BEAUTY AND UGLINESS IN OLMEC MONUMENTAL SCULPTUREAuthor.docx

BEAUTY AND UGLINESS IN OLMEC MONUMENTAL
SCULPTURE
Author(s): Claude-François BAUDEZ
Source: Journal de la Société des américanistes, Vol. 98, No. 2
(2012), pp. 7-31
Published by: Société des Américanistes
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BEAUTY AND UGLINESS
IN OLMEC MONUMENTAL SCULPTURE
Claude-François BAUDEZ *
Since our Western art tradition has put such a prize on
naturalism, we tend to think that
other civilizations valued it as much as we did and do. I
contend that Olmec monumental
art illustrates the opposite, and suggest that the Olmecs most
appreciated the
anthropomorphic statues that incorporated feline features, and
disliked the very
naturalistic style of the colossal heads. The latter represented
the severed heads of
opponents who probably were losers in ritual battles. Therefore
they could not claim the
divine patronage of the jaguar, and had to appear just as « plain
», ugly people. [Key
words: olmec sculpture, colossal heads, naturalism, beauty,
ugliness.]
Du beau et du laid dans la statuaire monumentale olmèque.
Dans la mesure où l'art
occidental a toujours valorisé le naturalisme, nous avons
tendance à penser que cette
appréciation a été universelle. Je soutiens ici que l'art
monumental olmèque illustre le
contraire et suggère que les Olmèques appréciaient les statues
anthropomorphes qui

intégraient des traits félins, mais n'aimaient pas le style très
naturaliste des têtes
colossales. Celles-ci représentaient les têtes coupées de rivaux
malheureux aux batailles
rituelles. Pour cela, elles ne pouvaient se réclamer du divin
patronage du jaguar, et
devaient se contenter de représenter des gens quelconques, sans
beauté. [Mots-clés:
statuaire olmèque, têtes colossales, naturalisme, beau, laid.]
De lo bello y de lo feo en las esculturas monumentales
olmecas. Ya que el arte occidental
ha siempre valorado el naturalismo, tenemos tendencia a creer
que esta apreciaciôn ha
sido universal. Aqui sostengo que el arte monumental olmeca
refleja lo contrario.
Propongo que los olmecas apreciaban las estatuas
antropomorfas que incorporaban
rasgos del jaguar y despreciaban el estilo muy naturalista de las
cabezas colosales. Estas
ultimas representaban las cabezas cortadas de adversarios
vencidos en batallas rituales.
Por esa razôn no podian pretender al patrocinio divino del
felino, y debian conformarse
con la semblanza de gente cualquiera, mâs bien fea. [Palabras
claves: esculturas
olmecas, cabezas colosales, naturalismo, lo bello, lo feo.]
* Archéologue, directeur de recherche honoraire au CNRS
[[email protected]].
Journal de la Société des Américanistes, 2012, 98-2, pp. 7-31.
© Société des Américanistes.
2018 17:32:47 UTC

carolyn
Text Box
NOTE: The abstract is given below in English, French, and
Spanish. The article itself begins on the following page.
JOURNAL DE LA SOCIÉTÉ DES AMÉRICANISTES Vol. 98-
2, 2012
« Drawings of captives from other cities emphasize the
intention to
degrade these unfortunates, and by contrast to emphasize the
beauty
and splendor of the victors. » (Spinden 1916, p. 444)
Introduction
Since our Western art tradition has put such a prize on
naturalism, we tend to
think that other civilizations valued it as much as we did and
do. Naturalism or
realism is often seen as the top end of the evolution of any art;
as a consequence,
it is also assumed that conventional, conceptual, stylized or
abstract art came first,
before developing into realism. When naturalism and
conventionalism coexist, it
is then expected that the most important subjects will be given
naturalistic
treatment, while the lesser ones will be expressed through
conventions. The

purpose of this paper is to show that this is not always the case,
especially in the
pre-Columbian civilizations of Mesoamerica, such as the
Olmec and the Maya.
Olmec civilization 1 blossomed in Mesoamerica starting with
the beginning
of the first millennium to the last centuries before our era. It
was innovative in
many areas, playing an important part in the elaboration of
Mesoamerican
calendar and arithmetic, and maybe in the invention of writing.
The Olmecs
developed monumental architecture and urban planning, and
performed
collective works that could have been produced only by
strongly stratified
societies. They had a very specific, easy-to-recognize artistic
style, well illustrated
in monumental stone sculpture, small portable jade sculpture,
and ceramic vessels
and figurines. The geographical distribution of small objects
allows one to
evaluate the expansion of the Olmec style, from Costa Rica to
Michoacan,
while most monumental sculptures are limited to the Gulf of
Mexico area in
politico-ceremonial sites such as La Venta, San Lorenzo,
Laguna de los Cerros or
Très Zapotes.
Monumental in-the-round sculpture includes animals and
humans, and many
hybrids that are known as were-jaguars in the specialized
literature. Also depicted

in small objects, they are anthropomorphic creatures with
emphasized feline
features (Figure 8c). Some scholars (for instance Cyphers
2004) interpret these
images as transformation figures, that is men - supposedly
shamans -
transforming themselves into jaguars, an early case of what
will be later called
tonalism. Is it a dynamic image of transformation or a static
representation of the
combination of human and feline essences? Combinations of
different beings are
extremely common in « primitive » art without any indication
of a possible
« transformation ». To come back to were-jaguars, I have
shown elsewhere that
they are images of lightning, the force that brings rain and
fertility but also strikes
enemies and, as such, is an emblem of power in the hands of
rulers (Baudez 2005).
Of colossal size are the sculptures first interpreted as altars,
then as thrones, and
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Baudez OLMEC MONUMENTAL SCULPTURE
that are probably neither. They are huge rectangular pieces
with a scene of
emergence carved in high relief on one broad side. These

emergence monuments
are of two kinds; on one, the person emerging from a niche
representing the maw
of the earth monster (with feline attributes) holds on his lap a
were-jaguar baby,
while dignitaries are depicted in low-relief on the sides of the
sculpture. On the
other kind of emergence monument, the emerging personage
holds ropes that
restrain captives depicted on the sides.
Colossal heads
The colossal human heads make up another category. They
measure from
1,47 to 3,40 m in height, and weigh from 6 to 50 tons. At least
seventeen heads are
known for the time being: ten from San Lorenzo, four from La
Venta, two from
Très Zapotes and one from Rancho La Cobata. At San Lorenzo,
Coe and Diehl
(1980) have the heads dated from 1200 to 900 BC, preceding
the supposed
destruction of the ceremonial center; this dating however is not
accepted by other
scholars who criticize the stratigraphie placement of the
monuments (see
Hammond 1988; reply by Coe and Diehl 1991; rejoinder by
Graham 1991); the
critics also find puzzling « that [...] Olmec sculptures [were]
violently destroyed and
buried at San Lorenzo by 900 BC, Olmec sculpture in closely
neighboring sites
continued to be produced for many centuries to come... »
(Graham 1989, p. 242).

Basalt is the material most frequently used (together with
andesite, sandstone
and schist), not only for the heads but also for other Olmec
monumental
sculpture. Its closest source lies in the Tuxtla mountains, not so
far from Très
Zapotes, but at some 60 km and 100 km as the crow flies, from
San Lorenzo and
La Venta, respectively. In the absence of any draught animals,
the transportation
of these blocks, on rafts in waterways and dragged over logs on
earth, required
considerable and well coordinated human efforts.
At San Lorenzo, the heads were found in the central part of the
site, forming
two lines oriented north-south. At La Venta, Stirling
discovered three heads at
the extreme north of the ceremonial center (Mon. 2,3 and 4).
They formed a line
oriented east-west (Figure la), and faced north, that is away
from the area of
monumental architecture. At the opposite end of the site
(south), on Str. D-7,
three very eroded sandstone figures - 2,60 m to 3,80 m high -
were found
together (Mon. 52, 53, 54. Figure lb). They are squatting and
seem to support a
very important helmet with both hands. Gonzalez Lauck (2004)
observes that
both groups of figures share a comparable helmet and are
located at both
extremes of the site's center. On the other hand, the stelae and
altars are
concentrated south of the main pyramid, not far from the
center.

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2, 2012
a
Fig. 1 - a. Map of La Venta; b. La Venta, Mon. 54, 52, 53 (after
Gonzâlez Lauck 2004).
With only two or three exceptions, the heads have a flat, and
mostly plain,
back that originally was, according to Porter (1989), the top of
the monuments
traditionally called altars or thrones. According to this
hypothesis, the great
majority of the colossal heads had been carved out of them.
Some heads - like
San Lorenzo Mon. 2 and 53 - are even showing cracks on one
side, that some
scholars interpret as remnants of the altar's niche. Basalt being
in the Gulf area
a rare and expensive material, it may have occurred in a few
instances that an
obsolete monument was turned into a sculpture of a different
type. Much harder
to believe and justify would be the custom - spread on a vast
territory and many
centuries - of transforming all the so-called altars into heads.

Besides, it may be
observed on San Lorenzo Mon. 3 (Figure 2a) that the head's
flatness occurred
after the head was carved (one can still see faint traces of the
ropes circling the
head) and not before.
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Fig. 2 - Monuments from San Lorenzo: a. Mon. 3: back, front,
and left side. Ht: 1,78 ra (after Coe and
Diehl 1980, flg. 426); b. Mon. 4: back, front and sides. Ht: 1,78
m (after ibid., fig. 427);
c. Mon. 2: back, front. Ht: 2,69 m (after ibid., fig. 425); d.
Mon. 14: relief figure on right end.
Ht: 1,83 m (after ibid., fig. 438).
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2, 2012

A simple alternative to Porter's theory is to suggest that the
back of the heads
is flat and plain because it was not intended to be seen, as if
the heads were
standing in rows (suggested in San Lorenzo as well as at La
Venta), against a wall
or an earth embankment 2.
Although no two of the seventeen heads are identical, all of
them have much
in common. They are spheroid with a flat back, either left plain
or carved only at
the top. The hemispherical helmet takes up a third of the total
height, and stops
just above eyes' level. A chinstrap is in part visible on the
heads' sides. The
headgear often carries insignia on its front, such as parrot
heads on San Lorenzo
head 2 (Figure 2c), two paws or talons on San Lorenzo head 5.
The narrow space
between the eyes is anvil-shaped; the eyes, framed by two
heavy eyelids, are large,
almond-shaped and drooping; they are wide open, except on the
head from La
Cobata (Figure 3b), where they are closed. Round pupils are
indicated as relieves
or hollows and, to some scholars, the heads are squinting. The
nose is broad even
at its base and, at the end, it is flattened with two nostrils
indicated by round
depressions. Deep seams flank the nose. Cheeks and chin are
slightly prominent.
The lips are thick, sometimes parted, showing teeth. Two heads
(San Lorenzo 9
and La Venta Mon. 2, Figure 3c) are smiling.

Fig. 3-Three Olmec colossal heads: a. San Lorenzo, Mon. 1,
back, front and right side.
Ht: 2,85 m (after Coe and Diehl 1980, fig. 423); b. La Cobata,
Mon. 1. Ht: 3,40 m (after
Arqueologia Mexicana suplemento, 12, 1995); c. La Venta,
Mon. 2. Ht: 1,63 m (after
Arqueologia Mexicana suplemento, 12, 1995).
Were they portraits of individual rulers?
Most specialists interpret the heads as « portraits of individual
rulers » (Coe
and Diehl 1980, p. 293). La Fuente (1995, p. 25) writes that «
but for the La
Cobata head - that represents a dead individual -, the other
sixteen are faithful
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enough portraits of Olmec (living) rulers and sacred individuals
». In the same
issue of Arqueologia Mexicana, Grove (1995, p. 32) states that
they are « faithful
enough portraits of Olmec rulers who can be identified for the
personal attributes
shown on the large insignia displayed on the helmets of every
head ». I wonder
how Grove can determine as personal and not social, the

attributes shown on the
insignia. Cyphers (from the same source 1995, p. 45) writes
that « most specialists
agree that the heads represent important people; they however
disagree on their
function as warriors, ball players and/or rulers ». Pasztory
(2000) begins her
paper « The portrait and the mask: invention and translation »
with: « The
Olmec portrait heads astonish Westerners... », a sentence not
open to discussion.
With the only exception of Cyphers, who hardly half-opens the
door to doubt, the
general belief is that the heads are portraits of rulers. The
implicit syllogism goes
as follows: the heads are realistic, and since portraits are
realistic, therefore the
heads are portraits. If they are actually portraits, it is assumed
that rulers were the
most probable models.
Portraiture in Mesoamerican art has not received the attention
it deserves from
either art historians or archaeologists 3. In the rare occasions
when the subject is
dealt with, portraiture is mistaken for naturalism and is not
demonstrated but
perceived as obvious. Unlike Spinden (1916, p. 446) who « at
neither Copan nor
Quirigua [was]... able to find certain proof of portraiture »,
Kubier (1969) was
one of the first scholars to « discover » it among Maya rulers at
Quirigua. On
stelae dedicated to the same ruler, he compares the features of

the king from
age 27 to age 52 on a series of several dated monuments. He
notices that the
« sculptor distinguished rounder juvenile head and body forms
from mature
elongation and articulation ». I would say that the same can be
observed on
Copan Stela C, a monument where a young ruler with a round
juvenile face very
similar to the face on Quirigua Stela J, succeeds his father
depicted with an
elongated face and beard. The Kubler's statement that the artist
« was able to
characterize individual traits » is much less convincing. When
Kubler {ibid., p. 15)
writes that « a portray identity between the two representations
is evident » what
is evident to me is that the same carvers or carvers from the
same generation and
from the same workshop produced the same canonic depictions
of their ruler.
Scheie and Miller (1986) commenting on Palenque sculpture
state that « the
portraits from Palenque are the most lifelike [my emphasis]
especially the three
dimensional heads modeled in plaster for use as architectural
sculpture ». When
the authors write that « one of two portraits of Chan-Bahlum
found in the rubble
of Temple 14 in Palenque is complete », one may wonder how
they knew that the
« portrait » was in fact Chan-Bahlum's? Was it written on it?
Later they refer to
« a handsome plaster head of a man... remarkable for the
intensity of emotion [my

emphasis] expressed in the face » (ibid., pp. 64-65). Once
again, they mistake
naturalism for portraiture, since a face may express emotion
without being an
individual portrait4. Pasztory (2005, p. 63) shares the view of
the authors quoted
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2, 2012
above, when she writes: « ...archaeologically only images with
a high degree of
verisimilitude [my emphasis] are considered portraits ». A
naturalist portrait is
individual as far as the artist seeks to reproduce the
idiosyncratic features of a
persona. The reproduction of these features allows the viewer
to recognize
instantly Nero, Augustus or Stalin. Generally, these
idiosyncrasies are irregulari
ties or defects in shapes or proportions of individual features.
Naturalistic portraits
differ from psychological and imaginary portraits such as those
of Homer and
Socrates by Lysippe, or Pericles by Cresilas (Charbonneaux
1969, p. 172), in which
psychological traits are translated into physical features. The

idealized faces of
Classical Greek sculpture are realistic and perfectly human but
are not portraits in
the sense that they do not refer to individuals, even if models
were used by the artists
who made them. These idealizations suited warriors and
athletes as well as gods.
The wide-open eyes of the Olmec colossal heads (with only one
exception,
Figure 3b) accentuate their naturalism and their « lifelike »
aspect. Since the La
Cobata head is said to represent a dead person, the other heads
are implicitly
« alive ». This is misleading since severed heads are often
shown open-eyed. Some
Danzantes do not seem to have closed eyes and the heads held
by the seated
ceramic figures from Monte Alban IV Burials 58 and 103, are
open-eyed. The
trophy heads from Costa Rica and Panama also have open eyes.
In short, portraiture must not be mistaken with naturalism.
Lifelikeness,
verisimilitude, or emotional expressions are not criteria for
portraits. The latter
must not be assumed; they have to be demonstrated through the
recurrence of
individual features. It is a very important issue inasmuch as
true portraits
demonstrate the perception of a human being as an individual.
Among the specialists who have dealt with the Olmec colossal
heads, the royal
nature of the latter is also assumed and not argued. There is no

doubt that
the colossal size of these monuments, the amount of hardship
involved in
their transport seem to be only suitable to rulers. I think the
heads were indeed
ordered by rulers for their greatest glory, not to represent
themselves but their
enemies, defeated and sacrificed thereafter. In Mesoamerica,
more importance is
oftentimes given to captives or victims, than to their victors.
The « Danzantes »
of the Post-Olmec Monte Alban I (500-150 BC) is a case in
point (Scott 1978).
Some 300 slabs were brought over, dressed, carved with a
generally naked and
emasculated sacrificial victim, then set on the terraces of
pyramidal structure
L. While no corresponding victorious figure was found with
them, slabs showing
severed heads were displayed in the same context, and a few
colossal heads are
known from the area (ibid., pp. 12-13, fig. 3-4).
In the following period (Late Preclassic), the same pattern can
be seen on
structure A at Dainzü, Oaxaca (Baudez 2011-2012). This
building was graced
with dozens of slabs depicting falling ritual fighters presented
as losers and future
victims. Their victors were illustrated only twice on the
structure A slabs and once
on a rock on the top of Cerro Dainzü (Orr 1997,fig.
2.8).Thefourteen slabs erected
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against a Classic structure at Nopala (Urcid Serrano 1993, fig.
16) represent twelve
human figures with submissive gestures and only two victors
holding knives.
The most famous example comes from the East Court of the
Palace at
the Classic Maya site of Palenque. Nine slabs representing
submissive figures
carved in a very crude style were set along the basement wall
on both sides of the
stairway leading to structure A (Figure 10a, b). Several authors
(such as Greene
Robertson 1985, p. 62) have compared the limestone slabs,
some 2,50 m high,
with the Danzantes sculptures.
Or severed heads?
I argue that the Olmec colossal heads are not portraits of
rulers, but represent
the severed heads of sacrificed victims 5.
The tradition of human sacrifice by decapitation has a long
history in
Mesoamerica, and images of headless victims or trophy heads
occur everywhere
in Pre-Columbian America. It is then very unlikely that the

Olmecs would be the
only people in Mesoamerica to have refrained from
decapitating their victims and
if they were indeed head-cutters, it is hard to imagine them
representing their
rulers in head form, looking exactly like the adversaries they
were sacrificing.
We discover in the headdresses and ears of some Olmec
colossal heads
symbols of captivity and sacrifice that were displayed later by
the Maya of the
Classic period. Several turns of rope cover or make up the
headband of San
Lorenzo Mon. 3 and 4 (Figure 2a, b) like those worn by many
Maya captives.
Monument 3 has, besides, serrated bands or ribbons in several
places of the
headdress (Figure 2a), which recall the serrated ribbons passing
through the ear
lobes of the captives on the Palenque Tablet of the Slaves
(Figure 9a). The left
side of San Lorenzo Mon. 4 shows three superimposed bow ties
with forked ends
(Figure 2b; Coe and Diehl 1980, fig. 427), a common symbol of
sacrifice among
the Maya and other cultures of Mesoamerica.
The ear ornaments of some heads (San Lorenzo Mon. 1, 6, 9;
Très Zapotes
Mon. A and Q, La Cobata Mon. 1) have been wrongly
interpreted as tubes
(Figure 3a); these rectangular elements are both thin and flat
and look rather like
the paper ribbons that Maya captives wore (Figure 9b). The

ornaments worn on
the ears by three other heads (San Lorenzo Mon. 4 and 5, La
Venta Mon. 2) are
composed of a disk and a curved element (Figure 2b); the same
item can be seen
at the ear of the captive carved in low-relief on the right side of
the San Lorenzo
Mon. 14, an emergence monument (Figure 2d). A rope held by
the emerging
figure from the monument's niche restrains the captive, who is
wearing armbands
and may be doing a submissive gesture.
The colossal heads wear a hemispherical helmet that appears as
a protective
device, with chinstrap and without projecting top or side
elements such as those
that come with other headdresses. The helmet includes a crown,
often composed
of bands forming a net, and a headband that strongly fixes it.
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2, 2012
Assuming the helmet had a protective function, for what kind
of confrontation
was it worn? I cannot think of more than three possible
answers: war, ball game

or ritual battle.
If we are to believe war imagery in sculpture (Yaxchilân),
mural painting
(Bonampak, Cacaxtla), painted vessels, figurines, and
pictographic manuscripts,
in Mesoamerica, the warrior's headdress was more emblematic
than protective; it
most often consisted of an animal helmet (figuring a feline, or
a reptile, a deer, a
bird, etc.) completed with feathers and other adornments. It is
however very
possible that these cumbersome headdresses were never worn
in real combat, but
only on the images that represented it, with the purpose of
informing the viewer
on the name, origin, or status of the warriors they depicted.
The same applies to the ball players who are shown with
complex emblematic
headdresses on reliefs from Yaxchilân, Copan or Chichen Itza;
sometimes the
players wear a simple headband (Tepantitla) or are even
bareheaded (Codex
Mendoza, Codex Magliabechiano). In any event, the chronicles,
be they
indigenous or Spanish, do not refer to any game in which the
head was used to
strike the ball.
Ritual battles are defined as agreed upon confrontations whose
end was not to
kill most of your opponents as in a conquest war, nor to capture
future sacrificial
victims as in a capture war. From Preclassic times, ritual
battles were waged in

Oaxaca (Dainzü), in the Maya area, in Pacific Coast Guatemala
and in the central
Mexican Highlands (Baudez 2011-2012). The purpose of the
ritual battle « to
death » was to produce sacrificial victims; the latter were
either killed « acciden
tally » during the fight, or wounded, to be later sacrificed. Both
parties belonged
to the same community or to neighboring communities. Their
weapons differed
from those used in wars; they consisted in stones, either hurled
at the other party
or used as shock weapons (manoplas) in hand to hand combat.
In order to avoid
slaughter, the fighters protected themselves with thick
garments and a helmet; the
additional purpose of the latter, was to conceal the winners'
identity. Sometimes,
such as at Teotihuacan, it was a mask that insured their
anonymity in order to
avoid vendettas. The Teotihuacan and the Olmec helmets bear a
close resem
blance, one to the other.
Teotihuacan helmeted ritual fighters
Teotihuacan hand-made figurines from the Tzacualli phase (1-
150 AD) wear
a hemispherical helmet similar to the Olmec colossal heads'
headdress
(Figure 4a-c). The much-stylized affair consists of a band that
circles the
forehead, and another one running across that forms the
helmet's crown.
A chinstrap fixes the whole thing. The head is globular with

three circular
depressions that recall the openings for eyes and mouth on a
flayed skin mask.
In the following phase, the figurines are molded and more
details are added
(Figure 4d, e). The openings of a thin and supple mask, more
intended to hide
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than to protect the face, let see the eyes and mouth of the
bearer. A helmet with
chinstrap tops the mask. There is no trace of a nose, showing
that it is not a flayed
face. Multiple protections are shown at arms, legs and belt
level; something
looking like a rolled up cloth, crosses the chest from the
shoulder to the opposite
hip. Some molded figurines wear behind the head, a frame
adorned with rosettes.
Fig. 4 - Teotihuacan: helmeted and masked figurines: a, b, c.
Hand-made figurines; d, e. Molded
figurines (after Scott 2001).
While Seier (1990-1998) first, then Gamio (1979), Armillas
(1950), Caso

(1966), Séjourné (1959) and others saw in these figurines
images of Xipe To tec,
von Winning (1987) was the first to question this
interpretation. Scott (1993) saw
in these globes protective devices; Taube (1988) and Orr (1997,
p. 164) suggested
the figurines represented ballplayers. Lately, Taube and Zender
(2009) considered
them as representing « boxers », that is participants in a ritual
battle. Because of
their protective costume, different but comparable to the
Dainzu fighters (Baudez
2011-2012), these figurines may have indeed represented
fighters in ritual
combats. The issue of the confrontation was the decapitation of
the losers, be
they dead or wounded. At Teotihuacan, the same head with
helmet and mask but
without a body, therefore supposed to be severed, is sketched
on stones, such as
the one found in the rubble of the Pyramid of the Sun, or
engraved on a stela
found by Gamio near the northwest corner of the Feathered
Serpent pyramid
(Figure 5a, b).
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2, 2012

Fig. 5 - Teotihuacan severed helmeted heads: a. Carved slab.
Ht: 0,90 m (after photo Baudez);
b. Carved block (after photo Couvreur).
Monte Alto colossal heads
In the Pacific plain of Guatemala, the site of Monte Alto is
well-known for its
post-Olmec style of sculpture, dated by Parsons (1986, pp. 39-
45) between 500
and 200 BC. It « includes relatively small pot-bellies, massive
human-effigy
boulder sculptures, and colossal boulder heads ». Pot-bellies
and boulder effigies
have been found elsewhere on the Guatemalan Pacific Coast,
and also at Santa
Cecilia, in El Salvador; in the Highlands, a dozen of potbellied
sculptures have
been reported from Kaminaljuyü. They represent bald
individuals, naked with
the possible exception of small earplugs and a collar; their
puffy closed eyes are
interpreted as those of dead persons. Five colossal heads from
Monte Alto
« mirror the facial features of the large effigy boulder
sculptures » (ibid., p. 40)
and are interpreted as severed trophies (Figure 6). Decapitation
is illustrated at El
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Baul, not far from Monte Alto, with an intentionally
decapitated potbelly
sculpture with its arms crossed on the chest, a submissive
gesture {ibid., fig. 112).
Fig. 6 - Colossal Heads from Monte Alto: a. Mon. 10. Ht: 1,45
m; b. Mon. 1. Ht: 1,27 m. Watercolors
I. Bonzom (after Parsons 1986, fig. 123, 119).
At Monte Alto, the colossal heads (Mon. 1, 2, 7, 8, 10) are
mixed with the
other boulder sculptures. They form two groups: six of them
are « lined up north
to south on the extreme margin of the site »; the other four
form an east-west row
on the western limit of the settlement {ibid., p. 145, map 6).
Like at La Venta, the
sculptures that figured corpses and severed heads were placed
on the margins of
the site.
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2, 2012

Parsons (ibid., p. 45) views the heads « as the end of a long
Preclassic tradition
from the naturalistic helmeted, open-eyed, Olmec heads, to the
bald, closed-eyed,
relatively crude and stylized, boulder "trophy head"
conceptions that ultimately
were conceived on the south coast ». We may add that if we
interpret the Monte
Alto heads as severed trophies, there is every reason to
consider likewise their
Olmec forerunners.
The Toninâ colossal head
Toninâ is a Piedmont Maya site that shares many traits with the
cultures of
the Pacific Coast of Chiapas and Guatemala, such as the
crossed-arms statues,
the pegged sculptures and the effigies on pedestals. There we
see the end of the
colossal heads tradition with two monuments; Mon. 58 is a big
- unfortunately
very eroded - severed head, the other one Mon. 33 is the statue
of a laying, naked,
decapitated man (Figure 7).
Fig. 7 - Monuments from Toninâ: a. Mon. 58, Length: 0,80 m;
b. Mon. 33, Length: 0,98 m (drawings
I. Bonzom, after Becquelin and Baudez 1979-1982).
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Perceptual and conceptual images
Although disagreeing with Pasztory (2000; 2005) when she
shares the general
opinion that the colossal heads are portraits of rulers, I think
she is absolutely
right when stating, « not all Olmec art is equally naturalistic ».
She observes that
in Olmec art coexist both the perceptual and the conceptual
modes as defined
by Gombrich (1960) 6. The realism of the colossal heads
contrasts with the
conceptual approach used by the Olmec carvers when dealing
with other
sculptures. Pasztory states that since « conventionalized styles
keep their viewers
at an emotional distance », the portraits of rulers (i.e. the
colossal heads) are
made realistic « to create intimacy » and « eradicate the
distance (of the rulers)
with their subjects ». This conclusion is most surprising from
Pasztory (2005)
who in her last book claims that, in chiefdoms as well as in
states, many « things »
are created « to enhance the ruler's persona » and « to make
status visible », that
is to create « distance » between the ruler and his subjects.
While agreeing with
her that the realistic style of the heads « eradicate distance »
with the viewers, I
think that no distance, nor respect of any consideration is due
to the heads if these

are trophies of the enemy. On the other hand, the conceptual
mode used when
dealing with power figures creates the « distance » required
between supernatural
and political figures and their believers or subjects. I will go
further by suggesting
that in Olmec art the conceptual or conventional mode is
positively biased, and
was probably seen as « beautiful »; on the contrary, the
perceptual or realistic was
the negative, ugly mode.
The Beautiful and the ugly
The jaguars that belong to the group of sculptures at El Azuzul,
near San
Lorenzo, are seated with the front legs extended between the
flexed hind legs
(Figure 8a). The two human statues from the same group have a
similar position:
although seated tailor-fashion, their body is bent forward with
the arms extended
between the knees. The hands hold a tubular object. The same
feline posture7 can
be seen on a number of sculptures representing elite figures,
for instance the
« Principe » from Cruz del Milagro, Veracruz (Figure 8b), or
Mon. 1 from San
Martin Pajapân, or the sculpture from Cuauhtotolapân Viejo. It
is as if these
humans wanted to imitate the seated jaguar.
The other characteristic of the feline, frequently duplicated on
humans, is his
snarling mouth; it is arched with a thick turned up upper lip
discovering a double

row of threatening teeth. It is particularly developed on the
creature called
were-jaguar (Figure 8c), where gums and crossed fangs are
usually shown.
A major figure in monumental as well as in portable art, the
were-jaguar is often
held in the arms of rulers as a kind of scepter (Baudez 2005).
Combining feline
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2, 2012
and human traits, it represents lightning and at the same time is
an emblem of the
earth. Its slanting eyes are wide apart and its head is divided
into two by a split like
the one that divides the forehead of the Maya earth monster. On
human figures,
the mouth, although less important, has also an arched upper
lip, diagnostic
feature of the feline mouth. The borrowing of feline posture
and mouth by nobles
and rulers means that they wished to appropriate qualities
attributed to the
jaguar and the were-jaguar. Sometimes, the same humans seek
a feline look
with eyes half-closed or slanted (Figure 8b, d). The eyes' outer
corner never

droops like those of the colossal heads. The nose is slightly
flattened, and the
whole face is inexpressive.
Fig. 8 - a. El Azuzul: seated jaguar and men (after Diehl and
Coe 1995, fig. 8); b. Cruz del Milagro
(Veracruz). Ht: 1,30 m (after Arqueologia Mexicana, 12,1995);
c. San Lorenzo, Mon. 52, Ht:
0,90 m (after Coe and Diehl 1980, fig. 494); d. San Lorenzo,
Mon. 6, Ht: 1,02 m (after Coe and
Diehl 1980, fig. 429).
The features of the big heads contrast one to one to the traits of
the other
anthropomorphic sculptures (Figures 2, 3). The colossal faces
are broad and very
rarely oval-shaped. Their large drooping eyes are narrowed,
and it may be
suggested that if they are shown open, it is to contrast them to
the « feline look ».
Their noses are very broad and flat. Their mouths have very
thick, sometimes
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parted, lips but lack the feline look. Their chins protrude. Two
colossal heads are
smiling, a very improper expression for a political or religious

figure, considering
the general absence - the smiling figures from Veracruz being a
notable excep
tion - of this expression in Mesoamerican art. The traits of the
colossal heads are
found together on the two Atlantean dwarfs on Potrero Nuevo
Mon. 2, an altar
or throne (Coe and Diehl 1980, pp. 366-368, fig. 496). The
figure on the left has a
curved element on his hair that recalls those on the headband of
San Lorenzo
Colossal head 8 (or Mon. 61; see a drawing of the monument in
the leaflet
which accompanies Arqueologia Mexicana, 12, 1995). The
dwarf to the right
has flat ribbons hanging from his ears. The two creatures were
depicted as « ugly »
(for the Olmec eye) for they probably represented captives or
slaves in a
subordinate position.
The first colossal head to be discovered was Très Zapotes Mon.
A in 1862 by
Melgar. Commenting on this first encounter, Melgar (1869
quoted by Pasztory
2005) wrote: « what astonished me was the Ethiopie type
represented. I reflected
that there had undoubtedly been Negroes in this country ».
Many publications
and museum labels, up to the '60s, mentioned the Negroid
features of the colossal
heads. For Coe and Diehl (1980) who discuss the matter when
describing San
Lorenzo Mon. 1, its flat nose and other features are due to the

original form of
the boulder that the carver wanted to modify to a minimum to
spare his effort8.
Compared to the efforts spent to transport the stone from its
source to the site, the
carving of another nose to the figure appears to me as a mere
trifle!
The fact that the colossal heads stand apart within the
monumental sculpture
receives support from the differential treatment they were
subjected to, when the
politico-ceremonial centers collapsed (Grove 1981). At San
Lorenzo, only
the head of Mon. 6, a huge in-the-round figure with an
estimated height of
2,33 m, has been found, the body supposedly smashed into
pieces (Figure 8d).
Monuments 14, 20, the so-called table-top altars with scenes of
emergence, have
been severely mutilated. Seated human figures such as
Monuments 11,12, and 24
have been decapitated and hammered. Animal figures (Mon. 7,
9, 37) have also
been decapitated. The only sculptures that have not been
vandalized are the
colossal heads, although Coe and Diehl (ibid., pp. 297-298) do
not share this view.
They think that the heads have been defaced by pitting
(evidenced by both
« dimpled pits » and « ground pits »). I personally think that
both pits, because
of their random distribution, are not the results of human
action. Take the
heavily pitted face (on which Coe and Diehl have counted sixty
pits) of Mon. 2

(Figure 2c) and observe that the pits are evenly distributed all
over the face and
that no features, such as eyes or nose, are broken up or erased,
like what would
happen if one wanted to deface a portrait. On Mon. 1 (Figure
3a), « one dimpled
pit occurs below the right eye, [and] two possible ground pits
on both alas of the
nose » are not signs of intentional mutilation. The front of
Mon. 4 (Figure 2b) is
almost intact, while 26 dimpled pits were counted « on the flat
surface at the rear
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of the head ». Coe and Diehl {ibid., p. 306) then « wonder
whether these pits
might not represent constellations ». Are they also evidence of
mutilation?
Assuming the big heads represent sacrificed « ugly » losers, it
is under
standable why they were spared the rage of iconoclasts who
rather directed their
blows toward the « beautiful » images of power, such as
emergence scenes, rulers,
mythical animals, and the like.

Some five centuries after La Venta, a similar situation existed
in Oaxaca,
according to the differential treatment of representations
associated with power
and religion on one hand, and images of sacrificed victims on
the other. The
anthropomorphic faces of Monte Alban I and II generally
display the arched
Olmec jaguar mouth, while the Danzantes have rounded heads,
flat noses and
thick lips9.
I think the Classic Maya also had beauty canons for the
representations of
their rulers and nobles and in contrast to these canons, had
criteria for ugliness
that they applied to the people they could despise, such as war
captives or sacrificed
victims. Since the foes of every Maya kingdom were generally
fellow Mayas from
another neighboring kingdom, there is no reason to think that
they could be of a
distinct physical type. It is not a situation comparable, for
instance, to Nubians
and Egyptians. Therefore the iconographie differences between
Maya victors and
vanquished were purely cultural. They were treated in opposite
features: narrow/
broad, short/long, thin/thick, shaved/bearded or mustachioed,
etc.
Many scholars consider the arch-famous stucco head found
under the
sarcophagus in the tomb of the temple of the Inscriptions at
Palenque, as the

epitome of Classic Maya beauty. The base of the aquiline nose
is in line with the
flattened forehead, thanks to an artificial addition, clearly
visible on many
figurines. The eyes are round and not too big, the cheeks are
slightly protruding,
the lips are thin with a tendency for unequal length. The face is
hairless or
carefully shaved 10 and the chin slightly protruding.
It is true that many Maya faces - included those of captives -
follow these
same canons. Other sculptures however use the opposite
features as a depreciative
gesture, such as captives from Palenque and Toninâ (Figure 9).
Note the
moustache, the big nose and the irregular profile of the
forehead and nose.
Another way of presenting the ugliness of the enemy is
illustrated by the big
submissive figures carved on the slabs that cover the basement
wall of House A in
the East Court of the Palace at Palenque (Figure 10a, b). Here
ugliness is not
expressed through the face features that are genuinely Mayan,
but through the
lack of symmetry of the whole composition, and the non-
respect of proportions
within every particular figure and between the figures
themselves (Robertson
1974; Greene Robertson 1985). All four captives to the left of
the stairway face it,
but the last figure of the row turns his head in the opposite
direction; to the right
of the stairway, only the first figure faces it, while the other

four give their back to
it. The proportions of the head to the body vary from one
individual to the other,
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Fig. 9 - Maya captives: a. Palenque, Tablet of the Slaves,
central icon (after drawing by Greene
Robertson 1985); b. Toninâ, Mon. 27 (after drawing by J.
Graham).
and the respective size of the figures varies too. We are not
able to decide whether
the smaller captives are dwarfs because we do not even know
whether some
figures are standing or kneeling. As Robertson (1974, p. 105)
noticed: « All of
these figures without exception have been cut off at the tops of
the individual
slabs ». He also remarked that « there are differences among
them in terms of
pose, proportions, technical approach to the problems of the
sculptor, and
expressive power » (ibid. ) and concludes that « they do not
make up a systematic
and collective unity ». In other words, he suggests that the
slabs as a whole were

not originally carved for the basement wall against which they
now stand, and
probably come from different buildings or places. Be that as it
may, the stones
have been assembled in the East Court with the likely purpose
of impressing the
viewer with both their size and their « ugliness ». Peter
Mathews and I have even
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2,2012
proposed that the captives themselves were forced to carve the
slabs (Baudez and
Mathews 1978). While this is very possible, it is not
demonstrable. What matters
here is that the Mayas took great pains to move, modify and set
these very crude
slabs against a structure that was graced by stucco relieves that
fully respected the
Maya beauty canons. The same opposition is evidenced near
the top of the
pyramid of the Inscriptions, where two slabs of the same style
representing
kneeling captives frame the last steps of the stairway that lead
to the temple
platform; they drastically contrast with the refined stucco
reliefs that grace the

temple a few meters away.
b
Fig. 10 - Palenque, submissive figures: Palace, East Court, on
both sides of stairway leading to Str.A
(photos Baudez).
The Maya carvers, like their Olmec colleagues, had their art
severely
constrained when they were dealing with representations of
their rulers and
supernatural beings. They had to conform to many conventions
concerning the
posture, the anatomy, the costume, the political and religious
paraphernalia.
These constraints did not exist with captives and victims, the
artists being limited
only by technical and space considerations. In this domain,
naturalism was taking
over the conceptual approach, as demonstrated by the Tonina
captives much
more « realistic », in low as well as high relief, than their
victors.
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The Greeks, from the archaic period into the Classical age, had

developed
beauty canons to build up the ideal picture of the Greek man
confronting the
barbarian world 11. For the Olmecs and other Mesoamerican
peoples, beauty was
also used to construct their identity. The ugliness of the others
highlighted to
their own beauty *
* Manuscrit reçu en janvier 2012, accepté pour publication en
mai 2012.
Notes
I would like to thank Rebecca Gonzalez and John Graham for
their helpful comments on a first version
of this paper.
1. When using the expression « Olmec civilization », the word
Olmec defines not only an art style,
but the cultural (religious, political, social, etc.) context out of
which this style developed.
2. Graham reminds me that this idea was first suggested by
Stirling (1965, p. 734).
3. Nevertheless, recently Filloy (2011) has raised and discussed
at length the problem of the
existence of portraits in case of the most famous Palenque
king.
4. See for instance the « character heads » sculpted by Frank
Xaver Messerschmidt (1736-1783).
5. Graham again brought to my attention the following
quotation: « iSerân tal vez también las

cabezas monumentales de La Venta reminiscencias de un culto
a la decapitaciôn? » (Knauth 1961, p. 197).
No arguments were then presented to back up this first
suggestion that the colossal heads may have
represented severed heads.
6. Conceptual art is when people represent what they imagine;
perceptual art or naturalism is when
people match the image in their minds to reality. According to
Robertson (1974), these concepts had
been already defined and used by Loewy (1907).
7. See also San Lorenzo Mon. 37 (Coe and Diehl 1980, fig.
471).
8. « To sculpt this face with an "Indian on the Buffalo nickel"
nose would have meant removing
several additional tons of basalt by the most tedious process
and would have increased the chances of
breakage in transport, if the monument had been carved near
the source- thus it was easier and more
efficient to produce portraits in this "Negroid" style » (Coe and
Diehl 1980, p. 300).
9. « [...] most Danzantes do have extremely thick lips which
protrude to meet the tip of the nose.
These lips, with the thick fleshy nose, give the Danzantes a
negroid cast which recall certain Olmec
figures. The colossal heads come to mind, although they
probably could not have been seen by the
Oaxacan carvers » (Scott 1978, p. 18).
10. Some Maya rulers may wear, as an age marker, a beard,
real or false like on some Quirigua
stelae (Kubier 1969) or on the deceased king on the west face
of Stela C whose features contrasts with

the young traits of Eighteen Rabbit pictured on the east face of
the same monument.
11. «Le refus du portrait vrai par le classique pur répond aux
exigences profondes de l'hellénisme, qui
s'exprimaient déjà, dès l'époque archaïque, par la création du
couros nu, image idéale de l'homme grec face
au monde barbare. L'intellectualisme classique met au point
une mesure humaine qui tend à l'universel »
(Charbonneaux 1969, p. 172).
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R. Willey (ed.), Handbook of Middle American Indians. Vol. 3.
Archaeology
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of Southern Mesoamerica. Parti, University of Texas Press,
Austin,
pp. 716-738.
Taube Karl
1988 The Albers collection of Pre-Columbian art, Hudson Hills
Press, New York.
Taube Karl and Marc Zender
2009 « American gladiators: ritual boxing in ancient
Mesoamerica », in Heather
Susan Orr and Rex Koontz (eds), Blood and beauty. Organized
violence in the
art and archaeology of Mesoamerica and Central America,
Cotsen Institute
of Archaeology Press, Los Angeles, pp. 161-220.
Urcid Serrano Javier
1993 « The Pacific Coast of Oaxaca and Guerrero: the Western-
most extent of
Zapotec script », Ancient Mesoamerica, 4, pp. 141-165.
Von Winning Hasso
1987 La iconografia de Teotihuacan: los dioses y los signos, 2
vols, UNAM,
Mexico.
31

2018 17:32:47 UTC
Contentsp. 7p. 8p. 9p. 10p. 11p. 12p. 13p. 14p. 15p. 16p. 17p.
18p. 19p. 20p. 21p. 22p. 23p. 24p. 25p. 26p. 27p. 28p. 29p. 30p.
31Issue Table of ContentsJournal de la Société des
américanistes, Vol. 98, No. 2 (2012) pp. 1-292Front
MatterBEAUTY AND UGLINESS IN OLMEC MONUMENTAL
SCULPTURE [pp. 7-31]THE NON-EXISTENT "MAY" CYCLE.
METHODS, COLONIAL TEXTS AND EPIGRAPHY [pp. 33-
57]LA CONQUISTA Y LA COLONIA EN EL "CÓDICE
AZCATITLAN" [pp. 59-95]AS GALINHAS INCONTÁVEIS.
TUPIS, EUROPEUS E AVES DOMÉSTICAS NA CONQUISTA
NO BRASIL [pp. 97-140]QUELQUES ASPECTS DU
CONTACT CULTUREL DANS LA RÉGION DU DÉTROIT DE
BELLE ISLE (CANADA) [pp. 141-166]SUR LES AILES DU
VAUTOUR. GENRE, VIOLENCE ET « RÉSISTANCE » DANS
UN RÉCIT NAHUA DE VOYAGE À CHIKNÂUJTIPAN, LE
MONDE DES MORTS (MEXIQUE) [pp. 167-197]LE MODÈLE
TOPOLOGIQUE DES SOCIÉTÉS AMAZONIENNES [pp. 199-
232]NÉCROLOGIEDuccio Bonavia Berber (1935-2012) [pp.
233-237]COMPTES RENDUSReview: untitled [pp. 239-
244]Review: untitled [pp. 244-248]Review: untitled [pp. 248-
273]Review: untitled [pp. 273-276]POLITIQUE ÉDITORIALE
ET INSTRUCTIONS AUX AUTEURS [pp. 277-280]ACTES DE
LA SOCIÉTÉ [pp. 281-286]LIVRES ET PÉRIODIQUES
REÇUS PAR LA SOCIÉTÉ DES AMÉRICANISTES (2011-
2012) [pp. 287-292]Back Matter
Chapter #1

Ethical Perspectives
Organizational Ethics
A Practical Approach,
Second Edition
by
Craig E. Johnson
Organizational Ethics
A Practical Approach,
Second Edition
by
Craig E. Johnson
1
Utilitarianism: Do the Greatest Good for the Greatest Number
Utilitarianism is based on the premise that our ethical choices,
like other types of decisions, should be based on their
consequences.
Utilitarianism is attempting to do the greatest good for the
greatest number of people.
Utilitarians consider both short- and long-term consequences
when making ethical determinations.
Organizational Ethics: A Practical Approach, 2e by Craig E.

Johnson © 2012 SAGE Publications Inc.
2
2
Utilitarianism: Do the Greatest Good for the Greatest Number
Making a choice according to utilitarian principles is a three-
step process.
First, identify all the possible courses of action.
Second, estimate the direct as well as the indirect costs and
benefits for each option.
Third, select the alternative that produces the greatest amount
of good based on the cost-benefit ratios generated in step two.
3
3
Evaluation
Utilitarian calculations:
typically drive public policy decisions

Bentham and Mills introduced utilitarianism to provide a
rational basis for making political, administrative, and judicial
choices
applied in emergency situations; in the midst of devastation
4
Evaluation
Despite its popularity, utilitarianism suffers from serious
deficiencies, starting with defining and measuring “the greatest
good.”
Being objective is difficult because we humans tend to
downplay long-term risks in favor of immediate rewards.
Ironically, one of the greatest strengths of Utilitarian theory—
its concern for collective human welfare—is also one of its
greatest weaknesses.
5
Kant’s Categorical Imperative: Do What’s Right Despite the
Consequences
German philosopher Immanuel Kant (1724–1804) argued that

moral duties or imperatives are categorical—they should be
obeyed without exception.
Kant believed individuals should do what is morally right no
matter what the consequences are.
6
Kant’s Categorical Imperative
According to Kant, “what is right for one is right for all.” We
need to ask ourselves one question: Would I want everyone else
to make the decision I did? If the answer is yes, the choice is
justified. If the answer is no, the decision is wrong.
Kant also argued for the importance of “treating humanity as an
end,” or respect for persons, which has become one of the
foundational principles of Western moral philosophy.
7
Kant’s Categorical Imperative
Respect for persons underlies the notion of moral rights.
Fundamental moral or human rights are granted to individuals
based solely on their status as persons (regardless of culture or

social or economic background).
Rights violations are unethical because they are disrespectful
and deny human value and potential.
8
Evaluation
Kant’s imperative is a simple yet powerful ethical tool.
Emphasis on duty builds moral courage.
Recognizing that people are intrinsically valuable is another
significant ethical principle.
This standard encourages us to protect the rights of employees,
to act courteously, to demonstrate concern for others, and to
share information.
9
Evaluation
Critiques of Kant’s system of reasoning often center on his
assertion that there are universal principles that should be
followed in every situation.
Complex ethical dilemmas often involve competing obligations.

How do we determine which duty has priority? Kant’s
imperative offers little guidance in such situations.
10
Rawls’s Justice as Fairness: Balancing Freedom and Equality
Harvard philosopher John Rawls developed a set of guidelines
for justly resolving disputes that involve the distribution of
resources.
His principles are designed to foster cooperation in
democracies.
Rawls’s standards honor individual freedom—the foundation of
democratic cultures—but also encourage more equitable
distribution of societal benefits.
11
Rawls’s Justice as Fairness
Rawls rejected the use of utilitarian principles to allocate
resources.
He believed that individuals have rights that should never be
violated no matter what the outcome.

He asserted that seeking the greatest good for the greatest
number can seriously disadvantage particular groups and
individuals.
12
Rawls argued that we should follow these principles of justice:
Principle 1: Each person has an equal right to the same basic
liberties that are compatible with similar liberties for all.
Principle 2: Social and economic inequalities are to satisfy two
conditions: (a) They are to be attached to offices and positions
open to all under conditions of fair equality of opportunity, and
(b) they are to be to the greatest benefit of the least advantaged
members of society.
13
Principle 1: principle of equal liberty, states that certain rights
are protected and must be equally applied to all.

These liberties include the right to vote, freedom of speech and
thought, freedom to own personal property, and freedom from
arbitrary arrest.
14
Principle 2a, the equal opportunity principle, asserts that
everyone should have the same chance to qualify for offices and
jobs.
Job discrimination based on race, gender, or ethnic origin is
forbidden.
All citizens ought to have access to the training and education
needed to prepare for these positions.
15
Principle 2b, the difference principle, recognizes that
inequalities exist but that priority should be given to meeting

the needs of the disadvantaged.
16
Rawls introduced the concept of the veil of ignorance to support
his claim that his principles should guide decision making in
democratic societies like Great Britain, the United States, and
Canada.
Rawls argued that individuals standing behind the veil of
ignorance would adopt his moral guidelines because they would
ensure the best outcomes even in the worst of circumstances.
17
Evaluation
Rawls’ system for distributing resources and benefits
encompasses personal liberty as well as the common good.
Individual rights are protected.
Talented, skilled, or fortunate people are free to pursue their
goals, but the fruits of their labor must also benefit their less
fortunate neighbors

Rawls’ principles would have a significant positive impact on
the moral behavior of organizations
18
Evaluation
Skeptics note that the theory’s abstractness limits its usefulness.
Rawls offered only broad guidelines, which can be interpreted
in a number of different ways.
Definitions of justice and fairness vary widely, a fact that
undermines the usefulness of his principles.
By trying to reconcile the tension between liberty and equality,
Rawls left himself open to attack from advocates of both values.
19
Confucianism: Building Healthy Relationships
Confucius (551–479 B.C.), believed that the ideal society is
based on series of harmonious, hierarchical relationships
(starting in the family and extending all the way up to the
pinnacle of government) marked by trust and mutual concern.
Ideal leaders govern by setting a moral example.

20
Confucianism
Confucius argued that humans don’t exist in isolation but are
social creatures connected to others though networks of
relationships.
It is critical that these connections be based on trust and benefit
all parties.
Organizations must also establish relationships with other
organizations.
21
Confucianism
Confucianism emphasizes that policies, norms, procedures and
rituals—referred to as etiquette, or li—maintain relationships
within and between organizations.
Confucian thought puts a high priority on personal virtues or
character because virtuous behavior is essential to maintaining

healthy relationships and fulfilling organizational duties.
The most important Confucian virtue is that of humaneness or
benevolence.
22
Confucianism
In addition to benevolence, the key virtues of Confucianism are
honesty, trust, kindness, and tolerance.
Virtuous people put the needs of others above their own.
Finally, Confucians recognize the reality of status and power
differences in society as well as in organizations.
23
Evaluation
Confucianism highlights the fundamental truth that
organizations, economies, and societies are built on
relationships.
Confucian thought also recognizes that the leader shapes the
ethical climate of the organization by setting a moral example.

24
Evaluation
The strengths of Confucianism can become weaknesses if taken
too far.
Placing too much emphasis on hierarchy and submission to the
collective good can foster authoritarian paternalism, where
employees have little freedom but blindly submit to authority.
25
Altruism: Concern for Others
Altruism is based on the principle that we should help others
regardless of whether or not we profit from doing so.
Advocates of altruism argue that love of one’s neighbor is the
ultimate ethical standard.
Care for others appears to be a universal value, one promoted
by religions the world over.
26

Altruism
Researchers use the term organizational citizenship behavior to
describe routine altruistic acts that increase productivity and
build trusting relationships.
Caring behaviors also break down barriers of antagonism
between individuals and departments. Communication and
coordination increase, leading to better overall results.
27
Altruism
Altruism provides the foundation for the ethic of care:
Emphasize the importance of acting on abstract moral
principles, being impartial, and treating others fairly
The ethic of care incorporates both attitude and action.
28

Evaluation
Concern for others is a powerful force for good.
Following the principle of caring helps prevent ethical abuses.
Altruistic behavior, as we’ve seen, promotes healthy
relationships and organizations.
Altruism lays the foundation for high moral character.
Adopting an ethic of care would make our workplaces more
humane and provide caregivers with the rewards they so richly
deserve.
Altruism is inspiring.
29
Evaluation
Altruism suffers from serious deficiencies:
well-intentioned attempts to help others can backfire
is not an easy principle to put into practice
the ethic of care often conflicts with the ethic of justice
care and justice often clash in the legal system as well
30

Chapter 13: Leadership Ethics
1
Overview
Leadership Ethics Perspective
Practical Ethical Theory
Ethical Theories
Principles of Ethical Leadership
Diverse Ethical Perspectives
How Does the Leadership Ethical Perspective Work?
Peter G. Northouse, Leadership: Theory and Practice, Seventh
Edition. © 2016 SAGE Publications, Inc.
2
Leadership Ethics Description
Ethics
Is a derivative of the Greek word ethos, meaning customs,
conduct, or character
Is concerned with the kinds of values and morals an individual
or society ascribes as desirable or appropriate
Focuses on the virtuousness of individuals and their motives
Definition & Theory

3
Development of ethocal theory goes back to Plato and Aristotle.
Practical Ethical Theory
Kohlberg’s Stages of Moral Development
Level 1. Pre-conventional morality
Stage 1 – Obedience and Punishment: Rules are fixed and
handed down by authority
Stage 2 – Individualism and Exchange: An action is right if it
serves the individual
Level 2. Conventional Morality
Stage 3 – Interpersonal Accord and Conformity: Conforming to
the expectations of others
4
Kohlberg’s Stages of Moral Development
Stage 4 – Maintaining the Social Order: Moral decisions show
concern for society as a whole
Level 3. Post-conventional Morality
Stage 5 – Social Contract and Individual Rights: Moral
decisions based on what a good society should be like
Stage 6 – Universal Principles: Moral decisions based on
internalized universal principles of justice that apply to
everyone

Add table
6
Leadership Ethics Description
Ethical Theory
Provides a system of rules or principles as a guide in making
decisions about what is right/wrong and good/bad in a specific
situation
Provides a basis for understanding what it means to be a
morally decent human being
Definition & Theory
7
Development of ethocal theory goes back to Plato and Aristotle.
Ethical Theories
Two Broad Domains: Theories about leaders’ conduct and about
leaders’ character
8
table number incorrect

9
Page 304 in text. Figure number incorrect?
Ethical Theories
Ethical egoism (create greatest good for the leader)
Closely related to transactional leadership theories
Example: leader takes a political stand on an issue for no
other reason than to get re-elected
Utilitarianism (create greatest good for greatest number)
Example: leader distributes scarce resources so as to
maximize benefit to everyone, while hurting the fewest;
preventive health care vs. catastrophic illnesses
Altruism (show concern for best interests of others)
Authentic transformational leadership is based on altruistic
principles
Example: the work of Mother Teresa, who gave her entire
life to help the poor
Teleological Theories: focus on consequences of actions, results

CONDUCT
10
Teleological – consequenses of
Deontological Theories
duty driven, for example, relates not only to consequences but
also to whether action itself is good
Focus on the actions of the leader and his/her moral obligation
and responsibilities to do the right thing
Example: telling the truth, keeping promises, being fair
Ethical Theories
CONDUCT
11
Teleological – consequenses of
Virtue-based Theories: about leader’s character
Focus on who people are as people
Rather than tell people what to do, tell people what to be
Help people become more virtuous through training and
development
Virtues are present within person’s disposition; practice makes
good values habitual
Examples: courage, honesty, fairness, justice, integrity,
humility
CHARACTER
Ethical Theories

12
Centrality of Ethics to Leadership
Influence dimension of leadership requires the leader to have an
impact on the lives of followers
Power and control differences create enormous ethical
responsibility for leaders
Respect for persons – sensitive to followers’ own interests and
needs
Leaders help to establish and reinforce organizational values –
an ethical climate
13
Ethics plays a central role in the leadership process.
Diverse Perspectives of Leadership
Emphasizes how leaders help followers to confront conflicting
values & to effect change from conflict
Ethical perspective that speaks directly to
Values of workers
Values of organizations and the communities in which they
work
Heifetz’s Perspective
14
Several prominent scholars – Heifetz, Burns and Greenleaf –

they’ve made unique contributions to our understanding of
ethical leadership –
The theme that is common to all 3 – is an ethic of caring -
which pays attention to followers needs and the importance of
leader-follower relationships.
Leaders use authority to mobilize followers to
Get people focused on issues
Act as a reality test regarding information
Manage and frame issues
Orchestrate conflicting perspectives
Facilitate the decision-making process
15
Leaders use authority to mobilize followers to
Get people focused on issues
Act as a reality test regarding information
Manage and frame issues
Orchestrate conflicting perspectives
Facilitate the decision-making process
Leader provides a holding environment, a supportive context in

which there is
Trust, nurturance, & empathy
Leader’s duties
Assist the follower in struggling with change and personal
growth
16
16
Theory of Transformational Leadership
Strong emphasis on followers’ needs, values, & morals
Leaders help followers in their personal struggles concerning
conflicting values
Stressing values such as liberty, justice, equality
Connection between leader & follower
Raises level of morality of both
Leader’s Role
Assist followers in assessing their values & needs
Help followers to rise to a higher level of functioning
Burns’s Perspective

17
The Dark Side of Leadership
Pseudotransformational leadership
Characterized by destructive behaviors, such as violating basic
human rights (Lipman-Blumen, 2005)
Characterized by personal characteristics, such as lack of
integrity, insatiable ambition, arrogance (Lipman-Blumen)
Associated with workplace outcomes such as negative attitudes
in followers toward jobs and organization as a whole (Schyns
and Schilling, 2013)
Add date to citation in 3rd bullet point
18
SOURCE: Padilla, A., Hogan, R., & Kaiser, R. B. (2007). The
toxic triangle: Destructive leaders, susceptible followers, and
conducive environments. The Leadership Quarterly, 18, 180.
Add figure
19

The Toxic Triangle
Destructive Leaders
Charismatic, narcissistic, self-absorbed
Susceptible Followers
Conformers and colluders
Conducive Environments
Unstable environments may grant leader more authority
The process of influence
The need to engage followers to accomplish mutual goals
The impact leaders have on establishing the organization’s
values
Ethics - is central to leadership because of
21
Discussion of 5 principles of ethical leadership – These
principles provide a foundation for the development of sound
ethical leadership
Incorrect figure number?
In addition I am emphasizing 3 points that reinforce the impact
a leader has on followers, and the responsibility leaders have to
be sensitive to how their leadership affects followers lives and
why Ethics is central to leadership, because of -

Leader shall:
Treat other people’s values and decisions with respect
Allow others to be themselves with creative wants and desires
Approach others with a sense of unconditional worth and value
individual differences
Respects
Others
Leader behaviors:
Listens closely to subordinates
Is empathic
Is tolerant of opposing viewpoints
Treating others as ends (their own goals) rather than as means
(to leaders’ personal goals)
22
Leaders have
A duty to help others pursue their own legitimate interests and
goals
To be stewards of the organization’s vision; in serving others
they: clarify, nurture, and integrate the vision with, not for,
organization members
An ethical responsibility to make decisions that are beneficial to
their followers’ welfare
Follower centered - Based on the altruistic principle of placing
followers foremost in the leader’s plans
Leader behaviors
Mentoring behaviors
Empowerment behaviors
Team-building behaviors
Citizenship behaviors

Serves
Others
23
Leaders shall:
Adhere to principles of distributive justice
Leader behaviors
All subordinates are treated in an equal manner
In special treatment/special consideration situations, grounds
for differential treatment are clear, reasonable, and based on
sound moral values
Ethical leaders are concerned with issues of fairness and justice;
they place issues of fairness at the center of their decision
making
Shows
Justice
Incorrect table number?
25

Leaders:
Are not deceptive
Tell the truth with a balance of openness and candor while
monitoring what is appropriate to disclose in a particular
situation
Honest leaders are authentic but also sensitive to the feelings
and attitudes of others
Leader behaviors
Don’t promise what you can’t deliver
Don’t suppress obligations
Don’t evade accountability
Don’t accept “survival of the fittest” pressures
Acknowledge and reward honest behavior in the organization
Manifests
Honesty
Concern for common good means leaders cannot impose their
will on others; they search for goals that are compatible with
everyone.
Ethical leaders & followers
take into account purposes of everyone in the group, and
reach out beyond their own mutually defined goals to wider
community
Leader behaviors
Takes into account purposes of everyone in the group
Is attentive to interests of the community and culture
Does not force others or ignore intentions of others
Builds
Community

How Does the Ethical Leadership Perspective Work?
Strengths
Criticisms
Application
Strengths
Provides a body of timely research on ethical issues
Provides direction on how to think about ethical leadership and
how to practice it
Suggests that leadership is not an amoral phenomenon and that
ethics should be considered as integral to the broader domain of
leadership
Highlights principles and virtues that are important in ethical
leadership development
Criticisms
Lacks a strong body of traditional research findings to
substantiate the theoretical foundations
Relies heavily on writings of just a few individuals that are
primarily descriptive and anecdotal in nature, and are strongly
influenced by personal opinion and a particular worldview
Application
Can be applied to individuals at all levels of organization and in
all walks of life

Because leadership has a moral dimension, being a leader
demands awareness on our part of the way our ethics define our
leadership
Managers and leaders can use information on ethics to
understand themselves and strengthen their own leadership
Leaders can use ethical principles as benchmarks for their own
behavior
Leaders can learn that leader-follower relationship is central to
ethical leadership
International Journal of Caring Sciences May-August
2020 Volume 13 | Issue 2| Page 959
www.internationaljournalofcaringsciences.org
Original Article
Effects of Supportive Nursing Intervention on the Psychological
Well-Being of
Mothers of Neonates Admitted to Tertiary Hospitals in Ogun
State
Maitanmi Bukola Titilope, RN, RM, RPHN, RPHNE, BNSc,
PGDE, MSc
Senior Nursing Officer, Senior Nursing Officer, Babcock
University Teaching Hospital, Ilishan-Remo, Ogun
State, Nigeria
Maitanmi Julius Olatade, RN, RM, RPHN, RPHNE, BNSc,

PGDE, MSc
Lecturer II Department of Community Health Nursing, School
of Nursing, Babcock University, Ilishan-Remo,
Ogun State, Nigeria
Ajao Ezekiel Olasunkanmi, RN, PhD, FWACN
Professor, Dean, Department of Community Health Nursing,
School of Nursing, Babcock University,
Ilishan-Remo, Ogun State.
Olubiyi Simeon Kayode, RN, PhD, FWACN
Senior Lecturer Department of Nursing Science, Faculty of
Clinical Sciences, College of Health Sciences,
University Of Ilorin, Nigeria
Leslie Tabitha Amere, RN, RM, RPHN, BNSc., PGDE, MSc
Lecturer II, Department of Community Health Nursing , School
of Nursing, Babcock University,
Ilishan-Remo, Ogun State, Nigeria
Corespondence: Maitanmi Julius Olatade, RN, RM, RPHN,
RPHNE, BNSc., PGDE, MSc
Lecturer II Department of Community Health Nursing, School
of Nursing, Babcock University, Ilishan-Remo, Ogun
State, Nigeria e-mail: [email protected]
Abstract
Women are often faced with different kinds of difficulties while
trying to cope with the roles of having to nurse a
neonate. It is worse when the neonate is separated from the
mother owing to hospitalization in the neonatal intensive
care unit. Mothers experience psychological trauma ranging
from anxiety to depression resulting from the situation
and the inability to cope with the Neonatal Intensive Care Unit
(NICU) environment. This study assessed the effect

of supportive nursing intervention on the psychological well-
being of mothers of admitted neonates. The study
employed a quasi-experimental research design which involved
one group pre and post-test design. There were 52
mothers recruited for the study using total enumeration method
in the two study centres. Ryfff’s standardized scale
of psychological well-being was used in collecting data from
the participants. This study concludes that supportive
nursing intervention has positive effect on the psychological
well-being of mothers. Nurses can play major roles in
ensuring that the mothers whose neonates are admitted are
psychologically stable throughout the period of
admission.
Keywords: Mothers, Neonate, Psychological well-being,
Supportive nursing intervention.
Introduction
Many women experience physical and emotional
issues during pregnancy, delivery and postpartum.
Significant adaptability is required during these
phases particularly during the postpartum period
because it is during this period that bonding is
formed between the mother and the newborn.
Having the newborn admitted to the hospital

during the early days of life adds extra stress to this
challenging phase of motherhood. The relationship
between mothers and their babies is of significant
value to the psychological well-being of the
mothers. Giving necessary supports to mothers in
this process of developing mother-child
relationship is very important.
Pregnancy and the birth of a baby change the
whole family context and create unique anxieties
in the case of a preterm newborn. Feelings of
incompetence, frustration, anger, guilt and anguish
may be present when mothers do not have healthy
babies. Mothers of hospitalized neonates have a
greater risk for psychological distress. These
mothers experience psychological trauma more
than other mothers. The ability to understand the
psychological well-being of these mothers will
help in managing the mental status of such mothers
which will in turn help in developing special
parenting styles for managing the neonates (Busse,
Stromgren, Thorngate & Thomas, 2013).
The unexpected hospitalization of a neonate is far
from what the mother had anticipated; the shock of
a rapid chain of events taking place, a feeling of
emptiness when the baby is placed in the intensive
care unit, the feeling of powerlessness when facing
the risk of the infant's possible death and the
invasive treatments are enough to put any mother
in serious psychological distress. These mothers
worry about the viability and future of their
neonates. The reactions of mothers of preterm
neonates could have serious repercussions on the

development of the neonate due to complex and
atypical interactions between the mother and the
child and will also have impact on the
psychological well-being of the mothers.
According to Ryff (2014), the psychological
well-being has six components which are
environmental mastery, acceptance of the situation,
positive relation with others, autonomy, personal
growth and purpose in life. When neonates are
admitted, the mothers’ psychological well-being is
affected mostly in the areas of environmental
mastery, acceptance of the situation and
relationship with others. Environmental mastery
involves a sense of mastery and competence in
managing the environment, making effective use
of the surrounding opportunities and creating
context suitable to personal needs and values. The
inability to manage everyday affairs, unable to
improve on surrounding context and lack of sense
over external world depicts poor mastery of the
environment. Acceptance of the situation is the
ability to possess positive attitude toward self,
acknowledging and accepting multiple aspects of
one’s self including good and bad qualities but in a
case whereby the individual feels dissatisfied and
disappointed with self and have problem about
certain personal qualities will mean that the
individual do not accept self or the situation.
Positive relation with others is when individuals
have warm satisfying, intimate and trusting
relationship with others, concerned about others’
welfare and understand give and take of human
relationships. When the individual has few close
trusting relationships, it makes it difficult for the

individual to be stable psychologically and poor
interpersonal relationship with others will set in.
A study by Yurdakul, et al., (2009) showed higher
anxiety score among mothers whose neonates are
admitted into the NICU and recommended
appropriate counseling during hospitalization of
neonates. Mothers of the neonates admitted to the
NICU are believed to experience the heightened
distress compared to the mothers of healthy
neonates. Study by Saldanha, Rathi, Bal and
Chaudharu (2014) showed that 10%-15% of these
women are affected psychologically and when it
is not treated through supportive nursing
intervention, it brings about dysfunction such as an
anxiety, depression, acute stress disorder and post
traumatic stress disorder (Rai & Rani 2018). This
in turn leads to low parenting skills and poor infant
attachments.
Lee (2009) asserted that identifying and providing
solution to the developmental and physiological
needs of ill neonates and their families has
improved the survival rates of the neonates and the
psychological well-being of the families
particularly the mothers. He also observed that
mothers who give birth and have the neonates
admitted often experience a certain degree of
sorrow, anxiety, anger and depression. Lee, (2013)
believes that when nurses implement supportive
intervention that are therapeutic such as
parent-infant interaction, maternal emotional,
psycho-social, breastfeeding , supporting them on
how to master the environment that they have
found themselves, acceptance of the situation and

relating with others positively will reduce maternal
distress, increase confidence in caring for their
infants and increase their psychological well-being
as a whole.
Statement of the Problem
Psychological well-being of mothers whose
neonates are admitted vary based on different
factors such as cultural background and beliefs
(Sola-Carmona, et al.,, 2016). The atmosphere of
the neonatal units have been reported to destabilize
the emotional state of mothers and leave emotional
scars on them even while trying to manage the
situation. The health status of the baby, treatment
procedures and the prognosis have being linked to
reduction of psychological well-being of these
mothers.
At the two Selected Tertiary Hospitals in Ogun
State, the researchers also observed that mothers of
these neonates also experience psychological
disturbances in terms of environmental mastery
which has led to disturbed sleeping pattern,
uncoordinated activities and imbalanced nutrition.
Also, accepting the fact that their neonates are
admitted have reduced their happiness because
they do not know what the outcome of the

admission will be and all these have contributed in
not allowing them to relate well with others.
There have been advances in science and
technology which improves the survival rate of the
neonates but less importance has been placed on
the psychological well-being of these mothers who
have their neonates admitted in the NICU.
On the basis of the foregoing, this study assessed
the psychological well-being of mothers who have
their neonates admitted and supportive nursing
intervention was given that can help foster the
psychological well-being of these mothers.
Objectives of the Study
The general objective of this study is to assess the
effect of supportive nursing intervention on the
psychological well-being of mothers of admitted
neonates in two selected tertiary hospitals in Ogun
State. The specific objectives are to:
1. conduct a pre-intervention assessment on the
psychological well-being of mothers of admitted
neonates in two selected hospitals in Ogun state
2. provide a supportive nursing intervention on
psychological well-being to mothers of admitted
neonates in the two selected hospitals in Ogun state
3. conduct a post intervention assessment to
assess the effect of the supportive nursing
intervention on the psychological well-being of the
mothers.
Hypotheses

1. There is no significant difference between
pre-intervention and post intervention
psychological well-being of mothers of neonates
admitted in the two selected hospitals
2. There is no significant difference between
parity of the mothers and the psychological
well-being of mothers.
Methodology
Research Design
The study employed a quasi-experimental research
design which involved one group pre-test post-test
design and assessed the effect of supportive
nursing intervention on the psychological
well-being of mothers of neonates admitted in two
selected tertiary hospitals in Ogun State. The target
population for the study comprised of mothers who
have their neonates admitted to the neonatal units
of Babcock University Teaching Hospital and
Olabisi Onabanjo University Teaching Hospital in
Ogun State. A total enumeration method was used
in recruiting participants for this study by
recruiting the participants who were ready to
engage in the study since the average number of
patients on monthly basis was low (Table 1).
Average patients in the Neonatal Intensive Care
Unit of both hospitals are as follows according to
the researchers’ survey prior to the study:
Instrumentation
The researcher adapted Ryff’s Scale of
Psychological Well-being (PWB) to collect data

from the participants. The questionnaire was
adapted because it is not all the domains in the
psychological well-being that are related to the
mothers when they have their neonates admitted.
The three domains associated with this study are
the environmental mastery, acceptance of the
situation and relationship with others. The
questionnaire consists of four sections. Sections A
to D with 38items.
Section A: Socio-Demographic data with 13 items
which included open and close ended questions.
Section B: This consists 9 items for assessing the
area of environmental mastery of the
mothers.Section C: This consists 7 items for
assessing the areas of acceptance of the situation of
the mothers. Section D: This consists of 9 items for
assessing the areas of positive relation with others.
Ryff’s Scale of Psychological Well-being was used
with the following response format: 1 = Strongly
disagree; 2 = Disagree; 3 = Undecided; 4 = Agree;
5 = Strongly agree. However, 13items were
reversely scored which are 15, 16, 18,20, 26, 27,
28, 29, 31, 32, 35, 36 and 37. The instrument was
translated to Yoruba by an expert in linguistic to
enable those that did not understand English
language participate in the study.

Reliability of the Instrument
Ryff’s Scales of Psychological well-being was
used with internal consistency (Alpha Coefficient)
of 0.88. The researcher also tested the reliability of
the adapted instrument at Federal Medical Centre,
Abeokuta by recruiting ten mothers whose
neonates were admitted into the NICU of that
hospital and the Cronbach’s alpha coefficient was
found to be 0.85, so the instrument was considered
reliable.
Data Collection Procedure
Approval to carry out the study was sought from
the health and research ethical committees of the
two study centers in three stages:
Pre-intervention (First stage)
The researcher sought consent of the participants,
explained the purpose and benefits of the study to
the participants, and also solicited the cooperation
of the participants throughout the study. The
researcher and the participants agreed on the time
and duration of the intervention which did not
infringe on their leisure time. The pre-test was then
administered.
Intervention (Second stage)
The intervention programme for the study was
supportive nursing intervention which was
delivered by the researcher. The supportive nursing
intervention was given to the recruited participants

in each of the centres.
Post-intervention (Third Stage): Post
intervention data was collected using the same
instrument that was used in the pre-intervention
stage.
Ethical Considerations
Approval to carry out the study was sought and
obtained from the Babcock University Health and
Research Ethical Committee (BUHREC), Babcock
University Teaching Hospital (BUTH) and Olabisi
Onabanjo University Teaching Hospital, Health
and Research Ethical Committee (OOUTHHREC).
Informed consent of the participants was gained
through adequate explanation of the reason for
conducting the research and also the mothers were
allowed to sign the consent form before getting
involved in the study. It was explained to the
participants that they were free to quit from the
study at any point if they are not interested again.
Information obtained from the participants was
used for academic purpose and the confidentiality
of the participants was ensured.
Results
The average number of mothers per month in
NICU of BUTH in the research period were = 96/6
=16 mothers. The average number of mothers per
month in NICU of OOUTH were = 247/6 =
41mothers. Average total patients in both BUTH
and OOUTH in one month: 16+41 = 57mothers.
However, during the study period, only 52 mothers
were seen over the four weeks of the study period.

13 mothers were recruited in BUTH and
39mothers from OOUTH. The average number of
mothers per month in BUTH 6months prior to the
study were = 96/6 =16 mothers per month. The
average number of mothers per month in OOUTH
6months prior to the study were = 247/6 =
41mothers per month (Table 1).
Table 2 describe the socio-demographic
characteristics of the participants. A total of 52
mothers were recruited for the study. About one
third of the mothers 19(36.5%) were between
25-30years, majority of the participants 19(36.5%)
were para3. Majority 44(84.6%) of the participants
have not had any of their children admitted before
into the NICU. Half of the participants 26(50%)
had tertiary education and most (44.2%) of the
neonates have been admitted for about 4-6days.
Table 3 shows the pre-intervention psychological
well-being of mothers whose neonates were
admitted into the NICU during the study period.
From the table, 65.4% of the mothers had low
psychological well-being resulting from
environmental mastery, 80.8% of the participants
were low in acceptance of the situation while
26.9% of the participants were low in positive
relations. Twenty-one reflecting 40.4% of the

mothers had low psychological well-being in
overall prior to the supportive nursing intervention.
Table 4shows the post-intervention psychological
well-being of the mothers after the supportive
nursing intervention has been given. 53.8% of the
mothers had normal psychological well-being
resulting from environmental mastery, 75% was
high in acceptance of the situation and 71.2% was
high in positive relations with others. On the
overall, the psychological well-being of most
(82.7%) of the mothers became high after the
supportive nursing intervention. The supportive
intervention was seen to have brought about
improvement in all the components or domains of
the psychological well-being measured. The
supportive nursing intervention could be seen as
impactful.
Table 1: Average number of mothers whose neonates were
admitted in the study centers for
6months prior to the study (July 2018- December, 2018)
MONTH Babcock University Teaching
Hospital
Olabisi Onabanjo University
Teaching Hospital
July 2018 21 48
August 2018 20 44

September 2018 17 46
October 2018 9 29
November 2018 16 42
December 2018 13 38
Total 96 247
Table 2 presents the Socio-demographic Characteristics of the
Participants (N = 52)
Variable Frequency (n) Percentage
(%)
Age group (yrs)
19 – 24
25 – 30
31 – 36
37 and above
7
19
14
12

13.5
36.5
26.9
23.1
Mean ±SD = 30.96 ± 6.17
Parity
Para1
Para 2
Para 3
Para 4
Above 4
13
17

19
1
2
25.0
32.7
36.5
1.9
3.8
Family average monthly income (thousand)
Below 100
100 – 200
201 – 300
301 – 400
29
16
4
3

55.8
30.8
7.7
5.8
Mother’s occupation
Civil servant
Self employed
Artisan
14
32
6
26.9
61.5
11.5
Mother’s highest level of education
No formal

Primary
Secondary
Tertiary
2
6
18
26
3.8
11.5
34.6
50.0
Table 3: Participant’s Pre-intervention psychological well-being
(N = 52)
Category Score Frequency (%) Remark
Environmental Mastery 0 – 3 (≤25.0% score)
4 – 6 (>25.0% score)
7 – 9 (≥75.0% score)
34 (65.4)

16 (30.8)
2 (3.8)
Low
Normal
High
Acceptance of the
situation
0 – 2 (≤25.0% score)
3 – 4 (>25.0% score)
5 – 7 (≥75.0% score)
42 (80.8)
8 (15.4)
2 (3.8)
Low
Normal
High
Positive relations with
others
0 – 3 (≤25.0% score)

4 – 6 (>25.0% score)
7 – 9 (≥75.0% score)
14 (26.9)
24 (46.2)
14 (26.9)
Low
Normal
High
Psychological
well-being
0 – 8 (≤25.0% score)
9 – 16 (>25.0% score)
17 – 25(≥75.0% score)
21 (40.4)
31 (59.6)
0 (0.0)
Low
Normal

High
Table 4 : Participant’s Post-intervention psychological well-
being (N = 52)
Category Score Frequency Percentage (%)
Environmental Mastery 0 – 3 (≤25.0% score)
4 – 6 (>25.0% score)
7 – 9 (≥75.0% score)
4 (7.7)
28 (53.8)
20 (38.5)
Low
Normal
High
Acceptance of the

situation
0 – 2 (≤25.0% score)
3 – 4 (>25.0% score)
5 – 7 (≥75.0% score)
5 (9.6)
8 (15.4)
39 (75.0)
Low
Normal
High
Positive relations with
others
0 – 3 (≤25.0% score)
4 – 6 (>25.0% score)
7 – 9 (≥75.0% score)
8 (15.4)
7 (13.5)
37 (71.2)

Low
Normal
High
Psychological
well-being
0 – 8 (≤25.0% score)
9 – 16 (>25.0% score)
17 – 25(≥75.0% score)
0 (0.0)
9 (17.3)
43 (82.7)
Low
Normal
High
Hypotheses Testing
Hypothesis One
There is no significant difference between

pre-intervention psychological well-being and the
post - intervention psychological well-being of
mothers.
Hypothesis Two
There is no significant association between parity
of the mothers and the psychological well-being of
mothers.
Table 5 result of t-test reveals that the mean
difference between pre and post intervention was
significant (p < 0.001). Hence, the null hypothesis
was rejected. Then, the study found out that there
is significant difference between the pre and post
intervention psychological well-being. This is an
indication that the intervention had positive impact
on the mother’s psychological well-being. This
shows that supportive nursing intervention play
major role in improving the psychological
well-being of mothers during the admission of
their neonates. Most of the mothers had low
psychological well-being at the pre-intervention
phase but there was improvement after the
supportive nursing intervention was given.
Table 6 reveals the result of chi-square that the
mother’s parity was not significantly (p = 0.490)
associated with their level of psychological
well-being. This shows that the number of children
the mother has does not necessarily translate to
increase or decrease in the psychological
well-being of the mothers

Table 5 represents Paired Sample Test
Table 6 Association between mother’s parity and psychological
well-being
Significant association at p < 0.05, Fisher’s exact value was
reported for small cells
Discussion of Findings
Research Question One
Findings from the study shows that 65.4% of the
mothers had low psychological well-being resulting
from environmental mastery, 80.8% was low in
acceptance of the situation and only 46.2% was
normal in positive relations. This study is also
supported by Binu, Sheela, Leslie and Ramesh
(2014), who opined that among mothers whose
neonates are hospitalized in NICU, high levels of
anxiety depression and hostility was shown and
same also revealed problems of psycho-social
adjustment of the mothers. Their findings showed

that the state anxiety level was found to be 65% in
the mothers whose neonates were hospitalized.
Furthermore, in line with Study by Health
information for Western Australian (2018) the
findings was supported showing that mothers are
often not psychologically stable during the
admission of their neonates: 8 to 11% of women
experience depression during admission of their
neonates while 13 per cent of women will go
through post natal depression. This findings was
also supported by the study by Ashwani, Rekha and
Kumar (2017) that found out that NICU
environment has the potential to exacerbate stress
for mothers of neonates admitted to the NICU
therefore directly affecting the environmental
mastery of the mothers. The psychological distress
might be due that their babies are not kept with
them, they only have access to their babies
occasionally and seeing their neonates under
medical equipment and watching them undergoing
procedures.
Niranjan, et al, (2015) also affirmed that lack of
maternal role, such as not being able to protect the
neonate, and separation and the appearance and
behavior of the sick neonate cause significant
distress in mothers whose sick neonate is
hospitalized in NICU. Twenty seven (90%) mothers
scored more than 137 on the Parental Stress Scale
(PSS): NICU falling into the “Extremely stressful”
severity rating of PSS: NICU and three mothers
(10%) scored between 103-136 indicating “very
stressful” states according to PSS: NICU. This is in
line with the study of Kolmakova, (2015) on
support for the parents whose child is in neonatal

intensive care unit. He opined that lack of
information, new environment and uncertainty
about the neonate’s future make the mother more
stressed and psychologically fragile.
Mean Mean
Difference
t-value p- value Remark
Pre-Intervention
Post – Intervention
9.69
18.75
9.06
12.48
< 0.001
Significant
Variables Psychological Well-being
Low
n(%)

Normal
n(%)
X2- Value p-value
Parity
One
Two
Three
Four
Above four
6 (28.6)
6 (28.6)
7 (33.3)
0 (0.0)
2 (9.5)
7 (22.6)
11 (35.5)
12 (38.7)
1 (3.2)
0 (0.0)
3.64
0.490

Niranjan, et al., (2015) also placed much emphasis
on the environment as a major factor that affects
the psychological well-being. Heidari, Hasanpour
and Fooladi (2017) further found that the mothers
in the study wanted to seek for help and sympathy
from others because of the low psychological
well-being experienced in the area of positive
relation with others as also experienced by the
participants in this study which shows low positive
relation with others by 26.9% of the participants.
This study is also supported by Stacey, Osborn and
Salkovskis (2015), who conducted a study
assessing factors that helped mothers cope with the
NICU and found that the physical environment of
the NICU played a critical role in maternal ease
and satisfaction. The link between the physical
NICU environment and maternal well-being has
strong indications for practical quality
improvements that promote maternal convenience
and comfort.
Research Question Two
The post intervention result reveals that there was
improvement in the mothers’ psychological
well-being in areas of environmental mastery,
acceptance of the situation and positive relation
with others. This may be connected with the fact

that most mothers want to be supported
psychologically during the admission of their
neonates. The support most times always assists
the mothers in coping with the period.
This finding was corroborated by Ilana, et al.,
(2014) who opined that supportive nursing
intervention approaches for mothers of neonates in
the NICU have been revealed to reduce emotional
stress and other psychological trauma they
experience and is effective in improving their
psychological well-being.
The result from pre and post-intervention
assessment of the psychological well-being of the
participants was seen to improve in all the
components from environmental mastery,
acceptance of the situation to positive relations
with others. Majority (92.3%) of the participants
became stable psychologically in the area of
environmental mastery after the supportive nursing
intervention as compared to low (65.4%) of the
pre-intervention. This improvement in the area of
environmental mastery may not be unconnected to
the right information to the equipment being used
for their babies, how they can cope with the
environment and helping them to accept new
challenges with good fate. This is in support of the
study by Lindberg and Ohrling (2009)who found
that emotional support from family members,
cultural background and belief, and medical team
giving needed information to mothers about their
neonates helps them in their ability to manage the
challenge that comes with hospitalization of their
neonates (53.8% became normal psychologically

while 38.5% became high psychologically). This
finding is in agreement with the study by
Heydarpour, et al., (2017) who found out that
social support and interaction with healthcare
providers played a critical role in adjustment to
new motherhood in a NICU environment. This
finding is also supported by the findings of Stacey,
Osborn and Salkovskis (2015) where it was
discovered that NICU environments and maternal
well-being has strong indications for practical
quality improvements that promote maternal
convenience when manipulated.
The improvement in the psychological well-being
of the participants in this study is also supported by
the findings in a study conducted by
Ntswane-Lebang and Khoza (2010) on mothers’
experiences of caring for very low birth weight
premature infants in one public Hospital in
Johannesburg, South Africa, mothers were found
to improve psychologically after receiving
emotional support and information to cope with the
psychological challenge that came with admission
of their neonates. This is also supported by the
study of Hima, Rima, Sridhar and Earnest (2018),
on how activity based group therapy can reduce
maternal anxiety in the NICU, it was concluded that
anxiety in mothers of neonates admitted in the
NICU has been associated with adverse neonatal
and parenting outcomes. Intervention to reduce
anxiety levels in mothers in the NICU was given
and anxiety levels were assessed before and after
every group session. Their anxiety level was
significantly lower in the post-test, when compared
to the pre-test. Also the number of mothers
suffering from moderate to severe anxiety and the

anxiety scores in the post-test were significantly
lower after the intervention.
Vhlqvist-biorkroth, et al., (2016) in their study on
mothers of preterm neonates commonly experience
separation from their neonate or exclusion from
their role as primary caregivers during the hospital
care of their neonate, observed that close
collaboration with mother intervention to improve
their communicating with caregivers in neonatal
intensive care units (NICU) was developed to
increase their presence and participation into
neonate care, and to improve mother-neonate
bonding and, thereby, mothers’ psychological
well-being and later child development. The result
by Lindberg and Ohrling (2009) also supports the
findings of this study that emotional support from
family members, cultural background and belief,
and medical team giving needed information to
mothers about their neonates helps them in their
ability to manage the challenge that comes with
hospitalization of their neonates thereby improving
the psychological well-being of the mothers.
Also, according to Barr (2015) in his study of Guilt,
shame and fear of death predict neonatal intensive
care unit-related parental distress, he generated

some ways by which mothers adopt in coping with
admission of their neonates which has improved the
psychological well-being of the mothers. The study
conducted by Rachel, Lean, Cynthia, Rogers,
Rachel, Paul and Emily (2018), revealed that
supportive nursing interventions given to mothers
of neonates admitted to the neonatal intensive care
unit (NICU) who experience psychological
distress, loss of the parenting role, and disruptions
to mother-infant bonding demonstrated consistent
links with later maternal mental well-being,
sensitive parenting behaviors, and children’s
cognitive and socio-emotional development.
Conclusion
Supportive nursing intervention has positive effect
on the psychological well-being of mothers whose
neonates were admitted to NICU. The
improvements in the mothers’ psychological
well-being in this study shows that the mothers
now have a sense of mastery and competence in
managing the environment, controls complex
arrays of external activities, possess a positive
attitude towards self, have warm satisfying,
trusting relation with others and also understand
give and take of human relationship. Nurses play
major roles in ensuring that the mothers are
psychologically stable throughout the period of
admission. The study highlighted the importance
of supportive nursing intervention to improve the
psychological well-being of mothers.
Recommendations

Based on the findings from this study, the
researcher recommended the following:
1. Health professionals especially nurses should
always assess the psychological well-being of
mothers of admitted neonates.
2. Policies should be made in the different NICU
so that adequate and needed care particularly
psychological support can be given to the mothers
of these admitted neonates.
3. Mothers should be allowed to see their
neonate anytime and allow them cuddle them as
need arise as this might improve their
psychological well-being particularly in the area of
positive relation with others.
4. Mothers should be accommodated in a
favourable environment so that the psychological
well-being of mothers in the area of environmental
mastery can be sustained.
5. Psychologists can be involved in the health
care setting particularly in caring for the patients’
relatives like these mothers.
6. The health care team particularly Nurses
should be prepared to support the mothers
psychologically and also be prepared to answer
repeated /frequent questions that bothers them
psychologically.
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Essay Prompt
Compare James Porter’s “Olmec Colossal Heads as Recarved
Thrones” (1989) to
Claude François Baudez’s
“Beauty and Ugliness in Olmec Monumental Sculpture”
(2012).Both Porter and Baudez
advance ideas about Olmec colossal heads.Summarize their
hypotheses briefly in your
own words and without quotation. Most of your essay should be
devoted to an analysis
of the evidence used by both authors.Whose argument do you
find more persuasive
and why? Employ critical analysis skills to address Porter’s and
Baudez’s work. While
preparing your essay,remember that “critical analysis” refers to
the dissection of an
argument. Critical analysis is notbased on writing style nor on
belief, but on reason.The
essay should have an introductory paragraph containing your
thesis statement, and a
closing paragraph with a summary of your conclusion(s).
Paper outline:

I. Introduction:
A. Brief description of colossal heads (include date, period
name, sites)
B. Authors 1 argues______
C. Authors 2 argues_________
D. Thesis: I will argue that author ___ is stronger
because____________
II. Body 1
A. Summary of two of the author’s thesis.
III.Body 2
A. Author 1 argues_______
B. (Be critical; provide evidence, why and why not)
IV.Body 3
A. Author 2 argues_______
V. Body 4
A. I argue ____________ because______
B. Compare and contrast two articles.
VI.Conclusion:
A. Restate the thesis
B. Summarize the evidence
C. No New material.

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