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Title: The New English Canaan of Thomas Morton with
Introductory Matter and Notes
Author: Thomas Morton
Editor: Charles Francis Adams
Release date: February 14, 2017 [eBook #54162]
Most recently updated: October 23, 2024
Language: English
Credits: E-text prepared by Henry Flower and the Online
Distributed Proofreading Team (http://www.pgdp.net)
from page images generously made available by
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NEW
ENGLISH CANAAN OF THOMAS MORTON WITH INTRODUCTORY
MATTER AND NOTES ***](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/21663-250321062327-38f6b0dd/85/Clinical-Psychology-Science-Practice-and-Culture-4th-Edition-Pomerantz-Test-Bank-22-320.jpg)
![MORTON OF MERRY-MOUNT.
In the second book of his history of Plymouth Plantation, Governor
Bradford, while dealing with the events of the year 1628 though
writing at a still later period, says:—
“Aboute some three or four years before this time, ther
came over one Captaine Wolastone (a man of pretie
parts), and with him three or four more of some
eminencie, who brought with them a great many servants,
with provisions and other implaments for to begine a
plantation; and pitched themselves in a place within the
Massachusets, which they called, after their Captains
name, Mount-Wollaston. Amongst whom was one Mr.
Morton, who, it should seeme, had some small adventure
(of his owne or other mens) amongst them.”[1]
There is no other known record of Wollaston than that contained in
this passage of Bradford.[2] His given name even is not mentioned.
It may be surmised with tolerable certainty that he was one of the
numerous traders, generally from Bristol or the West of England,
who frequented the fishing grounds and the adjacent American](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/21663-250321062327-38f6b0dd/85/Clinical-Psychology-Science-Practice-and-Culture-4th-Edition-Pomerantz-Test-Bank-34-320.jpg)
![Charles, and the region back of that as far west as Concord and
Sudbury, including Lynn and the most thickly inhabited portions of
the present county of Middlesex.
Reaching New England, however, late in the season, Gorges’s first
anxiety was to secure shelter for his party against the impending
winter, for the frosts had already begun. Fortunately the few savages
thereabouts had been warned by Governor Bradford not to injure
the Wessagusset buildings, and thus they afforded a welcome
shelter to the newcomers. These were people of a very different
class from those who had preceded them. Among them were men of
education, and some of them were married and had brought their
wives. Their settlement proved a permanent one. Robert Gorges, it
is true, the next spring returned to England disgusted and
discouraged, taking back with him a portion of his followers. Others
of them went on to Virginia in search of a milder climate and a more
fertile soil. A few, however, remained at Wessagusset,[3] and are
repeatedly referred to by Morton in the New Canaan[4] as his
neighbors at that place.
When, therefore, Wollaston sailed into the bay in the early summer
of 1625, its shores were not wholly unoccupied. His party consisted
of himself and some three or four partners, with thirty or more
servants, as they were called, or men who had sold their time for a
period of years to an employer, and who stood in the relation to him
of apprentice to master. Rasdall, according to Bradford, was the
name of one of the partners, and Fitcher would seem to have been
that of another. Thomas Morton, the author of the New English
Canaan, was a third.
Not much more is known of Morton’s life prior to his coming to
America than of Wollaston’s. He had certainly an education of that
sort which was imparted in the schools of the Elizabethan period, for
he had a smattering knowledge of the more familiar Latin authors at
least, and was fond of classic allusion. Governor Dudley, in his letter
to the Countess of Lincoln, says that while in England he was an
attorney in “the west countries.”[5] He further intimates that he had](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/21663-250321062327-38f6b0dd/85/Clinical-Psychology-Science-Practice-and-Culture-4th-Edition-Pomerantz-Test-Bank-36-320.jpg)
![there been implicated in some foul misdemeanor, on account of
which warrants were out against him. Nathaniel Morton in his
Memorial[6] says that the crime thus referred to was the killing of a
partner concerned with him, Thomas Morton, in his first New
England venture. Thomas Wiggin, however, writing in 1632 to Sir
John Cooke, one of King Charles’s secretaries for foreign affairs and
a member of the Privy Council, states, upon the authority of
Morton’s “wife’s sonne and others,” that he had fled to New England
“upon a foule suspition of murther.”[7] While, therefore, it would
seem that grave charges were in general circulation against Morton,
connecting him with some deed of violence, it is necessary to bear in
mind that considerable allowance must be made before any
accusation against him can be accepted on the word of either the
Massachusetts or the Plymouth authorities, or those in sympathy
with them. Yet Morton was a reckless man, and he lived in a time
when no great degree of sanctity attached to human life; so that in
itself there is nothing very improbable in this charge. It is possible
that before coming to America he may have put some one out of the
way. Nevertheless, as will presently be seen, though he was
subsequently arrested and in jail in England, the accusation never
took any formal shape. That he was at some time married would
appear from the letter of Wiggin already referred to, and the
allusions in the New Canaan show that he had been a man
passionately fond of field sports, and a good deal of a traveller as
well. He speaks, for instance, of having been “bred in so genious a
way” that in England he had the common use of hawks in fowling;
and, in another place, he alludes to his having been so near the
equator that “I have had the sun for my zenith.”[8] On the titlepage
of his book he describes himself as “of Cliffords Inne gent.,” which of
course he would not have ventured to do had he not really been
what he there claimed to be; for at the time the New Canaan was
published he was living in London and apparently one of the
attorneys of the Council for New England.[9] Bradford, speaking from
memory, fell into an error, therefore, when he described him as a
“kind of petie-fogger of Furnefells Inne.”[10] That in 1625 he was a](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/21663-250321062327-38f6b0dd/85/Clinical-Psychology-Science-Practice-and-Culture-4th-Edition-Pomerantz-Test-Bank-37-320.jpg)
![man of some means is evident from the fact that he owned an
interest in the Wollaston venture; though here again Bradford takes
pains to say that the share he represented (“of his owne or other
mens”) was small, and that he himself had so little respect amongst
the rest that he was slighted by even the meanest servants.
In all probability this was not Morton’s first visit to Massachusetts
Bay. Indeed, he was comparatively familiar with it, having already
passed one season on its shores. His own statement, at the
beginning of the first chapter of the second book of the Canaan,
seems to be conclusive on this point. He there says: “In the month
of June, Anno Salutis 1622, it was my chance to arrive in the parts
of New England with thirty servants, and provision of all sorts fit for
a plantation; and, while our houses were building, I did endeavor to
take a survey of the country.”[11] There was but one ship which
arrived in New England in June, 1622, and that was the Charity;[12]
and the Charity brought out Weston’s party, which settled at
Wessagusset, answering in every respect to Morton’s description of
the party he came with. Andrew Weston, a younger brother of the
chief promoter of the enterprise, had then come in charge of it, and
is described as having been “a heady yong man and violente.”[13]
After leaving Weston’s company at Plymouth, the Charity went on to
Virginia, but returned from there early in October, going it would
seem directly to Boston Bay and Wessagusset.[14] One part of the
colonists had then been there three months, and it was during those
three months that Morton apparently took the survey of the country
to which he refers. As the Wessagusset plantation was now left
under the charge of Richard Greene, it would seem that young
Weston went back to England in the Charity, and the inference is
that Morton, who had come out as his companion, went back with
him.
In any event, the impression produced on Morton by this first visit to
New England was a strong and favorable one. It looked to him a
land of plenty, a veritable New Canaan. Accordingly, he gave vent to
his enthusiasm in the warm language of the first chapter of his](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/21663-250321062327-38f6b0dd/85/Clinical-Psychology-Science-Practice-and-Culture-4th-Edition-Pomerantz-Test-Bank-38-320.jpg)
![second book.[15] With the subsequent fate of Weston’s party he
seems to have had no connection. He must at the time have heard
of it, and was doubtless aware of the evil reputation that company
left behind. This would perfectly account for the fact that he never
mentions his having himself had anything to do with it. Yet it may be
surmised that he returned to England possessed with the idea of
connecting himself with some enterprise, either Weston’s or another,
organized to make a settlement on the shores of Boston Bay and
there to open a trade in furs. He had then had no experience of a
New England winter; though, for that matter, when he afterwards
had repeated experiences of it, they in no way changed his views of
the country. To the last, apparently, he thought of it as he first saw it
during the summer and early autumn of 1622, when it was a green
fresh wilderness, nearly devoid of inhabitants and literally alive with
game.
News of the utter failure of Weston’s enterprise must have reached
London in the early summer of 1623. Whether Morton was in any
way personally affected thereby does not appear, though from his
allusions to Weston’s treatment by Robert Gorges at Plymouth,
during the winter of 1623-4, it is not at all improbable that he was.
[16] During the following year (1624) he is not heard of; but early in
1625 he had evidently succeeded in effecting some sort of a
combination which resulted in the Wollaston expedition.
The partners in this enterprise would seem to have been the merest
adventurers. So far as can be ascertained, they did not even trouble
themselves to take out a patent for the land on which they proposed
to settle,[17] in this respect showing themselves even more careless
than Weston.[18] With the exception of Morton, they apparently had
no practical knowledge of the country, and their design clearly was
to establish themselves wherever they might think good, and to
trade in such way as they saw fit.
When the party reached its destination in Massachusetts Bay, they
found Wessagusset still occupied by such as were left of Robert](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/21663-250321062327-38f6b0dd/85/Clinical-Psychology-Science-Practice-and-Culture-4th-Edition-Pomerantz-Test-Bank-39-320.jpg)
![Gorges’s company, who had then been there nearly two years. They
had necessarily, therefore, to establish themselves elsewhere. A
couple of miles or so north of Wessagusset, on the other side of the
Monatoquit, and within the limits of what is now the town of Quincy,
was a place called by the Indians Passonagessit. The two localities
were separated from each other not only by the river, which here
widens out into a tidal estuary, but by a broad basin which filled and
emptied with every tide, while around it were extensive salt marshes
intersected by many creeks. The upland, too, was interspersed with
tangled swamps lying between gravel ridges. At Passonagessit the
new-comers established themselves, and the place is still known as
Mount Wollaston.
In almost all respects Passonagessit was for their purpose a better
locality than Wessagusset. They had come there to trade. However it
may have been with the others, in Morton’s calculations at least the
plantation must have been a mere incident to the more profitable
dealing in peltry. A prominent position on the shore, in plain view of
the entrance to the bay, would be with him an important
consideration. This was found at Passonagessit. It was a spacious
upland rising gently from the beach and, a quarter of a mile or so
from it, swelling into a low hill.[19] It was not connected with the
interior by any navigable stream, but Indians coming from thence
would easily find their way to it; and, while a portion of the company
could always be there ready to trade, others of them might make
excursions to all points on the neighboring coast where furs were to
be had. Looking seaward, on the left of the hill was a considerable
tidal creek; in front of it, across a clear expanse of water a couple of
miles or so in width, lay the islands of the harbor in apparently
connected succession. Though the anchoring grounds among these
islands afforded perfect places of refuge for vessels, Passonagessit
itself, as the settlers there must soon have realized, labored, as a
trading-point, under one serious disadvantage. There was no deep
water near it. Except when the tide was at least half full, the shore
could be approached only in boats. On the other hand, so far as
planting was concerned, the conditions were favorable. The soil,](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/21663-250321062327-38f6b0dd/85/Clinical-Psychology-Science-Practice-and-Culture-4th-Edition-Pomerantz-Test-Bank-40-320.jpg)
![though light, was very good; and the spot, lying as it did close to
“the Massachusetts fields,” had some years before been cleared of
trees by the Sachem Chickatawbut, who had made his home there.
[20] He had, however, abandoned it at the time when the great
pestilence swept away his tribe, and tradition still points out a small
savin-covered hummock, near Squantum, on the south side of the
Neponset, as his subsequent dwelling-place. Morton says that
Chickatawbut’s mother was buried at Passonagessit, and that the
Plymouth people, on one of their visits, incurred his enmity by
despoiling her grave of its bear skins.[21] So far as the natives were
concerned, however, any settlers on the shores of Boston Bay, after
the year 1623, had little cause for disquietude. They were a
thoroughly crushed and broken-spirited race. The pestilence had left
only a few hundred of the whole Massachusetts tribe, and in 1631
Chickatawbut had but some fifty or sixty followers.[22] It was a dying
race; and what little courage the pestilence had left them was
effectually and forever crushed out by Miles Standish, when at
Wessagusset, in April, 1623, he put to death seven of the strongest
and boldest of their few remaining men.
Having selected a site, Wollaston and his party built their house
nearly in the centre of the summit of the hill, on a gentle westerly
slope. It commanded towards the north and east an unbroken view
of the bay and all the entrances to it; while on the opposite or
landward side, some four or five miles away, rose the heavily-
wooded Blue Hills. Across the bay to the north lay Shawmut, beyond
the intervening peninsulas of Squantum and Mattapan. Wessagusset
was to the south, across the marshes and creeks, and hidden from
view by forest and uplands.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/21663-250321062327-38f6b0dd/85/Clinical-Psychology-Science-Practice-and-Culture-4th-Edition-Pomerantz-Test-Bank-41-320.jpg)
![Mount Wollaston.[23]
During their first season, the summer of 1625, Wollaston’s party
must have been fully occupied in the work of building their houses
and laying out their plantation. The winter followed. A single
experience of a winter on that shore seems to have sufficed for
Captain Wollaston, as it had before sufficed for Captain Gorges. He
apparently came to the conclusion that there was little profit and no
satisfaction for him in that region. Accordingly, during the early
months of 1626, he determined to go elsewhere. The only account
of what now ensued is that contained in Bradford; for Morton
nowhere makes a single allusion to Wollaston or any of his
associates, nor does he give any account of the origin, composition
or purposes of the Wollaston enterprise. His silence on all these
points is, indeed, one of the singular features in the New Canaan.
Such references as he does make are always to Weston and
Weston’s attempt;[24] and he seems to take pains to confound that
attempt with Wollaston’s. Once only he mentions the number of the
party with which he landed,[25] and the fact that it was subsequently
dissolved;[26] but how it came to be dissolved he does not explain.
The inference from this is unavoidable. Morton was free enough in
talking of what he did and saw at Passonagessit, of his revels there,
of how he was arrested, and persecuted out of the country. That he
says not a word of Wollaston or his other partners must be due to](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/21663-250321062327-38f6b0dd/85/Clinical-Psychology-Science-Practice-and-Culture-4th-Edition-Pomerantz-Test-Bank-42-320.jpg)
![doors, and would suffer him to come no more amongst
them; but forced him to seek bread to eat, and other
relief, from his neighbors, till he could get passage for
England.”[27]
Wollaston’s process of depletion to Virginia had reduced the number
of servants at Passonagessit from thirty or thirty-five, as Morton
variously states it,[28] to six at most.[29] It was as the head of these
that Morton established himself in control at Merry-Mount, as he
called the place,[30] sometime, it would seem, in the summer of
1626. He had now two distinct objects in view: one was enjoyment,
the other was profit; and apparently he was quite reckless as to the
methods he pursued in securing either the one or the other. If he
was troubled by his former partners appearing to assert their rights,
as he probably was, no mention is made of it. There were no courts
to appeal to in America, and those of Europe were far away; nor
would it have been easy or inexpensive to enforce their process in
New England. Accordingly nothing more is heard of Wollaston or
Rasdall, though Bradford does say that Morton was “vehemently
suspected for the murder of a man that had adventured moneys
with him when he first came.”[31] There is a vague tradition, referred
to John Adams, that Wollaston was subsequently lost at sea;[32] but
as a full century must have elapsed between the occurrence of the
event and the birth of John Adams, this tradition is quite as
unreliable as traditions usually are.
Passionately fond of field sports, Morton found ample opportunity for
the indulgence of his tastes in New England. He loved to ramble
through the woods with his dog and gun, or sail in his boat on the
bay. The Indians, too, were his allies, and naturally enough; for not
only did he offer them an open and easy-going market for their furs,
but he was companionable with them. They shared in his revels. He
denies that he was in the habit of selling them spirits,[33] but where
spirits were as freely used as Morton’s account shows they were at
Merry-Mount, the Indians undoubtedly had their share. Nor were his](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/21663-250321062327-38f6b0dd/85/Clinical-Psychology-Science-Practice-and-Culture-4th-Edition-Pomerantz-Test-Bank-44-320.jpg)
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- 5. Chapter 10: Personality Assessment and Behavioral Assessment Test Bank Multiple Choice 1. ____, which is more likely to take place when clinical psychologists are not culturally competent, involves viewing as abnormal that which is normal within the client’s own culture. A. Overpathologizing B. Empirical criterion keying C. Diagnosing D. Multimethod assessment Ans: A Learning Objective: 10.2 Propose how a psychologist conducting a personality assessment can demonstrate cultural competence. Cognitive Domain: Knowledge Answer Location: Culturally Competent Assessment Difficulty Level: Easy 2. The practice of using a collection of different assessment instruments (e.g., interview data, direct observation, etc.) to examine an individual’s personality is known as _____. A. multimodal assessment B. multimethod assessment C. bimodal assessment D. bimethod assessment Ans: B Learning Objective: 10.1 List the advantages of a multimethod assessment approach when conducting a psychological evaluation. Cognitive Domain: Knowledge Answer Location: Multimethod Assessment Difficulty Level: Easy 3. Clinical psychologists who select assessment methods that have strong validity, reliability, and clinical utility are practicing _____. A. multimodal assessment B. culturally competent assessment C. evidence-based assessment D. testing Ans: C Learning Objective: 10.1 List the advantages of a multimethod assessment approach when conducting a psychological evaluation.
- 6. Cognitive Domain: Knowledge Answer Location: Evidence-Based Assessment Difficulty Level: Easy 4. Dr. Johnson is asked to assess Martha. He decides he will administer the Structured Clinical Interview for DSM-5 because he knows it is well supported by research. In this situation, Dr. Johnson is practicing A. multimethod assessment. B. culturally competent assessment. C. evidence-based assessment. D. ethically validated assessment. Ans: C Learning Objective: 10.1 List the advantages of a multimethod assessment approach when conducting a psychological evaluation. Cognitive Domain: Application Answer Location: Evidence-Based Assessment Difficulty Level: Medium 5. _____ include unambiguous test items, offer clients a limited range of responses, and have clear scoring guidelines. A. Projective personality tests B. Objective personality tests C. Sentence completion tests D. Naturalistic observation techniques Ans: B Learning Objective: 10.3 Differentiate between objective and projective assessments of personality. Cognitive Domain: Knowledge Answer Location: Objective Personality Tests Difficulty Level: Medium 6. Which of the following is an example of an objective personality test? A. Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory B. Rorschach Inkblot Method C. Thematic Apperception Test D. Person-Tree-House Technique Ans: A Learning Objective: 10.3 Differentiate between objective and projective assessments of personality. 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Application Answer Location: Objective Personality Tests Difficulty Level: Medium 7. Which of the following is NOT an example of an objective personality test? A. California Psychological Inventory
- 7. B. NEO Personality Inventory C. Thematic Apperception Test D. Millon Clinical Multiaxial Inventory Ans: C Learning Objective: 10.3 Differentiate between objective and projective assessments of personality. 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Application Answer Location: Objective Personality Tests Difficulty Level: Medium 8. The _____ is the most popular and psychometrically sound objective personality test used by clinical psychologists. A. Millon Clinical Multiaxial Inventory-IV B. California Psychological Inventory C. Beck Depression Inventory-II D. Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-II Ans: D Learning Objective: 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Knowledge Answer Location: Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2 Difficulty Level: Easy 9. _____ is a test-construction method that involves identifying distinct groups of people, asking all of them to respond to the same test items, and comparing responses between the groups. A. Empirical criterion keying B. Logarithmic modeling C. Factor analysis D. Comparative group coding Ans: A Learning Objective: 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Knowledge Answer Location: Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2 Difficulty Level: Easy 10. Who are Starke Hathaway and J. C. McKinley? A. Authors of the original MMPI B. Developers of the most widely used scoring system for the Rorschach Inkblot Method C. Creators of the Thematic Apperception Test D. Authors of the NEO Personality Inventory Ans: A Learning Objective: 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Knowledge
- 8. Answer Location: Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2 Difficulty Level: Medium 11. The original MMPI and the MMPI-2 both feature _____ clinical scales. A. 2 B. 5 C. 10 D. 30 Ans: C Learning Objective: 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Knowledge Answer Location: Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2 Difficulty Level: Medium 12. Which of the following is not a clinical scale on the MMPI and MMPI-2? A. Depression B. Mania C. Paranoia D. Self-Acceptance Ans: D Learning Objective: 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Comprehension Answer Location: Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2 Difficulty Level: Hard 13. A client who scores very high on the clinical scale called “Psychopathic Deviate” on the MMPI-2 is most likely to receive a diagnosis of _____. A. major depressive disorder B. antisocial personality disorder C. borderline personality disorder D. specific phobia Ans: B Learning Objective: 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Application Answer Location: Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2 Difficulty Level: Hard 14. A client who scores very high on the clinical scale called “Psychasthenia” on the MMPI-2 is most like to receive a diagnosis of _____. A. generalized anxiety disorder B. bulimia nervosa C. borderline personality disorder
- 9. D. schizophrenia Ans: A Learning Objective: 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Application Answer Location: Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2 Difficulty Level: Hard 15. The Psychasthenia scale on the MMPI-2 is a measure of _____. A. depression B. anxiety C. bipolar disorder D. schizophrenia Ans: B Learning Objective: 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Knowledge Answer Location: Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2 Difficulty Level: Medium 16. The validity scales of the MMPI-2 are a measure of _____. A. the test-taking attitudes of the client B. depression C. anxiety D. antisocial tendencies Ans: A Learning Objective: 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Knowledge Answer Location: Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2 Difficulty Level: Easy 17. Barak completes the MMPI-2. His results produce a highly elevated K scale score. A clinical psychologist interpreting this score should conclude that Barak is A. lying. B. “faking bad.” C. “faking good.” D. responding infrequently. Ans: C Learning Objective: 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Application Answer Location: Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2 Difficulty Level: Hard 18. The MMPI-A is an
- 10. A. alternate form of the MMPI-2 intended for adults who have previously taken the test. B. auditory version of the MMPI-2 intended for individuals whose reading level falls below the demands of the test. C. abbreviated form of the MMPI-2 with approximately half the items of the MMPI-2. D. adolescent version of the MMPI-2 intended for clients aged 14–18 years. Ans: D Learning Objective: 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Knowledge Answer Location: Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2 Difficulty Level: Medium 19. Which of the following statements is NOT true? A. The validity and reliability of the MMPI-2 have been examined in thousands of studies. B. A shorter version of the MMPI-2 is the MMPI-2 Brief Inventory (MMPI-2-BI). C. Both the MMPI-2 and MMPI-A have 10 clinical scales. D. In addition to clinical scales, the MMPI-2 also has supplemental and content scales. Ans: B Learning Objective: 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Comprehension Answer Location: Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2 Difficulty Level: Medium 20. The _____is a new, shorter version of the MMPI-2 released in 2008. A. MMPI-3 B. MMPI-A C. MMPI-2-RF D. MMPI-Mini Ans: C Learning Objective: 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Knowledge Answer Location: Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2 Difficulty Level: Medium 21. Dr. Richards uses psychological testing, including feedback about testing results, both to assess his patients and to provide a brief therapeutic intervention. This practice is best described as A. therapeutic assessment. B. cognitive-behavioral assessment. C. clinical assessment. D. personality assessment. Ans: A Learning Objective: 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Knowledge
- 11. Answer Location: Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2 Difficulty Level: Medium 22. The Millon Clinical Multiaxial Inventory-IV (MCMI-IV) emphasizes _____. A. personality disorders B. psychotic disorders C. normal personality traits D. nonverbal intelligence Ans: A Learning Objective: 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Knowledge Answer Location: Millon Clinical Multiaxial Inventory-IV Difficulty Level: Medium 23. Theodore Millon is A. the lead member of the DSM-5 anxiety disorders Work Group. B. the creator of the MCMI. C. a leading intelligence assessment researcher. D. the son of Rolland Millon, the primary author of the first DSM. Ans: B Learning Objective: 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Knowledge Answer Location: Millon Clinical Multiaxial Inventory-IV Difficulty Level: Easy 24. The NEO-Personality Inventory-Revised (NEO-PI-R) was created by _____. A. Theodore Millon B. Starke Hathaway and J. C. McKinley C. Paul Costa and Robert McCrae D. Aaron Beck Ans: C Learning Objective: 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Knowledge Answer Location: NEO Personality Inventory-Revised Difficulty Level: Easy 25. The NEO-Personality Inventory-Revised (NEO-PI-R) emphasizes _____. A. personality disorders B. mood disorders C. psychotic disorders D. normal personality traits Ans: D
- 12. Learning Objective: 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Knowledge Answer Location: NEO Personality Inventory-Revised Difficulty Level: Easy 26. Which of the following is NOT one of the “Big Five” personality traits measured by the NEO Personality Inventory? A. Neuroticism B. Conscientiousness C. Openness D. Eclecticism Ans: D Learning Objective: 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Comprehension Answer Location: NEO Personality Inventory-Revised Difficulty Level: Medium 27. Which of the following statements is NOT true? A. The CPI emphasizes positive attributes of personality. B. The CPI is consistent with the growing movement within the mental health field toward positive psychology. C. The CPI is widely used in industrial/organizational contexts. D. The CPI-III yields scores on scales such as Derangement, Anxiety, and Apathy. Ans: D Learning Objective: 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Comprehension Answer Location: California Psychological Inventory Difficulty Level: Medium 28. Unlike lengthier personality tests that provide a broad overview of personality, the _____ is briefer and more targeted toward a single characteristic. A. Rorschach Inkblot Method B. NEO-Personality Inventory-Revised C. Beck Depression Inventory-II D. Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2 Ans: C Learning Objective: 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Comprehension Answer Location: Beck Depression Inventory-II Difficulty Level: Medium 29. The Rorschach Inkblot Method A. contains a total of 10 inkblots. B. is an objective personality test.
- 13. C. was created after the creation of the original MMPI. D. features inkblots created by John Exner. Ans: A Learning Objective: 10.5 Describe major projective personality tests used for psychological assessment. Cognitive Domain: Comprehension Answer Location: Rorschach Inkblot Method Difficulty Level: Medium 30. The most frequently cited shortcoming of projective personality tests centers on the fact that projective personality tests A. typically take much longer to administer than objective personality tests. B. cannot be used with child clients. C. rely more heavily on the psychologist’s unique way of scoring and interpreting results than objective tests, which limits their reliability and validity. D. force clients into a restricted range of responses to a greater extent than objective personality tests. Ans: C Learning Objective: 10.5 Describe major projective personality tests used for psychological assessment. Cognitive Domain: Comprehension Answer Location: Projective Personality Tests Difficulty Level: Medium 31. _____ created a comprehensive scoring system for the Rorschach Inkblot Method. A. Herman Rorschach B. John Exner C. Aaron Beck D. Theodore Millon Ans: B Learning Objective: 10.5 Describe major projective personality tests used for psychological assessment. Cognitive Domain: Knowledge Answer Location: Rorschach Inkblot Method Difficulty Level: Easy 32. In the _____, the task of the client is to create a story to go along with the interpersonal scenes depicted in cards. A. Rorschach Inkblot Method B. California Psychological Inventory-III C. Thematic Apperception Test D. NEO Personality Inventory-Revised Ans: C Learning Objective: 10.5 Describe major projective personality tests used for psychological assessment. Cognitive Domain: Knowledge Answer Location: Thematic Apperception Test Difficulty Level: Easy
- 14. 33. As part of an assessment, Dr. Bush asks Mary to finish sentence stems printed on a paper, such as “My favorite …” and “I feel afraid …” This assessment technique is known as a A. sentence completion test, an objective measure of personality. B. sentence completion test, a projective measure of personality. C. narrative casting test, an objective measure of personality. D. narrative casting test, a projective measure of personality. Ans: B Learning Objective: 10.5 Describe major projective personality tests used for psychological assessment. Cognitive Domain: Comprehension Answer Location: Thematic Apperception Test Difficulty Level: Medium 34. Behavioral assessment endorses the notion that A. personality is a stable, internal construct. B. client behaviors are signs of deep-seated, underlying issues or problems. C. assessing personality requires a high degree of inference. D. client behaviors are, themselves, the problem. Ans: D Learning Objective: 10.6 Explain behavioral assessment methods used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Comprehension Answer Location: Behavioral Assessment Difficulty Level: Easy 35. Naturalistic observation is most likely to be practiced by a clinical psychologists who endorses A. projective personality tests. B. objective personality tests that emphasize normal personality traits. C. behavioral assessment. D. objective personality tests that emphasize abnormal or psychopathological aspects of personality. Ans: C Learning Objective: 10.6 Explain behavioral assessment methods used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Comprehension Answer Location: Methods of Behavioral Assessment Difficulty Level: Easy 36. The practice of evidence-based assessment is characterized by the selection of tests that meet all of the following criteria EXCEPT A. strong clinical utility. B. acceptable reliability and validity. C. sufficient normative data. D. endorsement by the American Psychological Association. Ans: D
- 15. Learning Objective: 10.1 List the advantages of a multimethod assessment approach when conducting a psychological evaluation. Cognitive Domain: Comprehension Answer Location: Evidence-Based Assessment Difficulty Level: Medium 37. “Therapeutic assessment” A. involves the use of projective personality tests in a deliberately therapeutic way. B. is a practice developed by Stephen Finn and colleagues in which cognitive therapy begins without a formal assessment, with the assumption that the first few sessions of therapy can provide adequate assessment data. C. requires the use of massage to decrease patient nervousness prior to beginning an assessment. D. describes the use of psychological testing and feedback as a brief therapeutic intervention. Ans: D Learning Objective: 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Knowledge Answer Location: Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2 Difficulty Level: Easy Short Answer 1. What is the most popular objective personality test used by clinical psychologists? Ans: Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2 (MMPI-2) 2. What test-construction method was used by the authors of the MMPI-2? Ans: Empirical criterion keying 3. What are the five personality traits measured by the NEO-Personality Inventory? Ans: Neuroticism, extraversion, openness, conscientiousness, and agreeableness. 4. The _____ emphasizes the positive attributes of personality and yields scores on scales such as Independence and Self-Acceptance. Ans: California Psychological Inventory (CPI) 5. What are the two phases of administration for the Rorschach Inkblot Method? Ans: Response/free association, and inquiry 6. During the _____, an adult patient is asked to tell stories about a series of cards, each featuring an ambiguous interpersonal scene. Ans: Thematic Apperception Test (TAT)
- 16. 7. On what type of test might the item “I enjoy _____” appear? Ans: Sentence completion test (or Rotter Incomplete Sentences Blank) 8. _____ is the systematic observation of a patient’s behavior in the natural environment. Ans: Behavioral observation (or naturalistic observation) Essay 1. Briefly explain empirical criterion keying, the method of test construction used by the authors of the MMPI. Ans: Identify distinct groups of people, asking all of them to respond to the same objective test items, and comparing responses between groups. If an item elicits different responses from one group than from another, the item should be retained. If the groups respond similarly to an item, the item should be omitted. It does not matter whether an item should, in theory, differentiate the two groups; it only matters whether an item does, in actuality, differentiate the two groups. 2. Briefly contrast the different emphases (in terms of aspects of personality) of the MMPI-2, MCMI-IV, NEO-PI-R, and CPI. Ans: The MMPI-2 emphasizes psychopathology. The MCMI-IV emphasizes personality disorders. The NEO-PI-R emphasizes normal personality traits. The CPI emphasizes positive attributes of personality such as strengths, assets, and internal resources; it is often employed in industrial/organizational psychology contexts. 3. Why was the MMPI revised, resulting in the MMPI-2? Ans: The revision process addressed several weaknesses that had become increasingly problematic for the original MMPI, including the inadequate normative sample of the original MMPI. For the original MMPI, the “normal” group to which the clinical groups were compared consisted of 724 individuals from Minnesota in the 1940s; this group was overwhelmingly rural and white. For the MMPI-2, normative data was solicited from a much larger and demographically diverse group. Other improvements included the removal or revision of some test items with outdated or awkward wording. 4. How does behavioral assessment differ from the traditional approach personality assessment approach? Ans: The behavioral assessment approach rejects the assumptions that personality is a stable, internal construct; that assessment of personality requires a high degree of inference; and that client behaviors are signs of underlying issues. Instead, behavioral assessment views client behaviors as samples of the problem itself, not signs of underlying problems. Inference should be minimized, so rather than projective or objective measures (all indirect), behavioral assessors prefer direct observation. Also, behavioral assessors emphasize external factors over internal factors as causes of behavior.
- 17. Other documents randomly have different content
- 21. The Project Gutenberg eBook of The New English Canaan of Thomas Morton with Introductory Matter and Notes
- 22. This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this ebook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this eBook. Title: The New English Canaan of Thomas Morton with Introductory Matter and Notes Author: Thomas Morton Editor: Charles Francis Adams Release date: February 14, 2017 [eBook #54162] Most recently updated: October 23, 2024 Language: English Credits: E-text prepared by Henry Flower and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team (http://www.pgdp.net) from page images generously made available by Internet Archive (https://archive.org) *** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NEW ENGLISH CANAAN OF THOMAS MORTON WITH INTRODUCTORY MATTER AND NOTES ***
- 23. The Project Gutenberg eBook, The New English Canaan of Thomas Morton with Introductory Matter and Notes, by Thomas Morton and Charles Francis Adams Note: Images of the original pages are available through Internet Archive. See https://archive.org/details/newenglishcanaan00mort
- 24. Transcriber's Note A table of contents detailing the chapters of the original book is located at the end of the text. This book is a 19th century edition of a 17th century original, along with extensive commentary. The 19th century edition used different page numbering. To facilitate internal references to specific pages, the original 17th century page numbers have been incorporated into the text enclosed by curly braces, e.g. {123}. References to these numbers in the text have been kept as printed, e.g. *123. Click on the illustration on page 12 to see a higher-resolution image.
- 25. Publications of the Prince Society. THE NEW ENGLISH CANAAN.
- 26. THE Publications of the Prince Society. Established May 25th, 1858. THE NEW ENGLISH CANAAN. Boston: PRINTED FOR THE SOCIETY, By John Wilson and Son. 1883.
- 27. TWO HUNDRED AND FIFTY COPIES.
- 28. THE NEW ENGLISH CANAAN OF THOMAS MORTON. WITH INTRODUCTORY MATTER AND NOTES BY CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Jr. Boston: PUBLISHED BY THE PRINCE SOCIETY. 1883.
- 29. Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1883, by The Prince Society, In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. Editor: CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Jr.
- 30. TABLE OF CONTENTS. Page Preface v-vi Thomas Morton of Merry-Mount 1-98 Bibliography of New English Canaan 99-105 New English Canaan 106- 345 Book I. The Origin of the Natives; their Manners and Customs 115-78 Book II. A Description of the Beauty of the Country 179- 242 Book III. A Description of the People 243- 345 Table of Contents of the New English Canaan 347-9 Officers of the Prince Society 353 The Prince Society, 1883 354-8
- 31. Publications of the Prince Society 359 Volumes in Preparation by the Prince Society 360 Index 361-81
- 32. PREFACE. EFORE undertaking the present work I had no experience as an editor. It is unnecessary for me to say, therefore, that, were I now to undertake it, I should pursue a somewhat different course from that which I have pursued. The New English Canaan is, in many respects, a singular book. One of its most singular features is the extent of ground it covers. Not only is it full of obscure references to incidents in early New England history, but it deals directly with the aborigines, the trees, animals, fish, birds and geology of the region; besides having constant incidental allusions to literature,—both classic and of the author’s time,—to geography, and to then current events. No one person can possess the knowledge necessary to thoroughly cover so large a field. To edit properly he must have recourse to specialists. It was only as the labor of investigation increased on my hands that I realized what a wealth of scientific and special knowledge was to be reached, in the neighborhood of Boston, by any one engaged in such multifarious inquiry. Were I again to enter upon it I should
- 33. confine my own labors chiefly to correspondence; for on every point which comes up there is some one now in this vicinity, if he can only be found out, who has made a study of it, and has more information than the most laborious and skilful of editors can acquire. In this edition of the New Canaan I have not laid so many of these specialists as I now wish, under requisition; and yet the list is a tolerably extensive one. In every case, also, the assistance asked for has been rendered as of course, in the true scientific spirit. My correspondence has included Messrs. Deane, Winsor and Ellis on events in early New England history; Professor Whitney on geographical allusions; Professors Lane and Greenough, Dr. Everett and Mr. T. W. Higginson, on references to the Greek and Latin classics, or quotations from them; and the Rev. Mr. Norton on Scriptural allusions. Mr. J. C. Gray has hunted up for me legal precedents five centuries old, and Mr. Lindsay Swift has explained archaic expressions, to the meaning of which I could get no clew. On the subject of trees and herbs I called on Professors Gray and Sargent; in regard to birds, Mr. William Brewster was indefatigable; Mr. Allen, though in very poor health, took the chapter on animals; Professor Shaler disposed of the geology; Messrs. Agassiz and Lyman instructed me as to fish, and Professor Putnam as to shell- heaps. I met some allusions to early French and other explorers, and naturally had recourse to Messrs. Parkman and Slafter; while in regard to Indian words and names, I have been in constant correspondence with the one authority, Mr. J. Hammond Trumbull, who has recognized to the fullest extent the public obligation which a mastery of a special subject imposes on him who masters it. In closing a pleasant editorial task, my chief regret, therefore, is that the notes in this volume contain so much matter of my own. They should have been even more eclectic than they are, and each from the highest possible authority on the subject to which it relates. C. F. A., Jr. Quincy, Mass., April 4, 1883.
- 34. MORTON OF MERRY-MOUNT. In the second book of his history of Plymouth Plantation, Governor Bradford, while dealing with the events of the year 1628 though writing at a still later period, says:— “Aboute some three or four years before this time, ther came over one Captaine Wolastone (a man of pretie parts), and with him three or four more of some eminencie, who brought with them a great many servants, with provisions and other implaments for to begine a plantation; and pitched themselves in a place within the Massachusets, which they called, after their Captains name, Mount-Wollaston. Amongst whom was one Mr. Morton, who, it should seeme, had some small adventure (of his owne or other mens) amongst them.”[1] There is no other known record of Wollaston than that contained in this passage of Bradford.[2] His given name even is not mentioned. It may be surmised with tolerable certainty that he was one of the numerous traders, generally from Bristol or the West of England, who frequented the fishing grounds and the adjacent American
- 35. coast during the early years of the seventeenth century. Nothing is actually known of him, however, until in 1625 he appeared in Massachusetts Bay, as Boston Harbor was then called, at the head of the expedition which Bradford mentions. His purpose and that of his companions was to establish a plantation and trading-post in the country of the Massachusetts tribe of Indians. It was the third attempt of the kind which had been made since the settlement at Plymouth, a little more than four years before. The first of these attempts had been that of Thomas Weston at Wessagusset, or Weymouth, in the summer of 1622. This had resulted in a complete failure, the story of which is told by Bradford and Winslow, and forms one of the more striking pages in the annals of early New England. The second attempt, and that which next preceded Wollaston’s, had closely followed the first, being made in the summer of 1623, under the immediate direction of the Council for New England. At the head of it was Captain Robert Gorges, a younger son of Sir Ferdinando Gorges. Weston’s expedition was a mere trading venture, having little connection with anything which went before or which came after. That of Gorges, however, was something more. As will presently be seen, it had a distinct political and religious significance. Robert Gorges and his party arrived in Boston Bay in 1623, during what is now the latter part of September. They established themselves in the buildings which had been occupied by Weston’s people during the previous winter, and which had been deserted by them a few days less than six months before. The site of those buildings cannot be definitely fixed. It is supposed to have been on Phillips Creek, a small tidal inlet of the Weymouth fore-river, a short distance above the Quincy-Point bridge. The grant made to Robert Gorges by the Council for New England, and upon which he probably intended to place his party, was on the other side of the bay, covering ten miles of sea-front and stretching thirty miles into the interior. It was subsequently pronounced void by the lawyers on the ground of being “loose and uncertain,” but as nearly as can now be fixed it covered the shore between Nahant and the mouth of the
- 36. Charles, and the region back of that as far west as Concord and Sudbury, including Lynn and the most thickly inhabited portions of the present county of Middlesex. Reaching New England, however, late in the season, Gorges’s first anxiety was to secure shelter for his party against the impending winter, for the frosts had already begun. Fortunately the few savages thereabouts had been warned by Governor Bradford not to injure the Wessagusset buildings, and thus they afforded a welcome shelter to the newcomers. These were people of a very different class from those who had preceded them. Among them were men of education, and some of them were married and had brought their wives. Their settlement proved a permanent one. Robert Gorges, it is true, the next spring returned to England disgusted and discouraged, taking back with him a portion of his followers. Others of them went on to Virginia in search of a milder climate and a more fertile soil. A few, however, remained at Wessagusset,[3] and are repeatedly referred to by Morton in the New Canaan[4] as his neighbors at that place. When, therefore, Wollaston sailed into the bay in the early summer of 1625, its shores were not wholly unoccupied. His party consisted of himself and some three or four partners, with thirty or more servants, as they were called, or men who had sold their time for a period of years to an employer, and who stood in the relation to him of apprentice to master. Rasdall, according to Bradford, was the name of one of the partners, and Fitcher would seem to have been that of another. Thomas Morton, the author of the New English Canaan, was a third. Not much more is known of Morton’s life prior to his coming to America than of Wollaston’s. He had certainly an education of that sort which was imparted in the schools of the Elizabethan period, for he had a smattering knowledge of the more familiar Latin authors at least, and was fond of classic allusion. Governor Dudley, in his letter to the Countess of Lincoln, says that while in England he was an attorney in “the west countries.”[5] He further intimates that he had
- 37. there been implicated in some foul misdemeanor, on account of which warrants were out against him. Nathaniel Morton in his Memorial[6] says that the crime thus referred to was the killing of a partner concerned with him, Thomas Morton, in his first New England venture. Thomas Wiggin, however, writing in 1632 to Sir John Cooke, one of King Charles’s secretaries for foreign affairs and a member of the Privy Council, states, upon the authority of Morton’s “wife’s sonne and others,” that he had fled to New England “upon a foule suspition of murther.”[7] While, therefore, it would seem that grave charges were in general circulation against Morton, connecting him with some deed of violence, it is necessary to bear in mind that considerable allowance must be made before any accusation against him can be accepted on the word of either the Massachusetts or the Plymouth authorities, or those in sympathy with them. Yet Morton was a reckless man, and he lived in a time when no great degree of sanctity attached to human life; so that in itself there is nothing very improbable in this charge. It is possible that before coming to America he may have put some one out of the way. Nevertheless, as will presently be seen, though he was subsequently arrested and in jail in England, the accusation never took any formal shape. That he was at some time married would appear from the letter of Wiggin already referred to, and the allusions in the New Canaan show that he had been a man passionately fond of field sports, and a good deal of a traveller as well. He speaks, for instance, of having been “bred in so genious a way” that in England he had the common use of hawks in fowling; and, in another place, he alludes to his having been so near the equator that “I have had the sun for my zenith.”[8] On the titlepage of his book he describes himself as “of Cliffords Inne gent.,” which of course he would not have ventured to do had he not really been what he there claimed to be; for at the time the New Canaan was published he was living in London and apparently one of the attorneys of the Council for New England.[9] Bradford, speaking from memory, fell into an error, therefore, when he described him as a “kind of petie-fogger of Furnefells Inne.”[10] That in 1625 he was a
- 38. man of some means is evident from the fact that he owned an interest in the Wollaston venture; though here again Bradford takes pains to say that the share he represented (“of his owne or other mens”) was small, and that he himself had so little respect amongst the rest that he was slighted by even the meanest servants. In all probability this was not Morton’s first visit to Massachusetts Bay. Indeed, he was comparatively familiar with it, having already passed one season on its shores. His own statement, at the beginning of the first chapter of the second book of the Canaan, seems to be conclusive on this point. He there says: “In the month of June, Anno Salutis 1622, it was my chance to arrive in the parts of New England with thirty servants, and provision of all sorts fit for a plantation; and, while our houses were building, I did endeavor to take a survey of the country.”[11] There was but one ship which arrived in New England in June, 1622, and that was the Charity;[12] and the Charity brought out Weston’s party, which settled at Wessagusset, answering in every respect to Morton’s description of the party he came with. Andrew Weston, a younger brother of the chief promoter of the enterprise, had then come in charge of it, and is described as having been “a heady yong man and violente.”[13] After leaving Weston’s company at Plymouth, the Charity went on to Virginia, but returned from there early in October, going it would seem directly to Boston Bay and Wessagusset.[14] One part of the colonists had then been there three months, and it was during those three months that Morton apparently took the survey of the country to which he refers. As the Wessagusset plantation was now left under the charge of Richard Greene, it would seem that young Weston went back to England in the Charity, and the inference is that Morton, who had come out as his companion, went back with him. In any event, the impression produced on Morton by this first visit to New England was a strong and favorable one. It looked to him a land of plenty, a veritable New Canaan. Accordingly, he gave vent to his enthusiasm in the warm language of the first chapter of his
- 39. second book.[15] With the subsequent fate of Weston’s party he seems to have had no connection. He must at the time have heard of it, and was doubtless aware of the evil reputation that company left behind. This would perfectly account for the fact that he never mentions his having himself had anything to do with it. Yet it may be surmised that he returned to England possessed with the idea of connecting himself with some enterprise, either Weston’s or another, organized to make a settlement on the shores of Boston Bay and there to open a trade in furs. He had then had no experience of a New England winter; though, for that matter, when he afterwards had repeated experiences of it, they in no way changed his views of the country. To the last, apparently, he thought of it as he first saw it during the summer and early autumn of 1622, when it was a green fresh wilderness, nearly devoid of inhabitants and literally alive with game. News of the utter failure of Weston’s enterprise must have reached London in the early summer of 1623. Whether Morton was in any way personally affected thereby does not appear, though from his allusions to Weston’s treatment by Robert Gorges at Plymouth, during the winter of 1623-4, it is not at all improbable that he was. [16] During the following year (1624) he is not heard of; but early in 1625 he had evidently succeeded in effecting some sort of a combination which resulted in the Wollaston expedition. The partners in this enterprise would seem to have been the merest adventurers. So far as can be ascertained, they did not even trouble themselves to take out a patent for the land on which they proposed to settle,[17] in this respect showing themselves even more careless than Weston.[18] With the exception of Morton, they apparently had no practical knowledge of the country, and their design clearly was to establish themselves wherever they might think good, and to trade in such way as they saw fit. When the party reached its destination in Massachusetts Bay, they found Wessagusset still occupied by such as were left of Robert
- 40. Gorges’s company, who had then been there nearly two years. They had necessarily, therefore, to establish themselves elsewhere. A couple of miles or so north of Wessagusset, on the other side of the Monatoquit, and within the limits of what is now the town of Quincy, was a place called by the Indians Passonagessit. The two localities were separated from each other not only by the river, which here widens out into a tidal estuary, but by a broad basin which filled and emptied with every tide, while around it were extensive salt marshes intersected by many creeks. The upland, too, was interspersed with tangled swamps lying between gravel ridges. At Passonagessit the new-comers established themselves, and the place is still known as Mount Wollaston. In almost all respects Passonagessit was for their purpose a better locality than Wessagusset. They had come there to trade. However it may have been with the others, in Morton’s calculations at least the plantation must have been a mere incident to the more profitable dealing in peltry. A prominent position on the shore, in plain view of the entrance to the bay, would be with him an important consideration. This was found at Passonagessit. It was a spacious upland rising gently from the beach and, a quarter of a mile or so from it, swelling into a low hill.[19] It was not connected with the interior by any navigable stream, but Indians coming from thence would easily find their way to it; and, while a portion of the company could always be there ready to trade, others of them might make excursions to all points on the neighboring coast where furs were to be had. Looking seaward, on the left of the hill was a considerable tidal creek; in front of it, across a clear expanse of water a couple of miles or so in width, lay the islands of the harbor in apparently connected succession. Though the anchoring grounds among these islands afforded perfect places of refuge for vessels, Passonagessit itself, as the settlers there must soon have realized, labored, as a trading-point, under one serious disadvantage. There was no deep water near it. Except when the tide was at least half full, the shore could be approached only in boats. On the other hand, so far as planting was concerned, the conditions were favorable. The soil,
- 41. though light, was very good; and the spot, lying as it did close to “the Massachusetts fields,” had some years before been cleared of trees by the Sachem Chickatawbut, who had made his home there. [20] He had, however, abandoned it at the time when the great pestilence swept away his tribe, and tradition still points out a small savin-covered hummock, near Squantum, on the south side of the Neponset, as his subsequent dwelling-place. Morton says that Chickatawbut’s mother was buried at Passonagessit, and that the Plymouth people, on one of their visits, incurred his enmity by despoiling her grave of its bear skins.[21] So far as the natives were concerned, however, any settlers on the shores of Boston Bay, after the year 1623, had little cause for disquietude. They were a thoroughly crushed and broken-spirited race. The pestilence had left only a few hundred of the whole Massachusetts tribe, and in 1631 Chickatawbut had but some fifty or sixty followers.[22] It was a dying race; and what little courage the pestilence had left them was effectually and forever crushed out by Miles Standish, when at Wessagusset, in April, 1623, he put to death seven of the strongest and boldest of their few remaining men. Having selected a site, Wollaston and his party built their house nearly in the centre of the summit of the hill, on a gentle westerly slope. It commanded towards the north and east an unbroken view of the bay and all the entrances to it; while on the opposite or landward side, some four or five miles away, rose the heavily- wooded Blue Hills. Across the bay to the north lay Shawmut, beyond the intervening peninsulas of Squantum and Mattapan. Wessagusset was to the south, across the marshes and creeks, and hidden from view by forest and uplands.
- 42. Mount Wollaston.[23] During their first season, the summer of 1625, Wollaston’s party must have been fully occupied in the work of building their houses and laying out their plantation. The winter followed. A single experience of a winter on that shore seems to have sufficed for Captain Wollaston, as it had before sufficed for Captain Gorges. He apparently came to the conclusion that there was little profit and no satisfaction for him in that region. Accordingly, during the early months of 1626, he determined to go elsewhere. The only account of what now ensued is that contained in Bradford; for Morton nowhere makes a single allusion to Wollaston or any of his associates, nor does he give any account of the origin, composition or purposes of the Wollaston enterprise. His silence on all these points is, indeed, one of the singular features in the New Canaan. Such references as he does make are always to Weston and Weston’s attempt;[24] and he seems to take pains to confound that attempt with Wollaston’s. Once only he mentions the number of the party with which he landed,[25] and the fact that it was subsequently dissolved;[26] but how it came to be dissolved he does not explain. The inference from this is unavoidable. Morton was free enough in talking of what he did and saw at Passonagessit, of his revels there, of how he was arrested, and persecuted out of the country. That he says not a word of Wollaston or his other partners must be due to
- 43. the fact that the subject was one about which he did not care to commit himself. Nevertheless Bradford could not but have known the facts, for not only at a later day was Morton himself for long periods of time at Plymouth, but when the events of which he speaks occurred Bradford must have been informed of them by the Wessagusset people, as well as by Fitcher. As we only know what Bradford tells us, it can best be given in his own words:— “Having continued there some time, and not finding things to answer their expectations, nor profit to arise as they looked for, Captain Wollaston takes a great part of the servants and transports them to Virginia, where he puts them off at good rates, selling their time to other men; and writes back to one Mr. Rasdall, one of his chief partners and accounted their merchant, to bring another part of them to Virginia likewise; intending to put them off there, as he had done the rest. And he, with the consent of the said Rasdall, appointed one Fitcher to be his Lieutenant, and govern the remains of the plantation till he, or Rasdall, returned to take further order thereabout. But this Morton, abovesaid, having more craft than honesty, in the others’ absence watches an opportunity, (commons being but hard amongst them,) and got some strong drink and other junkets, and made them a feast; and after they were merry, he began to tell them he would give them good counsel. ‘You see,’ saith he, ‘that many of your fellows are carried to Virginia; and if you stay till this Rasdall returns, you will also be carried away and sold for slaves with the rest. Therefore, I would advise you to thrust out this Lieutenant Fitcher; and I, having a part in the plantation, will receive you as my partners and consociates. So may you be free from service; and we will converse, trade, plant and live together as equals, and support and protect one another:’ or to like effect. This counsel was easily received, so they took opportunity and thrust Lieutenant Fitcher out a-
- 44. doors, and would suffer him to come no more amongst them; but forced him to seek bread to eat, and other relief, from his neighbors, till he could get passage for England.”[27] Wollaston’s process of depletion to Virginia had reduced the number of servants at Passonagessit from thirty or thirty-five, as Morton variously states it,[28] to six at most.[29] It was as the head of these that Morton established himself in control at Merry-Mount, as he called the place,[30] sometime, it would seem, in the summer of 1626. He had now two distinct objects in view: one was enjoyment, the other was profit; and apparently he was quite reckless as to the methods he pursued in securing either the one or the other. If he was troubled by his former partners appearing to assert their rights, as he probably was, no mention is made of it. There were no courts to appeal to in America, and those of Europe were far away; nor would it have been easy or inexpensive to enforce their process in New England. Accordingly nothing more is heard of Wollaston or Rasdall, though Bradford does say that Morton was “vehemently suspected for the murder of a man that had adventured moneys with him when he first came.”[31] There is a vague tradition, referred to John Adams, that Wollaston was subsequently lost at sea;[32] but as a full century must have elapsed between the occurrence of the event and the birth of John Adams, this tradition is quite as unreliable as traditions usually are. Passionately fond of field sports, Morton found ample opportunity for the indulgence of his tastes in New England. He loved to ramble through the woods with his dog and gun, or sail in his boat on the bay. The Indians, too, were his allies, and naturally enough; for not only did he offer them an open and easy-going market for their furs, but he was companionable with them. They shared in his revels. He denies that he was in the habit of selling them spirits,[33] but where spirits were as freely used as Morton’s account shows they were at Merry-Mount, the Indians undoubtedly had their share. Nor were his
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