate the power of people who empower themselves and make
their own views and experiences known. For example, disabled people
and people with mental health problems, through the group Survivors
Speak Out, increasingly have taken power for themselves. Legislation
provides legitimate space for this to impact on local government. The
Local Government Act 1999 introduced the principle of ‘best value’,
increasing the accountability of local authorities by requiring: more
clearly stated objectives; specific criteria for measuring performance and
outcomes; the involvement of citizens in the community – including
people receiving services – in assessing the quality of services; and
efficiency in using resources.
Changing ideas about empowerment
Empowerment strategies develop in the context of a variety of different
perspectives and theoretical constructs, which may not be made mani-
fest, but which nevertheless embody assumptions informing actions.
First there is a vast range of radical positions from which action may be
undertaken: feminist, Marxist and other socialist positions and other radi-
cal viewpoints. Second, there are a number of participative approaches
which may be linked, more or less explicitly, with social democratic and
liberal positions. Third, in the health and personal social services fields at
any rate, there are some organisations and groups aligned with the focus
on a particular category of client or service user, such as the Patients’

Association, a range of organisations in what has been called the disabil-
ity movement, self-advocacy groups such as Survivors Speak Out and
voluntary organisations such as MIND. These tend to draw on a variety of
perspectives associated with personal rights and social justice.
There is a notable lack in the the UK of a forum giving all contributors
to the personal social services an equal stake in debates about the ideas
and practices of empowerment. Empowerment has emerged as a wide-
spread preoccupation of professionals in the health and social services in
the UK since the 1980s, with significant support from professional bod-
ies such as CCETSW and, ironically, in areas such as community care,
from the Department of Health in its official guidance on practice (see
DH/SSI, 1991a, for instance). These developments have occurred largely
in the absence of a theoretically grounded literature, or arenas for politi-
cal, policy, professional and public debates about the concepts and prac-
tices which are regarded as empowering and disempowering. Ideas of
empowering people and improving their participation have been espoused
by government ministers and civil servants, professionals in the
Department of Health and Social Services Inspectorate, senior managers
in social services and social work departments, practitioners in social
work and probation work and other professionals in allied areas. But there
has been little involvement by people receiving services, or their carers,
in the development of these ideas. They have been colonised by officials
preparing guidance, in consultation with professionals in higher educa-
tion, with some involvement of clients, service users and carers, and by
researchers and commentators in higher education in their own right.
Some of these contributions claim links with, or even roots in, the
experiences and perspectives of people receiving services (Beresford and
Croft, 1993; Croft and Beresford, 1995), while others do not. While in
fields such as disability, some notable contributions have been made by
disabled people who are also academics, researchers, teachers and writ-
ers, there is a key question about whether the discourse of professionals
or disabled people is, or needs to be, uppermost.
In a ground-breaking book, in terms of its methodology as well as its
content, the sociologist Thomas Mathiesen reflects critically on his work
with the Scandinavian prisoners’ rights movement (1974). He notes that
threats to the purposes, or even the existence, of collective protests by
prisoners come not only directly from the authorities at the point of
direct confrontation, but also through outflanking by the authorities,
once the full extent of the demands from the prisoners are known. This
is a major reason why he emphasises ‘the unfinished’, the necessity for
the manifesto of the prisoners to remain essentially incomplete.

Changing conceptions of citizenship: what do we call the clients?
Many attempts have been made to clarify what the role of the citizen
should be in particular political regimes. It is important to recognise
that the ideas informing practice are not immovable, but are socially
constructed. The concept of citizenship changes as people using it
change their perspectives. Ruth Lister explores the questions and dilem-
mas as to which rights to attach to the status of citizen. Should paid
work count, unpaid housework, mothering (Lister, 1997, pp. 178–82)?
Likewise, the notion of the person receiving social work and social serv-
ices is not rooted in a concept of what that person essentially is. This is not
just playing with words. One indication of the lack of consensus about the
identity of the individual member of the public is the multiplicity of terms
used to describe this person, especially when receiving services. Evidence
of the problematic concept of empowerment in the health and social serv-
ices is the lack of a satisfactory word to use, in English at any rate, to refer
to the receiver of services, notably in the light of the fact, presumably, that
they may be empowered, as they are in contact with these very services.
This is indicative of the complexities in the status of the person receiving
services. In the UK, terms such as ‘client’ which were considered accept-
able and unproblematic have been dislodged from their central position,
apparently without any critical questioning by professional bodies, by
such terms as ‘user’ and ‘service user’. At the same time, such terms as
‘consumer’ and ‘customer’ have begun to be used by some agencies. In
some circumstances, the words ‘citizen’ or ‘stakeholder’ may be applied.
People can be offended by being referred to with a term they consider
inappropriate or demeaning. Some regard ‘client’as implying therapy or
treatment is received. Others argue that the term ‘consumer’ carries the
implication of receiving goods and services rather than determining
their nature. The term ‘user’ may imply passivity and, to some people,
an association with uses and abuses of substances.
Reflexivity and empowerment
Empowerment is a reflexive process which operates holistically to
affect the empowered person and others with whom they interact.
Reflexivity is a term which refers to the process of monitoring one’s
own feelings and actions in a dialogic way, and creatively using the
interaction between self and external realities to sustain or even trans-
form social relations. To the extent that empowerment associated with

protest involves social movements from below, it provides a means of
challenging impositions from above (Adams, 1991). Of course, reflex-
ive activity does not escape the ambiguities which are inherent in other
areas. Thus, it may contribute to such impositions, and the containing of
personal and social conflicts, or to radicalising and transformational
activity (Cox, 1997, p. 15). Reflexivity is a powerful methodology, how-
ever, since it provides a means of self-reflection on this dichotomous
position, bringing together the domains of the self, the group, the organ-
isation and the community (Adams, 1996b).
Transforming policies and practice
While theoretical perspectives deployed in the literature and practice of
empowerment include a diversity of Marxist, radical, feminist, anarchist
and ecological perspectives, they share a concern with what we might call
transformational politics, policies and practices. Lena Dominelli has
argued with increasing force (Dominelli and McLeod, 1989; Dominelli,
1997) for an approach to anti-oppressive practice which recognises diver-
sity and is not driven by a single theoretical approach. In any given situa-
tion, of course, it will be useful to know whether such a strategy is
informed by idealism or pragmatism and necessity. Further, beyond and
behind diversity and the fragmentation emphasised by postmodern per-
spectives lie persistent and pervasive divisions and inequalities, exempli-
fied in the gendered, ageist, disablist and class-based nature of much of the
literature in the fields of empowerment and protest. For example,Auckland
notes that the campaign opposing the extension to the M11 motorway
north of London would have been more successful if more attention had
been paid to women’s suggestions of alternative strategies of protest and
also, practically, to the need for blankets and food (Auckland, 1997, p. 10).
Again, Auckland comments that groups and communities may be empow-
ered through protest, but in reality such empowerment is differentially dis-
tributed through a particular group or community (Auckland, 1997, p. 11).
Examples of initiatives
After coming to power in 1997, the Labour government promoted the
involvement of adults and children in local government, through the
publication of a guide, suggesting ways of involving children and young
people in decisionmaking and the delivery of local services. The guide
gave examples of more than 50 such schemes (Willow, 1997).

In Redditch, neighbourhood groups were introduced as a means of
improving consultation and feedback to Redditch Borough Council.
People were enabled to demonstrate civic leadership through involve-
ment of members of the local community in the development of the com-
munity plans of the local council (Local Government Information Unit,
1997a). In the London Borough of Newham, focus groups were used
by the council as a powerful means of extending consultation (Local
Government Information Unit, 1998). Citizens’ Panels were set up by
councils in Bradford, Eastleigh, Halton, Kirkless, Southampton andYork,
as a means of enhancing consultation with individuals, groups and organ-
isations (Local Government Information Unit, 1997b). ‘Capacity build-
ing’was the term used to describe equipping people in local communities
with the training, skills and resources to develop their potential to play a
more active and meaningful part in the process of urban regeneration
(Local Government Information Unit, 1997c).
Councils are required by the Local Government Act 2000 to consult
local people before adopting a model of local government from differ-
ent options: a mayor who chooses a cabinet, Westminster-style; a ‘polit-
ical’ mayor working alongside a powerful council manager or chief
executive; and a streamlined structure of existing committees. The
mayor may be chosen by the councillors or directly elected by the
people. Voters can force councils to hold a referendum on choosing a
mayor, by submitting a petition signed by 5 per cent of the electorate.
Councils must furnish central government with democratic reform
plans, demonstrating how local people have been consulted and will be
encouraged to stay involved. Standing conferences, citizen panels, local
links shops and stalls where all council services can be accessed and
local fora are typical means of attempting this. Particular efforts are
made to get young people involved, through school-based events and
conferences on democratic themes of particular interest to them.
Involving people in assuring the quality of services they receive
The most obvious way of evaluating how far people receiving services
are participating in an empowered way is by assessing the extent of the
contributions made directly by users to the shaping, delivering and qual-
ity assurance of their services. In these areas, the practice of developing
greater client or service user involvement in practice is not straightfor-
ward. The further the practitioner goes towards that goal, the more hurdles
and dilemmas are likely to be encountered.

If we take the role of the client in quality assurance as an example, the
most difficult area for client involvement happens, paradoxically, to be
the most vital from the client’s point of view, that of commenting criti-
cally on mistakes, problems and shortcomings of services. There are four
key areas on which the practitioner should focus in this connection:
whistleblowing by the client; complaints by individuals or groups; contri-
butions to independent inquiry reports; and protests or other direct action.
Whistleblowing
The Labour government is keen to encourage whistleblowing and
endorses the Nolan Committee’s (Nolan, 1995) support for whistle-
blowing as a means of widening accountability in public life. Various
organisations, such as the Institute of Employment Rights and Public
Concern at Work, have campaigned with some success for the protec-
tion of whistleblowers through increasing their legal rights. The British
Association of Social Workers has published guidance for staff who
wish to take action to end exploitation of clients and alert management
and colleagues to the circumstances (BASW, 1997).
The caution is that a survey of all English social services departments
found that in 1999 only a third had a corporate policy in place on whistle-
blowing and in four-fifths of the cases where corporate policies had been
developed the initiative had come from other departments (Holihead,
2000, p. 20). A further caution is that contracts between purchasers
and providers in the health and social services sector sometimes build in
confidentiality clauses. This can complicate the situation, where the
practitioner and the client are aware of shortcomings in service delivery
which are not being tackled, despite attempts to achieve progress through
legitimate channels in the organisation.
Complaints
The Citizen’s Charter and other similar charters attempt to strengthen
people’s rights to complain and gain their entitlements to particular serv-
ices. Some local authorities have pursued the goal of enhancing people’s
rights as consumers of services, offering people opportunities to take part
in consultations and state their wishes as part of the decisionmaking
process (Elcock, 1993, p. 168). Others have decentralised provision of
social services, for example, by locating teams of social workers and
other social services staff, such as those delivering community care, in
local neighbourhoods (Hadley and Hatch, 1981). Consumerism and
decentralisation are seen by some critics as side-stepping crucial issues
concerning citizen participation (Beresford and Croft, 1993). They are

viewed as tokenistic in the sense that they can be implemented without
affecting the existing power of managers and professionals over the
nature and delivery of services.
Complaints procedures have been the subject of detailed scrutiny by
policymakers, politicians, managers and professionals over the past
decade. The NHS and Community Care Act 1990 required every social
services department to have a complaints procedure. Staged complaints
procedures were introduced following the Children Act 1989, from
informal complaints settled without formal procedures to more formal
processes and review by a complaints panel with an independent chair.
Guidance was issued by the government for social services departments
in general (DH/SSI, 1991b) and for staff having first contact with
customers, notably receptionists and telephonists (DH/SSI, 1991c).
Organisations such as the National Consumer Council published detailed
guidance on the practical issues associated with setting up and running
complaints procedures (National Consumer Council and National Institute
for Social Work, 1988). The Patients’ Association also published guid-
ance for patients on the use of NHS complaints procedures (Patients’
Association, undated). Many local authorities published their own
guidance for people, including clients of the social services, wanting to
make a complaint. Despite all this, Norman Warner’s research for the
Carers National Association showed that 44 per cent of carers did not
know how to complain about services (Warner, 1994, p. 40), a discour-
aging finding in view of the fact that the sample was biased in any case
towards better informed carers (Warner, 1994, p. 11).
The strength of complaints procedures is that they provide a support
for the complainant. At their best, they are transparent and accessible,
empowering complainants and not reinforcing professional defences
against external critical scrutiny of services. But the practitioner has
to be prepared for the fact that some complaints procedures are very
formal, lengthy and therefore intimidating to the person not used to
negotiating with organisations.
Inquiries and investigations
We have all witnessed media coverage of many investigations into short-
comings in health and social services. A great range of situations occurs
in practice creating the necessity for an official inquiry or investigation.
Sometimes, departmental officials carry out the investigation internally.
A higher profile investigation on a more significant issue may lead to
officially appointed investigators, as happened in Clwyd. Eventually,
after more than a dozen investigations, the Clwyd situation attracted the

status of a judicial inquiry, where witnesses can be made subject to sub-
poena to give evidence. Further along the line of independence, although
not political power, there are reports by researchers or reporters from the
mass media themselves.
Protests by people
There is little space in public services for discussion of the difficult,
challenging client who resists. That is because, fundamentally, the sys-
tem of client involvement, like the alleged commitment to empowering
clients, is grudging and not embraced enthusiastically. Such a person is
more likely than the conforming or apathetic person to be perceived as
difficult or deviant and receive less of a quality service as a consequence.
One reason for this is the lack of appropriate attention paid to resistance
and protest of people receiving services, a fact which corresponds with
the dominant political, policy and social culture in the UK, which rewards
compliance or conformity more readily than questioning or rejection of
dominant realities.
The SSI is driven not by clients’ perceptions but by policy statements
and ministers and relates primarily to professional and associated inter-
ests such as those based in education, training and research. The SSI
bases its work on standards developed in-house as statements of expected
quality of service. Local authorities are encouraged to use them for their
own reviews and evaluations of services. These standards derive prima-
rily from professional and political concerns and are not generated in
the first place by clients, services users and carers.
Repeated evidence shows clients’ perceptions and views are not
attended to sufficiently, or taken sufficient account of. These need to be
taken seriously and not ignored or responded to punitively. The key
criterion which enables a judgement to be made about the effectiveness
or otherwise of measures to empower citizens is whether their wishes
and preferences are incorporated throughout the entirety of the way serv-
ices are developed, organised, managed and delivered, and the context in
which their wishes and preferences are reflected in decisions made by
managers and practitioners about the services they receive.
The above discussion implies that as practitioners we should be
● more demanding of our employers
● unwilling to accept second best services

● unwilling to act as guardians of the status quo
● more assertive in our attempts to empower clients
● more supportive of people receiving services who wish to complain
● willing to accept the legitimacy of people’s attempts to protest
collectively.
Chapter summary
This chapter has considered the problems associated with implementing
the ideal of citizen involvement in social services. Ultimately, efforts by
governments to develop empowering policies, like empowering practice
by the social worker, encounter the paradox that it is equally contradic-
tory for politicians or professionals to facilitate people’s empowerment.
Experience of groups, such as protesters for example – whether about
disability or environmental issues – suggests that their experience of
self-empowerment needs to be taken on board and worked with.
Further reading
Beresford, P. and Croft, S. (1993) Citizen Involvement: A Practice Guide for
Change, Macmillan, London – now Palgrave
King, D. and Stoker, G. (eds) (1996) Rethinking Local Democracy, ESRC and
Rees, S. (1991) Achieving power: Practice and Policy in Social Welfare, London,
Allen & Unwin

12
Future Trends
The political centre of gravity of social policy has shifted to the Right
since 1979 when the Conservative government came into office.Assump-
tions about how much welfare the state should provide were modified
during the New Right Conservative government and not restored when
New Labour came to power in 1997. There is a question about how
much further these assumptions will move, now that Labour has
achieved a second landslide victory in June 2001, as it begins its second
term in office, with a stated commitment to invest in the public services
of education and health and work towards the abolition of child poverty.
One way to provide a benchmark against which to measure the ‘social
health’ of the nation is with reference to an indicative incident which
brings together most or all of the aspects of policy covered in this book.
A convenient focus is provided by the urban riots of 1981 and 2001.
How have social conditions changed since 1981?
As this book was being being prepared for publication in the summer of
2001, riots erupted in Oldham, Rochdale and Bradford, as they had in
Brixton, Toxteth and other urban areas in 1981.
Brixton in 1981
In 1981, Lord Scarman reported on the poverty, urban deprivation and
racial discrimination, particularly by the police, which were accompani-
ments to those riots (Scarman, 1981). From contemporary inquiry reports,
we can gather evidence to ascertain how far social policies have improved
social conditions in the 20 years between these waves of rioting.
213

In Brixton in 1981, ‘the general picture of housing provision both in
the borough as a whole and in Brixton in particular is one of consider-
able stress’ (Scarman, 1981, p. 5), the main problems being a shortage of
houses and a waiting list of 18,000 households of which 37 per cent were
black. An NDH survey confirmed that 10 per cent of households, or
12,000 households, were overcrowded and there was significant squat-
ting in the large number of empty dwellings. Over 20,000 dwellings were
regarded by the local authority as unfit or lacking at least one basic
amenity. Nearly 80 per cent of the population lived in rented accommo-
dation (Scarman, 1981, p. 5).
There was a lack of leisure and recreation facilities, especially for
young people. Younger people and those in the professional and skilled
working groups were moving out of Brixton, the population of which,
Scarman notes, ‘like many other inner city areas’ had declined by 20
per cent between 1971 and 1981 (Scarman, 1981, p. 7).
There was
a strikingly high figure of children in local authority care (2.3 per cent of the pop-
ulation aged 18 or less) and an incidence of single-parent families which, at one
in six, is twice the national average. (Scarman, 1981, p. 7)
There was a high proportion of black people in the population and a dis-
proportionate number of low-income households, young children and
older people. Black children were underachieving, relative to white chil-
dren, in schools (Scarman, 1981, p. 9).Young people from ethnic groups
faced disproportionately high unemployment when they left school, the
unemployment rate of young black men under 19 being 55 per cent
(Scarman, 1981, p. 10). Mental illness rates and the incidence of physi-
cal and learning disability in the borough were higher than the national
average. Social services spending in 1979/80, at £117.39, was the high-
est in England and twice the average for other London boroughs.
Spending per head by the local area health authority in the same period,
at £243, was also the highest in England, £230 being the average for
other inner London health authorities (Scarman, 1981, p. 7).
There was evidence that discrimination in employment was ‘a factor
of considerable importance’ (Scarman, 1981, p. 10). But
discriminatory and hostile behaviour on racial grounds is not confined to the area
of employment. There is evidence that it occurs not only among school children
and in the street but, unintentionally no doubt, in the provision of some local
authority services, principally housing. (Scarman, 1981, p. 11)

Future Trends 215
Scarman observed that:
Many of the young people of Brixton are therefore born and raised in insecure
social and economic conditions and in an impoverished physical environment.
They share the desires and expectations which our materialist society encourages.
At the same time, many of them fail to achieve educational success and on leaving
school face the stark prospect of unemployment. (Scarman, 1981, p. 11)
Scarman commented that many of the other disturbances occurring in
other parts of England in the summer of 1981 – notably those in Southall,
Toxteth (Liverpool), Moss Side (Manchester) and the West Midlands –
shared similar features to Brixton:
a high ethnic minority population, high unemployment, a declining economic
base, a decaying physical environment, bad housing, lack of amenities, social
problems including family breakdown, a high rate of crime and heavy policing.
(Scarman, 1981, p. 12)
Bradford in 2001
After inter-communal riots in Bradford during July 2001, it emerged that
a report by Lord Herman Ouseley had been produced some two months
previously. This report raised a series of questions in a prophetic way,
notably: how can divisions in the community be improved and citizens
guaranteed a reasonable quality of life? The analysis by the report was
not as informed by external empirical evidence as the Scarman inquiry,
but it drew on the experiences of local people and presented a challenge
to policymakers, politicians and practitioners, including social workers.
Rhetoric about developing anti-discriminatory, anti-poverty, full employ-
ment, improved health, better housing, effective criminal and youth
justice and exemplary children and families policies appeared irrelevant
in the face of stark evidence of fragmented communities and deteriorating
relations between different cultural and ethnic communities.
The Bradford District Race Review was set up by Bradford Vision –
an umbrella group comprising key local organisations including
Bradford council, the police, health authority, local businesses, voluntary
groups and faith communities – to ensure local agencies and services met
their obligations under the Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000 and
responded to the question: ‘why is community fragmentation along
social, cultural, ethnic and religious lines occurring in the Bradford dis-
trict?’ (foreword to Ouseley, 2001). The aim of the review was – without

duplicating existing reports and outstanding recommendations – to advise
on how to end racial discrimination, improve race and community rela-
tions and promote equality of opportunity. The 12 members of the review
team included a majority of black members, seven being women and
young people, two being pupils at Bradford schools.
The report identified strengths and positive features of the district,
including the diversity represented in the cultures of people, local
businesses, leisure, sports, community organisations and partnerships
(Ouseley, 2001, p. 9). However, many common shortcomings were
identified:
● the negative image of the district leading to ‘white flight’ of middle
classes and more affluent Sikhs and Hindus moving out to preferred
neighbourhoods ‘leaving behind an underclass of relatively poor white
people and visible minority ethnic communities’ (Ouseley, 2001, p. 9)
● inadequate leadership, with self-styled community leaders ‘in league
with the establishment key people … [to] maintain the status quo
of control and segregation through fear, ignorance and threats’
(Ouseley, 2001, p. 10)
● divisions (Ouseley, 2001, p. 10) and conflicts (Ouseley, 2001, p. 13)
as different communities sought to protect their identities and culture
by avoiding contact with others
● conflicting styles of policing which cause resentment and perpetuate
stereotypes, by management promoting anti-racist policies, ‘top
down’, ‘while rank and file officers remain fearful of being called
“racist” and damaging their career prospects if they tackle black and
Asian offenders’ (Ouseley, 2001, p. 11)
● racial discrimination in the labour market and workplace restricting
equal opportunities for ethnic minorities (Ouseley, 2001, p. 12)
● polarisation of communities on racial, ethnic and religious lines,
adversely affecting the education of young people (Ouseley, 2001,
p. 13)
● discrimination and self-segregation through fear of harassment and
violent crime
● lack of facilities to relieve boredom of young people and bring them
together in multicultural activities
● lack of consultation and participation with minority ethnic commu-
nities over education
● exclusion of people – especially young people, women and Asian
women in particular – from decision-making about policies and
programmes to meet their needs (Ouseley, 2001, p. 11).

After the publication of the report and in the wake of the Bradford riots
of July 2001, the chief executive of Bradford Vision, Martin Garratt,
announced the setting up of a Bradford People Programme to respond
to the main recommendations of the report to promote social and cul-
tural mixing and good race relations, through: citizenship education in
primary and secondary schools – to ensure all pupils learn about diver-
sity and respect for others; creating a Centre for Diversity, Learning and
Living to share resources and encourage development; a behavioural
competency framework for the workplace, thereby ensuring organisa-
tions are aware of the diversity of social, cultural and religious commu-
nities; and adding equality and diversity conditions to all contracts for
grant aid and public finance investments (Garratt, 2001, p. 4).
The Scarman and Ouseley reports illustrate significant changes occur-
ring since the 1980s. Social problems of division and inter-communal
conflict beset the inner cities as much now as 20 years ago. While con-
cerns about racism and discrimination still endure, the debates about
how to reduce them have shifted from global and general exhortations to
specific initiatives aimed at promoting equality and celebrating diversity.
Two questions remain to be dealt with here: whether government
policies can deliver significant improvements to people and what the
implications of this are for social work.
Can government policies deliver improvements to the people?
Whether the Labour government can transform areas such as Brixton
and Bradford described above is a difficult question to answer. The fact
is that 20 years after the urban riots of 1981, such events are recurring,
albeit in different towns, but where many of the social conditions of eth-
nic diversity and urban underachievement are similar. On one hand, the
optimistic view holds out a radical prospect of empowered citizens
meeting more of their potential because their needs are more adequately
met. On the other hand, the pessimistic view is that existing policies risk
continuing to exclude and stigmatise people.
There is no doubt that since 1998 the Labour government has focused
social policy on strategic questions of how to regenerate deprived neigh-
bourhoods. The SEU framework for consultation, published in 2000
(Social Exclusion Unit, 2000b, pp. 94–100), reiterates the intention to
establish ‘what works’ and arrive at ‘best value’ strategies in neighbour-
hood renewal. It bases the proposed strategy on the main recommenda-
tions of the 18 PAT reports, summarised in Table 12.1.
Future Trends 217

Table 12.1 Summary of proposals in PAT reports
1. Jobs The disadvantages faced by unemployed
people, especially those from ethnic minori-
ties, in deprived areas need tackling by
better engagement with and support for
long-term unemployed people; anti-racist
strategies in the labour market; more partici-
pation by employers in designing local
employment schemes; removing disincen-
tives to work; involving local bodies in serv-
ices to unemployed people. (Policy Action
Team 1, DfEE, 1999a)
2. Skills The disproportionate problems experienced
by people in deprived areas in acquiring
skills for the modern labour market can be
tackled through more ‘first-rung’ provision
to get people back into learning; locally run
‘neighbourhood learning centres’; prioritis-
ing by the new Learning and Skills Council
of skills needed in deprived areas. (Policy
Action Team 2, DfEE, 1999b)
3. Business The revitalisation of deprived areas depends
on the promotion of enterprise, through the
leadership and support of the Small Business
Service and finance for enterprise and self-
employment from the government. (Policy
Action Team 3, HM Treasury, 2000)
4. Neighbourhood Management Neighbourhood management should be
developed on the basis of core principles;
linking up local services to meet local needs;
development through a pathfinder pro-
gramme to test different models of imple-
mentation. (Policy Action Team 4, 2000)
5. Housing Management Deprivation can be tackled through high-
quality, on-the-spot housing management:
greater tenant involvement in self-managing
their housing; more sensitive lettings poli-
cies; more use of caretakers; anti-discrimina-
tory services. (Policy Action Team 5, DETR,
1999a)
6. Neighbourhood Wardens A dedicated team of neighbourhood wardens
would help to reduce crime, disorder and the
fear of crime; working closely with the
police and promoting high standards agreed
with the police. (Policy Action Team 6,
Home Office, 2000)

Future Trends 219
Table 12.1 Continued
7. Unpopular Housing Improved regional and local housing plan-
ning would result from comprehensive hous-
ing strategies covering home owners and
tenants, linked with other services and with
the involvement of ethnic minority commu-
nities; proactive housing management;
increased flexibility in renting policies to
encourage a social mix in social housing;
selective demolition. (Policy Action Team 7,
DETR, 1999b)
8. Antisocial Behaviour Home Office and Crime and Disorder
Partnerships would be responsible for
addressing antisocial behaviour nationally
and locally; Neighbourhood Agreements
would set standards of behaviour; racist crime
and harassment would be given priority atten-
tion. (Policy Action Team 8, SEU, 2000e)
9. Community Self-help Grants for new and small community groups
would be made from a new Community
Resource Fund; the benefits system would
be changed to encourage volunteering; the
expertise of agencies working with local
communities would be raised through a
Community Charter Mark/Investors in Com-
munities award; Neighbourhood Endow-
ment Funds would be introduced; particular
attention would be paid to ethnic minority
groups in improving funding for capacity-
building in local communities. (Policy
Action Team 9, Home Office, 1999)
10. Arts and Sport The contribution of arts and sport to regener-
ation would be enhanced; particular atten-
tion would be paid to activities promoting
social inclusion. (Policy Action Team 10,
DCMS, 1999)
11. Schools Plus Reducing pupil underachievement in disad-
vantaged schools would involve a minimum
of three hours a week study support for
pupils; improving access to study support by
extending school opening hours; creating
Schools Plus Teams and activities; providing
a range of support services through a net-
work of school on-site Family Support
Centres; improving teacher training in the
area of Schools Plus; focusing Ofsted
school and LEA inspections on community

activity; providing disadvantaged schools
with adequate funds. (Policy Action Team
11, DfEE, 2000)
12. Young People A shift from crisis intervention to preven-
tion; improving existing services and creat-
ing new ones; involving young people in
designing and delivering services. (Policy
Action Team 12, DfEE, 2000a)
13. Shops Efforts to halt the decline of shops in
deprived areas would include more proactive
community planning for local community
needs; developing strategies for local
retail; improving business and financial
support; reducing tax and and other disin-
centives; prioritising measures to protect
retailers against crime, including racist
crime. (Policy Action Team 13, DH, 1999g)
14. Financial Services The PAT report argued that access to financial
services would make people’s lives easier and
save them money. Access to such services for
the one and a half million low-income house-
holds who use no financial services would be
improved by developing Post Offices, credit
unions, Insurance with Rent schemes,
reforming the Social Fund and widening
access to financial advice and information.
(Policy Action Team 14, HM Treasury, 1999)
15. Information Technology Information and communication technolo-
gies (ICT) would be made available publicly
in each neighbourhood; ‘local champions’
would encourage access to ICT; access to
funding would be rationalised. (Policy
Action Team 15, 2000)
16. Learning Lessons Funding and peer training would be
improved so that more local residents would
be encouraged into becoming local commu-
nity leaders and social entrepreneurs;
national training would be overviewed to
ensure that practitioners and professionals
improved their working practices with each
other and with local communities. (Policy
Action Team 16, SEU, 2000g)
17. Joining it up Locally Local strategic partnerships would be cre-
ated within the new community planning

framework; neighbourhood renewal would
be put onto the agenda of local government
reform. (Policy Action Team 17, DETR,
2000a)
18. Better Information Locally gathered neighbourhood statistics
would be gathered by the Office for National
Statistics (ONS), integrated into a coherent
cross-government policy on relevant data and
overseen by a ministerial group which would
inform the development of the National
Strategy for neighbourhood renewal. (Policy
Action Team 18, SEU, 2000f)
Future Trends 221
Ethnic minorities
The Social Exclusion Unit has put forward proposals to address the dep-
rivation of ethnic minorities:
tackling racial discrimination in the labour market; involving people from ethnic
minority communities more in the design and delivery of policies and services;
implementing targeted programmes; tackling racist crime; and improving infor-
mation about ethnic minority people. (Social Exclusion Unit, 2000b, p. 102)
Whether the Labour government adopts these, it still remains a matter
for speculation whether they prove adequate to tackle the existing wide-
spread racial discrimination which persists, in addition to problems of
disproportionate deprivation affecting ethnic minorities. One problem is
that the full extent of this discrimination and deprivation is not known.
The SEU comments:
There is a significant lack of data about ethnic minority groups. But it appears
that people from ethnic minority backgrounds are disproportionately deprived.
They are more likely than the rest of the population to live in poor areas, be unem-
ployed, have low incomes, live in poor housing, have poor health and be victims
of crime. (Social Exclusion Unit, 2000b, p. 101)
Social security: will poverty and gross inequalities
be reduced significantly?
The categories of want have not changed significantly since Rowntree car-
ried out the first survey of poverty (1901) and the first national insurance

and pensions measures were legislated. They include: adults who
become long-term unemployed and/or sick; disabled people; older peo-
ple; families in poverty (family support); and children in poverty.
What can be learned from the problems of social security systems to
date? Future social security policies need to address the issue of poverty
and be less snarled up in complexities associated with the wish to pre-
vent too many people benefiting when they are not in sufficient need. On
the whole, the difficulties of social security systems are more associated
with needy people not claiming benefits to which they are entitled.
We can use the six useful principles set out by John Ditch (1998,
p. 276) as the basis for general statements about desirable social secu-
rity provision:
● provision should be adequate to meet the needs of the individual, the
household and the family
● benefits should be more comprehensive, on the grounds that reduc-
ing comprehensive benefits and relying more on safety net provision
increases the possibility of people feeling stigmatised and not taking
up benefits to which they are entitled
● benefits should be consistent across different areas such as criminal
justice, employment, health and housing; people in similar circum-
stances should be dealt with in similar ways
● social security systems should respond flexibly to the circumstances
of individuals rather than individuals having to meet the inflexible
demands of the system
● benefits should be easy to understand, claim, apply and administer;
benefits should be flexible and responsive at short notice to the chang-
ing circumstances, and sometimes crises, of individuals
● benefits should not be discriminatory between people, in terms of
such aspects as gender, age, race, religion, where they are living, dis-
ability or sexual orientation.
Employment: will full employment be restored?
The SEU is putting faith in the goal of ‘promoting enterprise in deprived
areas’ as a key to revitalising them. PAT 3 recommends that
the Small Business Service should have a clear remit to promote enterprise and
business growth in such areas by harnessing all available support and providing a
clear lead; and the Government should encourage new initiatives to provide

Future Trends 223
finance for enterprise activity and promote self-employment. (Social Exclusion
Unit, 2000b, p. 94)
However, the question as to how to attain full employment (see Chapter 3)
remains wide open.
Healthcare: will the health of the nation be improved?
The failures of the health service to meet performance targets are well
documented. The emphasis of Labour government policy is on increas-
ing investment in privately funded healthcare (through PFI and PPPs) and
encouraging private health insurance. But the rates of disease and death
remain far higher in poorer households. Even if the government gave free
school dinners to families receiving working families tax credit, which it
has not, it is difficult to envisage this, or other modest benefit increases
or health education measures significantly reducing the growing health
and healthcare inequalities among children and young people, which
impact on their learning and their future quality of life.
The major question, therefore, is whether the government can rely on
partnerships between public and private funding to rectify the manifest
shortcomings in the NHS and healthcare.
Social services for children and families and community care
The performance targets being demanded of the personal social services
are being raised, yet the necessary resources to meet the identified levels
of need are not being provided. If the personal social services, and social
work, are to meet their targets, they should be adequately resourced and
universalistic, throughout the life course, services for all (as they were
more than half a century earlier), rather than a ‘fire brigade’ providing
stigmatising services for a few so-called ‘sad, mad, bad, needy or inade-
quate’ people.
Youth justice
How far will youth justice policies go towards curbing youth crime?
The central policies of Labour are a mixture of punitive custodial and

community-based sentences plus individually focused programmes
aimed at correcting cognitive deficits and modifying offending behaviour
(see Chapter 7). The key question is whether these responses to crime
will connect with the factors contributing to youth crime, especially those
lying in the social environment of offenders.
What are the implications for social workers?
Finally, we consider the key questions arising from social policy
changes which in future are likely to affect social workers. The general
question is, what kind of social work will there be in the future? This
raises further questions: How far will it be permeated by pan-European
or global visions of social work? Will there be a social work profession
or will social work be one of a number of adjuncts to other larger pro-
fessional clusters, such as healthcare. Will social workers engage in sig-
nificantly different activities in the future to tasks they carry out now?
What future for social services and social work?
The organisations called social services departments are undergoing
radical metamorphoses. In England, some are combining with other
departments such as housing, or are labelled with new titles such as
environmental and public protection, remote from social care and social
work. In some areas of practice such as community care, social services
has become the collaborating partner with health services. By April
2002, aspects of education and social services will have merged into
new integrated children’s departments. In family work, youth justice
and mental health work, it is often the role and responsibilities of the
practitioner which is visible in job descriptions and advertisements for
people to fill posts.
The Health Act 1999 encourages social care and health bodies to
experiment with joint provision and pooled budgets. In localities with
services judged as weak, the minister can intervene to direct health
authorities and social services departments to form new care Trusts,
accountable to the NHS. In theory, this would have the advantage of
improving the coordination of health and social care in community care
and work with older people requiring medical as well as social support.
In practice, though, it might lead to geriatric services and community care
moving lower down the list of priorities in the competition with high-
profile medicine and surgery for scarce resources. Another possibility is

Future Trends 225
that the unity in generic services achieved by Seebohm will be lost, as
the diversity of services for families, children, people with mental
health problems and disabilities are fragmented and distributed to newly
created independent service-providing Trusts.
Some key social work services are prioritised on the basis of assessment
of the degree of risk, to the individual or to relatives, friends or others,
if no intervention takes place. Terms such as therapy and casework have
been replaced by the culture of risk management, resource management,
rationing, gatekeeping, person protection and social control.
Whatever legislative, organisational and professional context is pro-
vided, social work probably will continue to provide a service to clients
which is distinct from other branches of the health and social services,
including social care. Social workers are likely to continue to carry
statutory responsibilities, unlike those of social care workers and agen-
cies, when exercising powers and duties under legislation in childcare,
mental health and criminal justice. These are practical reasons why, if
social work was abolished today, it probably would be reinvented
tomorrow. Specifically, social work duties and powers, particularly in
childcare, criminal justice and mental health, are likely to continue to
form the basis for the uniqueness of social work as a profession. Social
work is likely to expand into new areas such as employment, guidance
and counselling work. Proposed arrangements for the registration of
social workers by the General Social Care Council (GSCC) which
replaced CCETSW in October 2001 and the introduction of three-year
qualifying courses for social workers reflects the likelihood that social
work with particular client groups – in childcare and mental health, for
example – will be a specialist activity in the wider continuum of social
care functions at present carried out by local authority social services
departments. Social work as a profession, therefore, will be subject to
continuing change.
In some areas of work, such as community care and youth justice, the
trend may be towards the creation of new meta-professionals – ‘commu-
nity care practitioner’ and ‘youth justice worker’. Collaboration and
teamwork will become more extensive, where joint responsibilities make
joint working appropriate.
There is a risk that the contract culture will lead to the cheapest serv-
ice being developed rather than the best value service, as the report of
the King’s Fund inquiry chaired by Julia Unwin concludes that urgent
action is needed to improve the status, image, training threshold and
financial rewards to care staff, including social services spending at
least an additional £700m per year (Unwin, 2001).

Chapter summary
This chapter has considered the major factors affecting the future of
social policy and social work. It has reviewed the current government
goals of different policy areas examined in this book and the likelihood of
services fulfilling the needs of clients. It has examined some of the main
implications for the future of social work, of working in the context of the
persistent problems of poverty, urban decay, inequality, divisions and
racism which permeate society.
Further reading
Giddens, A. (1998) The Third Way: The Renewal of Social Democracy, Polity Press,
Cambridge
Lewis, G., Gewirtz, S. and Clarke, J. (eds) (2000) Rethinking Social Policy, Open
University, Buckingham with Sage, London.

Appendix 1
Abbreviations
ACPO Association of Chief Police Officers
ACU Active Community Unit
ADHD attention deficit hyperactivity disorder
AHA Area Health Authority
AIDS acquired immune deficiency syndrome
ASW Approved Social Worker (England)
Bid Bail for Immigration Detainees
BLs Business Links
CBI Confederation of British Industry
CC County Council
CCT compulsory competitive tendering
CDP community development project
CEPR Centre for Economic Policy Research
CFI Community Finance Initiative
CHE community home with education (on the premises)
CHI Commission for Health Improvement
CND Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament
COS Charity Organisation Society
CPA Care Programme Approach
CPS Centre for Policy Studies
CRE Commission for Racial Equality
C(RS)A Carers (Recognition and Services) Act 1995
CSA Child Support Agency
CSDPA Chronically Sick and Disabled Persons Act 1970
CSJ Commission on Social Justice (led to Borrie Report
1994)
DCMS Department for Culture, Media and Sport
DES Department of Education and Science
DETR Department of the Environment, Transport and the
Regions
229

DfEE Department for Education and Employment
DH Department of Health
DHA District Health Authority
DHSS Department of Health and Social Security
DMT District Management Team
DPEA Disabled Persons (Employment) Act 1958
DP(SCR)A Disabled Persons (Services, Consultation and
Representation) Act 1986
DRC Disability Rights Commissioner
DSO Direct Service Organisation
DSS Department of Social Security
DTI Department of Trade and Industry
DTTO drug treatment and testing order
EC European Community
EEC European Economic Community
eLSC Electronic Library for Social Care
EMU European Monetary Union
EOC Equal Opportunities Commission
EPA educational priority area
ESRC Economic and Social Research Council
EU European Union
FHSA Family Health Service Authority
FIS Family Income Supplement
FLA Family Law Act 1996
FMI Financial Management Initiative
FPC Family Practitioner Committee
FSA Financial Services Authority
GDP gross domestic product
GGE general government expenditure
GLC Greater London Council
GMC General Medical Council
GNP gross national product
GP general practitioner
GSCC General Social Care Council
HEA Health Education Authority
HIV human immuno-deficiency virus
HMT HM Treasury
HSPHA Health Services and Public Health Act 1968
ICT information and communication technology
IdeA Improvement and Development Agency
IEA Institute for Economic Affairs
230 Appendix 1

IFS Institute for Fiscal Studies
IGO intergovernmental organisation
IISS International Institute for Strategic Studies
ILO International Labour Organisation
IPPR Institute for Public Policy Research
IRS Industrial Relations Service
IS Income Support
JSA Jobseeker’s Allowance
LASSA Local Authority Social Services Act 1970
LEA Local Education Authority
LETs Local Exchange Trading Schemes
LGA Local Government Association
LGIU Local Government Information Unit
LPC Low Pay Commission
LPU Low Pay Unit
MAP Management Action Plan (under Quality Protects)
MBC Metropolitan Borough Council
MHA Mental Health Act 1959 or 1983
MHO Mental Health Officer (Scotland)
MoH Ministry of Health
MP Member of Parliament
MPH methylphenidate (ritalin)
NAA National Assistance Act 1948
NAYJ National Association for Youth Justice
NAPO National Association of Probation Officers
NCH National Children’s Homes
NCQA National Commission for Quality Assurance
NCR New Commitment to Regeneration
NCSC National Care Standards Commission
NDC New Deal for Communities
NDDP New Deal for Disabled People
NEDC National Economic Development Council
NEDO National Economic Development Office
New TSN New Targeting Social Need (Initiative) (Northern
Ireland)
NGO nongovernmental organisation
NHS National Health Service
NHSA National Health Services Act 1977
NHSCCA National Health Service and Community Care
Act 1990
NHSME National Health Service Management Executive
Abbreviations 231

NSPCC National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to
Children
OECD Organisation for Economic Co-operation and
Development
Ofsted Office for Standards in Education
ONS Office for National Statistics
PACE Police and Criminal Evidence Act 1984
PAF Performance Assessment Framework
PAT Policy Action Team (of SEU)
PEP Priority Estates Project
PFI private finance initiative
PI performance indicator
PIU Performance and Innovation Unit
PHC Primary Health Care
PO Probation Officer
PPP public private partnership
PRP Performance Related Pay
PSBR Public Sector Borrowing Requirement
PSI Promoting Social Inclusion (Northern Ireland)
PSO Probation Service Officer
QP Quality Protects (programme)
RDA Regional Development Agency
RHA Regional Health Authority
RHA Registered Homes Act 1984
RLC Refugee Legal Centre
RSL registered social landlord
SB Supplementary Benefit
SBA Supplementary Benefits Act 1976
SBS Small Business Service
SCG Social Care Group
SCR Social Care Region/s
SEU Social Exclusion Unit
SRB Single Regeneration Budget
SSI Social Services Inspectorate
SSIN Scottish Social Inclusion Network
TEC Training and Enterprise Council
TQM Total Quality Management
UA Urban Alliance
UK United Kingdom
UN United Nations
UNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
232 Appendix 1

USSR Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
VAT value added tax
WFTC Working Families Tax Credit
WHO World Health Organization
YJB Youth Justice Board
YOI young offender institution
YOT youth offending team
Abbreviations 233

Appendix 2
Key Dates: Legislation
1834 Poor Law Amendment Act
1882 Married Women’s Property Act
1908 Children Act
1911 National Insurance Act
1920 Dangerous Drugs Act
1926 Adoption of Children Act
1933 Children and Young Persons Act
1934 Unemployment Act
1944 Disabled Persons (Employment) Act
1946 National Insurance Act
1948 National Assistance Act
1948 Children Act
1948 The United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights
1958 Disabled Persons (Employment) Act
1959 Mental Health Act
1968 Health Services and Public Health Act
1968 Social Work (Scotland) Act
1970 Chronically Sick and Disabled Persons Act
1970 Law Reform Miscellaneous Provisions Act
1970 Local Authority Social Services Act
1971 Immigration Act
1971 Misuse of Drugs Act
1972 Local Government Act
1973 Matrimonial Causes Act
1973 Powers of Criminal Courts Act
1975 Child Benefit Act
1975 Social Security Benefit Act
1975 Sex Discrimination Act
234

1976 Adoption Act
1976 Race Relations Act
1976 Supplementary Benefits Act
1977 National Health Services Act
1977 Rent Act
1977 Protection from Eviction Act
1978 Domestic Proceedings and Magistrates’ Courts Act
1980 Children Act
1980 Registered Homes Act
1982 Criminal Justice Act
1983 Health and Social Services and Social Security
Adjudications Act
1983 Mental Health Act
1984 Police and Criminal Evidence Act
1984 Health and Social Security Act
1984 Public Health (Control of Disease) Act
1984 Registered Homes Act
1985 Landlord and Tenant Act
1985 Housing Act
1985 Public Order Act
1985 Prosecution of Offences Act
1986 Social Security Act
1986 Disabled Persons (Service, Consultation and
Representation) Act
1988 Housing Act
1988 Local Government Finance Act
1989 Children Act
1990 National Health Service and Community Care Act
1991 Child Support Act
1991 Criminal Procedure (Insanity and Unfitness to Plead) Act
1992 Education (Schools) Act
1992 Local Government Finance Act
1993 Probation Services Act
1993 Asylum and Immigration Appeals Act
1994 Criminal Justice and Public Order Act
1995 Carers (Recognition and Services) Act
1995 Children (Scotland) Act
1995 Child Support Act
Key Dates: Legislation 235

1995 Criminal Injuries Compensation Act
1995 Disability Discrimination Act
1995 Mental Health (Patients in the Community) Act
1996 School Inspections Act
1996 Asylum and Immigration Act
1996 Community Care (Direct Payments) Act
1996 Direct Payments Act
1996 Education Act
1996 Family Law Act
1996 Housing Act
1996 Sex Offenders’Act
1997 The Housing (Homeless Persons) Act
1997 Protection from Harassment Act
1997 Crime (Sentences) Act
1997 Police Act
1998 Crime and Disorder Act
1998 Human Rights Act
1998 National Minimum Wage Act
1998 School Standards and Framework Act
1999 Health Act
1999 Access to Justice Act
1999 Protection of Children Act
1999 Welfare Reform and Pensions Act
2000 Child Support, Pensions and Social Security Act
2000 Youth Justice and Criminal Evidence Act
2000 Care Standards Act
2001 Criminal Justice and Police Act
236 Appendix 2

Appendix 3
Internet Addresses of Main
Sources of Information on
Policy and Research
Barnardo’s www.barnardos.org.uk
Children’s Society www.the-childrens-society.org.uk
Commission for Racial Equality http://www.cre.gov.uk/
Daycare Trust http://www.daycaretrust.org.uk
Department of the Environment,
Transport and the Regions http://www.detr.gov.uk
Department of Health http://www.doh.gov.uk
EOC (Scotland) http://www.scotland.gov.uk/inclusion/ssin09.htm
Electronic Library for
Social Care info@elsc.org.uk
Employment Service http://www.employmentservice.gov.uk
Government Information and
Departments http://www.open.gov.uk
Government (London) Treasury http://www/hm-treasury.gov.uk
Joseph Rowntree Foundation http://www.jrf.org.uk/bookshop/
King’s Fund, The www.kingsfund.org.uk
Legislation in process
http://www.parliament.the-stationery-office.co.uk
Low Pay Commission http://www.lowpay.gov.uk
Mental Health Foundation www.mentalhealth.org.uk
NACRO Youth Crime Section info@nacroycs.demon.co.uk
National Association for Youth Justice www.nayj.org.uk
New Deal http://www.newdeal.gov.uk
Northern Ireland Information Service http://www.nio.gov.uk
New TSN and PSI (N. Ireland) www.dfpni.gov.uk
NSPCC http://www.nspcc.org.uk
237

OECD www.oecd.org/publications
Policy Press tpp@bristol.ac.uk
Scottish Office/Scottish Executive http://www.scotland.gov.uk
Social Exclusion Unit (London)
www.cabinet_office.gov.uk/seu/index.htm
Visible Women Campaign www.open.gov.uk/cre/crehome
Web Journal of Current Legal
Issues No. 1 http://webjcli.ncl.ac.uk
Who Cares Trust http://www.thewhocarestrust.org.uk
238 Appendix 3

Bibliography
Abel-Smith, B. and Townsend, P. (1965) The Poor and the Poorest, Bell & Son,
London
Adams, R. (1991) Protests by Pupils: Empowerment, Schooling and the State,
Falmer, Brighton
Adams, R. (1994) Prison Riots in Britain and the USA, Macmillan, Basingstoke –
now Palgrave
Adams, R. (1996a) The Personal Social Services: Clients, Consumers or Citizens?
Addison Wesley Longman, Harlow
Adams, R. (1996b) Social Work and Empowerment, BASW/Macmillan,
Adams, R. (1997) ‘Empowerment, Marketisation and Social Work’, in L. Bogdan
(ed.) Change in Social Work, Arena, Aldershot, pp. 69–87
Adams, R. (1998a) Quality Social Work, Macmillan, Basingstoke – now Palgrave
Adams, R. (1998b) ‘Empowerment and Protest’, in L. Bogdan (ed.) Challenging
Discrimination in Social Work, Ashgate, Aldershot
Adams, R. (1998c) The Abuses of Punishment, Macmillan, Basingstoke – now
Palgrave
Adams, R., Dominelli, L. and Payne, M. (1998) ‘Introduction’, in R. Adams,
L. Dominelli and M. Payne (eds) Social Work: Themes, Issue and Critical
Debates, Macmillan, Basingstoke – now Palgrave, pp. xv–xviii
Adams, A., Erath, P. and Shardlow, S. (eds) (2000) Fundamentals of Social Work in
Selected European Countries, Russell House, Lyme Regis
Alcock, P. (1996) Social Policy in Britain: Themes and Issues, Basingstoke,
Macmillan – now Palgrave
Alcock, P. (1997) Understanding Poverty, 2nd edn, Basingstoke, Macmillan – now
Palgrave
Alcock, P., Erskine, A. and May, M. (eds) (1998) The Student’s Companion to
Social Policy, Blackwell, Oxford
Allen, I. (2001) Stress Among Ward Sisters and Charge Nurses, Policy Studies
Institute, London
Allsop, J. (1995) Health Policy and the NHS: Towards 2000, 2nd edn, Pearson, Harlow
Altenstetter, C. and Björkman, J.W. (eds) (1997) Health Policy Reform, National
Variations and Globalization, Macmillan, with International Political Science
Association, London
Amnesty (1994) Prisoners without a Voice: Asylum-seekers Detained in the United
Kingdom, Amnesty International, London
Anderson, E. (1990) The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, Princeton University
Press, Princeton
Arnold, M. and Laskey, H. (1985) Children of the Poor Clares: The Story of an Irish
Orphanage, Appletree Press, Belfast
Ascher, K. (1987) The Politics of Privatisation: Contracting Out in Public Services,
239

Atkinson, M. and Elliott, L. (2000) ‘UK Fails to Provide Path from School to Work’,
The Guardian, 11 February, p. 6
Atkinson, R. and Durden, P. (1994) ‘Housing Policy Since 1979: Developments and
Prospects’ in S. Savage, R. Atkinson and L. Robins (eds) Public Policy in Britain,
Macmillan, Basingstoke – now Palgrave, pp. 182–202
Auckland, R. (1997) ‘Women and Protest’, in C. Barker and M. Tyldesley (eds)
Third International Conference on Alternative Futures and Popular Protest,
Vol. 1, Manchester Metropolitan University, Manchester, pp. 1–12
Audit Commission (1986) Making a Reality of Community Care, HMSO, London
Audit Commission (1992) The Community Revolution: Personal Social Services
and Community Care, HMSO, London
Audit Commission (1996) Misspent Youth. Young People and Crime, Audit
Commission, London
Audit Commission (2000) Another Country, Audit Commission, London
Awaih, J., Butt, S. and Dorn, H. (1990) ‘The Last Place I Would Go: Black People
and Drug Services in Britain’, Druglink, Sept/Oct
Awaih, J., Butt, S. and Dorn, H. (1992) Race, Gender and Drug Services, Research
Monograph No. 6, Institute for the Study of Drug Dependence, London
Bailey, R. and Williams, B. (2000) Inter-agency Partnerships in Youth Justice:
Implementing the Crime and Disorder Act 1998, Social Service Monograph,
Department of Sociological Studies, Sheffield University, Sheffield
Bains Report (1972) The New Local Authorities: Management and Structure,
HMSO, London
Balding, J. (1998) Young People and Illegal Drugs in 1998, Schools Health
Education Unit, London
Baldock, J. and Ungerson, C. (1994) Becoming Consumers of Community Care,
Joseph Rowntree Foundation, York
Ball, C., Harris, R., Roberts, G. and Vernon, S. (1988) The Law Report: Teaching
and Assessment of Law in Social Work Education, CCETSW, London
Balogh, T. (1941) ‘Work For All’, Picture Post, 4 January, pp. 10–12
Barker, K., Chalkley, M., Malcomson, J.M. and Montgomery, J. (1997)
‘Contracting in the National Health Service: Legal and Economic Issues’,
in R. Flynn and G. Williams (eds) Contracting For Health: Quasi-Markets and
the National Health Service, Oxford University Press, Oxford, pp. 82–97
Barker, R., Jones, J., Saradjian, J. and Wardell, R. (1998) Abuse in Early Years:
Report of the Independent Inquiry into Shieldfield Nursery and Related Events,
Newcastle upon Tyne City Council, Newcastle upon Tyne
Bateman, N. (2000) ‘Making a Hard Life Harder’, Community Care, 20–26 April,
(1318):29
Becker, S. (ed.) (1995) Young Carers in Europe: An Exploratory Cross-national
Study in Britain, France, Sweden and Germany, Loughborough University,
Loughborough
Becker, S. and Aldridge, J. (1995) ‘Young Carers in Britain’, in S. Becker (1995),
pp. 1–25
Bereseford, P. and Croft, S. (1993) Citizen Involvement: A Practical Guide for
Change, BASW/Macmillan, Basingstoke – now Palgrave
Berridge, D. (1997) Foster Care: A Research Review, Stationery Office, London
Berridge, D. and Broide, I. (1998) Children’s Homes Revisited, Jessica Kingsley,
London
240 Bibliography

Bertoud, R., Brown, J.C. and Cooper, S. (1981) Poverty and the Development of
Anti-Poverty Policy in the UK, Policy Studies Institute, London
Beveridge, W. (1942) Social Insurance and Allied Services, Cmnd 6404, HMSO,
London
Beveridge, W. (1944) Full Employment in a Free Society, Allen & Unwin, London
Bilton, K. (2000) ‘Making Choices on Our Children’s Future’, Professional Social
Work, October, p. 2
Bird, L. (1999) The Fundamental Facts, Mental Health Foundation, London
Björkman, J.W. and Altenstetter, C. (1997) ‘Globalized Concepts and Localized
Practice: Convergence in National Health Policy Reforms’, in C. Altenstetter and
J.W. Björkman (eds) Health Policy Reform, National Variations and Globalization,
Macmillan, with International Political Science Association, London, pp. 1–16
Blom-Cooper, L. (1985) A Child in Trust: the Report of the Panel of Inquiry into the
Circumstances Surrounding the Death of Jasmine Beckford, London Borough of
Brent, London
Blom-Cooper, L., Murphy, E. and Hally, H. (1995) The Falling Shadow, South
Devon Health-Care Trust, Torquay
Bluglass, R. and Bowden, P. (1990) Principles and Practice of Forensic Psychiatry,
Churchill Livingstone, Edinburgh
Booth, C. (1889) Life and Labour of the People in London (17 volumes) Macmillan,
Bowlby, J. (1951) Maternal Care and Mental Health, World Health Organization,
Geneva
Bowlby, J. (1965) Child Care and the Growth of Love, Penguin, Harmondsworth
Boyd, W.D. (1994) A Preliminary Report on Homicide, Steering Committee of the
Confidential Inquiry into Homicides and Suicides by Mentally Ill People, London
Boynton, Sir J. (1980) Report of the Review of Rampton Hospital (Chairman Sir
John Boynton) Cmnd 8073, HMSO, London
Bradley, G. and Manthorpe, J. (1997) Dilemmas of Financial Assessment, Venture
Press, Birmingham
Bradshaw, J. (1998) ‘Lone Parents’, in P. Alcock, A. Erskine and M. May (eds)
pp. 263–9
Brandon, D. (1993) Advocacy: Power to People with Disabilities, Venture Press,
Birmingham
Braye, S. and Preston-Shoot, M. (1990) ‘On Teaching and Applying the Law in
Social Work: It is not that simple’, British Journal of Social Work, 20(4):333–53.
Brayne, H. and Martin, G. (1999) Law for Social Workers, Blackstone Press, London
Brechin, A. (2000) ‘Introducing Critical Practice’, in A. Brechin, H. Brown and
M.A. Eby (eds) Critical Practice in Health and Social Care, Sage, London,
pp. 25–47
Brindle, D. (1999) ‘Despite the Red Nose Jollity’, The Guardian, 13 March, p. 4
British Association of Social Workers (BASW) (1995) Statement: Mental Health
(Patients in the Community) Act 1995, BASW, Birmingham
British Association of Social Workers (BASW) (1997) Whistleblowers: Guidance
for Social Services on Free Expressions of Staff Concerns, BASW, Birmingham
British Association of Social Workers Scotland (2000) Response to the Consultation
Paper on Modernising Social Work Services: Workforce Regulation and
Education, BASW Scotland, Edinburgh
Brown, D. (1990) Black People, Mental Health and the Courts, NACRO, London
Bibliography 241

Brown, E., Bullock, R., Hudson, C. and Little, M. (1998) Making Residential Care
Work: Structure and Culture in Children’s Homes, Ashgate, Aldershot
Browne, K. (1995) ‘Child Abuse: Defining, Understanding and Intervening’, in
K. Wilson and A. James (eds) The Child Protection Handbook, Baillière Tindall,
London pp. 43–65
Bullock, R., Little, M. and Millham, S. (1998) Secure Treatment Outcomes, Ashgate,
Aldershot
Burchardt, T., Hills, J. and Propper, C. (1999) Private Policy and Public Welfare,
Joseph Rowntree Foundation, York
Burden, T., Cooper, C. and Petrie, S. (2000) Modernising Social Policy: Unravelling
New Labour’s Welfare Reforms, Ashgate, Aldershot
Burnett, R. (1996) Fitting Supervision to Offenders: Assessment and Allocation
Decisions in the Probation Service: Home Office Research Study 153, Home
Office, London
Butler-Sloss, E., Right Honourable Lord Justice, DBE (1987) Report of the Inquiry
into Child Abuse in Cleveland, Cm 412, HMSO, London
Campbell, B. (1984) Wigan Pier Revisited: Poverty and Politics in the 80s, Virago,
London
Campbell, B. (1999) ‘Second-class Citizens’, Community Care, 7–13 October,
(1293):14
Cannan, C. and Warren, C. (eds) (1997) Social Action with Children and Families:
A Community Development Approach to Child and Family Welfare, Routledge,
London
Cannan, C., Berry, L. and Lyons, K. (1992) Social Work and Europe,
BASW/Macmillan, Basingstoke – now Palgrave
Carlen, P. (1994) ‘The Governance of Homelessness’, Critical Social Policy,
14:18–33
Carlen, P. and Tchaikovsky, C. (1996) ‘Women’s Imprisonment in England at the
End of the Twentieth Century: Legitimacy, Realities and Utopias’, in R. Matthews
and P. Francis (eds) Prisons 2000: An International Perspective on the Current
State and Future of Imprisonment, Macmillan, Basingstoke – now Palgrave,
pp. 201–18
Carling, A. (1991) Social Division, Verso, London
Cavadino, P. and Bell, T. (1999) Going Straight Home, NACRO, London
Cavadino, M. and Dignan, J. (1997) The Penal System: An Introduction, 2nd edn,
Sage, London
Central Advisory Council for Education (1967) Children and Their Primary Schools:
A Report of the Central Advisory Council for England (Plowden Committee)
HMSO, London
Chadda, D. (2000) ‘A Long Overdue Review’, Community Care, 2–8 November,
(1346):12
Chapman, T. and Hough, M. (1998) Evidence Based Practice: A Guide to Effective
Practice, Home Office, London
Chetwynd, M. and Ritchie, J. (1996) The Cost of Care: The Impact of Charging
Policy on the Lives of Disabled People, Joseph Rowntree Foundation, York
Church Hill House Hospital Inquiry (1979) Inquiry into Allegations Made in Respect
of Church Hill House Hospital, Bracknell, Berkshire Area Health Authority,
Reading
Church, J. and Summerfield, C. (1996) Social Focus on Ethnic Minorities, HMSO,
London
242 Bibliography

Clarke, M. and Stewart, J.D. (1992) ‘Empowerment: A Theme for the 1990s’, Local
Government Studies, 18(2):18–26
Clements, L. (1999) ‘Screening Service Users’, Community Care, 21–27 October,
(1295):28
Clothier, C., MacDonald, C.A. and Shaw, D.A. (1994) The Allitt Inquiry, Independent
Inquiry Relating to Deaths and Injuries on the Children’s Ward at Grantham and
Kesteven General Hospital During the Period February to April 1991, HMSO,
London
Cochrane, A. (1996) ‘From Theories to Practices: Looking for Local Democracy in
Britain’, in D. King and G. Stoker (eds) Rethinking Local Democracy, Macmillan,
Basingstoke – now Palgrave, pp. 193–213
Cohen, S. (2001) Immigration Controls, the Family and the Welfare State, Jessica
Kingsley, London
Commission for Racial Equality (1992) Cautions v. Prosecutions’, Commission for
Racial Equality, London
Commission of the European Communities (1993) Employment in Europe,
Commission of the European Communities, Brussels
Commission on Social Justice (1994) Social Justice: Strategies for National
Renewal: The Report of the Commission on Social Justice (The Borrie Report),
Vintage, Random House, London
Committee of Inquiry (1992) Report of the Committee of Inquiry into Complaints
About Ashworth Hospital, HMSO, London
Community Care (2000) Editorial Comment, (1310):15
Confidential Inquiry (1996) Report of the Confidential Inquiry into Homicides and
Suicides by Mentally Ill People, Royal College of Psychiatrists, London
Cooke, J. and Marshall, J. (1996) ‘Homeless Women’, in K. Abel, S. Buszewicz,
S. Davison, S. Johnson and E. Staples (eds) Planning Community Mental Health
Services for Women, Routledge, London
Cookson, H. (1992) ‘Alcohol Use and Offence Type in Young Offenders’, British
Journal of Criminology, 32(3):352–60
Corner, L. (1997) Women’s Participation in Decision-making and Leadership: A
Global Perspective. Paper given at Conference on Women in Decisionmaking in
Cooperatives held by Asian Women in Cooperative Development Forum (ACWF)
and the International Co-operative Alliance Regional Office for Asia and the
Pacific (ICAROAP) on 7–9 May at Tagatay City, Phillippines. Published as
Women in Decision-Making in Co-operatives: Report of a Regional Conference
by ACWF and ICAROAP.
Cosis Brown, H. (1998) Social Work with Lesbian Women and Gay Men, Macmillan,
Costhill Hospital Inquiry (1980) Report of the Committee of Inquiry into Mental
Handicap Services, Oxfordshire Area Health Authority, Oxford
Cox, L. (1997) ‘Reflexivity, Social Transformation and Counter Culture’, in C. Barker
and M. Tyldesley (eds) Third International Conference on Alternative Futures and
Popular Protest, Vol. 1, Manchester Metropolitan University, Manchester pp. 1–15
Craig, G. (1998) ‘The Privatization of Human Misery’, Critical Social Policy,
18(1):51–76
Craig, G. and Manthorpe, J. (1999a) ‘Small but Imperfectly Formed’, Community
Care, 14–20 October, (1294):25
Craig, G. and Manthorpe, J. (1999b) Unfinished Business: Local Government
Reorganisation and Social Services, Policy Press, Bristol
Bibliography 243

Creighton, S.J. (1995) ‘Patterns and Outcomes’, in K. Wilson and A. James (eds)
The Child Protection Handbook, Baillière Tindall, London, pp. 5–26
Crichton, J. (ed.) (1995) Psychiatric Patient Violence: Risk and Response,
Duckworth, London
Croft, S. and Beresford, P. (1995) ‘Whose Empowerment? Equalising the Competing
Discourses in Community Care’, in R. Jacks (ed.) Empowerment in Community
Care, Chapman Hall, London, pp. 59–73
Crowley, A. (1998) A Criminal Waste: A Study of Child Offenders Eligible for
Secure Training Centres, Children’s Society, London
Curtis, M., CBE (1946) Report of the Care of Children Committee, Cmnd 6922,
HMSO, London
Darlington Memorial Hospital Inquiry (1976) Report of the Committee of Inquiry,
Northern Regional Health Authority, Newcastle upon Tyne
Darvill, G. and Smale, G. (eds) (1990) Partners in Empowerment: Networks of
Innovation in Social Work, NISW, London
Davies, N., Lingham, R., Prior, C. and Sims, A. (1995) Report of the Inquiry into
the Circumstance Leading to the Death of Jonathan Newby (a volunteer worker)
on 9 October 1993 in Oxford, Oxfordshire Health Authority, Oxford
Dean, H. (ed) (1999) Begging Questions, Policy Press, Bristol
Dearden, C. and Becker, S. (2000) Growing Up Caring: Vulnerability and Transition
to Adulthood – Young Carer’s Experiences, National Youth Agency, Leicester
Department for Culture, Media and Sport (DCMS) (1999) Report of Policy Action
Team 10: Arts and Sport, DCMS London
Department for Education and Employment (DfEE) (1988) Learning to Succeed,
White Paper, Stationery Office, London
Department for Education and Employment (DfEE) (1999a) Report of Policy Action
Team 1: Jobs for All, TSO, London
Department for Education and Employment (DfEE) (1999b) Report of Policy
Action Team 2: Skills for Neighbourhood Renewal – Local Solutions, TSO,
London
Department for Education and Employment (2000) Report of Policy Action Team
11: School Plus: Building Learning Communities: Improving the Educational
Chances of Children and Young People from Disadvantaged Areas, Department
for Education and Employment, London
Department for Education and Employment (DfEE) (2000a) Report of Policy Action
Team 12: Young People, TSO, London
Department of the Environment, Transport and the Regions (1998) Modern Local
Government: In Touch with the People, White Paper, Cm 4014, Stationery Office,
London
Department of the Environment, Transport and the Regions (DETR) (1999a) Report
of Policy Action Team 5: Housing Management, DETR, London
Department of the Environment, Transport and the Regions (1999b) Report of
Policy Action Team 7: Unpopular Housing, DETR, London
Department of the Environment, Transport and the Regions (2000) Quality and
Choice: A Decent Home for All, The Housing Green Paper, Summary, DETR,
London
Department of the Environment, Transport and the Regions (2000a) Report of Policy
Action Team 17: Joining It Up Locally, DETR, London
244 Bibliography

Department of Health (1989) Caring for People: Community Care in the Next
Decade and Beyond, White Paper, Cmnd 849, HMSO, London
Department of Health (1990) Care in the Community, Making it Happen, HMSO,
London
Department of Health (1992a) The Health of the Nation – A Strategy for Health in
England, White Paper, Cmnd 1986, HMSO, London
Department of Health (1992b) Choosing with Care: The Report of the Committee of
Inquiry into the Selection, Development and Management of Staff in Children’s
Homes, HMSO, London
Department of Health (1992c) The Patient’s Charter, Department of Health, London
Department of Health (1998) New Ambitions for our Country: A New Contract for
Welfare, Green Paper, Cm 3805, Stationery Office, London
Department of Health (1998a) Modernising Social Services, White Paper, Cm 4169,
Department of Health (1998b) The Government’s Response to the Children’s
Safeguards Review, Cm 4105, HMSO, London
Department of Health (1998c) Partnership for Equality, HMSO, London
Department of Health (1999) A New Contract for Welfare: Children’s Rights and
Parents’ Responsibilities, White Paper, Cm 4349, Stationery Office, London
Department of Health (1999) A New Contract for Welfare: Partnership in Pensions,
Green Paper, Cm 4179, Stationery Office, London
Department of Health (1999a) Regulating Private and Voluntary Healthcare: The
Way Forward, Department of Health, London
Department of Health (1999b) Children Looked After in England, 1998/99 Bulletin
1999/26 update 17 March 2000, Department of Health, London
Department of Health (1999c) Modern Social Services – A Commitment to Improve,
The 8th Annual Report of the Chief Inspector of Social Services 1998/1999,
Department of Health, London
Department of Health (1999d) Caring About Carers: A National Strategy for
Carers, Stationery Office, London
Department of Health (1999e) A New Approach to Social Services Performance,
Consultation Document, Department of Health, London
Department of Health (1999f) Still Building Bridges, Department of Health, London
Department of Health (1999g) Report of Policy Action Team 13: Improving
Shopping Access for People living in Deprived Neighbourhoods, Department of
Health, London
Department of Health, (2000a) Protecting Children, Supporting Parents, Green
Paper, Department of Health, London
Department of Health (2000b) The Children Act Report 1995–1999, Cm 4579,
Department of Health (2000c) Learning the Lessons – The Government’s Response
to Lost in Care: Report of the Tribunal of Inquiry into the Abuse of Children in Care
in the Former County Council Areas of Gwynedd and Clwyd since 1974, Stationery
Office, London
Department of Health (2000d) The NHS Plan – A Plan for Investment. A Plan for
Reform. Cm 4818, Department of Health, London
Department of Health (2001) Better Care, Higher Standards – Guidance for
2001/02, Department of Health, London
Bibliography 245

Department of Health/Department of Education and Employment and Home Office
(2000) Framework for the Assessment of Children in Need and Their Families,
Department of Health, Home Office, Department for Education and Employment
(1999) Working Together to Safeguard Children: A Guide to Inter-Agency Working
to Safeguard and Promote the Welfare of Children, Stationery Office, London
Department of Health and Social Security (1971) Better Services for the Mentally
Handicapped, White Paper, HMSO, London
Department of Health and Social Security (1980a) Inequalities in Health: A Report
of a Research Working Group, (Chaired by Sir Douglas Black, known as the
Black Report), DHSS, London
Department of Health and Social Security (1980b) Report of the Review of Rampton
Hospital, (Chairman Sir John Boynton), Cmnd 8073, HMSO, London
Department of Health and Social Security (1981) Care in Action HMSO,
London
Department of Health and Social Security (1988) Community Care: Agenda for
Action, (Griffiths Report), HMSO, London
Department of Health/Social Services Inspectorate (1991a) Care Management and
Assessment: Practitioners’ Guide, HMSO, London
Department of Health/Social Services Inspectorate (1991b) The Right to Complain:
Practice Guidance on Complaints Procedures in Social Services Departments,
HMSO, London
Department of Health/Social Services Inspectorate (1991c) Complaints About the
Social Services Department: Ideas for Practice Booklet for Clerks, Receptionists
and Telephonists, HMSO, London
Department of Health/Social Services Inspectorate (1999) The Work of the Social
Care group
Dews, V. and Watts, J. (1995) Review of Probation Officer Recruitment and
Qualifying Training (Dews Report), HMSO, London
Dickens, Charles (1946) Bleak House, Thomas Nelson, London
Dickinson, D. (1994) Crime and Unemployment, Department of Applied Economics,
University of Cambridge, Cambridge
Ditch, J. (1998) ‘Income Protection and Social Security’, in P. Alcock, A. Erskine
and M. May (eds) The Student’s Companion to Social Policy, Blackwell, Oxford,
pp. 273–9
Dodd, V. (2000) ‘Malicious Racism in Youth Prison’, The Guardian, 22 January,
pp. 1–2
Dominelli, L. (1990) Women and Community Action, Venture Press, Birmingham
Dominelli, L. (1997) Sociology for Social Work, Macmillan, Basingstoke – now
Palgrave
Dominelli, L. and McLeod, M. (1989) Feminist Social Work, Macmillan,
Donahue, J.D. (1989) The Privatization Decision: Public Ends, Private Means,
Basic Books, New York
Doré, G. and Jerrold, B. (1872) London: A Pilgrimage, Grant & Co., London
Douglas, A. (1997) ‘No Speech Therapy’, Inside Community Care, Community
Care, 22–28 May, (1173):11
Doyal, L. (ed.) (1998) Women and Health Services: An Agenda for Change,
Buckingham, Open University Press
246 Bibliography

Drake, R.F. (1999) Understanding Disability Policies, Macmillan, Basingstoke –
now Palgrave
Drakeford, M. and Sachdev, D. (2001) ‘Financial Exclusion and Debt Redemption’,
Critical Social Policy, 21(2): 209–30
Durand, V. (1960) Disturbances at the Carlton Approved School on 29th and 30th
August 1959, Report of an Inquiry, Cmnd, 937, HMSO, London
Dutt, R. (1999) ‘Placing Refugee Children’, Community Care, 29 April–5 May,
(1270):30
Eaton, M. (1993) Women After Prison, Open University Press, Buckingham
Elcock, H. (1993) ‘Local Government’, in D. Farnham and S. Horton (eds) Managing
the New Public Services’, Macmillan, Basingstoke – now Palgrave, pp. 150–71
Ensor, R.C.K. (1936) England 1870–1914, Clarendon Press, Oxford
Equal Opportunities Commission (1990) Women and Men in Britain, Equal
Opportunities Commission, London
Equal Opportunities Commission (1993) Women and Men in Society, Equal
Opportunities Commission, Manchester
Fallon, P., Bluglass, R., Edwards, B. and Daniels, G. (1999) Report of the Committee
of Inquiry into the Personality Disorder Unit, Ashworth Special Hospital,
Cm 4194, Stationery Office, London
Farmer, E. and Pollock, S. (1998) Sexually Abused and Abusing Children in
Substitute Care, John Wiley & Sons/Department of Health, Chichester
Farnham, D. (1993) ‘Human Resources Management and Employee Relations’, in
D. Farnham and S. Horton (eds) Managing the New Public Services, Macmillan,
Farnham, D. and Horton, S. (1993a) ‘The Political Economy of Public Sector Change’,
in D. Farnham and S. Horton (eds) Managing the New Public Services’, Macmillan,
Farnham, D. and Horton, S. (1993b) ‘The New Public Service Managerialism: an
Assessment’, in D. Farnham and S. Horton (eds) Managing the New Public
Services’, Macmillan, Basingstoke – now Palgrave, pp. 237–54
Farrington, D.P., Gallagher, B., Morley, L., St Ledger, R.J. and West, D.J. (1986)
‘Unemployment, School Leaving and Crime’, British Journal of Criminology,
26: 335–56
Fernando, S. (1991) Mental Health, Race and Culture, Macmillan, in association
with MIND, London
Ferri, E. and Smith, K. (1998) Step-Parenting in the 1990s, Family Policy Studies
Centre and Joseph Rowntree Foundation, London
Fetterman, D.M., Kaftarian, S.J. and Wandersman, A. (eds) (1996) Empowerment
Evaluation: Knowledge and Tools for Self-assessment and Accountability, Sage,
London
Fleischmann, P. and Wigmore, J. (2000) Nowhere Else to Go, Mental Health
Foundation, London
Fletcher, H. (1999) ‘Call for Resources for the Service’, NAPO News, November,
(114):1
Flynn, R. and Williams, G. (eds) (1997) Contracting for Health: Quasi-markets and
the National Health Service, Oxford University Press, Oxford
Ford, J., Burrows, R., Wilcox, S., Cole, I. and Beatty, C. (1998) Social Housing Rent
Differentials and Processes of Social Exclusion, Centre for Housing Policy,
University of York, York
Bibliography 247

Fox Harding, L. (1996) Family, State and Social Policy, Macmillan, Basingstoke –
now Palgrave
Fox Harding, L. (1997) Perspectives in Child Care Policy, Longman, Harlow
Franklin, B. (ed.) (1995) The Handbook of Children’s Rights – Comparative Policy
and Practice, Routledge, London
Franklin, B. (1999) Hard Pressed, National Newspaper Reporting of Social Work
and Social Services, Community Care, London
Franklin, B. (ed.) (2000) Social Policy, The Media and Misrepresentation, Routledge,
London
Fraser, D. (1984) The Evolution of the British Welfare State, 2nd edn, Macmillan,
Fratter, J. (1991) ‘Parties in the Triangle’, Adoption and Fostering, 15 (4):91–8
Fryer, D. (1992) The Psychological Effects of Unemployment, British Psychological
Society, Leicester
Gaskell, E. (1970) North and South, Harmondsworth, Penguin
George, M. (2000) ‘Act of Cruelty’, The Guardian, Guardian Society, 8 November,
pp. 5–6
George, V. (1968) Social Security: Beveridge and After, Routledge & Kegan Paul,
London
George, V. and Taylor-Gooby, P. (eds) (1996) European Welfare Policy: Squaring
the Welfare Circle, Macmillan, Basingstoke – now Palgrave
George, V. and Wilding, P. (1976) Ideology and Social Welfare, Routledge & Kegan
Paul, London
George, V. and Wilding, P. (1999) British Society and Social Welfare: Towards a
Sustainable Society, Macmillan, Basingstoke – now Palgrave
Giddens, A. (1998) The Third Way: The Renewal of Social Democracy, Polity Press,
Cambridge
Ginsburg, N. (1999) ‘Housing’, in R. M. Page and R. Silburn (eds) British Social
Welfare in the Twentieth Century, Macmillan, Basingstoke – now Palgrave,
pp. 223–46
Glendinning, C. and Millar, J. (1992) Women and Poverty in Britain in the 1990s,
Harvester Wheatsheaf, Hemel Hempstead
Glennerster, H. and Hills, J. (1998a) ‘Lifting the Lid on Pot Luck’, The Guardian,
Guardian Society, 22 April, pp. 2–3
Glennerster, H. and Hills, J. (eds) (1998b) The State of Welfare: The Economics of
Social Spending, 2nd edn, Oxford University Press, Oxford
Goffman, E. (1961) Asylums: Essays on the Social Situations of Mental Patients and
Other Inmates, Penguin, Harmondsworth
Golding, P. and Middleton, S. (1982) Images of Welfare: Press and Public Attitudes
to Poverty, Martin Robertson, Oxford
Goldson, B. (ed.) (2000) The New Youth Justice, Russell House, Lyme Regis
Goldson, B. and Peters, E. (2000) Tough Justice, Children’s Society, London
Gooding, C. (2000) ‘Disability Discrimination Act: From Statute to Practice’,
Critical Social Policy, 20 (4): 533–49
Gordon, D., Adelman, L., Ashworth, C. et al. (2000) Poverty and Social Exclusion
in Britain, Joseph Rowntree Foundation, York
Gould, M. (2001) ‘Lives Trapped in Limbo’, The Guardian, Guardian Society,
24 Jan, p. 7
248 Bibliography

Graham, J. and Bowling, B. (1995) Young People and Crime, Home Office Research
Study No. 145, Stationery Office, London
Green, D. (2000) An End to Welfare Rights, Institute of Economic Affairs, London
Green, H., Deacon, K., Iles, N. and Down, D. (1997) Housing in England 1995/96,
Green, L. (2000) ‘Anti-poverty Plans Lack Workers’Input’, Community Care, 22–28
June, (1327): 10–11
Green, L. (2000) ‘Anti-Smacking Campaigners Vow to Continue Their Fight’,
Community Care, 27 April–3 May, (1319): 9
Greenhalgh, C. and Gregory, H. (1997) ‘Why Manufacturing Still Matters: Working
with Structural Change’, in J. Philpott (ed) Working for Full Employment,
Routledge, London, pp. 96–108
Griggs, A., Hogg, D. and Hunt, S. (2000) ‘Our Friends in the North’, Community
Care, 4–10 May, (1320): 23
Hadley, R. and Hatch, S. (1981) Social Welfare and the Failure of the State, Allen
& Unwin, London
Hall, S. (2001) ‘Charge for Nursery Place Rises to £6000 a year’, The Guardian,
5 Feb., p. 9
Halmos, P. (1978) The Personal and the Political: Social Work and Political Action,
Hutchinson, London
Ham, C. (1985) Health Policy in Britain, Macmillan, Basingstoke – now
Palgrave
Hanmer, J. and Statham, D. (1999) Women and Social Work: Towards Woman-
centred Practice, Macmillan, Basingstoke – now Palgrave
Harris, R. (1995) ‘Child Protection, Care and Welfare’, in K. Wilson and A. James
(eds) The Child Protection Handbook, Baillière Tindall, London, pp. 27–42
Hasler, F. (1999) ‘Excercising the Right to Freedom of Choice’, Professional Social
Work, June, pp. 6–7
Hattenstone, S. (2001) ‘Frankly, I’m Appalled’, The Guardian, Friday Supplement,
2 Feb., pp. 8–9
Head, A. (1995) ‘The Work of the Guardian Ad Litem’, in K. Wilson and A. James
Hewitt, P. (1993) About Time: The Revolution in Work and Family Life, IPPR/Rivers
Oram, London
Hewitt, P. (1997) Full Employment for Men and Women’, in J. Philpott (ed) Working
for Full Employment, Routledge, London, pp. 81–95
Hill, M. (1993) The Welfare State in Britain: A Political History Since 1945, Edward
Elgar, Aldershot
Hills, D. and Child, C. (2000) Leadership in Residential Child Care: Evaluating
Qualification Training, John Wiley & Sons, Chichester
Hills, J. (1995) Income and Wealth – The Latest Evidence, Joseph Rowntree
Foundation, York
Hirst, P. (1994) Associative Democracy: New Forms of Economic and Social
Governance, Polity Press, Oxford
HM Government (1944) Employment Policy, White Paper, Cmnd 6527, HMSO,
London
HM Inspectorate of Probation (1995a) Probation Orders with Additional
Requirements. Report of a Thematic Inspection, Home Office, London
Bibliography 249

HM Inspectorate of Probation (1995b) Dealing with Dangerous People: The
Probation Service and Public Protection, Home Office, London
HM Inspectorate of Probation (1996) Probation Services Working in Partnership:
Increasing Impact and Value for Money. Report of a Thematic Inspection, Home
Office, London
HM Inspectorate of Probation (1998) Strategies for Effective Offender Supervision.
Report of the “What Works” Project, Home Office, London
HM Prison Service (1999) Annual Report and Accounts 1998 to March 1999,
HM Treasury (1999) Report of Policy Action Team 14: Access to Financial Services
HM Treasury (2000) Report of Policy Action Team 3: Enterprise and Social Exclusion,
Her Majesty’s Treasury, London
Holihead, M. (2000) ‘Whistling the Same Tune’, Community Care, 20–26 Jan.,
(1305): 20–1
Holman, B. (2000) ‘Think Local, Gordon’, Community Care, 22–8 June, (1327): 22
Home Office (1946) Report of the Committee on the Care of Children (Curtis
Report) Cmnd 6922, HMSO, London
Home Office (1965) The Child, the Family and the Young Offender (White Paper)
Cmnd 2742, HMSO, London
Home Office (1968) Children in Trouble (White Paper) Cmnd 3601, London, HMSO
Home Office (1988) Punishment, Custody and the Community, Green Paper, Cm 424,
HMSO, London
Home Office (1990) Provisions for the Mentally Disordered Offender, Circular
66/90, HMSO, London
Home Office (1990a) Crime, Justice and Protecting the Public: The Government’s
Proposals for Legislation, Cm 965, HMSO, London
Home Office (1999) Report of Policy Action Team 9: Community Self-Help, Home
Office, London
Home Office (1999a) Living Without Fear – An Integrated Approach to Tackling
Violence Against Women, Home Office and Women’s Unit, London
Home Office (2000) Report of Policy Action Team 6: Neighbourhood Wardens
Home Office (2000a) Policing and Reducing Crime Briefing Note 1/00, Home Office,
PRC Unit Publications, London
Home Office (2001) New Strategies to Address Youth Offending: The National
Evaluation of the Pilot Youth Offending Teams, RDS Occasional Paper No. 69,
Home Office, London
Homer, A. and Gilleard, C. (1975) ‘Abuse of Elder People by their Carers’, British
Medical Journal, 301: 1359–62
Hood, R. and Shute, S. (2000) The Parole System at Work: A Study of Risk Based
Decision Making, Home Office Research Study 202, Home Office, London
Hope, M. and Chapman, T. (1998) Evidence Based Practice: A Guide to Effective
Practice, London, Home Office
House of Commons, (1992) Report of the Inquiry into the Removal of Children from
Orkney in February 1991, House of Commons ([HC]; 195, 1992–93)
Howarth, C., Kenway, P., Palmer, G. and Miorelli, R. (1998) Monitoring Poverty
and Social Exclusion: Labour’s Inheritance, New Policy Institute/Joseph
Rowntree Foundation, York
Huber, N. (2000) ‘Made to Measure’, Community Care, 18–24 May, (1322): 20
250 Bibliography

Hughes, B. (1995) Older People and Community Care: Critical Theory and Practice,
Open University Press, Buckingham
Hugman, R. (1991) Power in Caring Professions, Macmillan, Basingstoke – now
Palgrave
Hunt, R. (2000) Quality Protects Research Briefing 1: The Educational
Performance of Children in Need and Children Looked After, Department of
Health, London
Husbands, C. (1983) Racial Exclusionism and the City, Allen & Unwin, London
International Labour Organisation (1995) World Employment Report, ILO, Geneva
Jackson, S. and Thomas, N. (1999) On the Move Again? What Works in Creating
Stability for Looked After Children, Barnardo’s, Barkingside, Ilford
Jacobs, B.D. (1992) Fractured Cities Capitalism, Community and Empowerment in
Britain and America, Routledge London
Jacobs, J. (1992) Beveridge 1942–1992: Papers to Mark the 50th Anniversary of the
Beveridge Report, Whiting & Birch, London
Jenkins, S. and Hill, M. (2000) Poverty Among British Children: Chronic or Transitory,
Institute for Social and Economic Research, University of Essex, Colchester
Joseph Rowntree Foundation (1995) Inquiry into Income and Wealth, Vol. 1, Joseph
Rowntree Foundation, York
Jupp, B. (1999) Living Together: Community Life on Mixed Tenure Housing Estates,
Demos, London
Kegley, C.W. Jr and Wittkopf, E.R. (1997) World Politics: Trend and Transformation,
6th edn, St Martin’s Press, New York
Kennedy, H. (1995) Banged up, Beaten up, Cutting up: Report of the Howard
League Commission of Inquiry into Violence in Penal Institutions for Teenagers
under 18, Howard League, London
Kennett, P. and Marsh, A. (eds) (1999) Homeless: Exploring the New Terrain,
Policy Press, Bristol
Kent Area Health Authority (1977) St Augustine’s Hospital Committee of Inquiry:
Report of Emergency Panel, Kent Area Health Authority, Maidstone
Kershaw, C. and Renshaw, G. (1997) Reconviction Rates of Prisoners Discharged
from Prison in 1993, HMSO, London
Keynes, J.M. (1961, first published 1935) The General Theory of Employment
Interest and Money, Macmillan, Basingstoke – now Palgrave
Kincaid, J.C. (1975) Poverty and Equality in Britain: A Study of Social Security and
Taxation, Penguin, Harmondsworth
Kincaid, S. (1973) A New Approach to Homelessness and Allocations, Shelter
London
King, D. and Stoker, G. (eds) (1996) Rethinking Local Democracy, Macmillan,
Kirkwood, A., QC. (1992) The Leicestershire Inquiry. The Report of an Inquiry into
Aspects of the Management of Children’s Homes in Leicestershire between 1973
and 1986, Leicestershire County Council, Leicester
La Fontaine, J. (1994) The Extent and Nature of Organised Ritual Abuse, HMSO,
London
Lampard, R. (1994) ‘An Examination of the Relationship Between Marital Dissolution
and Unemployment’, in D. Gallie, C. Marsh and C. Vogler (eds) Social Change and
the Experience of Unemployment, Oxford University Press, Oxford
Bibliography 251

Lane, M. and Walsh, T. (1995) ‘Court Proceedings’ in K. Wilson and A. James (eds)
The Child Protection Handbook, Baillière Tindall, London, pp. 226–80
Langan, J. and Means, R. (1996) ‘Financial Management and Elderly People with
Dementia in the UK: As Much a Question of Confusion as Abuse?’ Ageing and
Society, (16): 287–314
Le Grand, J. (1982) The Strategy of Equality, Allen & Unwin London
Leicester County Council (1985) Report of an Independent Inquiry into the Provision
and Co-ordination of Services to the Family of Carly Taylor by the Relevant Local
Authorities and Health Services and by the Persons or Agencies to Leicestershire
County Council and Leicester Area Health Authority Teaching, Leicester County
Council, Leicester
Levin, E. and Webb, S. (1997) Social Work and Community Care: Changing Roles
and Tasks, NISW, London
Levitas, R. (1998) The Inclusive Society? Social Exclusion and New Labour
Levy, A. and Kahan, B. (1991) The Pindown Experience and the Protection of
Children: the Report of the Staffordshire Child Care Inquiry 1990, Staffordshire
County Council, Stafford
Lewis, J. (1997) ‘The Paradigm Shift in the Delivery of Public Services and the Crisis
of Professionalism’, in R. Adams (ed.) Crisis in the Human Services, National and
International Issues, Policy Studies Research Centre, Lincoln pp. 67–74
Lewis, J. (1999) ‘Voluntary and Informal Welfare’in R.M. Page and R. Silburn (eds)
British Social Welfare in the Twentieth Century, Macmillan, Basingstoke – now
Palgrave, pp. 249–70
Lewis, O. (1965) The Children of Sánchez, Penguin, Harmondsworth
Lindblom, C.E. (1977) Politics and Markets: The World’s Political Economic
Systems, Basic Books, New York
Lindsey, E. (2001) ‘Willing and Able’, The Guardian, 10 Jan., pp. 2–3
Lister, R. (1997) Citizenship: Feminist Perspectives, Macmillan, Basingstoke – now
Palgrave
Lister, R. (2000) ‘Strategies for Social Inclusion: Promoting Social Cohesion or Social
Justice?’, in P. Askonas and A. Stewart (eds) Social Inclusion: Possibilities and
Tensions, Macmillan, Basingstoke – now Palgrave, pp. 37–54
Local Government Association (2000) The New Commitment to Regeneration,
LGA, London
Local Government Information Unit (LGIU) (1997a) Citizens’ Panels: A New
Approach to Citizen Consultation, LGIU, London
Local Government Information Unit (LGIU) (1997b) Community Involvement:
Neighbourhood Groups, Redditch Case Study, LGIU, London
Local Government Information Unit (LGIU) (1997c) Capacity Building
Programme for Urban Regeneration: Sandwell Case Study, LGIU, London
Local Government Information Unit (LGIU) (1998) Use of Focus Groups in Local
Government: Newham Case Study, London, LGIU
Local Government Information Unit (1999a) The New Regional Development
Agencies LGIU/SEEDS, London
Local Government Information Unit (1999b) Social Services and the New Public
Services Agenda, LGIU, London
London Borough of Greenwich (1987) A Child in Mind: Protection of Children in
a Responsible Society. The Report of the Commission of Inquiry into the
252 Bibliography

Circumstances Surrounding the Death of Kimberley Carlile, London Borough of
Greenwich and Greenwich Health Authority
London Borough of Lambeth (1987) Whose Child? The Report of the Panel
Appointed to Inquiry into the Death of Tyra Henry, London Borough of Lambeth
Low Pay Commission (1998) The National Minimum Wage: First Report of the Low
Pay Commission, Stationery Office, London
Low Pay Commission (2000) The National Minimum Wage: The Story so Far:
Second Report of the Low Pay Commission, Stationery Office, London
Lowe, R. (1993) The Welfare State in Britain Since 1945, Macmillan, Basingstoke –
now Palgrave
Lyon, C.M. (1995) ‘Child Protection and the Civil Law’, in K. Wilson and A. James
Mack, J. and Lansley, S. (1985) Poor Britain, George Allen & Unwin, London
McCarthy, M. (ed.) (1989) The New Politics of Welfare: An Agenda for the 1990s?,
McCreadie, C. (1991) Elder Abuse: An Exploratory Study, Age Concern, London
McCurry, P. (1999) ‘Courting New Roles’, Community Care, 2–8 Sept., (1288):
22–3
McGregor, C. (1999) ‘Care and Control in Mental Health Social Work’, Professional
Social Work, May, pp. 4–5
McGuire, J. (ed.) (1995) What Works: Reducing Reoffending: Guidelines from
Research and Practice, John Wiley, Chichester
McIvor, G. (ed.) (1996) Working with Offenders, Jessica Kingsley, London
McKay, R. (2000a) ‘Does Devolution Deliver?’, Community Care, 10–16 February,
(1308): 24–5
McKay, R. (2000b) ‘Are These Dangerous Liaisons?’, Community Care, 11–17 May,
(1321): 12
McLean, S., Balloch, S. and Fisher, M. (1999) Social Services Working Under
Pressure, National Institute for Social Work/Policy Press, London
Macpherson, Sir William (1999) The Stephen Lawrence Enquiry, Stationery Office,
London
McVeigh, T. (2001) ‘Soaring Cost of Childcare Hits Families’, The Guardian,
4 Feb., p. 12
Malin, N. (1994) Implementing Community Care, Open University Press, Buckingham
Mares, P. (1996) Business Skills for Care Management: A Guide to Costing,
Contracting and Negotiating, Age Concern, London
Marlow, A. and Pearson, G. (1999) Young People, Drugs and Community Safety,
Russell House, Lyme Regis
Marshall, T.H. (1970) Social Policy, 3rd edn, Hutchinson, London
Martell, R. (2000) ‘No Champion for English Children’, Community Care, 6–12
July, (1329): 10–11
Mary Dendy Hospital Inquiry (1977) Report of a Committee of Inquiry, Mersey
Regional Health Authority, Liverpool
Mathiesen, T. (1974) The Politics of Abolition, Martin Robertson, Oxford
Matthews, R. and Francis, P. (eds) (1996) Prisons 2000: An International Perspective
on the Current State and Future of Imprisonment, Macmillan, Basingstoke – now
Palgrave
Maud Report (1967) Report of Committee: The Management of Local Government,
HMSO, London
Bibliography 253

Mayhew, H. and Binney, J. (1862) The Criminal Prisons of London and Scenes of
Prison Life, Griffin, Bohn, London
Means, R. and Smith, R.(1994) Community Care: Policy and Practice Macmillan,
Merton, Sutton and Wandsworth Area Health Authority (1975) St Ebba’s Hospital
Inquiry Report, Merton, Sutton and Wandsworth Area Health Authority
Millham, S., Bullock, R. and Cherrett, P. (1975) After Grace – Teeth! A Comparative
Study of the Residential Experience of Boys in Approved Schools, Human Context
Books, London
Millham, S., Bullock, R. and Hosie, K. (1978) Locking Up Children: Secure
Provision within the Child Care System, Saxon House, Farnborough
MIND (1999) Creating Accepting Communities: Report of the Mind Inquiry into
Social Exclusion and Mental Health Problems, MIND, London
Ministerial Group on the Family (1998) Supporting Families: A Consultation
Document, Stationery Office, London
Ministerial Group on the Family (1999) Supporting Families: A Consultation
Document, Stationery Office, London
Mishra, R. (1981) Society and Social Policy: Theories and Practice of Welfare, 2nd
edn, Macmillan, Basingstoke – now Palgrave
Mishra, R. (1984) The Welfare State in Crisis: Social Thought and Social Change,
Harvester Wheatsheaf, Brighton
Mishra, R. (1999) Globalisation and the Welfare State, Edward Elgar, Cheltenham
Mjijen, M. (1996) ‘Scare in the Community: Britain in Moral Panic’, in T. Heller,
J. Reynolds, R. Gomm. R. Muston and S. Pattison (eds) Mental Health Matters:
A Reader, Macmillan with Open University, Basingstoke, pp. 143–56
Morris, J. (1993) Independent Lives? Community Care and Disabled People,
Murie, A. (1998) ‘Housing’, in P. Alcock, A. Erskine and M. May (eds) The
Student’s Companion to Social Policy, Blackwell/Social Policy Association,
Oxford, pp. 299–305
Murray, C. (1994) Underclass: The Crisis Deepens, IEA Health Unit, West
Sussex
Myers, F. (1999) Social Workers as Mental Health Officers, Research Highlights 28,
Jessica Kingsley, London
National Association for the Care and Resettlement of Offenders (2000) Some Facts
About Young Offenders, NACRO Youth Crime Section Factsheet, NACRO,
London
National Association for the Care and Resettlement of Offenders (2001) Some Facts
About Young People Who Offend, Youth Crime Factsheet, NACRO, London
National Association for Youth Justice (NAYJ) (2000) Manifesto for Youth Justice,
Hampshire County Council, Winchester
National Audit Office (1994) Looking After the Financial Affairs of People with
Mental Incapacity, National Audit Office, London
National Consumer Council and National Institute for Social Work (1988) Open to
Complaints: Guidelines for Social Services Complaints Procedures, National
Consumer Council, London
National Health Service (1969) Report of the Committee of Inquiry into Allegations
of Ill-treatment of Patients and other Irregularities at the Ely Hospital, Cardiff,
254 Bibliography

Newman, P. and Smith, A. (1997) Social Focus on Families, Stationery Office,
London
Nolan, Lord (1995) First Report of the Committee on Standards in Public Life,
HMSO, London
Oakley,A. (1999) People’s Ways of Knowing: Gender and Methodology, in B. Mayal
and S. Oliver (eds) Critical Issues in Social Research, Oxford University Press,
Oxford
O’Connor, D., Pollitt, P., Brook, C., Reiss, B. and Roth, M. (1991) ‘Does Early
Intervention Reduce the Number of Elderly People with Dementia Admitted to
Institutions for Long Term Care?’, British Medical Journal, 13 April, 302: 871–4
Office for National Statistics (1998) Social Trends 28, Stationery Office, London
Office for National Statistics (1999) Social Trends 29, Stationery Office, London
Oldfield, M. (1993) ‘Assessing the Impact of Community Service: lost opportunities
and the politics of punishment’, in D. Whitfield and D. Scott (eds) Paying Back
Twenty Years of Community Service, Waterside Press, Winchester
Oliver, M. (1990) The Politics of Disablement: Critical Texts in Social Work and the
Welfare State, Macmillan, Basingstoke – now Palgrave
Oliver, M. (1998) ‘Disabled People’, in P. Alcock, A. Erskine and M. May (eds) The
Student’s Companion to Social Policy, Blackwell, Oxford, pp. 257–62
Oppenheim, C. and Harker, L. (1996) Poverty: The Facts, CPAG, London
Orwell, G. (1940) Down and Out in Paris and London, Penguin, Harmondsworth
Orwell, G. (1967) The Road to Wigan Pier, Penguin, Harmondsworth
Ouseley, Sir H. (2001) Community Pride Not Prejudice – Making Diversity Work in
Bradford, Bradford Vision, Bradford
Owens, P., Carrier, J. and Horder, J. (eds) (1995) Interprofessional Issues in
Community and Primary Health Care, Macmillan, Basingstoke – now Palgrave
Page, R.M. and Silburn, R. (1999) British Social Welfare in the Twentieth Century,
Palmer, S. (2000) ‘Rights the UK Won’t Give’, The Guardian, 22 Nov., p. 21
Parker, H., Bakx, K. and Newcombe, R. (1988) Living with Heroin. Open University
Press, Milton Keynes
Parker, J. (1975) Social Policy and Citizenship, Macmillan, Basingstoke – now
Palgrave
Parsloe, P. (ed.) (1996) Pathways to Empowerment, Venture Press, Birmingham
Parton, N. (1991) Governing the Family: Child Care, Child Protection and the
State, Macmillan, Basingstoke – now Palgrave
Parton, N. (ed.) (1997) Child Protection and Family Support: Tensions, Contradictions
and Possibilities, Routledge, London
Patients’Association (undated) NHS Complaints Procedures: A Guide for Patients,
Patients’Association, London
Payne, M. (2000a) Anti-bureaucratic Social Work, Venture, Birmingham
Payne, M. (2000b) Teamwork in Multiprofessional Care, Macmillan, Basingstoke –
now Palgrave
Peay, J. (1995) ‘Mental Disorders and Violence: the Lessons of the Inquiries’,
Criminal Justice Matters, Autumn, (21): 21–2
Peay, J. (1997) ‘Mentally Disordered Offenders’ in M. Maguire, R. Morgan, and
R. Reiner (eds) Oxford Handbook of Criminology, Clarendon Press, Oxford
Pearson, G. (1975) The Deviant Imagination: Psychiatry, Social Work and Social
Change, Macmillan, Basingstoke – now Palgrave
Bibliography 255

Pearson, G. and Patel, K. (1998) ‘Drugs, Deprivation and Ethnicity: Outreach
Among Asian Drug Users in a Northern English City’, Journal of Drug Issues,
28 (1): 199–224
Petrie, S. and James,A. L. (1995) ‘Partnership with Parents’, in K. Wilson andA. James
Phillipson, C., Biggs, S. and Kingston, P. (1995) Elder Abuse in Perspective, Open
University Press, Buckingham
Philo, G., Henderson, L. and McLaughlin, G. (1993) Mass Media Representation of
Mental Health/Illness; Report for Health Education Board for Scotland, Glasgow
University Media Group, Glasgow
Philpott, J. (1997) ‘Looking Forward to Full Employment’, in J. Philpott (ed.)
Working for Full Employment, Routledge, London, pp. 1–29
Piachaud, D. (1997) ‘A Price Worth Paying? The Costs of Unemployment’, in
J. Philpott (ed.) Working for Full Employment, Routledge, London, pp. 49–62
Piachaud, D. (2000) ‘Sickly Youth’ article based on address to UK Public Health
Association Annual Forum in Harrogate, on Partnership, Participation and Power,
The Guardian, 29 March, p. 7
Pierson, C. (1992) Beyond the Welfare State, Polity Press, Cambridge
Pleace, N., Jones, A. and England, J. (2000) Access to General Practice for People
Sleeping Rough, Centre for Housing Policy, University of York, York
Porporino, F.J. (1995) ‘Intervention in Corrections: Is “Cognitive” Programming an
Answer or Just a Passing Fashion?’, State of Corrections Proceedings of the
125th ACA Congress of Corrections, Cincinnati, 1995, Cincinnati, USA
Powell, M. (2000) ‘New Labour and the Third Way in the British Welfare State:
A New and Distinctive Approach’, Critical Social Policy, 20(1): 39–60
Power, A. (1999) Estates on the Edge: The Social Construction of Mass Housing in
Northern Europe, Macmillan, Basingstoke – now Palgrave
Power, M. (1997) The Audit Society: Rituals of Verification, Oxford University Press,
Oxford
Priestly, M. (1999) Disability Politics and Community Care, Jessica Kingsley, London
Prison Reform Trust (1999) A Fiscal and Economic Analysis of the Crime
(Sentences) Act, Prison Reform Trust, London
Ramon, S. (ed.) (1991) Beyond Community Care: Normalisation and Integration
Work, Macmillan/MIND, London
Ratcliffe, P. (2000) ‘Is the Assertion of Minority Identity Compatible with the Idea
of a Socially Inclusive Society?’, in P. Askonas and A. Stewart (eds) Social
Inclusion: Possibilities and Tensions, Macmillan, Basingstoke – now Palgrave,
pp. 169–85
Raynsford, N. (1989) ‘Housing’, in M. McCarthy (ed.) The New Politics of Welfare:
An Agenda for the 1990s, Macmillan, Basingstoke – now Palgrave, pp. 82–103
Read, J. and Reynolds, J. (eds) (1996) Speaking Our Minds: An Anthology, Macmillan,
Redcliffe-Maud, Lord (1969) (chairman) Royal Commission on Local Government
in England 1966–69, Vol. 1 (Report), Cmnd 4040, HMSO, London
Rees, S. (1991) Achieving Power: Practice and Policy in Social Welfare, Allen &
Unwin, Sydney
Regional Trends 33 (1998) Stationery Office, London
Report of the Committee on Children and Young Persons (1960) (Ingleby Report)
Cmnd 1191 London, HMSO
256 Bibliography

Revans, L. (2000) ‘Commission Seeks to Add to its Remit’, Community Care, 14–20
September, (1340): 12
Rickford, F. (1999) ‘Stressed Out’, Community Care, 26 Aug–1 Sept., (1287): 22–3
Rickford, F. (2000) ‘The Best Way of Driving Quality?’, Community Care, 7–13
Dec., (1351): 20–1
Ritchie, J. (1990) Thirty Families: Their Living Standards in Unemployment,
Department of Social Security Research Report No. 1, HMSO, London
Ritchie, J.H., Dick, D. and Lingham, R. (1994) The Report of the Inquiry into the
Care and Treatment of Christopher Clunis, (The Ritchie Report) HMSO, London
Robbins, D. (ed.) (1993) Community Care: Findings from Department of Health
Funded Research 1988–1992, HMSO, London
Roberts, K. (1995) Youth and Employment in Modern Britain, Oxford University
Press, Oxford
Robinson, D. (1995) The Impact of Cognitive Skills Training on Post-Release
Recidivism Among Canadian Federal Offenders, Correctional Service of Canada,
Ottawa
Ross, R.R. and Fabiano, E. (1985) Time to Think: A Cognitive Model of Delinquency
Prevention and Offender Rehabilitation, Institute of Social Sciences and Arts Inc.,
Johnson City, Tennessee
Rowe, J., Davies, K., Baburaj,V. and Sinha, R. (1993) ‘F.A.D.E. The FinancialAffairs
of Dementing Elders and Who is the Attorney?’, Journal of Elder Abuse and
Neglect, 5(2): 73–9
Rowntree, B.S. (1901) Poverty: A Study of Town Life, Macmillan, Basingstoke –
now Palgrave
Rowntree, B.S. (1941) Poverty and Progress, Longmans, Green, London
Rowntree, B.S. and Lavers, G.R. (1951) Poverty and the Welfare State: A Third
Social Survey of York dealing only with Economic Questions, Longmans, Green,
London
Rubery, J. (1997) ‘What do Women Want from Full Employment?’ in J. Philpott
(ed.) Working for Full Employment, Routledge, London, pp. 63–80
Rugg, J. (1996) Opening Doors: Helping People on Low Income Secure Private
Rented Accommodation, Centre for Housing Policy, University of York, York
Rugg, J. (1997) Closing Doors? Access Schemes and the Recent Housing Changes,
Centre for Housing Policy, University of York, York
Sandhill Park Hospital Inquiry (1981) Member Enquiry into Sandhill Park Hospital,
Interim and Final Reports, Somerset Area Health Authority, Taunton
Savage, S., Atkinson, R. and Robins, L. (eds) (1994) Public Policy in Britain,
Sayce, L. (1995) ‘Response to Violence: A Framework for Fair Treatment’, in
J. Crichton (ed.) Psychiatric Patient Violence: Risk and Response, Duckworth,
London, pp. 127–50
Scarman, The Rt Hon. Lord (1981) The Brixton Disorders 10–12 April 1981, Cmnd
8427, HMSO, London
Schaffer, H. (1990) Making Decisions About Children, Blackwell, Oxford
Scottish Executive (2000) The Same as You? Review of Services for People with
Learning Difficulties, Scottish Executive, Edinburgh
Scottish Home and Health Department/Scottish Education Department (1964)
Children andYoung Persons: Scotland (Kilbrandon Report), Cmnd 2306, HMSO,
Edinburgh
Bibliography 257

Scottish Office (1998) Social Exclusion in Scotland, Consultation Paper, Scottish
Office, Edinburgh
Scottish Office (2000) Social Inclusion: Opening the Door to a Better Scotland,
Scottish Office, Edinburgh
Secretary of State for Health (1998) Modernising Social Services: Promoting
Independence, Improving Protection, Raising Standards, Cm 4169, Stationery
Office, London
Secretary of State for Social Security and Minister for Welfare Reform (1998) New
Ambitions for Our Country: A New Contract for Welfare, Green Paper, Cm 3805,
Secretary of State for Social Services (1974) Report of the Committee of Inquiry into
the Care and Supervision Provided in Relation to Maria Colwell, HMSO, London
Seebohm, F. (1968) Report of the Committee on Local Authority and Allied Personal
Social Services (Seebohm Report), Cmnd 3703, HMSO, London
Seldon, A. (1960) Pensions for Prosperity, Institute of Economic Affairs, London
SeQueria, R. (1997) ‘Size Does Matter’, Inside Community Care, Community Care,
24–30 April: 8
Servian, R. (1996) Theorising Empowerment: Individual Power and Community
Care, Policy Press, Bristol
Shelter (1999) From Pillar to Post: Failing to Meeting the Support and Housing
Needs of Vulnerable People, Shelter, London
Shelter (2000a) Shelterline: One Year On, Shelter, London
Shelter (2000b) Latest News, Shelter, London
Sheppard, M. (1995) Care Management and the New Social Work: A Critical
Analysis, Whiting & Birch, London
Sherrard, M. (1978) Report of the Committee of Inquiry into Normansfield Hospital,
Sinclair, I. and Gibbs, I. (1998) Children’s Homes: A Study in Diversity, John Wiley
& Sons, Chichester
Sinclair, I., Parker, R., Leat, D. and Williams, J. (1990) The Kaleidoscope of Care:
A Review of Research on Welfare Provision for Elderly People, NISW HMSO,
London
Slack, K.M. (1966) Social Administration and the Citizen, Michael Joseph, London
Smith, A., Griffin, R., Hill, C. and Symmonds, T. (1998) Social Focus on the
Unemployed, Stationery Office, London
Smith, C. (2001) ‘Trust and Confidence: Possibilities for Social Work in “High
Modernity” ’, British Journal of Social Work, 31 (2): 287–305
Smith, J., Gilford, S. and O’Sullivan, A. (1998) The Family Background of Homeless
Young People, Family Policy Studies Centre/Joseph Rowntree Foundation, London
Smith, K. (1995) ‘Social Work and Resettlement, Journal of Social Work Practice,
9 (1): 53–62
Social Care News (2000) ‘The NHS Plan and You’, Aug., pp. 3–4
Social Exclusion Unit (1998a) Bringing Britain Together: A National Strategy for
Neighbourhood Renewal, Cm 4045, The Stationery Office, London
Social Exclusion Unit (1998b) Rough Sleeping, TSO, London
Social Exclusion Unit (1998c) Truancy and School Exclusion, TSO, London
Social Exclusion Unit (1999a) Teenage Pregnancy, TSO, London
Social Exclusion Unit (1999b) Bridging the Gap: New Opportunitites for 16–18-
year-olds not in Education, Employment or Training, TSO, London
258 Bibliography

Social Exclusion Unit (2000a) Minority Ethnic Issues in Social Exclusion and
Neighbourhood Renewal: A Guide to the Work of the Social Exclusion Unit and
the Policy Action Teams so far, The Cabinet Office, London
Social Exclusion Unit (2000b) National Strategy for Neighborhood Renewal: A
Framework for Consultation, The Cabinet Office, London
Social Exclusion Unit (2000c) National Strategy for Neighborhood Renewal: A
Framework for Consultation: Executive Summary, The Cabinet Office, London
Social Exclusion Unit (2000d) National Strategy for Neighborhood Renewal.
Policy Action Team Report Summaries: A Compendium, The Cabinet Office,
London
Social Exclusion Unit (2000e) Report of Policy Action Team 8: Anti-Social
Behaviour, TSO, London
Social Exclusion Unit (2000f) Report of Policy Action Team 18: Better Information,
TSO, London
Social Exclusion Unit (2000g) Report of Policy Action Team 16: Learning Lessons,
TSO, London
Social Services Inspectorate (1992) Confronting Elder Abuse London, HMSO
Social Services Inspectorate (1993) No Longer Afraid: The Safeguard of Older
People in Domestic Settings London, HMSO
Social Services Inspectorate (1998) Social Services Facing the Future: The Seventh
Annual Report of the Chief Inspector, Social Services Inspectorate, Department
of Health, London
Social Services Inspectorate (2000a) Social Services in Wales 1998–1999, The
Report of the Chief Inspector of the SSI for Wales, Stationery Office, Cardiff
Sontag, S. (1991) AIDS and its Metaphors, Penguin, Harmondsworth
South Ockendon Hospital Inquiry (1974) Report of the Committee of Inquiry into
South Ockendon Hospital, H.C.124, HMSO, London
Spurgeon, P. (2000) ‘Implications of Policy Development for the Nursing
Profession’, in D. Hennessy and P. Spurgeon (eds) Health Policy and Nursing:
Influence, Development and Impact, Macmillan, Basingstoke – now Palgrave,
pp. 190 –200
St Augustine’s Hospital Enquiry (1976) Report of a Committee of Enquiry
St Augustine’s Hospital, Chatham, Canterbury, South East Thames Regional
Health Authority, Croydon
St Mary’s Hospital (1979) Report of the Inquiry Relating to St Mary’s Hospital
(Stannington Inquiry), Gateshead Area Health Authority, Gateshead
Standing Inquiry Panel (1985) Report of the Standing Inquiry Panel into the Case
of Reuben Carthy, Nottinghamshire County Council, Nottingham
Stedman Jones, G. (1976) Outcast London: A Study in the Relationship Between
Classes in Victorian Society, Penguin, Harmondsworth
Stein, M. and Carey, K. (1986) Leaving Care, Blackwell, Oxford
Stevenson, O. (1998) ‘Law and Social Work Education: A Commentary on the Law
Report’, Issues in Social Work Education, 8(1): 37– 45
Stone, E. (1997) Women and Housing, Shelter, London
Surrey Area Health Authority (1980) Report of the Committee of Inquiry into
Standards of Care at Brookwood Hospital, (Chairman C. Beaumont), West
Surrey/North East Hampshire Health District, Woking
Sutherland, D. (2001) ‘Abolishing Care Charges’, Professional Social Work,
January, p. 5
Bibliography 259

Sutherland, Professor, Sir S. (1999) With Respect to Old Age: Long Term Care –
Rights and Responsibilities, Report of the Royal Commission on Long Term Care
for the Elderly, Stationery Office, London
Tarling, R. (1993) Analysing Offending: Data, Models and Interpretation, HMSO,
London
Taylor, D. (1996) Critical Social Policy, Sage, London
Taylor, M. (2000) ‘The Devolution Blues’, Community Care, 6 –12 April, (1316): 14
Taylor, M. andVigars, C. (1993) Management and Delivery of Social Care, Longman,
Harlow
Taylor-Gooby, P. (1981) ‘The New Right and Social Policy’, Critical Social Policy
1(1): 18–31
Taylor-Gooby, P. (1996) ‘The United Kingdom: Radical Departures and Political
Consensus’, in V. George and P. Taylor-Gooby (eds) European Welfare
Policy: Squaring the Welfare Circle, Macmillan, Basingstoke – now Palgrave,
pp. 95–116
Taylor-Gooby, P. and Dale, J. (1981) Social Theory and Social Welfare, Edward
Arnold, London
Thomas, M., Walker, A., Wilmot, A. and Bennett, N. (1998) Living in Britain:
Results from the 1996 General Household Survey, Stationery Office, London
Thompson, A. (1999) ‘Cinderella Service’, Community Care, 9–15 December,
(1302): 20 –1
Thompson, A. and Hirst, J. (1999) ‘We’ve Seen the Future’, Community Care, 28
October–3 November, (1296): 22–3
Thompson, N. (1998) Promoting Equality: Challenging Discrimination and
Oppression in the Human Services, Macmillan, London – now Palgrave
Titmuss, R.M. (1976a) Essays on ‘The Welfare State’, 3rd edn, George Allen &
Unwin, London
Titmuss, R.M. (1976b) Commitment to Welfare, 2nd edn, Allen & Unwin, London
Townsend, P. (1979) Poverty in the United Kingdom: A Survey of Household
Resources and Standards of Living, Penguin, Harmondsworth
Travis, A. (2000) ‘Racist Probation Service Shocks Inspectors’, The Guardian,
23 June, p. 9
Travis, A. (2001a) ‘Jails Chief Threatens to Resign’, The Guardian, 6 Feb., p. 1
Travis, A. (2001b) ‘Technical Rebuffs for 30% of Asylum Seekers’, The Guardian,
26 Jan., p. 9
Triseliotis, J. and Russell, J. (1984) Hard to Place: The Outcome of Adoption and
Residential Care, Heinemann, London
Triseliotis, J., Shireman, J. and Hundleby, M. (1997) Adoption: Theory, Policy and
Practice, Cassell, London
Troke, A. (1994) ‘Financial Abuse’, Action on Elder Abuse Bulletin, 8 Nov/Dec
London, Action on Elder Abuse, p. 3
TUC (1994) Black Workers in the Labour Market, Trades Union Congress, London
TUC (1995a) The TUC Charter on Race and Social Security, Trades Union Congress,
London
TUC (1995b) Black and Betrayed, Trades Union Congress, London
Tyler, A. (1995) (rev. edn) Street Drugs, Coronet Books, Hodder & Stoughton,
London
Ungerson, C. (1987) Policy is Personal: Sex, Gender and Informal Care, Tavistock,
London
260 Bibliography

Unwin, J. (2001) Future Imperfect?, The King’s Fund, London
Utting, Sir W. (1991) Children in the Public Care: A Review of Residential Child
Care, HMSO, London
Utting, Sir W. (1997) People Like Us: The Report of the Review of the Safeguards
for Children Living Away from Home (The Utting Report) Stationery Office,
London
Vaughn, P.J. and Badger, D. (1995) Working with the Mentally Disordered Offender
in the Community, Chapman & Hall, London
Vertovec, S. (ed.) (1999) Migration and Social Cohesion, Edward Elgar, Cheltenham
Vidal, J. (1999) ‘The Endless Diaspora’, The Guardian, 2 April, p. 19
von Hayek, F. (1944) The Road to Serfdom, Routledge & Kegan Paul, London
von Hayek, F. (1960) The Constitution of Liberty, Routledge & Kegan Paul, London
Wade, J., Biehal, N. with Clayden, J. and Stein, M. (1998) Going Missing: Young
People Absent from Care, John Wiley & Sons, Chichester
Walker, A. and Walker, C. (1997) Britain Divided, CPAG, London
Wallcraft, J. (1996) ‘Becoming Fully Ourselves’, in Jim Read and Jill Reynolds
(eds) Speaking Our Minds: An Anthology, Macmillan, Basingstoke – now
Palgrave, pp. 191–6
Ward, L. (2001) ‘MPs Attack Emergency Loans to Poor’, The Guardian, 4 April, p. 10
Warlingham Park Hospital Inquiry (1976) Report of the Committee of Inquiry,
Croydon Area Health Authority, Croydon
Warner, N. (1994) Community Care: Just a Fairy Tale?, Carers National Association,
London
Waterhouse, Sir R. (2000) Lost in Care: Report of the Tribunal of Inquiry into the
Abuse of Children in Care in the former County Council Areas of Gwynedd and
Clwyd since 1974, HC 201, Stationery Office, London
Watson, S. and Doyal, L. (eds) (1998) Engendering Social Policy, Buckingham,
Open University Press
Webb, S. (2001) ‘Some Considerations on the Validity of Evidence-based Practice
in Social Work’, British Journal of Social Work, 31 (1): 57–79
Wellard, S. (2000) ‘Leeds Delivers Services to Refugees’, Community Care, 13–19
May, (1272): 8–9
Wertheimer, A. (ed.) (1991) A Chance to Speak Out: Consulting Service Users and
Carers about Community Care, London, King’s Fund Centre
West, D.J. and Farrington, D.P. (1977) The Delinquent Way of Life, Heinemann,
London
Whitaker, D., Archer, L. and Hicks, L. (1998) Working in Children’s Homes:
Challenges and Complexities, John Wiley & Sons, Chichester
Who Cares Trust (1999) Right to Read Project, General Information Leaflet, Who
Cares Trust, London
Williams, J. (1995) ‘Child Protection and the Criminal Justice System’, in K. Wilson
and A. James (eds) The Child Protection Handbook, Baillière Tindall, London,
pp. 295–308
Williams, V. and Robinson, C. (2000) In Their Own Right: The Carers Act and
Carers of People with Learning Disabilities, Policy Press, Bristol
Willmott, P. andYoung, M. (1960) Family and Class in a London Suburb, Routledge &
Kegan Paul, London
Willow, C. (1997) Hear! Hear! Local Government Information Unit (LGIU),
London
Bibliography 261

Wilson, G. (1994) ‘Abuse of Elderly Men and Women Among Clients of a
Community Psychogeriatric Service’, British Journal of Social Work, (24):
681–700
Winchester, R. (2000) ‘Government Meets Adoption Wish-List’, Community Care,
13–19 July, (1330): 8–9
Winn, L. (ed.) (1992) Power to the People: The Key to Responsive Services in
Health and Social Care, King’s Fund, London
Winterton Hospital Inquiry (1979) Report to Durham Area Health Authority,
Durham Area Health Authority, Durham
Wolfensberger, W. (1972) The Principle of Normalisation in Human Services,
National Institute of Mental Retardation, Toronto
Wolfensberger, W. (1982) ‘Social Role Valorisation: A proposed new term for the
principle of normalisation’, Mental Retardation, 21 (6): 234–9
World Health Organization (1946) Constitution: Basic Documents, World Health
Organization, Geneva
Worrall, A. (1997) Punishment in the Community: the Future of Criminal Justice,
Longman, Harlow
Young, J. (1999) The Exclusive Society, Sage, London
Zamble, E. and Porporino, F.J. (1988) Coping, Behaviour and Adaptation in Prison
Inmates. Springer-Verlag, Secaucus, NJ
262 Bibliography

263
Index
A
absolute poverty 43
Adam Smith Institute 30
adopted 10
adoption 112, 120, 123
Adoption of Children Act 1926 116
Adult Training Centres (ATCs) 103
Afro-Caribbean 167
age, crime and substance abuse 143
age-discrimination 160
alcohol use 142–3
anti-discrimination 169–70
anti-psychiatry 19
antisocial behaviour orders 88
Arkansas 10
Ashworth special hospital inquiry (1992)
100
Asian 5, 9, 10
Association of Chief Officers of Police
(ACOP) 137
Asylum and Immigration Act 1996 164
Asylum and Immigration Appeals Act 1993
164
asylum seeker/s 88, 163–4
Audit Commission 22, 95, 105, 183, 191
B
bailiffs 90
Bains Report (1972) 177
Bangladeshi 57, 81, 158
Barnardo’s 29, 115
Beckford, Jasmine 4
Benefits Agency 197
Berlin Wall 30
Beveridge Report (1942) 17, 20, 46, 189
Beveridge, Sir William 17, 62, 66, 173
Black Report (1980) 94, 153
Blair government 20, 52, 136
Blair, Tony 19, 21, 25, 68, 201
Boer War 93
Booth, Charles 41
Borrie Report (1994) 20–1
see also Commission on Social Justice
Bourneville 75
Bowlby, John 122
Bradford riots 215–17
British Nationality Act 1981 165
Brixton riots 213–15
Broadwater Farm Estate 66
Bulger, Jamie 138
C
Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament
(CND) 168
Campaign for Racial Equality (CRE) 170
Campbell, Beatrix 49
Canada 135–6
Care Commissioners 7
Care Programme Approach (CPA) 101, 145
carers 107
Carers (Recognition and Services) Act 1995
93, 201
carers, young 107
Care Standards Act 2000 104, 105, 182–3
Caribbean 9
caring 9
Carlton Approved School 116
case reviews 7
Cathy Come Home 79
central government 15, 21
Chadwick, Edwin 74
charging for services 194–7
Charity Organisation Society (COS) 50
Child Abduction Acts 1984 and 1985 116
child abuse 23, 104, 116–17
see also nonaccidental injury
child benefit 47–8
Child Benefit Act 1975 47
childcare 67, 110–26
Childcare Commission 114
childminding 24, 180
Child Protection Register 120
children 7, 15, 37, 51, 223
Children Act 1908 116
Children Act 1948 8, 18, 116
Children Act 1980 116
Children Act 1989 14, 31, 110, 113, 114,
115, 116, 118, 120, 124, 129, 137
Children and Young Persons Act 1933 110,
116, 137
116, 137
116, 121, 132, 137, 140, 190
Children First 119
children’s rights 116
Children’s Rights Commissioner 122
Children’s Complaints Officer 122
children’s services 22, 23, 32
Children’s Society 115
Child Support Act 1991 53, 110, 116

Child Support Act 1995 52, 53, 110
Child Support Agency (CSA) 52–3
Child Support, Pensions and Social Security
Act 2000 52
Chronically Sick and Disabled
Persons Act 1970 92, 102
citizenship 206
citizen’s rights see rights
civil rights 102
civil service 19
class, social 153–4
Cleveland 117
Clunis, Christopher 101, 144
cognitive-behavioural work 135–6
collective pay bargaining 66
collectivism 187–8
Colwell, Maria 24
Commission on Social Justice 20, 44, 61
see also Borrie Report
commissioning 97, 98
communities 72
community care 15, 20, 92–109, 188, 191
Community Care (Direct Payments) Act
1996 38, 93, 103
community development 65
community development projects 42,
45, 65
community work 65
complaints 209–10
compulsory competitive tendering (CCT)
114
conservatism 20
Conservative government 30, 52, 62, 66,
68, 77, 80, 84, 132, 133, 139, 140,
165, 175, 178, 179, 182, 193, 201,
213
Conservative Party 138
Conservative/s 19, 30, 112
contract culture 96–8
council houses/ing 45, 74, 78, 85
Council of Europe 151
Crime and Disorder Act 1998 31, 137, 140
criminal activity 60
criminal justice 127–48
Criminal Justice Act 1948 18, 132
Criminal Justice Act 1972 133
Criminal Justice Act 1991 138
Criminal Justice and Court Services Act
2000 133
Criminal Justice and Public Order Act 1994
31, 129, 139
criminal justice system/s 3
Criminal Procedure (Insanity and Unfitness
to Plead) Act 1991 145
criminal violence in the home 88
Crisis (voluntary organisation) 86
critical practice 33
D
Darwin, Charles 49
Darwinist 15, 74
daycare 120
Daycare Trust 114
debt management 196
Debt Redemption Initiative 196
dementia 105–6
demographic trends 9–10
denationalisation 65
Denmark 181–2
Department for Education and
Employment 47
Department of Economic Affairs 65
Department of Health 15, 22, 104, 119,
122, 182, 205
Department of Health and Social Security
22, 94, 95, 104, 178
Department of Social Security 47
Department of the Environment, Transport
and the Regions 82
Department of Work and Pensions 47
Dews Report 133
Direct Service Organisation/s (DSO) 180
disabilities, people with 102–4
disability 162–3, 222
Disability Discrimination Act 1995 93,
102, 161
disability movement 201
disabled people 15
Disabled Persons (Employment) Act
1944 102
Disabled Persons (Employment) Act 1958
92
Disabled Persons (Service, Consultation
and Representation) Act 1986
102
disadvantage 42
discrimination 6, 158–65
Disraeli, Benjamen 48
diversity 69
divisions 151–60
divorce 51
doctor/s 24
Domestic Proceedings and Magistrates’
Courts Act 1978 110
domiciliary care 99
Doré, Gustave 73
drug treatment and testing orders 143
drug use 129, 142–3
Index 264

E
East, the 10
Economic and Social Research Council
(ESRC) 97
education 24, 67–9, 167
Education Act 1870 62
Education Act 1944 18, 116
educational priority area (EPA) 42, 45, 65
Education Reform Act 1988 174
Ely Hospital 103
emancipation 159
employment 17, 24, 55–71, 157
Employment Action Plan 68
empowerment 202–7
Equal Opportunities Commission (EOC)
156, 161, 167, 170
Equal Pay Act 1970 162
ethical duty and social work 33
ethnic minorities 83, 167
Europe 10, 14
unemployment in 57
European Atomic Energy Community 11
European Coal and Steel Community
(ECSC) 11
European Community (EC) 11
European Convention on Human Rights
151, 170
European Court of Human Rights
14, 170
European Economic and Monetary Union
64
European Parliament 11
European Union 10, 11–12, 68, 158, 190
European Working Time Directive 12, 63
exclusion, racial 60
see also social exclusion
F
Fabianism 29
Factory Act 1819 62
families 8, 9, 42, 51, 72, 80, 223
single parent 52
work with 110–26
see also lone parent
family
break up 89
care 15
changing 110–12
Income Supplement (FIS) 60
policy 21
poverty 44
social security 38
support 6, 67
Federation of British Industry (FBI) 65
feminist 19, 29
financing services 186–99
First World War 8, 13, 17, 78
fiscal measures 65
foster care 120
foster homes 123
France 83
Friedman, Milton 12, 62
G
garden cities 75
Gaskell, Elizabeth 48
gay 112, 156–7
gender 154–6
General Strike 66
George, David Lloyd 76
General Social Care Council (GSCC)
225
Germany 83
globalisation 10, 12–13
Great Depression 39, 48, 57, 64
Griffiths Report (1988) 95–6
Griffiths, Sir Roy 95
H
Hayek, F. von 62
health 92–109, 223
Health Act 1999 224
Health Action Zones 78, 168
Health and Community Care Committee
(Scotland) 106
health and social services 7, 12, 20, 98
health authorities 182
healthcare 13, 23
Health Services and Public Health Act
1968 38
Her Majesty’s Inspectors of Probation
(HMIP) 137
Her Majesty’s Inspectors of Schools 23,
183
higher education 70
HIV/AIDS 157–8
homelessness 85–8
Home Office 135, 145
Home Office Probation Unit 137
homophobic attitudes 157
household/s 73–4, 81, 89
House of Commons Public Accounts
Committee 84–5
housing 49, 72–91
associations 45, 80–2
benefit 70, 84, 90
department 6
officer 90
265 Index

Housing Act 1924 76
Housing Act 1957 80
Housing Act 1974 80
Housing Act 1980 80
Housing Act 1985 86
Housing Act 1986 72
Housing Act 1996 81, 84, 88
Housing and Town Planning Act 1909 76
Housing and Town Planning Act 1919 76
Housing Benefit (General) Regulations
1987 38
Housing Finances Act 1972 80
Housing (Homeless Persons) Act 1977
86, 88
human rights, see rights
Human Rights Act 1998 102, 151,
170–1
Hungary 61
I
immigrants 163–4
Immigration Act 1971 164
Immigration and Asylum Act 1999 164
income 43–4, 49, 54
Income Support 47, 51, 60, 70
Independent Living Scheme 103
Industrial Training Act 1964 68
informal care 106–7
Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA) 19
intergovernmental organisation
(IGO) 13
intermediate treatment 130
International Institute for Strategic Studies
163
International Labour Organisation (ILO)
55, 64
Invalidity Benefit 63
investigations 210–11
Iraq 88
Irish 9
Isle of Man 174
J
jeopardy, double and triple 145, 155–6
Jewish people 10
Jobseeker’s Allowance 70
justice 137–8
K
Keynes, J M 62, 64
Keynsian 65
key performance indicators (KPIs) 137
Kilshaw, Alan and Judith 10, 117
Kurdish family example 171–2
L
Labour government 19, 47, 48, 50, 61,
62, 65, 66, 69, 77, 78, 81, 84, 88,
93, 99, 113, 114, 132, 133, 139,
140, 166, 172, 189, 200, 201, 207,
217, 221
Labour Party 20, 30, 61
laissez-faire 187
Lawrence, Stephen 138
learning disability see disability
legalism and social work 32
lesbian 112, 157
less eligibility 195
Lewis, Oscar 42
liberal 17, 30
Liberal Democrats 20, 21
liberalism 29
local authority/ies 8, 15, 23–6, 77, 80, 86,
187
Local Authority Social Services Act 1970
3, 28, 178
local government 177–82
reorganisation 15, 181
Local Government Act 1888 174
Local Government Act 1972 174, 178
Local Government Act 1999 23, 204
Local Government Finance Act 1992
194
Local Government Planning and Land Act
1980 179
local housing companies 84–5
lone parent/s 50, 51, 81, 113
see also families, single parent
long-term care 105
looked after children 120–3
M
Maastricht Treaty 12, 63
Macmillan, Harold 65
Macpherson Report (1999) 139, 159–60
macroeconomic policy 64
maintenance 51
managerialism 176
Marxist/s 17, 19, 29, 30, 187–8, 207
Matrimonial Causes Act 1973 72
Maud Report (1967) 177
means test 195
Index 266

mental health 71, 100–1, 162
legislation 92
Mental Health Act 1959 92, 100, 144, 191
Mental Health Act 1983 31, 92, 100, 101,
145, 191
Mental Health (Patients in the Community)
Act 1995 100
mentally disordered offenders 143–6
mentoring 146
Mexico 61
Middle East 10, 62, 188
mid-Victorians 19, 50, 75
see also Victorian/s
Milton Keynes 75
MIND 205
miners’ strike (1984–5) 66
minimum wage 24, 63, 64
minimum wage councils 66
Ministerial Group on the Family 21,
113–14
Ministry of Health 94
Ministry of Labour 46
Ministry of Social Security 94
Ministry of Technology 65
Modernisation Agency 99
modernisation programme 200
Modernising Government initiative 106
monetarist 19
Monopolies Commission 66
Municipal Corporations Act 1835 173
Murray, Charles 154
N
National Assistance Act 1948 8, 18, 38, 51,
62, 72, 92
National Association for Youth Justice
(NAYJ) 138, 141, 147
National Association of Probation Officers
134
National Audit Office 85
National Care Standards Commission
24, 183
National Children’s Homes (NCH) 29
National Economic Development Council
(NEDC) 65
National Family and Parenting Institute 124
National Front 60
National Health Service (NHS) 94, 194,
224
National Health Service Act 1946 18
National Health Service and Community
Care Act 1990 23, 31, 92–3, 96–7,
104, 105, 180, 186, 192, 210
National Insurance 47
National Insurance Act 1911 62
National Insurance Act 1946 62
nationalism 65–6
National Literacy Association 122
National Minimum Wage Act 1998 162
National Probation Service 128
see also probation service
National Society for the Prevention of
Cruelty to Children (NSPCC) 29
Netherlands 130
New Deal 24, 68
New Labour 16, 20–2, 168, 188
New Lanark 75
New Left 19
New Right 7, 19, 30, 50, 111, 112, 187, 213
nonaccidental injury 117
see also child abuse
nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) 13
normalisation 103
Northern Ireland 9, 10, 11, 22, 28, 76, 151,
166, 167, 174, 177, 181, 183
north-south divide 48–9
nurseries 114
O
Office of Fair Trading 66
older people 104–6
Old Labour 21
Ombudsman see under Parliamentary
Commissioner for Administration
Organisation for Economic Cooperation and
Development (OECD) 61
organising services 173–85
Orkney 117
Orwell, George 48, 49
Ouseley, Lord Herman 215
Owen, Robert 75, 204
owner occupation 78–9
P
Pakistani 57, 81, 158
Parliamentary Commissioner for
Administration (Ombudsman) 84
participation 200–12
patients 24
Patients’Association 94
pauperism 40, 45, 50
pensions 47–8, 222
Performance Assessment Framework 119,
183
performance indicators 23–4
persistent young offenders 142
Policy Action Team/s (PAT) of the Social
Exclusion Unit 25, 83, 217–21
267 Index

Poor Law/s 8, 39, 51, 173
Elizabethan 86
Poor Law Amendment Act 1834 45, 60, 62,
195
poor people 8–9
population 9–10
Port Sunlight 75
Portugal 61
poverty 6, 19, 25, 37, 39–40, 41–2, 54, 61,
71, 128
Powers of Criminal Courts (Sentencing)
Act 2000 141
Priority Estates Project 66
prison 130–1
private finance initiative (PFI) 84, 99
private providers 12, 180
private sector 8, 15
privatisation 19, 193–4
probation service 176
see also National Probation Service
Probation Services Act 1993 3
providers 15
Public Assistance Board 51
public expenditure 19
Public Health Act 1848 75
public sector 8, 15
purchaser 15
Q
quality assurance 22–4, 84, 182–4, 209–11
Quality Protects 22–3, 119, 141–2
R
Race Relations Act 1965 160
Race Relations Act 1976 159, 160, 169,
129, 161
racism 60, 132, 158–60
see also exclusion and social exclusion
Reagan government 187
Reagan, Ronald 12, 62
reasoning and rehabilitation programmes
135–6
reflexivity 206–7
Refugee Convention 163
refugees 10, 163–4
Regional Development Agencies 77
Registered Homes Act 1980 92
Registered Homes Act 1984 24, 92
rehousing 146
relative poverty 43
religious discrimination 163
Rent Act 1915 76
repossessions 79–80
research 7–8
respite care 105
Restrictive Trade Practices Court 66
rights, children’s 14, 16
rights, human 13
riots 213–17
risk management 101
Romania 10
Rome 151
Rowntree, Seebohm 41, 221
S
Saltaire 75
Scandinavia 130
Scarman, Lord 213
Scarman Report (1981) 213–15, 217
school 146
Scilly Isles 174
Scotland 9, 10, 11, 22, 28, 49, 76, 106, 130,
151, 161, 166, 167–74, 177, 181–2,
183
Scottish Executive 49
Scottish Social Exclusion Network 166
scroungers 40–1, 54, 61
Second World War 8, 17, 47, 76, 78, 175
Seebohm Report (1968) 28, 94, 178,
179
selective benefits 19
self-help 19, 50, 67, 159
service users 24
severe personality disorders, people with
100
Sex Discrimination Act 1975 129, 161, 162
sexism 132
among working-class men 49
sexuality 156–8
Sexual Offences Act 1967 129
single parent see under lone parent
Single Regeneration Budget 78
social administration 26–7, 28
social care 28
Social Care Group 182
Social Chapter of the European Union 63
social democratic 31
social divisions 51
see also divisions
social exclusion 25, 45, 201
definition of 166
policies in Scotland and Northern Ireland
166
see also exclusion
Social Exclusion Unit 25, 50, 69, 83, 124,
166–8, 221–3
social housing 80–2
see also council houses/ing
Index 268

socialism 20
socialist 29, 31, 187
socially excluded people 85
social policy 26
social role valorisation 103
social security 6, 17, 27, 37–54, 221
Social Security Act 1975 48
Social Security Act 1986 38, 47
Social Security Contributions and Benefits
Act 1992 38
social services 8, 19, 27–8, 180
social services department/s 3, 23, 192
Social Services Inspectorate (SSI) 15, 22,
104, 205, 211
social work and the law 32–3
Social Work Service 22
Spain 61
Supplementary Benefits Act 1976 72
Supplementary Benefits Commission 48
Sure Start 124
Survivors Speak Out 205
Sutherland Report (1999) 106
T
taxation 45, 194–5
taxes 67
tax subsidies 74
Thatcher government 18, 19, 21, 65, 81,
112, 168, 187
Thatcherism 16
Thatcher, Margaret 12, 62
Townsend, Peter 41–2
Transport and General Workers Union
(TGWU) 63
travellers 167
U
Uganda 165
Ugandan Asian people 10
underclass 49–50, 154
unemployment 44, 55–72, 222
unemployment trap 60
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
(USSR) 11, 30
unitary authority/ies 8, 15
United Nations (UN) 13–14
Convention on the Rights of the Child
115
enactments (on many aspects) 13–14
High Commissioner for Refugees 163
Universal Declaration of Human Rights
(1948) 13
universalistic benefits 19
urban aid 42, 45
Urban Alliance 168
urban degeneration, theory of 49
USA 11–12, 14, 68, 117, 187, 190
utopian communities 75
V
Victorian/s 39, 40, 49, 73, 75
see also mid-Victorians
Vietnam 10
violence against women 155
Visible Women Campaign 161
voluntary providers 12, 180
voluntary sector 8, 15
W
Wages Act 1986 68
Wales 9, 10, 11, 22, 28, 29, 49, 76, 115,
116, 119, 151, 174, 181–2, 183
Waterhouse Report (2000) 118, 121
wealth 19, 43, 54, 94
welfare benefits 67
welfare pluralism 19
Welfare Services Act 1947 18
welfare state 6, 16–18, 19, 27, 51
critical history of 173, 175
Welfare to Work 67, 68, 168
West Indies 165
whistleblowing 209
women carers 106–7
Woodward, Louise 117
workfare 68
workhouse 50
test 195
Working Families Tax Credit 24, 67
World Health Organization (WHO) 93
Y
young offender institutions (YOIs) 131,
140, 143
youth justice 6, 127–8, 223–4
manifesto for 138, 147
National Association for Youth Justice
(NAYJ) 147
Youth Justice and Criminal Evidence Act
1999 141
Youth Justice Board 141
youth offending team (YOT) 128, 140, 141,
143, 147
Yugoslavia 10, 88
Z
Zito, Jonathan 101, 144
269 Index

Social policy for social work

More Related Content

What's hot (20)

Viewers also liked (16)

Similar to Social policy for social work (20)

More from HIMA KS FISIP UNPAD (20)

Recently uploaded (20)

Social policy for social work