CHRISTOPHER PETERSON, NANSOOK PARK and MARTINE.P. SELIGMAN

CHRISTOPHER PETERSON, NANSOOK PARK and MARTIN
E.P. SELIGMAN
ORIENTATIONS TO HAPPINESS AND LIFE
SATISFACTION: THE FULL LIFE VERSUS THE
EMPTY LIFE
ABSTRACT. Different orientations to happiness and their
association with
life satisfaction were investigated with 845 adults responding to
Internet sur-
veys. We measured life satisfaction and the endorsement of
three different ways
to be happy: through pleasure, through engagement, and through
meaning.
Each of these three orientations individually predicted life
satisfaction. People
simultaneously low on all three orientations reported especially
low life satis-
faction. These findings point the way toward a distinction
between the full life
and the empty life.
KEY WORDS: empty life, eudemonia, flow, full life, hedonism,
life satisfac-
tion, meaning
INTRODUCTION
Philosophers and psychologists have long been concerned with

the good life and how it can be achieved (Guignon, 1999;
Russell,
1930, 1945). Often they propose a sovereign principle to be fol-
lowed in order to be happy. So, the doctrine of hedonism –
maximizing pleasure and minimizing pain – was articulated
thousands of years ago by Aristuppus (435–366 BCE) who
championed immediate sensory gratification (Watson, 1895).
Hedonism was elaborated by Epicurus (342–270 BCE) into the
edict of ethical hedonism, which holds that our fundamental
moral obligation is to maximize our experience of pleasure.
Early
Christian philosophers denounced hedonism as inconsistent with
the goal of avoiding sin, but Renaissance philosophers such as
Erasmus (1466–1536) and Thomas Moore (1478–1535) argued
that it was God’s wish that people be happy, so long as they
did not become preoccupied with ‘‘artificial’’ ways of achiev-
ing pleasure. Later British philosophers like David Hume
Journal of Happiness Studies (2005) 6:25–41 � Springer 2005
DOI 10.1007/s10902-004-1278-z
(1711–1776) and Jeremy Bentham (1748–1832) used the
doctrine
of hedonism to lay the foundation for utilitarianism, which was
ushered into psychology as the underpinning of psychoanalysis
and all but the most radical of the behaviorisms. Hedonism is
alive and well today in the name of a new field – hedonic psy-
chology (Kahneman et al., 1999). At least in the modern
Western
world, the pursuit of pleasure is widely endorsed as a way to
achieve satisfaction: ‘‘Don’t worry – be happy.’’
Standing in contrast to hedonism is another venerable tradition
that can be traced to Aristotle’s (384–322 BCE) notion of eude-

monia – being true to one’s inner self (demon). According to
this
view, true happiness entails identifying one’s virtues,
cultivating
them, and living in accordance with them (Aristotle, 2000).
Aristotle considered sensual pleasure as touted by the hedonists
to
be vulgar. Similar positions were advanced by John Stuart Mill
(1806–1873) and Bertrand Russell (1872–1970) and undergird
more modern psychological notions such as Rogers’ (1951)
ideal
of the fully-functioning person, Maslow’s (1970) concept of
self-
actualization, Ryff and Singer’s (1996) vision of psychological
well-being, and Deci and Ryan’s (2000) self-determination
theory.
Uniting eudemonic emphases is the premise that people should
develop what is best within themselves and then use these skills
and talents in the service of greater goods – including in
particular
the welfare of other people or humankind writ large. Again, in
the
modern world, the pursuit of a meaningful life is widely
endorsed
as a way to achieve satisfaction: ‘‘Be all that you can be,’’ and
‘‘Make a difference.’’
As implied, different psychological traditions have respec-
tively addressed these two principles of achieving satisfaction.
Often these traditions have proceeded independently from
one another, with confusion introduced by the tendency of
those working within each tradition to claim ‘‘happiness’’ as a
label for their subject matter and to deny – if only implicitly –
its
use by those in the other camp

1
. Sometimes the debate becomes
explicit, and we see investigators playing off the merits of
pleasure
and meaning as routes to the psychological good life (e.g.,
Compton et al., 1996; Waterman, 1993). Research suggests that
both points of view can be supported by data (Ryan and Deci,
2000).
CHRISTOPHER PETERSON ET AL.26
We extend this line of work by simultaneously examining the
pursuit of pleasure and the pursuit of meaning as different
routes
to happiness. The unique contribution of our research is to con-
sider a third orientation to happiness: the pursuit of engagement
(Seligman, 2002). Here we have been influenced by
Csikszentmihalyi’s (1990) writings on flow: the psychological
state
that accompanies highly engaging activities. Time passes
quickly.
Attention is focused on the activity. The sense of self is lost.
The
aftermath of the flow experience is invigorating.
In his studies of eudemonia, Waterman (1993) initially equated
the flow state with eudemonia (which he termed personal
expressiveness) but then concluded from his data that flow rep-
resented an ‘‘amalgam’’ of hedonic and eudemonic features. We
suggest instead that flow is distinct. Flow is not the same as
sensual pleasure. Indeed, flow is nonemotional and arguably
nonconscious. People may describe flow as enjoyable, but this
is

an after-the fact summary judgment; ‘‘joy’’ is not immediately
present during the activity itself. So, flow differs from
hedonism,
in which positive emotional experience is front-and-center
(Csikszentmihalyi, 1999). At least at any given point in time,
flow
and pleasure may even be incompatible.
Although the pursuit of a meaningful life can at times produce
flow for some individuals – e.g., those volunteering in a hospice
or
a soup kitchen – not all flow-producing activities are
meaningful
in the sense of connecting an individual to a greater good (con-
sider playing bridge or Scrabble), and not all meaningful
activities
entail the total absorption that defines flow. For example, each
of
us does committee work at our university. At its best, this work
is
meaningful, but we have yet to lose ourselves in its
performance.
We report here an empirical investigation of these three ways of
being happy. The following questions guided our inquiry:
• Are these three orientations to happiness empirically distin-
guishable individual differences;
• Is an orientation to pleasure incompatible with an orientation
to engagement, as implied by the characterization of the
flow state as noncognitive and nonemotional, or is it possible
for the same person to pursue these different ways of being
happy;
FULL LIFE VERSUS EMPTY LIFE 27

• Do these three orientations each contribute to life satisfaction,
or are some more important than others; and
• Are there interactions between or among these orientations
with respect to life satisfaction; that is, does their joint pres -
ence predict more life satisfaction than expected from the
individual components, and, conversely, does their joint ab-
sence predict less than expected life satisfaction?
METHOD
Participants
Research participants were two groups of adult volunteers who
completed measures on-line. During initial instrument develop-
ment, 180 respondents participated, and for the main study, 845
respondents participated. Demographic characteristics of these
two samples are summarized in Table I.
Measures
Orientations to Happiness
To develop the Orientations to Happiness measure used in this
study, 12 face-valid items reflecting each of the three
orientations
were initially drafted by the authors and refined in a focus
group
of college students (n ¼ 15) enrolled in a positive psychology
class
at the University of Pennsylvania. Each item required a respon-
dent to answer on a 5-point scale the degree to which the item
applied (‘‘1 ¼ very much unlike me’’ through ‘‘5 ¼ very much
like

me’’). Items tapping pleasure and meaning resemble those used
in
previous research contrasting hedonic versus eudemonic
orienta-
tions (cf. King and Napa, 1998; McGregor and Little, 1998).
Items measuring engagement were based on Csikszentmihalyi’s
(1990) characterization of the flow state as self-less absorption
in
ongoing activity.
Along with demographic questions, the initial 36-item Orien-
tations to Happiness measure was placed on the Internet and
completed by participants in the instrument development sample
(n ¼ 180). Internal consistencies of the three subscales formed
by
averaging the respective items, were satisfactory (pleasure
a ¼ 0.84, flow a ¼ 0.77, and meaning a ¼ 0.88) and exceeded
the
TABLE I
Demographic characteristics of samples
Instrument
development
sample (n = 180) (%)
Main sample
(n = 845) (%)

Age (years)
18–20 27 15
21–24 15 10
25–34 18 19
35–44 17 21
45–54 16 24
55–64 6 8
65+ 1 3
Gender
Male 38 28
Female 62 72
Education
<High school 1 1
High school graduate 5 9
Some college 44 31
Associates degree 5 6
Baccalaureate 17 24
>Baccalaureate 28 29
Marital status
Married/living as 31 45
Single 58 39
Widowed 1 1
Divorced 10 15
Ethnicity
African American 4 3
Asian American 3 3
Latino/a 3 2
White 82 86
Other 8 6
U.S. citizen 76 85

Town of residence
Farm 1 1
Country 6 12
Suburban 19 26
Small city (<50 K) 16 17
Medium city (<100 K) 15 15
subscale intercorrelations, which nonetheless were of moderate
magnitude (mean r ¼ 0.51). These results suggested that the
three
orientations to happiness are distinguishable but related.
To sharpen the distinctions among the subscales, the six items
in each subscale with the highest item-total correlations were
chosen, and a revised 18-item measure was created and placed
online along with demographic questions to be completed by
participants in the main study (n ¼ 845). The revised version of
this scale is presented in Table II. Subscale means were
calculated
by averaging the relevant items.
Satisfaction With Life Scale (SWLS) (Diener et al., 1985)
The SWLS consists of five items which measure the
individual’s
evaluation of satisfaction with life in general (e.g., ‘‘I am
satisfied
with my life,’’ and ‘‘If I could live my life over, I would change
almost nothing’’). Respondents select one of seven options
(ranging from ‘‘strongly disagree’’ to ‘‘strongly agree’’) for
each
question. Responses were averaged to provide a total life satis -
faction score. Research has established acceptable psychometric

properties for the SWLS (Diener, 1994). In the current study,
the
SWLS was skewed toward the right, meaning that most respon-
dents were relatively happy (cf. Diener and Diener, 1996; Myers
and Diener, 1995).
Procedure
All measures were placed online at
www.positivepsychology.org/
strengths along with demographic questions (age; gender;
Table I. (Continued)
Instrument
development
sample (n = 180) (%)
Main sample
(n = 845) (%)
Large city (<500 K) 16 16
Very large city (>500 K) 27 13
Political leaning
(1 = liberal,
7 = conservative)
M = 3.55
(SD = 1.85)
M = 3.37
(SD = 1.84)

TABLE II
Orientations to happiness subscale items and factor loadings (n
= 845)
Eigenvalue Factor 1 Factor 2 Factor 3
4.96 2.80 1.60
% of variance 28 16 9
Life of meaning
02. My life serves a
higher purpose.
0.75 0.01 0.08
05. In choosing what to do,
I always take into account
whether it will benefit
other people.
0.54 0.01 0.32
11. I have a responsibility
to make the world a better place.
0.79 )0.01 0.05
12. My life has a lasting meaning. 0.82 0.01 0.17
14. What I do matters to society. 0.73 0.01 0.11
17. I have spent a lot of time

thinking about what life means
and how I fit into its big picture.
0.57 0.11 0.01
Life of pleasure
03. Life is too short to postpone
the pleasures it can provide.
0.22 0.68 0.12
08. I go out of my way
to feel euphoric.
0.12 0.60 0.36
13. In choosing what to do,
I always take into account
whether it will be pleasurable.
0.00 0.75 0.01
15. I agree with this statement:
‘‘Life is short – eat dessert first.’’
)0.01 0.71 )0.01
16. I love to do things
that excite my senses.
0.16 0.74 0.01
18. For me, the good life
is the pleasurable life.
)0.01 0.79 0.00

Life of engagement
01. Regardless of what I
am doing, time passes
very quickly.
0.23 0.00 0.48
04. I seek out situations
that challenge my
skills and abilities.
0.40 0.12 0.51
06. Whether at work or
play, I am usually ‘‘in a zone’’
and not conscious of myself.
0.00 0.01 0.75
education; marital status; ethnicity; U.S. citizenship; size of
one’s
town of residence, from 1 ¼ farm through 7 ¼ very large city;
and
liberal-versus-conservative political leaning assessed by a
single 7-
point scale, from 1 ¼ liberal to 7 ¼ conservative). On the first
page of the web site, a short description of the study including
its
purpose and its approximate time commitment was provided.

This web site also includes other psychological measures and
provides individualized feedback about an individual’s top
scores
on these other measures upon completion of all measures (feed-
back on the Orientations to Happiness measure was not pro-
vided). The feedback feature is apparently attractive to potential
respondents and may explain why we did not need to advertise
the
survey. To preserve respondent anonymity, we did not track
how
individuals came across our survey on the Internet. They may
have learned about it by following a link on the Positive Psy-
chology Webpage, by following links on other webpages, or by
hearing about it from previous respondents or from our media
interviews.
According to a recent study of Internet users by the UCLA
Center for Communication Policy (Lebo, 2003), more than 70%
of Americans use the Internet. Although certain limitations
exist,
Internet surveys provide researchers with the opportunities to
recruit efficiently large and diverse samples at relatively little
cost
(Birnbaum, 2000, 2004; Kraut et al., 2004; Schonlau et al.,
2002).
Table II. (Continued)
Eigenvalue Factor 1 Factor 2 Factor 3
4.96 2.80 1.60
% of variance 28 16 9
07. I am always very
absorbed in what I do.

0.13 0.01 0.78
09. In choosing what to
do, I always take into account
whether I can lose myself in it.
0.16 0.41 0.49
10. I am rarely distracted by
what is going on around me.
0.12 0.00 0.61
Note: Numbers in front of items correspond to order in the final
Orientations
to Happiness measure. Entries in bold represent the factor on
which item
loaded most highly.
RESULTS
For the main sample (n ¼ 845), a principal components analysis
of the 18 items in the revised Orientations to Happiness
measure,
using varimax rotation, provided strong support for the a priori
assumption that it assessed three different orientations to the
good life. Three factors were identified with eigen-values
greater
than 1.00, and each of the 18 items loaded most strongly on a
factor along with the other items intended to assess the same
orientation (Table II). Consistent with this analysis, internal
consistencies of the three subscales were satisfactory and

exceeded
the scale intercorrelations (Table III). Subscale means, created
by
averaging the appropriate items, could range from 1 to 5. Each
had a slight skew. Nevertheless, each subscale yielded a range
of
scores.
There were no significant demographic variations in life satis-
faction other than being married (Table III). However, several
TABLE III
Intercorrelations among measures (n = 845)
Pleasure Engagement Meaning Life
satisfaction
Pleasure –
Engagement 0.31* –
Meaning 0.18* 0.46* –
Life satisfaction 0.17* 0.30* 0.26* –
Age )0.22* 0.07 0.00 )0.09
Gender (1 = male, 2 = female) 0.09 )0.06 )0.03 0.06
Politics (1 = conservative,
7 = liberal)
)0.02 )0.08 )0.10 )0.05
Education )0.19* 0.05 0.08 )0.01
Married (0 = no, 1 = yes) )0.17* 0.01 )0.03 0.17*
Home town size 0.07 0.05 0.05 )0.05
White (0 = no, 1 = yes) )0.07 )0.11 )0.18* )0.06
U.S. citizen (0 = no, 1 = yes) )0.03 )0.10 )0.08 0.01
M 3.20 3.05 3.42 4.93

SD 0.84 0.72 0.88 1.37
a 0.82 0.72 0.82 0.90
Skew )0.09 0.08 )0.32 )0.73
* p < 0.001.
modest demographic correlates of the Orientations to Happi -
ness subscales were found. Those who were younger, less
educated, or unmarried were somewhat higher in their endorse-
ment of an orientation to pleasure – as Aristotle might have
predicted. Ethnic minorities, chiefly African Americans and
Asian
Americans, scored somewhat higher than Whites on orientation
to meaning.
Considered individually, each of the orientations to happiness
predicted life satisfaction, from small (pleasure) to moderate
(engagement, meaning) degrees (Table III). A hierarchical mul -
tiple regression predicting life satisfaction was then computed
TABLE IV
Hierarchical multiple regression predicting life satisfaction (n =
845)
b
Step 1
Age )0.17*
Education 0.01
Gender (1 = male, 2 = female) 0.08**
Politics (1 = conservative, 7 = liberal) )0.05
Home town size )0.06

U.S. citizen (0 = no, 1 = yes) 0.02
Married (0 = no, 1 = yes) 0.24*
White (0 = no, 1 = yes) )0.01
R
2
= 0.066**
Step 2
Pleasure )0.11**
Engagement )0.24*
Meaning )0.17*
DR2 = 0.116*
Step 3
Pleasure · engagement )0.04
Pleasure · meaning )0.03
Meaning · engagement 0.00
DR2 = 0.004
Step 4
Pleasure · engagement · meaning )2.50**
DR2 = 0.006**
Note: Predictors in steps 1 and 2 were normalized (see text). b
weights are for
the final model.
* p < 0.001; ** p < 0.05.
(Table IV), entering in the first step the demographic variables
(age, education, gender [1 ¼ male, 2 ¼ female], marital status

[married ¼ 1 or not ¼ 0], politics [1 ¼ conservative, 7 ¼
liberal],
US citizenship [yes ¼ 1 or no ¼ 1], size of home town [1 ¼
farm,
7 ¼ very large city], and ethnicity [White ¼ 1 versus not ¼ 0]),
in
the second step by the subscales measuring the three
orientations
to happiness, in the third step the two-way product terms
between the orientations (i.e., all possible pairs of three orienta -
tions), and in the last step the three-way product (pleasure ·
engagement · meaning).
Following the guidelines of Aiken and West (1991), we
centered the predictors in the first two blocks by normalizing
them and computed interactions by multiplying the relevant
normalized scores, but we did not center these product terms or
the criterion. Multicollinearity diagnostics were well within
acceptable limits. The overall regression was significant
(R
2 ¼ 0.19, F [15,829]¼13.15, p < 0.001). Above and beyond the
influence of demographic variables, the ‘‘main’’ effects of the
three
orientations (all of which were significant predictors in the final
model), and the two-way interactions (none of which was statis-
tically significant), the three-way interaction – entered in the
last
step – was statistically significant, although small in its
absolute
effect.
We therefore limited our attention to the three-way interaction.
To interpret it, we grouped the respondents in various ways on
each of the three subscales (e.g., low versus high, low versus
medium versus high, quartiles, quintiles, deciles, and so on) and

graphed life satisfaction scores as a joint function of these
groupings. No matter how we grouped the respondents, the same
patterns emerged: (a) somewhat higher life satisfaction scores
for
respondents simultaneously near the top of all three
Orientations
to Happiness subscales; and (b) notably lower life satisfaction
scores for respondents simultaneously near the bottom of all
three
subscales. Figure 1 is a representative composite, where respon-
dents simultaneously low on all three orientations (who have
what
might be called the ‘‘Empty Life’’) reported the least life satis-
faction, whereas those simultaneously high on all three orienta-
tions (who have what can be identified as the ‘‘Full Life’’)
reported the greatest life satisfaction.
DISCUSSION
Drawing on past theory and research, we distinguished three
possible orientations to happiness (Seligman, 2002). The
present
study found that these orientations are distinguishable, that
they are not incompatible and thus able to be pursued simulta-
neously, and that each is individually associated with life satis -
faction. As previous research has shown, either hedonism or
eudemonia can accompany a satisfying life, and so too can
engagement.
Our interest was in people’s endorsement of these orientatio ns
to happiness, and we did not ascertain whether those who said
they believe in pursuing pleasure actually have more sensually

gratifying experiences than those who do not, whether those
who
supported engagement as an orientation to happiness more fre-
quently lose themselves in highly absorbing activities, or
whether
those who agreed with items reflecting a life of meaning are
more
likely to perform service to others. We intend to pursue such
questions in further research, using a version of Waterman’s
Figure 1. Mean life satisfaction scores along the continuum of
the empty life
versus the full life. Groups were created by identifying
respondents simulta-
neously in the top 90% of each of the three subscales,
simultaneously in the top
80% of each, and so on.
(1993) procedure that asks respondents to report on ‘‘activities
of
importance’’ and their features.
We also intend to study these orientations and their relation-
ship to life satisfaction over time. We assume that given orien-
tations shape conduct and thereby produce more or less
happiness, but the cross-sectional design of the present study
does
not allow this notion to be tested. In particular, we need to
investigate the alternative interpretation of our data that a satis-
fying life leads to a diverse behavioral repertoire that includes
pleasurable, engaging, and meaningful activities (cf.
Fredrickson,

2001). Although only trends in the present sample, we found it
interesting that the respondents with the fullest life were more
likely than those in other groups to be older, to be married, and
to
be more highly educated – all factors that arguably open doors
to
diverse and satisfying experiences.
The present research nonetheless extends theory in several
ways,
suggesting in particular that an orientation to engagement
differs
from orientations to pleasure or to meaning. Also, an orientation
to pleasure is not as strong an individual predictor of life satis -
faction as orientations to engagement or to meaning. But neither
is
pleasure irrelevant to life satisfaction, because it represents
value
added to a life rich in engagement and meaning and value sub-
tracted from a life deficient in these respects. The Full Life as
we
have defined it predicts life satisfaction somewhat beyond the
sum
of its parts, and the Empty Life predicts notably less.
Many psychologists who study pleasure seem unconvinced that
it can be increased, positing a genetically influenced set point
of
affectivity to which most of us return following hedonically
laden
experiences, either good or bad (Brickman and Campbell, 1971;
Kahneman, 1999). Perhaps the immutability of our ability to
experience pleasure explains why its pursuit can be futile
(Csikszentmihalyi, 1999). In contrast, a life of engagement
seems more under deliberate control (Massimini and Delle Fave,
2000), as does a life of meaning (Frankl, 1963). As positive

psy-
chology turns its attention to interventions that cultivate the
good
life, perhaps interventions that target engagement and meaning
will prove most fruitful (Linley and Joseph, in press). However,
we would not want to rule out all attempts to increase pleasure,
and perhaps the way to boost pleasure is to follow one
implication
of the present results that pleasure-enhancing techniques like
savoring be incorporated into those that increase engagement
and
meaning (Linville and Fischer, 1991). Perhaps increased
pleasure
can occur as a happy by-product of such interventions.
Besides our cross-sectional design, let us note an additional
limitation of our research, specifically our strategy of obtaining
research participants. Although increasingly common in psycho-
logical research, samples obtained from the World Wide Web
are
often criticized because of the special characteristics of respon-
dents. Individuals need to have access to a computer and the
ability to use it. They need to be interested enough to spend
time
answering questions. But contrast our web sample with those
obtained from typical psychology subject pools and ask which
provides a sounder basis for generalization. Our respondents
ranged across the adult years and different levels of formal edu-
cation. Men and women were represented. Many were married.
They lived in all parts of the United States or came from many
different countries. Our main sample included more than 100

(14%) non-White respondents. Respondents fell at all points
along the conservative-liberal political spectrum. Without bela-
boring the point, we observe that Internet samples are at least as
diverse as those recruited from psychology subject pool samples
at
colleges or universities (Birnbaum, 2000, 2004; Kraut et al.,
2004;
Lebo, 2003; Lenhart, 2000; Schonlau et al., 2002).
Many of the individuals who simultaneously scored low on all
three orientations were likely depressed, anxious, or otherwise
distressed. These are the people that clinical psychology has
studied for 50 years, grouping everyone else together as
‘‘normal’’
(Seligman and Csikszentmihalyi, 2000). We suggest that a dis-
tinction can be made along the continuum from the mere normal
to the supernormal. Investigating those people who have partic-
ularly high life satisfaction may well reveal ways of improving
the
well-being of all of us (Diener and Seligman, 2002).
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
We acknowledge the support of the Manuel D. and Rhoda
Mayerson Foundation in creating the Values in Action Institute,
a nonprofit organization dedicated to the development of a sci -
entific knowledge base of human strengths. Address correspon-
dence to Christopher Peterson, Department of Psychology,
University of Michigan, 525 East University, Ann Arbor, MI
48109-1109; [email protected]
NOTES

1
In the present paper, we use ‘‘happiness’’ in its broadest sense
to include
hedonic features but also fulfillment and contentment (cf.
Myers, 1992; Selig-
man, 2002). We follow Diener’s (1984) lead in defining ‘‘life
satisfaction’’ as a
summary appraisal of the quality of one’s life regardless of how
it is achieved
(cf. Pavot and Diener, 1993).
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Address for Correspondence:
CHRISTOPHER PETERSON
Department of Psychology
University of Michigan
525 East University
Ann Arbor, MI 48109-1109
U.S.A
E-mail: [email protected]

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