![texts relating to details of the voyage, I pass over as unimportant to
my purpose. That Vespucci was with a Portuguese fleet which in
1501-2 explored a large but ill-defined portion of the Brazilian coast,
there can be no doubt. Grynæus, Novus Orbis, pp. 122-30; Ramusio,
Viaggi, tom. i. pp. 139-44; Viages Menores, in Navarrete, tom. iii. pp.
46, 262-80; Humboldt, Exam. Crit., tom. v. pp. 1-115; Major's Prince
Henry, pp. 375-7; Galvano's Discov., pp. 98-9.
[1502.] Miguel Cortereal sailed from Lisbon May 10, 1502, in search
of his brother Gaspar, only to share his brother's fate. Neither of his
two vessels appears to have returned. Viages Menores, in Navarrete,
tom. iii. p. 44; Humboldt, Exam. Crit., tom. iv. p. 226; Major's Prince
Henry, p. 374; Kohl's Hist. Discov., pp. 171-2.
It is probable that Portuguese fishermen continued their trips more
or less to Labrador and Newfoundland, but if so, no accounts have
been preserved. Kohl's Hist. Discov., pp. 187-92; Kunstmann,
Entdeckung Am., pp. 69, 95; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii. lib. v. cap.
iii.
In January, 1502, Alonso de Ojeda with four vessels departed from
Cádiz on a second voyage to the Pearl Coast, with the intention of
there establishing a colony. Accompanied by Garcia de Ocampo,
Juan de Vergara, Hernando de Guevara, and his nephew Pedro de
Ojeda, he touched at the Canaries and Cape Verde Islands, and
reached the gulf of Paria. Refitting his vessels, on the 11th of March
he set sail and coasted north-westward, touching at various points
until he came to a port which he called Santa Cruz, probably Bahía
Honda, about twenty-five miles east of Cape de la Vela. During the
voyage along the coast the vessels were much of the time
separated, following different courses. At Santa Cruz Ojeda found a
man who had been left by Bastidas, and there he determined to
establish his colony. A fort was built, and a vessel sent to Jamaica
for supplies; but the colony did not prosper. To other troubles were
added dissensions among the fiery leaders, and about the end of
May Ojeda was imprisoned by his companions; the colony was finally
abandoned, and its governor brought as a prisoner to Española in](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/21663-250429101506-ac1d96dc/85/Clinical-Psychology-Science-Practice-and-Culture-4th-Edition-Pomerantz-Test-Bank-21-320.jpg)
![Asiatic coast, and its southern addition of the Australian archipelago;
that this conformation is so closely duplicated in the American
coasts; and that the position of the admiral's hypothetical strait was
almost identical with the actual narrowest part of the American
continent. Columbus followed the coast to the western limit of
Bastidas' voyage and could find no opening in the shore, either
because the ancient chroniclers were faulty in making no mention of
this great supposed southern extension of Asia, or because the strait
had in some way escaped his scrutiny. He therefore abandoned the
search, and gave himself up to other schemes, but he never
relinquished his original idea, and died, 1506, in the belief that he
had reached the coast of Asia, and without the suspicion of a new
continent. Moreover, his belief was shared by all cosmographers and
scholars of the time. Peter Martyr, dec. i. cap. viii.; Humboldt, Exam.
Crit., tom. i. p. 26; tom. iv. p. 188; Preface to Ghillany; Major's
Prince Henry, p. 420; Kohl's Hist. Discov., pp. 140, 238-9; Draper's
Int. Develop., p. 445; Stevens' Notes, p. 37.
[1503.] Another expedition was sent by Portugal in search of the
Cortereals, but returned unsuccessful. Kunstmann, Entdeckung Am.,
p. 58; Peschel, Geschichte der Entd., p. 334.
According to Harrisse, Bib. Am. Vet., pp. 173-4, we have "authentic
deeds and depositions proving beyond doubt a French expedition to
Brazil as early as 1503;" in support of which he refers to De
Gonneville, Mémoires, Paris, 1663; De Brosses, Hist. des
Navigations, Paris, 1756, tom. i. pp. 104-14; Revista Trimensal, Rio
de Janeiro, tom. vi. p. 412-14; D'Avesac, in Bulletin de la Soc. Géog.,
tom. xiv. p. 172.
In 1503 the Portuguese sent a third fleet of six vessels under
Gonzalo Coelho to make farther explorations on the coast of Brazil,
then called Santa Cruz, and to sail, if possible, around its southern
extremity to India, an idea that seems to have been conceived
during the preceding voyage, but which could not then be carried
into effect for want of supplies. Vespucci commanded one of the
vessels, and set out with high hopes of accomplishing great things](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/21663-250429101506-ac1d96dc/85/Clinical-Psychology-Science-Practice-and-Culture-4th-Edition-Pomerantz-Test-Bank-23-320.jpg)
![and returned to Lisbon September 16, 1504. Viaggio fatto nell'India
per Giovanni di Empoli, in Ramusio, tom. i. fol. 158; Purchas, His
Pilgrimes, vol. i. pp. 32-3. Bergomas, Nouissime historiarũ omniũ,
etc., Venetiis, 1503, a book of chronicles published with frequent
additions to date, contains, for the first time, in this edition, a
chapter on the newly found islands of Columbus. In my copy, which
is dated ten years later, this chapter is on folio 328. At least nine
editions of the work appeared before 1540.
[1504.] Soon after the return from his third voyage, Vespucci wrote
a letter to Piero de' Medici, setting forth its incidents. This letter,
which bears no date, was probably written in corrupt Italian, and
after circulating to some extent in manuscript, as was the custom at
the time, it may have been printed, but no copies are known to
exist, and the original is lost. Translations were made, however, into
Latin and German, which appeared in small pamphlet form in at
least seventeen different editions before 1507, under the title of
Mundus Novus, or its equivalent. The earliest edition which bears a
date is that of 1504, but of the nine issues without date, some
undoubtedly appeared before that year. It is probable that other
editions have disappeared on account of their undurable form. None
of Vespucci's other accounts are known to have been printed before
1507.
This same year the Libretto de tutta le Navigazione del Re di Spagna
is said to have been printed at Venice, being the first collection of
voyages, and containing, according to the few Italian authors who
claim to have seen it, the first three voyages of Columbus and those
of Niño and Pinzon. If authentic, it was the first account of the
voyage of Columbus to the Pearl Coast; but no copy is known at
present to exist, and its circulation must have been small compared
with Vespucci's relations. Humboldt, Exam. Crit., tom. iv. pp. 67-77;
Harrisse, Bib. Am. Vet., nos. 22-41.
A chart made about 1504 has been preserved which shows
Portuguese discoveries only. In the north are laid down
Newfoundland and Labrador under the name of 'Terra de Cortte](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/21663-250429101506-ac1d96dc/85/Clinical-Psychology-Science-Practice-and-Culture-4th-Edition-Pomerantz-Test-Bank-25-320.jpg)
![Reall,' and Greenland with no name, but so correctly represented as
to form a strong evidence that it was reached by Cortereal. On the
south we have the coast of Brazil, to which no name is given;
between the two is open sea, with no indication of Spanish
discoveries. Kunstmann, Entdeckung Am., pp. 127-8, and Munich
Atlas, no. iii.; Kohl's Hist. Discov., pp. 174-7, plate viii.
With the year 1504 the fishing voyages of the Bretons and Normans
to Newfoundland are said to have begun, but there are no accounts
of any particular voyage. Sobre las navegaciones de los vascongados
á los mares de Terranova, in Navarrete, tom. iii. p. 176; Viages
Menores, Id., p. 46. Kunstmann, Entdeckung Am., p. 69 et seq.,
makes these trips begin with Denys' in 1503.
Juan de la Cosa equipped and armed four vessels, and was
despatched in the service of Queen Isabella of Spain, to explore and
trade in the vicinity of the gulf of Urabá, and also to check rumored
encroachments of the Portuguese in that direction. All that is
recorded of the expedition is that in 1506 the crown received
491,708 maravedís as the royal share of the profits. Carta de
Cristobal Guerra, in Navarrete, tom. ii. p. 293; Carta de la Reina, in
Id., tom. iii. p. 109; Real Cédula, adicion, Id., p. 161. Stevens, in his
Notes, p. 33, gives the date as 1505.
[1505.] Alonso de Ojeda, with three vessels, made a third voyage to
Coquibacoa and the gulf of Urabá. Noticias biográficas del capitan
Alonso Hojeda, in Navarrete, tom. iii. p. 169.
The letter written by Columbus from Jamaica July 7, 1503,
describing the events of his fourth voyage, is preserved in the
Spanish archives. If printed, no copies are known to exist, but an
Italian translation appeared as Copia de la Lettera, Venetia, 1505.
A Portuguese map made about 1505 by Pedro Reinel shapes
Newfoundland more accurately than the map of 1504, being the first
to give the name 'C. Raso' to the south-east point; but Greenland is
drawn much less correctly. Kunstmann, Entdeckung Am., pp. 125-7;](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/21663-250429101506-ac1d96dc/85/Clinical-Psychology-Science-Practice-and-Culture-4th-Edition-Pomerantz-Test-Bank-26-320.jpg)
![Munich Atlas, no. i. Plate ix. in Kohl's Hist. Discov., pp. 177-9, differs
materially from the fac-simile in the Munich Atlas. See also Peschel,
Geschichte der Entd., p. 332; Schmeller, Ueber einigen der
handschriftlichen Seekarten, in Akademie der Wissenschaften,
Abhandl., tom. iv. pt. i. p. 247 et seq.
[1506.] The Bretons under Jean Denys are said to have explored the
gulf of St Lawrence, and to have made a map which has not been
found. The reports of this and of succeeding voyages northward are
exceedingly vague. Charlevoix, Hist. de la Nouvelle France, Paris,
1744, tom. i. p. 4; Viages Menores, in Navarrete, tom. iii. p. 41;
Kohl's Hist. Discov., pp. 201-5; Kunstmann, Entdeckung Am., p. 69;
Bancroft's Hist. U. S., vol. i. p. 16.
Vicente Yañez Pinzon made a second voyage with Juan Diaz de Solis,
in which he explored the gulf of Honduras, from the Guanaja
Islands, the western limit of Columbus' voyage, to the islands of
Caria on the coast of Yucatan, in search of the passage which was
still believed to exist between the main continent of Asia and the
land known as the Pearl Coast, Santa Cruz, or, in the Latin
translations of Vespucci, as the Mundus Novus, or New World. Brief
mention of this voyage may be found in Viages Menores, in
Navarrete, tom. iii. p. 46, repeated in Irving's Columbus, vol. iii. p.
52; and Humboldt, Exam. Crit., tom. iv. p. 228. See also Reise des
Diaz de Solis und Yanez Pinzon, in Sammlung aller
Reisebeschreibungen, tom. xiii. p. 157.
Tristan da Cunha in a voyage to India, sailing from Lisbon March 6,
1506, round Cape St Augustine, heard of—eut connaissance de—a
Rio São Sebastião in the province of Pernambuco, and discovered
the island since called by his name, in 37° 5' south latitude, on his
passage to the Cape of Good Hope. Galvano does not mention that
Cunha reached America.
On the 20th of May, 1506, at Valladolid, died the great admiral of the
Western Ocean, Christopher Columbus; whose story,](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/21663-250429101506-ac1d96dc/85/Clinical-Psychology-Science-Practice-and-Culture-4th-Edition-Pomerantz-Test-Bank-27-320.jpg)
![notwithstanding his innumerable historians, is nowhere more fully
comprehended than in the simple lines which may be seen to-day
upon his tomb:
"Por Castilla y por Leon
Nuevo Mundo halló Colon."
Maffei of Volterra, Commentariorum urbanorum, Rome, 1506, a kind
of geographical encyclopædia, contains a section on the loca nuper
reperta. Five editions are mentioned as having been issued in the
years 1510, 1511, and 1530, all but one at Paris.
M. Varnhagen claims that the original mixed Italian text of Vespucci's
first voyage was printed in Florence in 1505 or 1506, and that
several copies have been preserved. This is the text used by him in
his defense of Vespucci. See Premier Voy., Vienna, 1869, and
Vespucci, son caractère, etc., Lima, 1865, in which the letter is
reproduced. I find no mention by any other author of such an
edition.
[1507.] No voyages are mentioned in this year; but the bibliography
of the year is remarkable. Montalboddo (or Zorzi), Paesi Nouamente
retrouati, Et Nouo Mondo da Alberico Vesputio, Florentino, intitulato,
Vicentia, 1507, is the second collection of voyages issued, and the
first of which any copies at present exist. This work is divided into
six books, of which the fourth and fifth relate to America, the fourth
being a reproduction of the Libretto of 1504, while the fifth is the
Nouo Mondo, or third voyage of Vespucci; and its mention in the title
shows how important a feature it was deemed in a work of this
character. In the following year, besides a new Italian edition, there
appeared a German translation under the title of Ruchamer, Newe
unbekanthe landte, Nuremberg, 1508, and a Latin translation,
Itinerariũ Portugallẽsiũ, Milan, 1508. At least fourteen editions in
Italian, Latin, German, and French appeared before 1530.
Hylacomylus (Waldsee-Müller), Cosmographiæ Introdvctio ... Insuper
quatuor Americi Vespucij Nauigationes, Deodate (St Dié, Lorraine),](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/21663-250429101506-ac1d96dc/85/Clinical-Psychology-Science-Practice-and-Culture-4th-Edition-Pomerantz-Test-Bank-28-320.jpg)
![BOOKS AND MAPS OF
THE PERIOD.
[1508.] Pinzon and Solis, with Pedro Ledesma as pilot, were sent by
Spain for the third time to search southward for the strait which
they, as well as Columbus and Bastidas, had failed to find farther
north and west. Sailing from San Lúcar June 29, 1508, they touched
at the Cape Verde Islands, proceeded to Cape St Augustine, and
followed the coast south-west to about 40° south latitude, returning
to Spain in October, 1509. Viages Menores, in Navarrete, tom. iii. p.
47. Kohl, Die beiden ältesten Karten von Am., p. 110, joins this
voyage to the preceding one of 1506.
Another of the uncertain French voyages to Newfoundland is
reported to have taken place in 1508, under the command of
Thomas Aubert, from Dieppe. Viages Menores, in Navarrete, tom. iii.
p. 41; Kohl's Hist. Discov., pp. 203-5.
In 1508 the governor of Española sent Sebastian de Ocampo to
explore Cuba. He was the first to sail round the island, thus proving
it such, as Juan de la Cosa probably imagined it to be eight years
earlier. Aa, Naaukeurige Versameling, tom. vi. p. 1; Herrera, Hist.
Gen., dec. i. lib. vii. cap. i.; Stevens' Notes, p. 35.
Ptolemy, In hoc opere hæc continentvr,
Geographiæ Cl. Ptolemæi, Rome, 1508, is said
to be the first edition of this work which contains
allusions to the New World. Other editions of Ptolemy, prepared by
different editors, with additional text and maps, and with some
changes in original matter, appeared in 1511, 1512, 1513, 1519,
1520, 1522, 1525, 1532, and 1535. The edition first mentioned
contains, in addition to the preceding one of 1507, fourteen leaves of
text and an engraved map by Johann Ruysch—the first ever
published which includes the New World. Copies have been printed
by Lelewel in his Géog. du moyen âge, atlas; by Santarem, in his
Recherches, Paris, 1842, atlas; and by Humboldt, Kohl, and Stevens.
I have taken the annexed copy from the three last mentioned
authorities, omitting some of the unimportant names.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/21663-250429101506-ac1d96dc/85/Clinical-Psychology-Science-Practice-and-Culture-4th-Edition-Pomerantz-Test-Bank-32-320.jpg)
![OCCUPATION OF
TIERRA FIRME.
evidently entertained the same idea respecting Cuba that was held
by Juan de la Cosa, but did not venture to proclaim it an island. In
the south, the New World is shown under the name 'Terra Sanctæ
Crucis sive Mvndvs Novvs.' An open sea separates the New World
from Asia, showing that Ruysch did not know of the unsuccessful
search for this passage by Columbus, Bastidas, and Pinzon. It is
worthy of remark that the name America is not used by this
countryman of Hylacomylus. Humboldt thinks that he had not seen
the Cosmographiæ Introdvctio, but had read some other edition of
Vespucci's third voyage. Exam. Crit., tom. ii. pp. 5, 9; tom. iv. p. 121,
and Preface to Ghillany. See also Kunstmann, Entdeckung Am., pp.
136-7; Harrisse, Bib. Am. Vet., pp. 107-8; Kohl's Hist. Discov., pp.
156-8; Stevens' Notes, pp. 31-2.
[1509.] Stimulated by the admiral's gold
discoveries at Veragua, which had been
corroborated by subsequent voyages. King
Ferdinand of Spain determined to establish colonies on that coast.
The region known as Tierra Firme was to that end divided into two
provinces, of which Alonso de Ojeda was appointed governor of one,
and Diego de Nicuesa of the other. Ojeda sailed from Española
November 10, 1509, and Nicuesa soon followed. Their adventures
form an important part of early Central American history, and are
fully related in the following chapters. During the succeeding years
frequent voyages were made back and forth between the new
colonies, Jamaica, Cuba, and Española, which are for the most part
omitted here as not constituting new discoveries. Peter Martyr, dec.
ii. cap. i.; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fols. 67-9; Galvano's Discov., p. 109-
10; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. ii. pp. 421-8; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. i.
cap. vii. lib. vii. et seq.
The Globus Mundi, Strasburg, 1509, an anonymous work, was the
first to apply the name America to the southern continent.
Humboldt, Exam. Crit., tom. iv. p. 142; Major's Prince Henry, p. 387.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/21663-250429101506-ac1d96dc/85/Clinical-Psychology-Science-Practice-and-Culture-4th-Edition-Pomerantz-Test-Bank-34-320.jpg)
![Peter Martyr's Map, 1511.
View larger image
[1511.] Juan de Agramonte received a commission from the Spanish
government, and made arrangements to sail to Newfoundland and
the lands of the north-western ocean, but nothing further is known
of the matter. Viages Menores, in Navarrete, tom. iii. p. 42;
Sobrecarta de la Reina Doña Juana, in Navarrete, tom. iii. p. 122. P.
Martyris, Anglimediolanensis opera, Seville, 1511, is the first edition
of Peter Martyr's first decade; containing in ten letters, or books,
accounts of the first three voyages of Columbus, certain expeditions
to the Pearl Coast, and closing with a brief mention of the admiral's
fourth voyage. The learned author was personally acquainted with
Columbus, and his relations are consequently of great value. This](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/21663-250429101506-ac1d96dc/85/Clinical-Psychology-Science-Practice-and-Culture-4th-Edition-Pomerantz-Test-Bank-35-320.jpg)
![[1512.] The West India Islands, in which the Spaniards are at length
firmly established, become now the point of new departures.
Conquerors and discoverers henceforth for the most part sail from
Española or Cuba rather than from Spain. Juan Ponce de Leon, a
wealthy citizen who had been governor of Puerto Rico, fitted out
three vessels at his own expense, and sailed in search of a fountain,
which according to the traditions of the natives had the property of
restoring youth, and which was situated in the land called Bimini far
to the north. This infatuation had been current in the Islands for
several years, and, as we have seen, the name was applied to such
a land on Peter Martyr's map of 1511. Sailing from Puerto Rico
March 3, 1512, Ponce de Leon followed the northern coast of
Española, and thence north-west through the Bahamas, reaching
San Salvador on the 14th of March. Thirteen days thereafter he saw
the coast of Florida, so named by him from the day of discovery,
which was Pascua Florida, or Easter-day. The native name of the
land was Cautio. On the 2d of April the Spaniards landed in 30° 8',
and took possession for the king of Spain; then following the coast
southward they doubled Cape Corrientes (Cañaveral) May 8, and
advanced to an undetermined point on the southern or eastern
coast, which Kohl thinks may have been Charlotte Bay. All this while
they believed the country to be an island. On the 14th of June Ponce
de Leon departed from Florida, and on his return touched at the
Tortugas, at the Lucayos, at Bahama, and at San Salvador, arriving
at Puerto Rico the 21st of September. He left behind one vessel
under Juan Perez de Ortubia, who arrived a few days later with the
news of having found Bimini, but no fountain of youth. Reise des
Ponce de Leon, und Entdeckung von Florida, in Sammlung aller
Reisebesch., tom. xiii. p. 188; Viages Menores, in Navarrete, tom. iii.
pp. 50-3: Real cédula dando facultad á Francisco de Garay, in
Navarrete, tom. iii. p. 148; Uitvoerlyke Scheepstogt door den
Dapperen Jean Ponze de Leon gedaan naar Florida, in Gottfried,
tom, iii.; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fols. 50-2; Galvano's Discov., p. 123.
Kohl places the voyage in 1513, relying on Peschel, who, he says,
has proved the year 1512 to be an impossible date.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/21663-250429101506-ac1d96dc/85/Clinical-Psychology-Science-Practice-and-Culture-4th-Edition-Pomerantz-Test-Bank-37-320.jpg)
![DISCOVERY OF THE
PACIFIC OCEAN.
In 1512 the Regidor Valdivia was sent by the colonists from the gulf
of Darien, then called Urabá, to Española for supplies. Being
wrecked in a violent tempest, he escaped in boats to the coast of
Yucatan, where he and his companions were made captives by the
natives. Some were sacrificed to the gods, and then eaten; only two,
Gonzalo Guerrero and Gerónimo de Aguilar, survived their many
hardships, the latter being rescued by Cortés in 1519. Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. i. pp. 368-72; Gomara, Hist. Mex., fol. 21-2;
Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii. lib. iv. cap. vii.; Cogolludo, Hist.
Yucathan, pp. 24-9.
The very rare map in Stobnicza's Ptolemy, Cracoviæ, 1512, I have
not seen. It is said to show the New World as a continuous coast
from 50° north latitude to 40° south. Neither in the text nor in the
map is found the name America.
[1513.] In September, 1513, Vasco Nuñez de
Balboa set out from the settlement of Antigua on
the gulf of Urabá, and crossing the narrow
isthmus which joins the two Americas, discovered a vast ocean to
the southward on the other side of the supposed Asia. The Isthmus
here runs east and west, and on either side, to the north and to the
south are great oceans, which for a long time were called the North
Sea and the South Sea. After exploring the neighboring coasts he
returned to Antigua in January, 1514, after an absence of four
months. Galvano's Discov., pp. 123-5; Peter Martyr, dec. iii. cap. i.;
Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii. pp. 9-17; Andagoya's Narrative, p. 7;
Carta del Adelantado Vasco Nuñez de Balboa, in Pacheco and
Cárdenas, Col. Doc. Inéd., tom. ii. p. 526.
The Ptolemy of 1513 has a map which is said to have been made by
Hylacomylus as early as 1508, but concerning which there seems to
be much uncertainty. I give a copy from the fac-simile of Stevens
and Varnhagen.
The name Cuba does not appear, and in its place is Isabela. Many of
the names given by other maps to points on the coast of Cuba are](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/21663-250429101506-ac1d96dc/85/Clinical-Psychology-Science-Practice-and-Culture-4th-Edition-Pomerantz-Test-Bank-38-320.jpg)
![Map from Ptolemy, 1513.
View larger image
The name America is thought by Major to occur first on a manuscript
map by Leonardo da Vinci, in the queen's collection at Windsor, to
which he ascribes the date of 1513 or 1514.
[1514.] Pedrarias Dávila, having been appointed governor of Castilla
del Oro, by which name the region about the isthmus of Darien was
now called, sailed from San Lúcar with an armada of fifteen vessels](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/21663-250429101506-ac1d96dc/85/Clinical-Psychology-Science-Practice-and-Culture-4th-Edition-Pomerantz-Test-Bank-40-320.jpg)
![GRADUAL
ENLARGEMENT OF
THE TWO AMERICAS.
and over 2000 men, April 12, 1514. The special object of this
expedition was to discover and settle the shores of the South Sea,
whose existence had been reported in Spain, but whose discovery by
Vasco Nuñez de Balboa was not known before the departure of
Pedrarias. Herrera, dec. i. lib. x. cap. xiii.; Peter Martyr, dec. ii. cap.
vii.; dec. iii. cap. v.; Galvano's Discov., p. 125; Quintana, Vidas de
Españoles Célebres, 'Balboa,' p. 28; Robertson's Hist. Am., vol. i. p.
207. See chapter x. of this volume.
[1515.] Juan Diaz de Solis sailed from Lepe October 8, 1515, with
three vessels, and surveyed the eastern coast of South America from
Cape San Roque to Rio Janeiro, where he was killed by the natives.
Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii. pp. 48-50. Three vessels were
fitted out at Seville, well manned and armed for a cruise against the
Caribs, under command of Juan Ponce de Leon, but the Spaniards
were defeated in their first encounter with the savages at
Guadalupe, and the expedition was practically abandoned.
The adventures of Badajoz, Mercado, Morales,
and others in 1515-16 and the following years,
by which the geography of the Isthmus was
more fully determined, are given elsewhere.
Schöner, Luculentissima quædã terræ totius descriptio, Nuremberg,
1515, and another edition of the same work under the title Orbis
Typvs, same place and date, have a chapter on America 'discovered
by Vespucci in 1497.' In Reisch, Margaritha Philosophica, Strasburg,
1515, an encyclopedia frequently republished, is a map which is
almost an exact copy of that in the Ptolemy of 1513, except in its
names. The main-land to the north-west of Cuba is called Zoana
Mela, but the names of certain localities along the coast are omitted.
Both Cuba and Española are called Isabela, and the southern
continent is laid down as 'Paria seu Prisilia.' Harrisse, Bib. Am. Vet.,
nos. 80-2; Kunstmann, Entdeckung Am., pp. 130-1; Kohl, Die beiden
ältesten Karten von Am., p. 33; Stevens' Notes, p. 52; fac-simile, pl.
iv. no. 2.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/21663-250429101506-ac1d96dc/85/Clinical-Psychology-Science-Practice-and-Culture-4th-Edition-Pomerantz-Test-Bank-41-320.jpg)
![[1516.] After Ponce de Leon's voyage in 1512 or 1513, and probably
before that time, trips were made by private adventurers northward
from Española and Cuba to the Islands and to Florida. Among these
is that of Diego de Miruelo in 1516, who probably visited the western
or gulf coast of Florida, and brought back specimens of gold. No
details are known of the expedition. Garcilaso de la Vega, La Florida
del Inca, Madrid, 1723, p. 5.
Lettera di Amerigo Vespucci, Florence, 1516, the second collection of
the four voyages; Peter Martyr, Ioannes ruffus, De Orbe Decades,
Alcala, 1516, the first edition of three decades; and Giustiniani,
Psalterium, Genoa, 1516, which appends a life of Columbus to the
nineteenth Psalm, are among the new books of the year.
[1517.] Eden, in his dedication of an English translation of Munster's
Cosmography, in 1553, speaks of certain ships "furnished and set
forth" in 1517 under Sebastian Cabot and Sir Thomas Pert; but so
faint was the heart of the baronet that the voyage "toke none
effect." On this authority some authors have ascribed a voyage to
Cabot in 1517, to regions concerning which they do not agree. An
expedition whose destination and results are unknown, can have
had little effect on geographical knowledge; and Kohl, after a full
discussion of the subject, seems to have proved against Biddle, its
chief supporter, that there is not sufficient evidence of such a
voyage. Navigatione di Sebastiano Cabota, in Ramusio, tom. ii. fol.
212; Kunstmann, Entdeckung Am., pp. 54-5; Roux de Rochelle, in
Bulletin, Soc. Géog., Apr. 1832, p. 209; Peter Martyr, dec. iii. cap. vi.
Francisco Hernandez de Córdoba, with three vessels and 110 men,
sailed from La Habana February 8, 1517, sent by the governor of
Cuba to make explorations toward the west. Touching at Cape
Catoche, in Yucatan, he coasted the peninsula in fifteen days to
Campeche, and six days later reached Potonchan, or Champoton,
where a battle was fought with the natives, and the Spaniards
defeated. Accounts indicate that the explorers were not unanimous
in supposing Yucatan to be an island, as it was afterward
represented on some maps. Failing to procure a supply of water in](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/21663-250429101506-ac1d96dc/85/Clinical-Psychology-Science-Practice-and-Culture-4th-Edition-Pomerantz-Test-Bank-42-320.jpg)
![the slough of Lagartos, Córdoba sailed across the Gulf to Florida,
and thence returned to Cuba, where he died in ten days from his
wounds. I find nothing to show what part of Florida he touched.
Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i. pp. 349-51; Peter Martyr, dec. iv.
cap. i.; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. i. pp. 497-8; Galvano's Discov., pp.
130-1; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 8-9; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii. lib.
ii. cap. xvii.; Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, pp. 3-8; Prescott's Mex., vol.
i. pp. 222-24; Viages Menores, in Navarrete, tom. iii. pp. 53-5; West-
Indische Spieghel, p. 188; Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., tom. i. pp. 338-41.
[1518.] The following year Juan de Grijalva was sent from Cuba to
carry on the explorations begun by Córdoba. Grijalva sailed from
Santiago de Cuba April 8, 1518, with four vessels, reached the island
of Santa Cruz (Cozumel) on the 3d of May, took possession on the
6th of May, and shortly after entered Ascension Bay. From this point
he coasted Yucatan 270 leagues, by his estimate, to Puerto
Deseado, entered and named the Rio de Grijalva (Tabasco), and
took possession of the country in the vicinity of Vera Cruz about the
19th of June. Advancing up the coast to Cabo Rojo, he turned about
and entered Rio Tonalá, engaged in a parting fight at Champoton,
followed the coast for several weeks, and then turned for Cuba,
arriving at Matanzas about the 1st of November. During his absence,
Cristóbal de Olid had coasted a large part of Yucatan in search of
Grijalva's fleet. Peter Martyr, dec. iv. cap. iii.-iv.; Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. i. pp. 351-8, Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. i. pp. 502-
37; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 8-11, 56-8; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii.
lib. iii. cap. i. ix.; Robertson's Hist. Am., vol. i. pp. 240-4; Brasseur de
Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv. pp. 40-50; Cogolludo, Hist.
Yucathan, pp. 8-16; Diaz, Itinéraire, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série
i. tom. x. pp. 1-47; Viages Menores, in Navarrete, tom. iii. pp. 53-64;
Alaman, Disertaciones, tom. i. pp. 45-8; Reise des Johann Grijalva
und allererste Entdeckung Neuspaniens, in Sammlung, tom. xiii. p.
258; Itinerario de Juan de Grijalva, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., tom. i.
p. 281.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/21663-250429101506-ac1d96dc/85/Clinical-Psychology-Science-Practice-and-Culture-4th-Edition-Pomerantz-Test-Bank-43-320.jpg)
![Map in Munich Atlas, supposed to have been
Drawn about 1518.
View larger image
[1519.] Stobnicza's Ptolemy of 1519 alludes to the New World
discovered by Vespucci and named after him.
Enciso, Suma de geografia, Seville, 1519, is the first Spanish work
known which treats of the new regions. The author was a
companion of Ojeda in his unfortunate attempt to found a colony on
Tierra Firme. Another edition appeared in 1530.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/21663-250429101506-ac1d96dc/85/Clinical-Psychology-Science-Practice-and-Culture-4th-Edition-Pomerantz-Test-Bank-45-320.jpg)
Clinical Psychology Science Practice and Culture 4th Edition Pomerantz Test Bank
- 1. Clinical Psychology Science Practice and Culture 4th Edition Pomerantz Test Bank download https://testbankdeal.com/product/clinical-psychology-science- practice-and-culture-4th-edition-pomerantz-test-bank/ Find test banks or solution manuals at testbankdeal.com today!
- 2. We have selected some products that you may be interested in Click the link to download now or visit testbankdeal.com for more options!. Clinical Psychology Science Practice And Culture 3rd Edition Pomerantz Test Bank https://testbankdeal.com/product/clinical-psychology-science-practice- and-culture-3rd-edition-pomerantz-test-bank/ Clinical Psychology Science Practice And Culture 2nd Edition Pomerantz Test Bank https://testbankdeal.com/product/clinical-psychology-science-practice- and-culture-2nd-edition-pomerantz-test-bank/ My Psychology 1st Edition Pomerantz Test Bank https://testbankdeal.com/product/my-psychology-1st-edition-pomerantz- test-bank/ Financial Accounting 2nd Edition Kemp Test Bank https://testbankdeal.com/product/financial-accounting-2nd-edition- kemp-test-bank/
- 3. Foundations of Macroeconomics 8th Edition Bade Solutions Manual https://testbankdeal.com/product/foundations-of-macroeconomics-8th- edition-bade-solutions-manual/ South Western Federal Taxation 2018 Individual Income Taxes 41st Edition Hoffman Solutions Manual https://testbankdeal.com/product/south-western-federal- taxation-2018-individual-income-taxes-41st-edition-hoffman-solutions- manual/ Anatomy Physiology and Disease for the Health Professions 3rd Edition Booth Solutions Manual https://testbankdeal.com/product/anatomy-physiology-and-disease-for- the-health-professions-3rd-edition-booth-solutions-manual/ Public Policy Politics Analysis and Alternatives 1st Edition Kraft Test Bank https://testbankdeal.com/product/public-policy-politics-analysis-and- alternatives-1st-edition-kraft-test-bank/ Global Business Today 10th Edition Hill Test Bank https://testbankdeal.com/product/global-business-today-10th-edition- hill-test-bank/
- 4. Purchasing And Supply Chain Management 5th Edition Monczka Test Bank https://testbankdeal.com/product/purchasing-and-supply-chain- management-5th-edition-monczka-test-bank/
- 5. Chapter 10: Personality Assessment and Behavioral Assessment Test Bank Multiple Choice 1. ____, which is more likely to take place when clinical psychologists are not culturally competent, involves viewing as abnormal that which is normal within the client’s own culture. A. Overpathologizing B. Empirical criterion keying C. Diagnosing D. Multimethod assessment Ans: A Learning Objective: 10.2 Propose how a psychologist conducting a personality assessment can demonstrate cultural competence. Cognitive Domain: Knowledge Answer Location: Culturally Competent Assessment Difficulty Level: Easy 2. The practice of using a collection of different assessment instruments (e.g., interview data, direct observation, etc.) to examine an individual’s personality is known as _____. A. multimodal assessment B. multimethod assessment C. bimodal assessment D. bimethod assessment Ans: B Learning Objective: 10.1 List the advantages of a multimethod assessment approach when conducting a psychological evaluation. Cognitive Domain: Knowledge Answer Location: Multimethod Assessment Difficulty Level: Easy 3. Clinical psychologists who select assessment methods that have strong validity, reliability, and clinical utility are practicing _____. A. multimodal assessment B. culturally competent assessment C. evidence-based assessment D. testing Ans: C Learning Objective: 10.1 List the advantages of a multimethod assessment approach when conducting a psychological evaluation.
- 6. Cognitive Domain: Knowledge Answer Location: Evidence-Based Assessment Difficulty Level: Easy 4. Dr. Johnson is asked to assess Martha. He decides he will administer the Structured Clinical Interview for DSM-5 because he knows it is well supported by research. In this situation, Dr. Johnson is practicing A. multimethod assessment. B. culturally competent assessment. C. evidence-based assessment. D. ethically validated assessment. Ans: C Learning Objective: 10.1 List the advantages of a multimethod assessment approach when conducting a psychological evaluation. Cognitive Domain: Application Answer Location: Evidence-Based Assessment Difficulty Level: Medium 5. _____ include unambiguous test items, offer clients a limited range of responses, and have clear scoring guidelines. A. Projective personality tests B. Objective personality tests C. Sentence completion tests D. Naturalistic observation techniques Ans: B Learning Objective: 10.3 Differentiate between objective and projective assessments of personality. Cognitive Domain: Knowledge Answer Location: Objective Personality Tests Difficulty Level: Medium 6. Which of the following is an example of an objective personality test? A. Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory B. Rorschach Inkblot Method C. Thematic Apperception Test D. Person-Tree-House Technique Ans: A Learning Objective: 10.3 Differentiate between objective and projective assessments of personality. 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Application Answer Location: Objective Personality Tests Difficulty Level: Medium 7. Which of the following is NOT an example of an objective personality test? A. California Psychological Inventory
- 7. B. NEO Personality Inventory C. Thematic Apperception Test D. Millon Clinical Multiaxial Inventory Ans: C Learning Objective: 10.3 Differentiate between objective and projective assessments of personality. 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Application Answer Location: Objective Personality Tests Difficulty Level: Medium 8. The _____ is the most popular and psychometrically sound objective personality test used by clinical psychologists. A. Millon Clinical Multiaxial Inventory-IV B. California Psychological Inventory C. Beck Depression Inventory-II D. Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-II Ans: D Learning Objective: 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Knowledge Answer Location: Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2 Difficulty Level: Easy 9. _____ is a test-construction method that involves identifying distinct groups of people, asking all of them to respond to the same test items, and comparing responses between the groups. A. Empirical criterion keying B. Logarithmic modeling C. Factor analysis D. Comparative group coding Ans: A Learning Objective: 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Knowledge Answer Location: Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2 Difficulty Level: Easy 10. Who are Starke Hathaway and J. C. McKinley? A. Authors of the original MMPI B. Developers of the most widely used scoring system for the Rorschach Inkblot Method C. Creators of the Thematic Apperception Test D. Authors of the NEO Personality Inventory Ans: A Learning Objective: 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Knowledge
- 8. Answer Location: Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2 Difficulty Level: Medium 11. The original MMPI and the MMPI-2 both feature _____ clinical scales. A. 2 B. 5 C. 10 D. 30 Ans: C Learning Objective: 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Knowledge Answer Location: Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2 Difficulty Level: Medium 12. Which of the following is not a clinical scale on the MMPI and MMPI-2? A. Depression B. Mania C. Paranoia D. Self-Acceptance Ans: D Learning Objective: 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Comprehension Answer Location: Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2 Difficulty Level: Hard 13. A client who scores very high on the clinical scale called “Psychopathic Deviate” on the MMPI-2 is most likely to receive a diagnosis of _____. A. major depressive disorder B. antisocial personality disorder C. borderline personality disorder D. specific phobia Ans: B Learning Objective: 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Application Answer Location: Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2 Difficulty Level: Hard 14. A client who scores very high on the clinical scale called “Psychasthenia” on the MMPI-2 is most like to receive a diagnosis of _____. A. generalized anxiety disorder B. bulimia nervosa C. borderline personality disorder
- 9. D. schizophrenia Ans: A Learning Objective: 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Application Answer Location: Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2 Difficulty Level: Hard 15. The Psychasthenia scale on the MMPI-2 is a measure of _____. A. depression B. anxiety C. bipolar disorder D. schizophrenia Ans: B Learning Objective: 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Knowledge Answer Location: Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2 Difficulty Level: Medium 16. The validity scales of the MMPI-2 are a measure of _____. A. the test-taking attitudes of the client B. depression C. anxiety D. antisocial tendencies Ans: A Learning Objective: 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Knowledge Answer Location: Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2 Difficulty Level: Easy 17. Barak completes the MMPI-2. His results produce a highly elevated K scale score. A clinical psychologist interpreting this score should conclude that Barak is A. lying. B. “faking bad.” C. “faking good.” D. responding infrequently. Ans: C Learning Objective: 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Application Answer Location: Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2 Difficulty Level: Hard 18. The MMPI-A is an
- 10. A. alternate form of the MMPI-2 intended for adults who have previously taken the test. B. auditory version of the MMPI-2 intended for individuals whose reading level falls below the demands of the test. C. abbreviated form of the MMPI-2 with approximately half the items of the MMPI-2. D. adolescent version of the MMPI-2 intended for clients aged 14–18 years. Ans: D Learning Objective: 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Knowledge Answer Location: Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2 Difficulty Level: Medium 19. Which of the following statements is NOT true? A. The validity and reliability of the MMPI-2 have been examined in thousands of studies. B. A shorter version of the MMPI-2 is the MMPI-2 Brief Inventory (MMPI-2-BI). C. Both the MMPI-2 and MMPI-A have 10 clinical scales. D. In addition to clinical scales, the MMPI-2 also has supplemental and content scales. Ans: B Learning Objective: 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Comprehension Answer Location: Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2 Difficulty Level: Medium 20. The _____is a new, shorter version of the MMPI-2 released in 2008. A. MMPI-3 B. MMPI-A C. MMPI-2-RF D. MMPI-Mini Ans: C Learning Objective: 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Knowledge Answer Location: Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2 Difficulty Level: Medium 21. Dr. Richards uses psychological testing, including feedback about testing results, both to assess his patients and to provide a brief therapeutic intervention. This practice is best described as A. therapeutic assessment. B. cognitive-behavioral assessment. C. clinical assessment. D. personality assessment. Ans: A Learning Objective: 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Knowledge
- 11. Answer Location: Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2 Difficulty Level: Medium 22. The Millon Clinical Multiaxial Inventory-IV (MCMI-IV) emphasizes _____. A. personality disorders B. psychotic disorders C. normal personality traits D. nonverbal intelligence Ans: A Learning Objective: 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Knowledge Answer Location: Millon Clinical Multiaxial Inventory-IV Difficulty Level: Medium 23. Theodore Millon is A. the lead member of the DSM-5 anxiety disorders Work Group. B. the creator of the MCMI. C. a leading intelligence assessment researcher. D. the son of Rolland Millon, the primary author of the first DSM. Ans: B Learning Objective: 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Knowledge Answer Location: Millon Clinical Multiaxial Inventory-IV Difficulty Level: Easy 24. The NEO-Personality Inventory-Revised (NEO-PI-R) was created by _____. A. Theodore Millon B. Starke Hathaway and J. C. McKinley C. Paul Costa and Robert McCrae D. Aaron Beck Ans: C Learning Objective: 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Knowledge Answer Location: NEO Personality Inventory-Revised Difficulty Level: Easy 25. The NEO-Personality Inventory-Revised (NEO-PI-R) emphasizes _____. A. personality disorders B. mood disorders C. psychotic disorders D. normal personality traits Ans: D
- 12. Learning Objective: 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Knowledge Answer Location: NEO Personality Inventory-Revised Difficulty Level: Easy 26. Which of the following is NOT one of the “Big Five” personality traits measured by the NEO Personality Inventory? A. Neuroticism B. Conscientiousness C. Openness D. Eclecticism Ans: D Learning Objective: 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Comprehension Answer Location: NEO Personality Inventory-Revised Difficulty Level: Medium 27. Which of the following statements is NOT true? A. The CPI emphasizes positive attributes of personality. B. The CPI is consistent with the growing movement within the mental health field toward positive psychology. C. The CPI is widely used in industrial/organizational contexts. D. The CPI-III yields scores on scales such as Derangement, Anxiety, and Apathy. Ans: D Learning Objective: 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Comprehension Answer Location: California Psychological Inventory Difficulty Level: Medium 28. Unlike lengthier personality tests that provide a broad overview of personality, the _____ is briefer and more targeted toward a single characteristic. A. Rorschach Inkblot Method B. NEO-Personality Inventory-Revised C. Beck Depression Inventory-II D. Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2 Ans: C Learning Objective: 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Comprehension Answer Location: Beck Depression Inventory-II Difficulty Level: Medium 29. The Rorschach Inkblot Method A. contains a total of 10 inkblots. B. is an objective personality test.
- 13. C. was created after the creation of the original MMPI. D. features inkblots created by John Exner. Ans: A Learning Objective: 10.5 Describe major projective personality tests used for psychological assessment. Cognitive Domain: Comprehension Answer Location: Rorschach Inkblot Method Difficulty Level: Medium 30. The most frequently cited shortcoming of projective personality tests centers on the fact that projective personality tests A. typically take much longer to administer than objective personality tests. B. cannot be used with child clients. C. rely more heavily on the psychologist’s unique way of scoring and interpreting results than objective tests, which limits their reliability and validity. D. force clients into a restricted range of responses to a greater extent than objective personality tests. Ans: C Learning Objective: 10.5 Describe major projective personality tests used for psychological assessment. Cognitive Domain: Comprehension Answer Location: Projective Personality Tests Difficulty Level: Medium 31. _____ created a comprehensive scoring system for the Rorschach Inkblot Method. A. Herman Rorschach B. John Exner C. Aaron Beck D. Theodore Millon Ans: B Learning Objective: 10.5 Describe major projective personality tests used for psychological assessment. Cognitive Domain: Knowledge Answer Location: Rorschach Inkblot Method Difficulty Level: Easy 32. In the _____, the task of the client is to create a story to go along with the interpersonal scenes depicted in cards. A. Rorschach Inkblot Method B. California Psychological Inventory-III C. Thematic Apperception Test D. NEO Personality Inventory-Revised Ans: C Learning Objective: 10.5 Describe major projective personality tests used for psychological assessment. Cognitive Domain: Knowledge Answer Location: Thematic Apperception Test Difficulty Level: Easy
- 14. 33. As part of an assessment, Dr. Bush asks Mary to finish sentence stems printed on a paper, such as “My favorite …” and “I feel afraid …” This assessment technique is known as a A. sentence completion test, an objective measure of personality. B. sentence completion test, a projective measure of personality. C. narrative casting test, an objective measure of personality. D. narrative casting test, a projective measure of personality. Ans: B Learning Objective: 10.5 Describe major projective personality tests used for psychological assessment. Cognitive Domain: Comprehension Answer Location: Thematic Apperception Test Difficulty Level: Medium 34. Behavioral assessment endorses the notion that A. personality is a stable, internal construct. B. client behaviors are signs of deep-seated, underlying issues or problems. C. assessing personality requires a high degree of inference. D. client behaviors are, themselves, the problem. Ans: D Learning Objective: 10.6 Explain behavioral assessment methods used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Comprehension Answer Location: Behavioral Assessment Difficulty Level: Easy 35. Naturalistic observation is most likely to be practiced by a clinical psychologists who endorses A. projective personality tests. B. objective personality tests that emphasize normal personality traits. C. behavioral assessment. D. objective personality tests that emphasize abnormal or psychopathological aspects of personality. Ans: C Learning Objective: 10.6 Explain behavioral assessment methods used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Comprehension Answer Location: Methods of Behavioral Assessment Difficulty Level: Easy 36. The practice of evidence-based assessment is characterized by the selection of tests that meet all of the following criteria EXCEPT A. strong clinical utility. B. acceptable reliability and validity. C. sufficient normative data. D. endorsement by the American Psychological Association. Ans: D
- 15. Visit https://testbankdead.com now to explore a rich collection of testbank, solution manual and enjoy exciting offers!
- 16. Learning Objective: 10.1 List the advantages of a multimethod assessment approach when conducting a psychological evaluation. Cognitive Domain: Comprehension Answer Location: Evidence-Based Assessment Difficulty Level: Medium 37. “Therapeutic assessment” A. involves the use of projective personality tests in a deliberately therapeutic way. B. is a practice developed by Stephen Finn and colleagues in which cognitive therapy begins without a formal assessment, with the assumption that the first few sessions of therapy can provide adequate assessment data. C. requires the use of massage to decrease patient nervousness prior to beginning an assessment. D. describes the use of psychological testing and feedback as a brief therapeutic intervention. Ans: D Learning Objective: 10.4 Identify objective personality tests commonly used by clinical psychologists. Cognitive Domain: Knowledge Answer Location: Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2 Difficulty Level: Easy Short Answer 1. What is the most popular objective personality test used by clinical psychologists? Ans: Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2 (MMPI-2) 2. What test-construction method was used by the authors of the MMPI-2? Ans: Empirical criterion keying 3. What are the five personality traits measured by the NEO-Personality Inventory? Ans: Neuroticism, extraversion, openness, conscientiousness, and agreeableness. 4. The _____ emphasizes the positive attributes of personality and yields scores on scales such as Independence and Self-Acceptance. Ans: California Psychological Inventory (CPI) 5. What are the two phases of administration for the Rorschach Inkblot Method? Ans: Response/free association, and inquiry 6. During the _____, an adult patient is asked to tell stories about a series of cards, each featuring an ambiguous interpersonal scene. Ans: Thematic Apperception Test (TAT)
- 17. 7. On what type of test might the item “I enjoy _____” appear? Ans: Sentence completion test (or Rotter Incomplete Sentences Blank) 8. _____ is the systematic observation of a patient’s behavior in the natural environment. Ans: Behavioral observation (or naturalistic observation) Essay 1. Briefly explain empirical criterion keying, the method of test construction used by the authors of the MMPI. Ans: Identify distinct groups of people, asking all of them to respond to the same objective test items, and comparing responses between groups. If an item elicits different responses from one group than from another, the item should be retained. If the groups respond similarly to an item, the item should be omitted. It does not matter whether an item should, in theory, differentiate the two groups; it only matters whether an item does, in actuality, differentiate the two groups. 2. Briefly contrast the different emphases (in terms of aspects of personality) of the MMPI-2, MCMI-IV, NEO-PI-R, and CPI. Ans: The MMPI-2 emphasizes psychopathology. The MCMI-IV emphasizes personality disorders. The NEO-PI-R emphasizes normal personality traits. The CPI emphasizes positive attributes of personality such as strengths, assets, and internal resources; it is often employed in industrial/organizational psychology contexts. 3. Why was the MMPI revised, resulting in the MMPI-2? Ans: The revision process addressed several weaknesses that had become increasingly problematic for the original MMPI, including the inadequate normative sample of the original MMPI. For the original MMPI, the “normal” group to which the clinical groups were compared consisted of 724 individuals from Minnesota in the 1940s; this group was overwhelmingly rural and white. For the MMPI-2, normative data was solicited from a much larger and demographically diverse group. Other improvements included the removal or revision of some test items with outdated or awkward wording. 4. How does behavioral assessment differ from the traditional approach personality assessment approach? Ans: The behavioral assessment approach rejects the assumptions that personality is a stable, internal construct; that assessment of personality requires a high degree of inference; and that client behaviors are signs of underlying issues. Instead, behavioral assessment views client behaviors as samples of the problem itself, not signs of underlying problems. Inference should be minimized, so rather than projective or objective measures (all indirect), behavioral assessors prefer direct observation. Also, behavioral assessors emphasize external factors over internal factors as causes of behavior.
- 18. Random documents with unrelated content Scribd suggests to you:
- 19. voyages of the Portuguese to India I shall make no mention except of such as in some way relate to America. For a summary of these later voyages see Major's Prince Henry, pp. 413-18. Gaspar Cortereal this year makes a second voyage to the regions of the north, sailing from Belem, near Lisbon, May 15, 1501, with two or three vessels, touching probably at some point in Newfoundland, and coasting northward some six or seven hundred miles. He does not, however, reach the Terra Verde of the former voyage on account of ice. One of the vessels—Kunstmann says two—returned, arriving at Lisbon October 8, 1501; the other with the commander was never afterward heard from. One of the chief objects of this expedition seems to have been the capture of slaves. The name Labrador is applied by Cortereal to this discovery, "and is perhaps the only permanent trace of Portuguese adventure within the limits of North America." Bancroft's Hist. U. S., vol. i. p. 16; Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii. p. 44; Major's Prince Henry, p. 374; Humboldt, Exam. Crit., tom. iv. p. 224; Kohl's Hist. Discov., pp. 169-71; Peschel, Geschichte der Entd., pp. 331 et seq.; Biddle's Mem. Cabot, pp. 237 et seq. The Portuguese also send an expedition to prosecute the discoveries begun by Cabral, who has not yet returned from India, but whose discovery of Brazil has been reported by Lemos. Strangely enough no documents exist in the Portuguese archives touching this voyage, nor is the name of its commander known, although Varnhagen thinks it may have been Manuel. It is known as Vespucci's third voyage, and its incidents are found only in his letters. The authenticity of this as of his other voyages has been often doubted and denied, and as it is the voyage that resulted in the naming of America, it has given rise to much discussion, into which however I shall not enter. The discussion does not affect the voyage itself, nor the leading facts connected with it, the questions being whether Vespucci was in command, which indeed he does not claim to have been; and above all, whether the results of the voyage entitled him to the honor of naming America, which they certainly did not, even
- 20. had he commanded, from the fact that other navigators had discovered both of the Americas before him. Navarrete, one of Vespucci's most jealous enemies, admits that he visited the coast of Brazil in a subordinate capacity in some Portuguese expedition; and Humboldt, in an essay of 115 pages, effectually defends the veracity of Vespucci in his accounts of his voyages, which the distinguished commentator quotes with notes on the variations of different editions. Vespucci was induced to leave Seville in order to accompany the fleet, which consisted of three vessels—some editions say ten, some fourteen—and which sailed from Lisbon on the 13th of May. Passing the Canaries without landing, to the African coast and Basilica in 14°, probably Cape Verde, there he remained eleven days. At this place he met Cabral's fleet returning from India and learned the particulars of the voyage, including the American discoveries, of which he gives a full account in a letter written at the time under date of June 4, 1501, which is a strong proof of the veracity of his other accounts. See extracts in Humboldt, Exam. Crit., tom. v. pp. 34-44. It is extraordinary that in the several accounts of this meeting the name of Vespucci's commander is not mentioned. From Cape Verde the fleet sailed south-west sixty-seven days and touched the main-land the 17th of August, at a point in 5° south latitude, taking possession for the king of Portugal. Thence it followed the coast south-east, doubled Cape St Augustine, and went on in sight of land for 600 leagues to a point in 32° south—according to Gomara, 40°; Navarrete thinks it could not have been over 26°. Having found no precious metals during a voyage of ten months, the Portuguese abandoned this coast on the 13th (or 15th) of February, 1502, and after having been driven by storms far to the south-east, and discovering some land whose identity is uncertain—Humboldt thinks it was an accumulation of ice, or the coast of Patagonia—they reached the coast of Ethiopia on the 10th of May, the Azores toward the end of July, and Lisbon September 7, 1502. Vespucci gives full descriptions of the natives of Brazil, but these descriptions, together with the numerous conflicting statements, or blunders of the various
- 21. texts relating to details of the voyage, I pass over as unimportant to my purpose. That Vespucci was with a Portuguese fleet which in 1501-2 explored a large but ill-defined portion of the Brazilian coast, there can be no doubt. Grynæus, Novus Orbis, pp. 122-30; Ramusio, Viaggi, tom. i. pp. 139-44; Viages Menores, in Navarrete, tom. iii. pp. 46, 262-80; Humboldt, Exam. Crit., tom. v. pp. 1-115; Major's Prince Henry, pp. 375-7; Galvano's Discov., pp. 98-9. [1502.] Miguel Cortereal sailed from Lisbon May 10, 1502, in search of his brother Gaspar, only to share his brother's fate. Neither of his two vessels appears to have returned. Viages Menores, in Navarrete, tom. iii. p. 44; Humboldt, Exam. Crit., tom. iv. p. 226; Major's Prince Henry, p. 374; Kohl's Hist. Discov., pp. 171-2. It is probable that Portuguese fishermen continued their trips more or less to Labrador and Newfoundland, but if so, no accounts have been preserved. Kohl's Hist. Discov., pp. 187-92; Kunstmann, Entdeckung Am., pp. 69, 95; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii. lib. v. cap. iii. In January, 1502, Alonso de Ojeda with four vessels departed from Cádiz on a second voyage to the Pearl Coast, with the intention of there establishing a colony. Accompanied by Garcia de Ocampo, Juan de Vergara, Hernando de Guevara, and his nephew Pedro de Ojeda, he touched at the Canaries and Cape Verde Islands, and reached the gulf of Paria. Refitting his vessels, on the 11th of March he set sail and coasted north-westward, touching at various points until he came to a port which he called Santa Cruz, probably Bahía Honda, about twenty-five miles east of Cape de la Vela. During the voyage along the coast the vessels were much of the time separated, following different courses. At Santa Cruz Ojeda found a man who had been left by Bastidas, and there he determined to establish his colony. A fort was built, and a vessel sent to Jamaica for supplies; but the colony did not prosper. To other troubles were added dissensions among the fiery leaders, and about the end of May Ojeda was imprisoned by his companions; the colony was finally abandoned, and its governor brought as a prisoner to Española in
- 22. FOURTH VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. September. The few disputed points of this voyage concern only the personal quarrels of Ojeda and his fellow-captains. Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii. pp. 28-39, 168-70, 591 et seq.; Humboldt, Exam. Crit., tom. i. p. 360; tom. iv. p. 226. On the eleventh of May, 1502, Columbus embarked from Cádiz on his fourth and last voyage. Refitting at Española, he directed his course westward, discovered terra firma at the Guanaja Islands, off the north coast of Honduras, and sailing southward, followed the shores of the supposed Asia to El Retrete on the isthmus of Darien, where terminated the discovery of Bastidas from the opposite direction, whose chart may have been in the admiral's possession. Particulars of this voyage are given hereafter. See Cuarto y Último Viage de Cristobal Colon, in Navarrete, tom. i. pp. 277-313; Colon, Hist. del Almirante, in Barcia, tom. i. pp. 101-18; Gomara, Hist. de las Indias, fol. 31; Peter Martyr, dec. iii. cap. iv.; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. i. lib. v.-vi.; Benzoni, Historia del Mondo Nvovo, Venetia, 1572, fol. 28; Galvano's Discov., pp. 100-1; Robertson's Hist. Am., vol. i. pp. 164-74; Burke's European Settlements in Am., vol. i. pp. 37-45; Napione and De Conti, Biografia Colombo, pp. 379-406; Laharpe, Abrégé, tom. ix. p. 122; Acosta, Comp. Histórico de la Nueva Granada, cap. i.; Navigatio Christophori Colvmbi, in Grynæus, Novus Orbis, p. 90, and elsewhere. Since the admiral's discovery, in 1498, of the Pearl Coast, that is, the extreme northern shore of South America, nothing had occurred to modify his views formed at that time concerning the new regions, except to show that this southern addition of the Asiatic continent was much larger than had at first been supposed. His special aim in this fourth voyage was to do what various circumstances had prevented him from doing before, namely, to sail along the eastern and southern coasts of Asia to India, passing, of course, through the supposed strait between the main-land and the land of Paria. It is certainly extraordinary that this idea entertained by Columbus corresponded so closely with the actual conformation of the eastern
- 23. Asiatic coast, and its southern addition of the Australian archipelago; that this conformation is so closely duplicated in the American coasts; and that the position of the admiral's hypothetical strait was almost identical with the actual narrowest part of the American continent. Columbus followed the coast to the western limit of Bastidas' voyage and could find no opening in the shore, either because the ancient chroniclers were faulty in making no mention of this great supposed southern extension of Asia, or because the strait had in some way escaped his scrutiny. He therefore abandoned the search, and gave himself up to other schemes, but he never relinquished his original idea, and died, 1506, in the belief that he had reached the coast of Asia, and without the suspicion of a new continent. Moreover, his belief was shared by all cosmographers and scholars of the time. Peter Martyr, dec. i. cap. viii.; Humboldt, Exam. Crit., tom. i. p. 26; tom. iv. p. 188; Preface to Ghillany; Major's Prince Henry, p. 420; Kohl's Hist. Discov., pp. 140, 238-9; Draper's Int. Develop., p. 445; Stevens' Notes, p. 37. [1503.] Another expedition was sent by Portugal in search of the Cortereals, but returned unsuccessful. Kunstmann, Entdeckung Am., p. 58; Peschel, Geschichte der Entd., p. 334. According to Harrisse, Bib. Am. Vet., pp. 173-4, we have "authentic deeds and depositions proving beyond doubt a French expedition to Brazil as early as 1503;" in support of which he refers to De Gonneville, Mémoires, Paris, 1663; De Brosses, Hist. des Navigations, Paris, 1756, tom. i. pp. 104-14; Revista Trimensal, Rio de Janeiro, tom. vi. p. 412-14; D'Avesac, in Bulletin de la Soc. Géog., tom. xiv. p. 172. In 1503 the Portuguese sent a third fleet of six vessels under Gonzalo Coelho to make farther explorations on the coast of Brazil, then called Santa Cruz, and to sail, if possible, around its southern extremity to India, an idea that seems to have been conceived during the preceding voyage, but which could not then be carried into effect for want of supplies. Vespucci commanded one of the vessels, and set out with high hopes of accomplishing great things
- 24. DIVERS EXPEDITIONS. for his country, his God, and himself. This is known as Vespucci's fourth voyage. Beyond the account which he gives in his letters, little is known of it except the fact that Coelho made such a voyage at the time. The identity of the two expeditions has not been undisputed, but Humboldt and Major both show that there can be little doubt in the matter. The fleet sailed from Lisbon on the 10th of June— Vespucci says May—remained twelve or thirteen days at the Cape Verde Islands, and thence sailed south-east to within sight of Sierra Leone. The navigators were prevented by a storm from anchoring, and so directed their course south-west for 300 leagues to a desert island in about lat. 3° south, supposed to be Fernando de Noronha, where Coelho lost his ship on the 10th of August. Vespucci's vessel was separated from the rest for eight days, but afterward joined one of them, and the two sailed south-west for seventeen days, making 300 leagues, and arriving at the Bahía de Todos os Santos. Remaining there two months and four days, they followed the coast for 260 leagues to the port now called Cape Frio, where they built a fort and left twenty-four men who had belonged to the vessel which had been wrecked. In this port, which by Vespucci's observations was in lat. 18° south and 35° (or 57°) west of Lisbon, they remained five months, exploring the interior for forty leagues; they then loaded with Brazil-wood, and after a return voyage of seventy-seven days arrived in Lisbon June 28 (or 18), 1504. Vespucci believed the other ships of the fleet to have been lost, but after his account was written, Coelho returned with two ships; nothing, however, is now known of his movements after the separation. Di Amerigo Vespucci Fiorentino, in Ramusio, tom, i., Lettera prima, fol. 139, Lettera secondo, fol. 141, Sommario, fol. 141; Viages de Vespucio, in Navarrete, tom. iii. pp. 281-90; Southey's Hist. Brazil, vol. i. p. 20. Alfonso de Alburquerque sailed from Lisbon April 6, 1503, with four vessels for India; but shaping his course far to the south-west, after twenty- four (or twenty-eight) days he reached an island previously discovered by Vespucci; thence he touched the main-land of Brazil, after which he proceeded around the Cape of Good Hope to India,
- 25. and returned to Lisbon September 16, 1504. Viaggio fatto nell'India per Giovanni di Empoli, in Ramusio, tom. i. fol. 158; Purchas, His Pilgrimes, vol. i. pp. 32-3. Bergomas, Nouissime historiarũ omniũ, etc., Venetiis, 1503, a book of chronicles published with frequent additions to date, contains, for the first time, in this edition, a chapter on the newly found islands of Columbus. In my copy, which is dated ten years later, this chapter is on folio 328. At least nine editions of the work appeared before 1540. [1504.] Soon after the return from his third voyage, Vespucci wrote a letter to Piero de' Medici, setting forth its incidents. This letter, which bears no date, was probably written in corrupt Italian, and after circulating to some extent in manuscript, as was the custom at the time, it may have been printed, but no copies are known to exist, and the original is lost. Translations were made, however, into Latin and German, which appeared in small pamphlet form in at least seventeen different editions before 1507, under the title of Mundus Novus, or its equivalent. The earliest edition which bears a date is that of 1504, but of the nine issues without date, some undoubtedly appeared before that year. It is probable that other editions have disappeared on account of their undurable form. None of Vespucci's other accounts are known to have been printed before 1507. This same year the Libretto de tutta le Navigazione del Re di Spagna is said to have been printed at Venice, being the first collection of voyages, and containing, according to the few Italian authors who claim to have seen it, the first three voyages of Columbus and those of Niño and Pinzon. If authentic, it was the first account of the voyage of Columbus to the Pearl Coast; but no copy is known at present to exist, and its circulation must have been small compared with Vespucci's relations. Humboldt, Exam. Crit., tom. iv. pp. 67-77; Harrisse, Bib. Am. Vet., nos. 22-41. A chart made about 1504 has been preserved which shows Portuguese discoveries only. In the north are laid down Newfoundland and Labrador under the name of 'Terra de Cortte
- 26. Reall,' and Greenland with no name, but so correctly represented as to form a strong evidence that it was reached by Cortereal. On the south we have the coast of Brazil, to which no name is given; between the two is open sea, with no indication of Spanish discoveries. Kunstmann, Entdeckung Am., pp. 127-8, and Munich Atlas, no. iii.; Kohl's Hist. Discov., pp. 174-7, plate viii. With the year 1504 the fishing voyages of the Bretons and Normans to Newfoundland are said to have begun, but there are no accounts of any particular voyage. Sobre las navegaciones de los vascongados á los mares de Terranova, in Navarrete, tom. iii. p. 176; Viages Menores, Id., p. 46. Kunstmann, Entdeckung Am., p. 69 et seq., makes these trips begin with Denys' in 1503. Juan de la Cosa equipped and armed four vessels, and was despatched in the service of Queen Isabella of Spain, to explore and trade in the vicinity of the gulf of Urabá, and also to check rumored encroachments of the Portuguese in that direction. All that is recorded of the expedition is that in 1506 the crown received 491,708 maravedís as the royal share of the profits. Carta de Cristobal Guerra, in Navarrete, tom. ii. p. 293; Carta de la Reina, in Id., tom. iii. p. 109; Real Cédula, adicion, Id., p. 161. Stevens, in his Notes, p. 33, gives the date as 1505. [1505.] Alonso de Ojeda, with three vessels, made a third voyage to Coquibacoa and the gulf of Urabá. Noticias biográficas del capitan Alonso Hojeda, in Navarrete, tom. iii. p. 169. The letter written by Columbus from Jamaica July 7, 1503, describing the events of his fourth voyage, is preserved in the Spanish archives. If printed, no copies are known to exist, but an Italian translation appeared as Copia de la Lettera, Venetia, 1505. A Portuguese map made about 1505 by Pedro Reinel shapes Newfoundland more accurately than the map of 1504, being the first to give the name 'C. Raso' to the south-east point; but Greenland is drawn much less correctly. Kunstmann, Entdeckung Am., pp. 125-7;
- 27. Munich Atlas, no. i. Plate ix. in Kohl's Hist. Discov., pp. 177-9, differs materially from the fac-simile in the Munich Atlas. See also Peschel, Geschichte der Entd., p. 332; Schmeller, Ueber einigen der handschriftlichen Seekarten, in Akademie der Wissenschaften, Abhandl., tom. iv. pt. i. p. 247 et seq. [1506.] The Bretons under Jean Denys are said to have explored the gulf of St Lawrence, and to have made a map which has not been found. The reports of this and of succeeding voyages northward are exceedingly vague. Charlevoix, Hist. de la Nouvelle France, Paris, 1744, tom. i. p. 4; Viages Menores, in Navarrete, tom. iii. p. 41; Kohl's Hist. Discov., pp. 201-5; Kunstmann, Entdeckung Am., p. 69; Bancroft's Hist. U. S., vol. i. p. 16. Vicente Yañez Pinzon made a second voyage with Juan Diaz de Solis, in which he explored the gulf of Honduras, from the Guanaja Islands, the western limit of Columbus' voyage, to the islands of Caria on the coast of Yucatan, in search of the passage which was still believed to exist between the main continent of Asia and the land known as the Pearl Coast, Santa Cruz, or, in the Latin translations of Vespucci, as the Mundus Novus, or New World. Brief mention of this voyage may be found in Viages Menores, in Navarrete, tom. iii. p. 46, repeated in Irving's Columbus, vol. iii. p. 52; and Humboldt, Exam. Crit., tom. iv. p. 228. See also Reise des Diaz de Solis und Yanez Pinzon, in Sammlung aller Reisebeschreibungen, tom. xiii. p. 157. Tristan da Cunha in a voyage to India, sailing from Lisbon March 6, 1506, round Cape St Augustine, heard of—eut connaissance de—a Rio São Sebastião in the province of Pernambuco, and discovered the island since called by his name, in 37° 5' south latitude, on his passage to the Cape of Good Hope. Galvano does not mention that Cunha reached America. On the 20th of May, 1506, at Valladolid, died the great admiral of the Western Ocean, Christopher Columbus; whose story,
- 28. notwithstanding his innumerable historians, is nowhere more fully comprehended than in the simple lines which may be seen to-day upon his tomb: "Por Castilla y por Leon Nuevo Mundo halló Colon." Maffei of Volterra, Commentariorum urbanorum, Rome, 1506, a kind of geographical encyclopædia, contains a section on the loca nuper reperta. Five editions are mentioned as having been issued in the years 1510, 1511, and 1530, all but one at Paris. M. Varnhagen claims that the original mixed Italian text of Vespucci's first voyage was printed in Florence in 1505 or 1506, and that several copies have been preserved. This is the text used by him in his defense of Vespucci. See Premier Voy., Vienna, 1869, and Vespucci, son caractère, etc., Lima, 1865, in which the letter is reproduced. I find no mention by any other author of such an edition. [1507.] No voyages are mentioned in this year; but the bibliography of the year is remarkable. Montalboddo (or Zorzi), Paesi Nouamente retrouati, Et Nouo Mondo da Alberico Vesputio, Florentino, intitulato, Vicentia, 1507, is the second collection of voyages issued, and the first of which any copies at present exist. This work is divided into six books, of which the fourth and fifth relate to America, the fourth being a reproduction of the Libretto of 1504, while the fifth is the Nouo Mondo, or third voyage of Vespucci; and its mention in the title shows how important a feature it was deemed in a work of this character. In the following year, besides a new Italian edition, there appeared a German translation under the title of Ruchamer, Newe unbekanthe landte, Nuremberg, 1508, and a Latin translation, Itinerariũ Portugallẽsiũ, Milan, 1508. At least fourteen editions in Italian, Latin, German, and French appeared before 1530. Hylacomylus (Waldsee-Müller), Cosmographiæ Introdvctio ... Insuper quatuor Americi Vespucij Nauigationes, Deodate (St Dié, Lorraine),
- 29. THE NAMING OF AMERICA. 1507, is the title of a work which appeared four times in the same place and year. It is the first collection of Vespucci's four voyages, and generally regarded as the first edition of the first and fourth, although as we have seen M. Varnhagen claims an Italian edition of the first in 1506. This account of the third voyage is different from that so widely circulated before as Mundus Novus. Three other editions of the work, or of the part relating to Vespucci, appeared in 1509 and 1510. In Hylacomylus the following passage occurs: "But now that those parts have been more extensively examined, and another fourth part has been discovered by Americus (as will be seen in the sequel), I do not see why we should rightly refuse to name it America, namely, the land of Americus or America, after its discoverer, Americus, a man of sagacious mind, since both Europe and Asia took their names from women." Here we have the origin of the name 'America.' To the northern discoveries of Columbus, Cabot, and Cortereal, on the islands and coast of the supposed Asia, no general name was given because those regions were already named India, Cathay, Mangi, etc., while names were applied by Europeans only to particular places on the new coasts. When Columbus in 1498 explored the northern coast of South America he had no doubt it was a portion, though probably a detached portion, of Asia, and the terms Paria and the Pearl Coast sufficed to designate the region during the succeeding trading voyages. Concerning these voyages, only a letter of Columbus and a slight account of Pinzon's expedition had been printed, apparently without attracting much attention. The voyages of Columbus, Bastidas, and Pinzon along the coast of Central America were almost unknown. Meanwhile the fame of the great navigator had become much obscured. His enterprises on the supposed Asiatic coast had been unprofitable to Spain. The eyes of the world were now directed farther south. By the Portuguese the coasts of Brazil had been explored for a long distance, proving the great extent of this south-eastern portion of the supposed Asia, whose existence was not indicated on the old charts, and which certainly required a name. These Portuguese explorations and their results were known to the world almost exclusively by the letter of
- 30. Vespucci so often printed. To the Latin translation of the letter, the name Mundus Novus had been applied, meaning not necessarily a new continent, but simply the newly found regions. The name 'America' suggested itself naturally, possibly through the influence of some friend who was an admirer of Vespucci, to the German professor of a university in Lorraine, as appropriate for the new region, and he accordingly proposed it. Having proposed it, his pride and that of his friends—a clique who had great influence over the productions of the German press at that period—was involved in securing its adoption. No open opposition seems to have been made, even by the Portuguese who had applied the name 'Santa Cruz' to the same region; still it was long before the new name replaced the old ones. In later years, when America was found to be joined to the northern continent, and all that great land to be entirely distinct from Asia, the name had become too firmly fixed to be easily changed, and no effort that we know of was made to change it. Later still some authors, inadvertently perhaps, attributed the first discovery to Vespucci. This aroused the wrath of Las Casas and others, and a discussion ensued which has lasted to the present time. See list of partisans on both sides in Harrisse, Bib. Am. Vet., pp. 65-7. Muñoz and Navarrete insist that Vespucci was an impostor, but others, headed by Humboldt, have proved conclusively that the name 'America' was adopted as the result of the somewhat strange combination of circumstances described, without any intentional wrong to Columbus. This conclusion is founded chiefly on the following reasons, namely: The honor to Vespucci resulted chiefly from his third voyage in 1501, and not from his first voyage in 1497, which last mentioned is the only one possible to have claimed precedence over Columbus in the discovery of the continent. Furthermore, neither Columbus nor Vespucci ever suspected that a new continent had been found; and to precede Cabot in reaching Asia, Vespucci, even if relying on his first voyage, must have dated it somewhat earlier in 1497 than he did; while to precede Columbus he must have dated it before 1492, when, as they both believed, Columbus had touched Asia at Cuba. Then, again, there is no evidence whatever that Vespucci ever claimed the honor of
- 31. discovery. He was on intimate terms with the admiral and his friends, and is highly spoken of by all, especially by Fernando Colon, who was extremely jealous in every particular which might affect his father's honor. Moreover, it is certain that Vespucci did not himself propose the name 'America;' it is not certain that he even used the term Mundus Novus or its equivalent in his letters; and it is quite possible that he never even knew of his name being applied to the New World, since the name did not come into general use until many years after his death, which occurred in 1512. The most serious charge which in my opinion can be brought against Vespucci is neglect—perhaps an intentional deception for the purpose of giving himself temporary prominence in the eyes of his correspondent—in failing to name the commanders under whom he sailed; and with exaggeration and carelessness in his details. But it is to be remembered that his writings were simply letters to friends describing in familiar terms the wonders of his voyages, with little care for dry dates and names, reserving particulars for a large work which he had prepared, but which has never come to light. "After all," says Irving, "this is a question more of curiosity than of real moment ... about which grave men will continue to write weary volumes, until the subject acquires a fictitious importance from the mountain of controversy heaped upon it." Cancellieri, Notizie di Colombo, pp. 41-8; Humboldt, Exam. Crit., tom. iv. and v., and Preface to Ghillany; Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. i. p. cxxvi.; Major's Prince Henry, pp. 380-8; Kohl's Hist. Discov., p. 496; Harrisse, Bib. Am. Vet., pp. 65-6; D'Avesac, Martin Hylacomylus, Paris, 1867; Muñoz, Hist. Nuevo Mundo, p. x.; Stevens' Notes, pp. 24, 35, 52 et seq.; Viages de Vespucio, in Navarrete, tom. iii. p. 183; Carta del Excmo. Sr. Vizconde de Santarem, in Navarrete, tom. iii. pp. 309-34. Ludd, Speculi Orbis, Strasburg, 1507, adopts Waldsee- Müller's suggestion so far as to speak of the 'American race,' or people, gentis Americi. Major, Prince Henry, pp. 380-8, explains the connection between this and other works of the time influenced by the St Dié clique. See also Stevens' Notes, p. 35.
- 32. BOOKS AND MAPS OF THE PERIOD. [1508.] Pinzon and Solis, with Pedro Ledesma as pilot, were sent by Spain for the third time to search southward for the strait which they, as well as Columbus and Bastidas, had failed to find farther north and west. Sailing from San Lúcar June 29, 1508, they touched at the Cape Verde Islands, proceeded to Cape St Augustine, and followed the coast south-west to about 40° south latitude, returning to Spain in October, 1509. Viages Menores, in Navarrete, tom. iii. p. 47. Kohl, Die beiden ältesten Karten von Am., p. 110, joins this voyage to the preceding one of 1506. Another of the uncertain French voyages to Newfoundland is reported to have taken place in 1508, under the command of Thomas Aubert, from Dieppe. Viages Menores, in Navarrete, tom. iii. p. 41; Kohl's Hist. Discov., pp. 203-5. In 1508 the governor of Española sent Sebastian de Ocampo to explore Cuba. He was the first to sail round the island, thus proving it such, as Juan de la Cosa probably imagined it to be eight years earlier. Aa, Naaukeurige Versameling, tom. vi. p. 1; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. i. lib. vii. cap. i.; Stevens' Notes, p. 35. Ptolemy, In hoc opere hæc continentvr, Geographiæ Cl. Ptolemæi, Rome, 1508, is said to be the first edition of this work which contains allusions to the New World. Other editions of Ptolemy, prepared by different editors, with additional text and maps, and with some changes in original matter, appeared in 1511, 1512, 1513, 1519, 1520, 1522, 1525, 1532, and 1535. The edition first mentioned contains, in addition to the preceding one of 1507, fourteen leaves of text and an engraved map by Johann Ruysch—the first ever published which includes the New World. Copies have been printed by Lelewel in his Géog. du moyen âge, atlas; by Santarem, in his Recherches, Paris, 1842, atlas; and by Humboldt, Kohl, and Stevens. I have taken the annexed copy from the three last mentioned authorities, omitting some of the unimportant names.
- 33. Map by Johann Ruysch, 1508. View larger image This map follows closely that of Juan de la Cosa in 1500, but illustrates more clearly the geographical idea of the time. The discoveries of Cabot, whom Ruysch is supposed to have accompanied, as well as those of Cortereal in the north, of Greenland, Labrador, and Newfoundland, are laid down with tolerable accuracy; and the rest of the supposed Asiatic coast as in Behaim's globe is taken from Marco Polo. In the centre we have the lands discovered by Columbus, and the old fabulous island of Antilia restored. To 'Spagnola' (Española) is joined an inscription stating the compiler's belief that it was identical with Zipangu, or Japan. Western Cuba is cut off by a scroll, instead of by green paint as in the map of Juan de la Cosa, with an inscription to the effect that this was the limit of Spanish exploration. Ruysch, having as yet no knowledge of Ocampo's voyage performed during this same year,
- 34. OCCUPATION OF TIERRA FIRME. evidently entertained the same idea respecting Cuba that was held by Juan de la Cosa, but did not venture to proclaim it an island. In the south, the New World is shown under the name 'Terra Sanctæ Crucis sive Mvndvs Novvs.' An open sea separates the New World from Asia, showing that Ruysch did not know of the unsuccessful search for this passage by Columbus, Bastidas, and Pinzon. It is worthy of remark that the name America is not used by this countryman of Hylacomylus. Humboldt thinks that he had not seen the Cosmographiæ Introdvctio, but had read some other edition of Vespucci's third voyage. Exam. Crit., tom. ii. pp. 5, 9; tom. iv. p. 121, and Preface to Ghillany. See also Kunstmann, Entdeckung Am., pp. 136-7; Harrisse, Bib. Am. Vet., pp. 107-8; Kohl's Hist. Discov., pp. 156-8; Stevens' Notes, pp. 31-2. [1509.] Stimulated by the admiral's gold discoveries at Veragua, which had been corroborated by subsequent voyages. King Ferdinand of Spain determined to establish colonies on that coast. The region known as Tierra Firme was to that end divided into two provinces, of which Alonso de Ojeda was appointed governor of one, and Diego de Nicuesa of the other. Ojeda sailed from Española November 10, 1509, and Nicuesa soon followed. Their adventures form an important part of early Central American history, and are fully related in the following chapters. During the succeeding years frequent voyages were made back and forth between the new colonies, Jamaica, Cuba, and Española, which are for the most part omitted here as not constituting new discoveries. Peter Martyr, dec. ii. cap. i.; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fols. 67-9; Galvano's Discov., p. 109- 10; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. ii. pp. 421-8; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. i. cap. vii. lib. vii. et seq. The Globus Mundi, Strasburg, 1509, an anonymous work, was the first to apply the name America to the southern continent. Humboldt, Exam. Crit., tom. iv. p. 142; Major's Prince Henry, p. 387.
- 35. Peter Martyr's Map, 1511. View larger image [1511.] Juan de Agramonte received a commission from the Spanish government, and made arrangements to sail to Newfoundland and the lands of the north-western ocean, but nothing further is known of the matter. Viages Menores, in Navarrete, tom. iii. p. 42; Sobrecarta de la Reina Doña Juana, in Navarrete, tom. iii. p. 122. P. Martyris, Anglimediolanensis opera, Seville, 1511, is the first edition of Peter Martyr's first decade; containing in ten letters, or books, accounts of the first three voyages of Columbus, certain expeditions to the Pearl Coast, and closing with a brief mention of the admiral's fourth voyage. The learned author was personally acquainted with Columbus, and his relations are consequently of great value. This
- 36. work contains a map, of which I give a copy from Stevens, the only fac-simile I have seen. The map shows only Spanish discoveries, but it is by far the most accurate yet made. Cuba, now proved to be an island, is so laid down. No name is given to the Mundus Novus, which, by a knowledge of the Spanish voyages, is made to extend much farther north and west than in Ruysch's map; but above the known coasts a place is left open where the passage to India it was believed might yet be found. The representation of a country, corresponding with Florida, to the north of Cuba, under the name of 'Isla de Beimini,' may indicate that Florida had been reached either by Ocampo in 1508, by some private adventurer, as Diego Miruelo, who is said to have preceded Ponce de Leon, or, as is claimed by some, by Vespucci in his pretended voyage of 1497; but more probably this region was laid down from the older maps—see Behaim's map, p. 93 —and the name was applied in accordance with the reports among the natives of a wonderful country or island, which they called bimini, situated in that direction. The map is not large enough to show exactly the relation which Peter Martyr supposed to exist between these regions and the rest of the world, but the text of the first decade leaves no doubt that he still believed them to be parts of Asia. The Ptolemy of 1511 has a map which I have not seen, but which from certain descriptions resembles that of Ruysch, except that it represents Terra Corterealis as an island separated from the supposed Asiatic coast; the name Sanctæ Crucis for South America being still retained. As long as the new lands were believed to be a part of Asia, the maps bore some resemblance to the actual countries intended to be represented, but from the first dawning of an idea of separate lands we shall see the greatest confusion in the efforts of map-makers to depict the New World. Harrisse, Bib. Am. Vet., no. 68; Kunstmann, Entdeckung Am., 133; Kohl, Die beiden ältesten Karten von Am., p. 33. A copy of this map was published in Lelewel's Atlas.
- 37. [1512.] The West India Islands, in which the Spaniards are at length firmly established, become now the point of new departures. Conquerors and discoverers henceforth for the most part sail from Española or Cuba rather than from Spain. Juan Ponce de Leon, a wealthy citizen who had been governor of Puerto Rico, fitted out three vessels at his own expense, and sailed in search of a fountain, which according to the traditions of the natives had the property of restoring youth, and which was situated in the land called Bimini far to the north. This infatuation had been current in the Islands for several years, and, as we have seen, the name was applied to such a land on Peter Martyr's map of 1511. Sailing from Puerto Rico March 3, 1512, Ponce de Leon followed the northern coast of Española, and thence north-west through the Bahamas, reaching San Salvador on the 14th of March. Thirteen days thereafter he saw the coast of Florida, so named by him from the day of discovery, which was Pascua Florida, or Easter-day. The native name of the land was Cautio. On the 2d of April the Spaniards landed in 30° 8', and took possession for the king of Spain; then following the coast southward they doubled Cape Corrientes (Cañaveral) May 8, and advanced to an undetermined point on the southern or eastern coast, which Kohl thinks may have been Charlotte Bay. All this while they believed the country to be an island. On the 14th of June Ponce de Leon departed from Florida, and on his return touched at the Tortugas, at the Lucayos, at Bahama, and at San Salvador, arriving at Puerto Rico the 21st of September. He left behind one vessel under Juan Perez de Ortubia, who arrived a few days later with the news of having found Bimini, but no fountain of youth. Reise des Ponce de Leon, und Entdeckung von Florida, in Sammlung aller Reisebesch., tom. xiii. p. 188; Viages Menores, in Navarrete, tom. iii. pp. 50-3: Real cédula dando facultad á Francisco de Garay, in Navarrete, tom. iii. p. 148; Uitvoerlyke Scheepstogt door den Dapperen Jean Ponze de Leon gedaan naar Florida, in Gottfried, tom, iii.; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fols. 50-2; Galvano's Discov., p. 123. Kohl places the voyage in 1513, relying on Peschel, who, he says, has proved the year 1512 to be an impossible date.
- 38. DISCOVERY OF THE PACIFIC OCEAN. In 1512 the Regidor Valdivia was sent by the colonists from the gulf of Darien, then called Urabá, to Española for supplies. Being wrecked in a violent tempest, he escaped in boats to the coast of Yucatan, where he and his companions were made captives by the natives. Some were sacrificed to the gods, and then eaten; only two, Gonzalo Guerrero and Gerónimo de Aguilar, survived their many hardships, the latter being rescued by Cortés in 1519. Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i. pp. 368-72; Gomara, Hist. Mex., fol. 21-2; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii. lib. iv. cap. vii.; Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, pp. 24-9. The very rare map in Stobnicza's Ptolemy, Cracoviæ, 1512, I have not seen. It is said to show the New World as a continuous coast from 50° north latitude to 40° south. Neither in the text nor in the map is found the name America. [1513.] In September, 1513, Vasco Nuñez de Balboa set out from the settlement of Antigua on the gulf of Urabá, and crossing the narrow isthmus which joins the two Americas, discovered a vast ocean to the southward on the other side of the supposed Asia. The Isthmus here runs east and west, and on either side, to the north and to the south are great oceans, which for a long time were called the North Sea and the South Sea. After exploring the neighboring coasts he returned to Antigua in January, 1514, after an absence of four months. Galvano's Discov., pp. 123-5; Peter Martyr, dec. iii. cap. i.; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii. pp. 9-17; Andagoya's Narrative, p. 7; Carta del Adelantado Vasco Nuñez de Balboa, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc. Inéd., tom. ii. p. 526. The Ptolemy of 1513 has a map which is said to have been made by Hylacomylus as early as 1508, but concerning which there seems to be much uncertainty. I give a copy from the fac-simile of Stevens and Varnhagen. The name Cuba does not appear, and in its place is Isabela. Many of the names given by other maps to points on the coast of Cuba are
- 39. transferred to the main-land opposite. The compiler evidently was undecided whether Cuba was a part of the Asiatic main or not, and therefore represented it in both ways. The coast line must be regarded as imaginary or taken from the old charts, unless, as M. Varnhagen thinks, Vespucci actually sailed along the Florida coast in 1497. This map if made in 1508 may be regarded as the first to join the southern continent, or Mundus Novus, to the main-land of Asia. This southern land is called 'Terra Incognita,' with an inscription stating expressly that it was discovered by Columbus, notwithstanding the fact that its supposed author proposed the name America in honor of Vespucci only the year before. In fact the map is in many respects incoherent, and is mentioned by most writers but vaguely. Harrisse, Bib. Am. Vet., no. 74; Humboldt, Exam. Crit., tom. iv. pp. 109 et seq., and Preface to Ghillany; Kunstmann, Entdeckung Am., pp. 130-2; Kohl, Die beiden ältesten Karten von Am., p. 33; Varnhagen, Nouvelles Recherches, Vienna, 1869, p. 56; Stevens' Notes, pl. ii. no. i. pp. 13, 14, 51; Major's Prince Henry, pp. 385-6; Santarem, in Bulletin de la Soc. Géog., May, 1847, pp. 318-23.
- 40. Map from Ptolemy, 1513. View larger image The name America is thought by Major to occur first on a manuscript map by Leonardo da Vinci, in the queen's collection at Windsor, to which he ascribes the date of 1513 or 1514. [1514.] Pedrarias Dávila, having been appointed governor of Castilla del Oro, by which name the region about the isthmus of Darien was now called, sailed from San Lúcar with an armada of fifteen vessels
- 41. GRADUAL ENLARGEMENT OF THE TWO AMERICAS. and over 2000 men, April 12, 1514. The special object of this expedition was to discover and settle the shores of the South Sea, whose existence had been reported in Spain, but whose discovery by Vasco Nuñez de Balboa was not known before the departure of Pedrarias. Herrera, dec. i. lib. x. cap. xiii.; Peter Martyr, dec. ii. cap. vii.; dec. iii. cap. v.; Galvano's Discov., p. 125; Quintana, Vidas de Españoles Célebres, 'Balboa,' p. 28; Robertson's Hist. Am., vol. i. p. 207. See chapter x. of this volume. [1515.] Juan Diaz de Solis sailed from Lepe October 8, 1515, with three vessels, and surveyed the eastern coast of South America from Cape San Roque to Rio Janeiro, where he was killed by the natives. Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii. pp. 48-50. Three vessels were fitted out at Seville, well manned and armed for a cruise against the Caribs, under command of Juan Ponce de Leon, but the Spaniards were defeated in their first encounter with the savages at Guadalupe, and the expedition was practically abandoned. The adventures of Badajoz, Mercado, Morales, and others in 1515-16 and the following years, by which the geography of the Isthmus was more fully determined, are given elsewhere. Schöner, Luculentissima quædã terræ totius descriptio, Nuremberg, 1515, and another edition of the same work under the title Orbis Typvs, same place and date, have a chapter on America 'discovered by Vespucci in 1497.' In Reisch, Margaritha Philosophica, Strasburg, 1515, an encyclopedia frequently republished, is a map which is almost an exact copy of that in the Ptolemy of 1513, except in its names. The main-land to the north-west of Cuba is called Zoana Mela, but the names of certain localities along the coast are omitted. Both Cuba and Española are called Isabela, and the southern continent is laid down as 'Paria seu Prisilia.' Harrisse, Bib. Am. Vet., nos. 80-2; Kunstmann, Entdeckung Am., pp. 130-1; Kohl, Die beiden ältesten Karten von Am., p. 33; Stevens' Notes, p. 52; fac-simile, pl. iv. no. 2.
- 42. [1516.] After Ponce de Leon's voyage in 1512 or 1513, and probably before that time, trips were made by private adventurers northward from Española and Cuba to the Islands and to Florida. Among these is that of Diego de Miruelo in 1516, who probably visited the western or gulf coast of Florida, and brought back specimens of gold. No details are known of the expedition. Garcilaso de la Vega, La Florida del Inca, Madrid, 1723, p. 5. Lettera di Amerigo Vespucci, Florence, 1516, the second collection of the four voyages; Peter Martyr, Ioannes ruffus, De Orbe Decades, Alcala, 1516, the first edition of three decades; and Giustiniani, Psalterium, Genoa, 1516, which appends a life of Columbus to the nineteenth Psalm, are among the new books of the year. [1517.] Eden, in his dedication of an English translation of Munster's Cosmography, in 1553, speaks of certain ships "furnished and set forth" in 1517 under Sebastian Cabot and Sir Thomas Pert; but so faint was the heart of the baronet that the voyage "toke none effect." On this authority some authors have ascribed a voyage to Cabot in 1517, to regions concerning which they do not agree. An expedition whose destination and results are unknown, can have had little effect on geographical knowledge; and Kohl, after a full discussion of the subject, seems to have proved against Biddle, its chief supporter, that there is not sufficient evidence of such a voyage. Navigatione di Sebastiano Cabota, in Ramusio, tom. ii. fol. 212; Kunstmann, Entdeckung Am., pp. 54-5; Roux de Rochelle, in Bulletin, Soc. Géog., Apr. 1832, p. 209; Peter Martyr, dec. iii. cap. vi. Francisco Hernandez de Córdoba, with three vessels and 110 men, sailed from La Habana February 8, 1517, sent by the governor of Cuba to make explorations toward the west. Touching at Cape Catoche, in Yucatan, he coasted the peninsula in fifteen days to Campeche, and six days later reached Potonchan, or Champoton, where a battle was fought with the natives, and the Spaniards defeated. Accounts indicate that the explorers were not unanimous in supposing Yucatan to be an island, as it was afterward represented on some maps. Failing to procure a supply of water in
- 43. the slough of Lagartos, Córdoba sailed across the Gulf to Florida, and thence returned to Cuba, where he died in ten days from his wounds. I find nothing to show what part of Florida he touched. Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i. pp. 349-51; Peter Martyr, dec. iv. cap. i.; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. i. pp. 497-8; Galvano's Discov., pp. 130-1; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 8-9; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii. lib. ii. cap. xvii.; Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, pp. 3-8; Prescott's Mex., vol. i. pp. 222-24; Viages Menores, in Navarrete, tom. iii. pp. 53-5; West- Indische Spieghel, p. 188; Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., tom. i. pp. 338-41. [1518.] The following year Juan de Grijalva was sent from Cuba to carry on the explorations begun by Córdoba. Grijalva sailed from Santiago de Cuba April 8, 1518, with four vessels, reached the island of Santa Cruz (Cozumel) on the 3d of May, took possession on the 6th of May, and shortly after entered Ascension Bay. From this point he coasted Yucatan 270 leagues, by his estimate, to Puerto Deseado, entered and named the Rio de Grijalva (Tabasco), and took possession of the country in the vicinity of Vera Cruz about the 19th of June. Advancing up the coast to Cabo Rojo, he turned about and entered Rio Tonalá, engaged in a parting fight at Champoton, followed the coast for several weeks, and then turned for Cuba, arriving at Matanzas about the 1st of November. During his absence, Cristóbal de Olid had coasted a large part of Yucatan in search of Grijalva's fleet. Peter Martyr, dec. iv. cap. iii.-iv.; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i. pp. 351-8, Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. i. pp. 502- 37; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 8-11, 56-8; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. i. ix.; Robertson's Hist. Am., vol. i. pp. 240-4; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv. pp. 40-50; Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, pp. 8-16; Diaz, Itinéraire, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i. tom. x. pp. 1-47; Viages Menores, in Navarrete, tom. iii. pp. 53-64; Alaman, Disertaciones, tom. i. pp. 45-8; Reise des Johann Grijalva und allererste Entdeckung Neuspaniens, in Sammlung, tom. xiii. p. 258; Itinerario de Juan de Grijalva, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., tom. i. p. 281.
- 44. I may here remark that such manuscript maps, made generally by pilots for government use, as have been preserved are, as might be expected, far superior to those published in geographical works of the period. I give a copy of a Portuguese chart preserved in the Royal Academy at Munich. From the fact that Yucatan is represented as a peninsula, though not named, while the discoveries of Grijalva and Cortés are not shown, the date of 1518 may be ascribed to the map. Stevens believes it to have been made some time about 1514; Kohl about 1520; Kunstmann some time after 1511. Unexplored coasts are left out instead of being laid down from old Asiatic maps; as for example the United States coast from Newfoundland (Bacalnaos) to Florida (Bimini), and the Gulf coast from Florida to Yucatan. In the central region the names 'Terram Antipodum' and 'Antilhas de Castela' are used without any means of deciding to exactly what parts they are to be applied. The South Sea discovered by Balboa in 1513 is here shown for the first time with the inscription 'Mar visto pelos Castelhanus.' To South America the name 'Brasill' is given. The presence of two Mahometan flags in locations corresponding to Honduras and Venezuela, shows that the compiler still had no doubt that he was mapping parts of Asia. Kunstmann, Entdeckung Am., pp. 129 et seq.; Munich Atlas, no. iv., from which I take my copy; Kohl's Hist. Discov., pp. 179-82, pl. x.; Stevens' Notes, pp. 17, 53, pl. v. Pomponius Mela's Libri de situ orbis, Vienna, 1518, contains a commentary by Vadianus, written however in 1512, in which the name America is used in speaking of the New World. Other editions appeared in 1522 and 1530.
- 45. Map in Munich Atlas, supposed to have been Drawn about 1518. View larger image [1519.] Stobnicza's Ptolemy of 1519 alludes to the New World discovered by Vespucci and named after him. Enciso, Suma de geografia, Seville, 1519, is the first Spanish work known which treats of the new regions. The author was a companion of Ojeda in his unfortunate attempt to found a colony on Tierra Firme. Another edition appeared in 1530.
- 46. CONQUEST OF MEXICO. On February 18, 1519, Hernan Cortés set sail from Cuba to undertake the conquest of the countries discovered by Córdoba and Grijalva. After spending some time on the island of Cozumel, where he rescued Gerónimo de Aguilar from his long captivity (see p. 129), he followed the coast to Rio de Grijalva, where he defeated the natives in battle, and took possession of the land in the name of the Catholic sovereigns. From this place he continued his voyage sailing near the shore to Vera Cruz, where he landed his forces and began the conquest of Montezuma's empire, the history of which forms part of a subsequent volume of this series. Francisco de Garay, governor of Jamaica, prompted by the reports of Ponce de Leon, Córdoba, and Grijalva, despatched four vessels in 1519, under Alonso Alvarez Pineda, who sailed northward to a point on the Pánuco coast (where, according to Gomara, an expedition had been sent during the preceding year, under Camargo). Prevented by winds and shoals from coasting northward as he desired, he sailed along in sight of the low gulf shores until he reached Vera Cruz, where he found the fleet of Cortés. Troubles between the commanders arose from this meeting which will be narrated hereafter. Garay continued for some time his attempts to found a settlement in the region of Pánuco, but without success. Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. i.; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 55-6; West-Indische Spieghel, p. 202; Gomara, Hist. Conq., fol. 222-7; Viages Menores, in Navarrete, tom. iii. pp. 64-7; Kunstmann, Entdeckung Am., p. 73. Soon after landing at Vera Cruz Cortés despatched for Spain a vessel under the pilot Antonio de Alaminos, with messengers who were to clear up before the king certain irregularities which the determined conqueror had felt obliged to commit, and furthermore to establish his authority upon a more defined basis. Alaminos sailed July 16, 1519, following a new route north of Cuba, through the Bahama Channel, and down the Gulf Stream, of which current he was probably the first to take advantage. Touching at Cuba and
- 47. discovering Terceira he reached Spain in October. Diaz del Castillo, Hist. Verdadera de la Conqvista, Madrid, 1632, fol. 37-9; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii. lib. v. cap. xiv.; Kohl's Hist. Discov., pp. 243-5. The history of the Darien colonies is elsewhere recounted in this volume, and the introduction here of the numerous land and water expeditions on and along the Isthmus would be confusing and unprofitable. Suffice it to say that in 1519 the city of Panamá was founded, and a second expedition sent under Gaspar de Espinosa up the South Sea coast. The northern limit reached was the gulf of San Lúcar (Nicoya), latitude 10° north, in Nicaragua, and the expedition returned to Panamá by land from Burica. Andagoya's Narrative of the Proceedings of Pedrarias Dávila, London, 1865, pp. 23-4; Kohl, Die beiden ältesten Karten von Am., p. 162; Oviedo, Hist Gen., tom. iii. p. 61 et seq. We have seen several unsuccessful attempts by both Spaniards and Portuguese to find a passage to India by the southern parts of Brazil, Santa Cruz, or America. In 1519 a native of Oporto, Fernando de Magalhaens, called by Spaniards Magallanes, and by English authors Magellan, after having made several voyages for Portugal to India via Good Hope, quit the Portuguese service dissatisfied, entered the service of Spain, and undertook the oft-repeated attempt of reaching the east by sailing west. His particular destination was the Moluccas, which the Spaniards claimed as lying within the hemisphere granted to them by the treaty of Tordesillas in 1494. It appears that Magellan had seen some map, of unknown origin, on which was represented a strait instead of an open sea at the southern point of America— probably the conjecture of some geographer, for, says Humboldt, "dans le moyen âge les conjectures étaient inscrits religieusement sur les cartes." See Exam. Crit., tom. i. pp. 306, 326, 354; tom. ii. pp. 17-26. Sailing from San Lúcar September 20, 1519, with five ships and 265 men, he reached Rio de Janeiro on the coast of Brazil on the 13th of December, and from that point coasted southward. An attempt to pass through the continent by the Rio de la Plata failed, and on March 31, 1520, the fleet reached Port St Julian in
- 48. THE NAMING OF THE PACIFIC OCEAN. about 49° south, where it remained five months until the 24th of August. On the 21st of October Magellan arrived at Cabo de las Vírgenes and the entrance to what seemed, and indeed proved, to be the long-desired strait. Having lost one vessel on the eastern coast, and being deserted by another which turned back and sailed for Spain after having entered the strait, with the remaining three he passed on, naming the land on the south Tierra del Fuego, from the fires seen burning there. Emerging from the strait, which he called Vitoria after one of his ships, on the 27th of November he entered and named the Pacific Ocean. Then steering north-west for warmer climes he crossed the line February 13, 1521, arrived at the Ladrones on the 6th of March, and at the Philippines on the 16th of March. This bold navigator, "second only to Columbus in the history of nautical exploration," was killed on the 27th of April, in a battle with the natives of one of these islands; the remainder of the force, consisting of 115 men under Caraballo, proceeded on their way, touching at Borneo and other islands, and anchoring on the 8th of November at the Moluccas, their destination. From this point one of the vessels, the Vitoria, in command of Sebastian del Cano, sailed round the Cape of Good Hope, and reached San Lúcar September 6, 1522, with only eighteen survivors of the 265 who had sailed with Magellan. Thus was accomplished the first circumnavigation of the globe. As to the circumstances attending the naming of the Pacific Ocean, a few words may not be out of place. Magellan was accompanied by one Antonio Pigafetta, of Vicenza, afterward Caviliere di Rhodi, who wrote in bad Italian a narrative of the voyage, which was rewritten and translated into French, Primer voyage autour du Monde, par le Chevallier Pigafetta, sur l'Escadre de Magellan pendant les années 1519, 20, 21, et 22, by Charles Amoretti. "Le mercredi, 28 novembre," says Pigafetta, liv. ii. p. 50, "nous débouquâmes du détroit pour entrer dans la grande mer, à laquelle nous donnâmes ensuite le nom de mer Pacifique; dans laquelle nous naviguâmes pendant le cours de trois mois et
- 49. Welcome to our website – the perfect destination for book lovers and knowledge seekers. We believe that every book holds a new world, offering opportunities for learning, discovery, and personal growth. That’s why we are dedicated to bringing you a diverse collection of books, ranging from classic literature and specialized publications to self-development guides and children's books. More than just a book-buying platform, we strive to be a bridge connecting you with timeless cultural and intellectual values. With an elegant, user-friendly interface and a smart search system, you can quickly find the books that best suit your interests. Additionally, our special promotions and home delivery services help you save time and fully enjoy the joy of reading. Join us on a journey of knowledge exploration, passion nurturing, and personal growth every day! testbankdeal.com