Test Bank for Hole’s Human Anatomy & Physiology 15th by Shier
Test Bank for Hole’s Human Anatomy & Physiology 15th by Shier
Test Bank for Hole’s Human Anatomy & Physiology 15th by Shier
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18. CHAPTER XII.
Christian Fellowship—Candid Conversation with a Slaveholder— Clay-eaters—A
True Unionist—Secret Organizations in the South—Washington and Randolph on
Slavery—Aunt Katy—Religion and Republicanism—Pro-slavery Inexcusable in the
North—A Distinguished Abolitionist.
As the words of inspiration came to my ears, I, too, sank on my
knees, and poured forth my soul at the mercy-seat. I must have
spoken rather loudly, for the next morning, this identical slave
woman, while dressing my wounded foot, asked me to what church
I belonged. On my telling her, she sprang away quickly, and ran and
informed her mistress that I was a minister of their church. The lady
immediately came to me, her face wreathed in sweet smiles, and
inquired if such was really the case. I told her it was, and had been
so since my seventeenth year.
“Oh! sir,” she answered, “my husband is a member of that
church.”
At this moment breakfast was announced, and after the
conclusion of the meal, I was requested by both the sheriff and his
wife, to lead in prayer. The Lord put words into my mouth, and we
had, indeed, a happy time. My host then invited me to take a walk
with him, which I did, though my foot gave me considerable pain.
We fell immediately to conversation, in the course of which I got a
full insight into the real condition of affairs in the Southern
Confederacy.
To one of my questions, he answered:
“Yes, sir, the war is the cause of all our misery. You see, for
instance, this region of country is adapted only to raising cotton, for
19. the land is too light for sugar-cane or rice. The masses of the people
in this particular county are employed in cutting timber, which, being
floated down the Ocmulgee to Darien, is sold there, and with the
proceeds are obtained the necessaries of life, flour, corn-meal, salt,
&c.”
“Well,” suggested I, “you rich men, at least, will not suffer.”
“There, sir, you are much mistaken. We shall suffer heavily; for,
though we have farms and plantations, yet we have not hands to
work them. And another thing, perhaps, you are not aware of, is,
that we have thousands of poor men who live here and there, in
their pole-huts, rearing large families on the little crops of cotton and
so forth, which they raise on some other man’s farm, upon which
they have squatted. In the fall they hunt, and thus supply their
families with meat and salt; the skins of the animals they take to
procure the latter article. So they live, half human, half animal,
letting their progeny loose upon us. Of course, many of them must
starve now. If they could obtain salt, however, they might live on
gophers, which abound in the pine-forests.”
Presently, we came in sight of a wretched hut, about which I saw
some white children playing. My companion led me thither, with the
remark:
“I will show you, sir, a family belonging to the class of which I
speak.”
Upon reaching the hut, my blood almost chilled at the sight of
squalid poverty which I beheld. There stood a family of ten persons;
a father—who on account of his age had escaped the conscription—
a mother, and eight ragged, filthy children. The ages of the latter, I
should judge, ranged from one year up to sixteen. The peculiar color
of their complexions struck me very forcibly; it was the same as that
20. of the men composing the first court by which I had been tried. My
host gave us a reason for it, that “they laid around so much in the
dirt, and ate so much clay.” I asked the man himself why he and his
family ate clay.
“Cause it’s good, I golly!” was the prompt reply.
“Well, how are you getting along?”
“Bad enough,” said he, “fur we hain’t had a grain o’ salt in the
house fur more’n four months, only as the sheriff here gins it to us.”
“What do you live on, then?” I asked.
“Oh, on gophers and corn-meal, now-a-days. But, I golly! our
meal’s out, and I don’t know what we’ll do next.”
I got this miserable creature to make me a pair of slippers from
old boots, for which I paid him one dollar and fifty cents, in order
that he might get some corn-meal, which sold at two dollars and
fifty cents per bushel. This money was part of a sum that the sheriff
had kindly lent me. Before we took our departure, the lady (?) of the
hut gave us her opinion, in no measured terms, of the rascally
Yankees.
“Ah, sir,” said the sheriff, when we were out of hearing, “if I were
to speak the real sentiments of my mind, I should be hung before
twenty-four hours. I am a Union man, and when you get back to
Ohio, I want you to tell all the friends in our Church that I am so. I
have twenty-seven negroes, and a thousand acres of land, and I
would let the whole of it go, could I only see the Union restored to
what it once was. But this I never expect to behold, for while slavery
exists, the Union cannot be preserved. I am in reality an anti-slavery
man, and these are my reasons therefor: First, it is a sin in the sight
of God; secondly, it is an injury to the slave himself; and thirdly, it is
an injury to the white race.”
21. “How so?” asked I.
“Because land worked by slave labor is not worth half so much as
when worked by free labor. And, besides, if it were not for slavery,
society would be much improved, for the rich and poor, as things are
now, are very ignorant.”
“How do the rich obtain their wealth?” said I.
“In this way. A man comes here, perhaps, with one female slave,
and, in a comparatively short time, he has quite a number of young
servants about him. Some of these he sells, and with the proceeds
purchases a piece of timber-land. This he has cleared, sells the
timber, gets more slaves and another piece of land, and so goes on
adding to his wealth continually. He has no education himself, and,
three times out of four, gives his children none.”
My host further informed me that he himself had three hundred
acres of land in Illinois, and that he had intended to send his son to
that State to be educated, but he supposed he would be unable to
do so now. He said he had no doubt that this Illinois property would
be confiscated. “But,” added he, warmly, “I do not care if it is,
provided the Union is restored!”
The sentiments expressed by this man astonished me, and I
could not forbear asking him the reason why he opposed slavery so
earnestly, and yet held in bondage twenty-seven human beings.
“I never bought nor sold a slave in my life!” said he. “You saw
that old negress, Kate, this morning; well, she belonged to my wife,
as did also her two sisters. These other slaves are all their children. I
would have freed them long ago, but they refused to leave me; and
I, on the other hand, could not leave them to go North, for I would
have been obliged to give security that they would not become a
pest and burden to the community, and that I was unable to do. So,
22. you see how the case stands. But I am not alone in my sentiments,
sir. There are thirty-five of us within an area of ten miles, who have
organized themselves into a society, and hold regular meeting every
two weeks, to oppose the conscription. This is confidential, for I
know I can trust you.” He spoke of the notice which had been taken
by Northern journals of the existence of such societies in the South,
and referred to the disunion associations in the North. I informed
him that the latter, thank God, were few and far between, and could
do no harm to the cause.
This gentleman’s statement concerning the depreciation of
Southern land, brought to my mind the authority of the fathers of
our Republic on the subject. John Sinclair had written to Washington
concerning the difference of the land in Pennsylvania from that of
Virginia and Maryland. Washington’s answer was this:
“Because there are in Pennsylvania laws for the gradual abolition
of slavery, which neither Maryland nor Virginia has at present; but
there is nothing more certain than that they must have, and at a
period not remote.”
The sheriff’s statement regarding the liberation of his slaves, was
the same as that of John Randolph, Governor of Virginia. The latter
said:
“The deplorable error of our ancestors in copying a civil institution
from savage Africa, has affixed to their posterity a depressing
burden, which nothing but the extraordinary benefits conferred by
our happy climate could have enabled us to support. We have been
far outstripped by States to whom nature has been far less bountiful.
It is painful to consider what might have been, under other
23. circumstances, the amount of general wealth in Virginia, or the
whole sum of comfortable subsistence and happiness possessed by
all her inhabitants.”—Addressed to the Legislature of Virginia, 1820.
In the course of a conversation I had with the old slave woman,
Kate, I said:
“Aunt Katy, if the slaves were to be freed, it would not do you
much good, for you are old, and will soon pass into eternity.”
“Thank de Lord, sah,” she replied, “I am ready to go! But, oh! I
wish I could only see my children and grandchildren in hope of
freedom! And dar’s my husband. You see his massa might sell him,
and den I don’t think I could live. Dar’s no danger of my massa
selling me, for he’s a good man, and he’s let me and my children
learn to read, and I learned my husband.”
“What is the law in Georgia on that point?” I asked.
“God bless you, sah! they’d penitentiary a man for learning a
slave to read.”
This I had heard before, but never until now did I give it
credence. Aunt Katy told me she was sorry we had not struck that
town before in our flight, as her son was an operator on the
Underground Railroad, and would have insured our escape.
Evening came, and once more did I lead in prayer at family
worship. I did so with more assurance and faith than the evening
before, for I now thoroughly knew the sheriff’s sentiments. Had I not
known them, I must confess that my faith in his religion would have
been greatly weakened. Do not tell me of republican or mutual
rights, or Christianity, when the soul is full of tyranny.
24. “Are you republicans? away!
’Tis blasphemy the word to say.
You talk of freedom? Out, for shame!
Your lips contaminate the name.
How dare you prate of public good,
Your hands besmeared with human blood?
How dare you lift those hands to Heaven,
And ask a hope to be forgiven?
How dare you breathe the wounded air
That wafts to Heaven the negro’s prayer?
How dare you tread the conscious earth
That gave mankind an equal birth?
And, while you thus inflict the rod,
How dare you say there is a God,
Who will in justice from the skies,
Hear and avenge his creatures’ cries?
‘Slaves to be sold!’ hark, what a sound!
You give America a wound,
A scar, a stigma of disgrace,
Which you, nor time, can e’er efface;
And prove of nations yet unborn
The curse, the hatred, and the scorn.”
The Horrors of Slavery.
There are a few weak-kneed politicians in the North, who think to
curry favor with the South at this time, by exclaiming, that “we love
slavery, and that the negroes were made for slaves.” Did they but
know the opinion of Union men in the South, their hopes for
popularity would be for ever blighted.
After our devotions were ended, conversation on the current
topics of the day was resumed. The sheriff expressed the hope that
he would soon hear of the arrests of all in the North who were
opposed to a vigorous prosecution of the war. This converse we
continued until bedtime, when, again joining in a supplication to the
25. Throne of Grace, we retired for the night. But sleep was a stranger
to my eyes, for my foot and hand, although Aunt Katy had dressed
them skilfully, gave me excessive pain. As I lay writhing on my
couch, I was unable to banish the thoughts that came flashing into
my mind concerning the bondmen of the South; and I pondered
deeply whether I could not do something toward benefitting them.
Yet when such men as Washington and Jefferson failed, how should
I succeed?
“But,” exclaims the tender-footed Union man, “you would not
intimate that Washington was an abolitionist?”
To such an one I would say, “Hear the words of that great and
good man.”
“The benevolence of your heart, my dear Marquis, is so
conspicuous on all occasions, that I never wonder at fresh proofs of
it. But your late purchase of an estate in the colony of Cayenne, with
a view of emancipating the slave, is a generous and noble proof of
your humanity. Would to God a like spirit might diffuse itself
generally among the minds of the people of this country! But I
despair of seeing it. Some petitions were presented to the Assembly,
at its last session, for the abolition of slavery, but they scarcely
obtained a hearing.”—Letter to Lafayette.
Rising early the next morning, I walked abroad to view the works
of God; and as I limped along, I thanked him exceedingly for his
goodness and kindness to me, his unworthy servant. As I passed the
cabins of the sheriff’s slaves, they were preparing to go up to his
house for prayers.
After breakfast, our host, taking us aside, informed us that as we
had been committed to his charge, he would be obliged to return us
26. to Macon, where he would get the commandant to parole us,
limiting us at the same time to the boundaries of the State. Had he
himself come across us accidentally, he assured us that, instead of
holding us, he would have had us conveyed secretly to our lines. But
this, under the circumstances, he was now unable to do, as he
would thereby incur the death-penalty himself. We, of course,
assented to this, as it would have been extremely ungrateful to our
host, who had protected us from violence, to refuse.
27. CHAPTER XIII.
Classes in the Confederacy—Terror of a Name—Insurrection—Suppressing a
Religious Meeting—The Safe Ground—A Sad Parting—Why Prisoners’ Stories
Differ—Effect of Church Division—The Darien Road—A Wealthy Planter.
During the day, I walked out into the pines that I might be alone
with my thoughts; and there in the solitude I mused upon all the
knowledge that I had gained from my host, and also from my
previous experience. Oh! thought I, if our people at the North were
permitted to look into the hearts of the better class in the South,
there they would see nothing but opposition to the great sin of
slavery. Could they but see the South as I have seen it, they would
come to the same conclusions as myself, viz., that there are three
distinct classes or castes. First, there are the clay-eaters, or common
mass of the people, upon whom even the negroes look down with
contempt. Second, there is the middle class, in which we find all
those who sympathize with the North in this war. Lastly, we have the
slave-owning aristocracy, haughty, supercilious and powerful.
Our host belonged to the middle class, and on being questioned
why that class held the peculiar position it did in regard to the
rebellion, he replied:
“We know that the very moment they—the aristocracy—succeed
in forming a Confederacy, they will, of necessity, keep a large
standing army. Into this army they will force the sons of the poorest
class, or clay-eaters, while they themselves, having negroes to do all
their labor, will have full control of affairs. Then assuming all the
lucrative offices for themselves, they will force us in reality to
support them.
28. “You may ask why we do not educate the poor whites, and thus
set at work a force that would destroy the power of the aristocracy.
We would willingly do so, but for the fact that they are so stubborn,
ignorant, and bigoted, that any attempt of such a nature would be
termed abolition, and you might, with far more safety, call a man a
thief or murderer than call him an abolitionist.
“Should the Confederacy succeed, too, there will be another
danger, which will require all the power of the government to
combat, and that is the insurrection of the slaves. The latter are,
almost to a unit, expecting their liberty by reason of this war, and
are at present quietly awaiting such a result. Should it unfortunately
turn out, however, that the rebellion succeeds, then they will
doubtless strike a blow for themselves; and may Heaven spare me
from witnessing the terrible scenes which must follow.”
Showing me his hand, which I noticed had been wounded at
some former time, the speaker added:
“That wound I received in the following manner. It will serve to
show what harsh measures have already been resorted to for
preventing any rise of the slaves. I used to allow my servants to hold
prayer-meetings sometimes in the house; and on one occasion a
patroller came to the house while one of their meetings was in
progress, and summarily proceeded to break it up. I interfered,
when, turning upon me, he struck me a fearful blow with his
weapon, breaking my fingers as you see. I instantly shot him. Since
then I have been obliged not to allow the meetings.”
In my own mind, I could but compare this noble gentleman to
many half-hearted Christians in the North, who would assist in
perpetuating the curse of slavery on the ground of policy. Shame on
such false Christians and hypocrites! They would call themselves
29. democrats of the nineteenth century. They would say they were on
the side of Washington and Adams, and all the fathers. But they are
not, for Washington was not in his heart a slaveholder, as the
following extract from a letter written by him is sufficient to prove:
“I hope,” writes he, “it will not be conceived from these
observations that it is in my heart to hold the unhappy people, who
are the subject of this letter, in slavery. I can only say, there is not a
man living who wishes more sincerely than I do to see a plan
adopted for the abolition of it.”
Reader, you may, perhaps, complain or disapprove of my
digressions from the subject of my own perils and adventures to that
of slavery; but, so long as God blesses me with thoughts and words,
so long will I continue to strike at the wicked, man-degrading
institution, with all my heart, with all my soul, and with all my might.
Slavery is the baneful Upas that overshadows our glorious Republic,
and its deadly exhalations must in time destroy us, unless we cut it
down, tear it out by the roots, and completely annihilate it now and
for ever. I, with the great founders of the Republic, hold these to be
self-evident truths: “That all men are created free and equal; that
they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights:
that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That,
to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men,
deriving their powers from the just consent of the governed,” &c.
But to return to my theme. When, after passing through
innumerable hardships and perils, being imprisoned in Columbus,
Mobile, Montgomery, and Macon, and spending twenty-one weary
days in the dismal swamps and pine-woods of Georgia, I reached
30. the home of the sheriff, I, like Paul the apostle, thanked God and
took courage.
As soon as practicable we set out for Macon, and while memory
holds a place in my being, I can never forget the parting of
ourselves and the kind family by whom we had been so befriended.
“Good-bye, gentlemen,” said the lady of the house, her eyes
suffused with tears; “and should we never meet again on earth, we
shall, perhaps, in that better land, where all is love and peace.”
There was such a sincerity in the fair speaker’s tones, that I could
not repress the tears that her words brought to my eyes. The
servants, too, clustered around us, and in their intelligent
countenances I could discern that they appreciated all that was
going on. A final shaking of hands, an adieu, and we were off. Our
buggy bore us quickly out of sight of the house, and I must
acknowledge, prisoner as I was, that there was a pang in my heart
at the moment. And here a thought suggests itself. The reader has,
doubtless, often thought, after reading the various and conflicting
accounts of returned prisoners, how strange it was that they could
so differ. Now, their treatment depended entirely upon their own
conduct, and the class of people among whom the chances of war
threw them. It was very rarely that any one expressing his opinions
against the Southern system as boldly as I did, met, upon the whole,
with such good fortune. Those who fared well were semi-
secessionists. I will give a case in point:
At Columbus, Mississippi, there was a man from Illinois, who
stated that he was a quarter-master in a cavalry regiment. He was
an ardent pro-slavery man, and whenever the subject came up, he
defended the right of the South to hold slaves, and became enraged
if that right was assailed by any of his companions. This man took
31. the trip with us through Mobile, Montgomery, and Macon, and was
continually receiving favors that were denied to the rest. While in
Macon, he was appointed prison quarter-master; was permitted to
run at large, and he used the privilege to post the secessionists in
everything that was favorable to them. This man will be referred to
again ere I close this narrative.
We were to go by land to Hockinsville, where we were to take the
cars. We traveled slowly, in order, as the sheriff remarked, that we
might really see the destitute condition of the country through which
we passed. We stopped at a place where a deer had just been killed,
and obtained some fresh venison. The man from whom we got the
meat, was from Eastern Maryland, and, while conversing with him, I
found that he had some knowledge of the disunion men of the
Methodist Episcopal Church. He was deeply opposed to the
separation, but at the same time, candidly admitted that the North
had sufficient cause therefor. Still he thought that it would have
been far better to remain united, and endeavor to reform the pro-
slavery portion.
“I and this gentleman,” said he, turning to the sheriff, “have stood
up for our faith comparatively alone, until the outbreak of the war.
Since that, we have been joined by several more, but we are
crushed, and dare not speak what we think. If we did, we should be
hung to the first tree that could hold us.”
He persistently contended that it was a very unfortunate thing
that the Church had divided, urging that it led to a division of the
government. I held not much further argument with him on this
subject, as anti-slavery men of his class were very unpopular in Ohio
when I left there.
32. At evening we seated ourselves on the porch of this man’s
cottage, and began conversing with the family, the subject being
changed of course.
The majority of the residents in this county held the same
opinions as these two. I would like to give the names of these
gentlemen, but as they might possibly get into some of those
traitorous Northern papers which circulate in the South, and thereby
bring them into trouble, I am constrained to suppress them.
We remained at this house all night, and bidding our new friends
farewell, started the next morning on our way. We kept the Darien
road, which I could recognize by the descriptions given of it by the
negroes. Our next stopping-place was far from agreeable, for every
one in it was a strong secessionist—so strong indeed, that, when
they found out our characters, they did not object to the sheriff
having anything he wanted, but not with us. The keeper of the
house at which we were, cursed fearfully, they utterly refused to
give us anything to eat, swearing that the d——d Yankees shouldn’t
have a morsel of food. The sheriff, however, pacified him at last by
telling him that I was from Virginia, and that, although I was in the
Yankee army, still I was as pro-slavery a man as himself. This made
matters a little better, and the surly host proceeded to question me.
I baffled him, however, by saying:
“What paper do you take?”
“We don’t take none,” said he, “fur I can’t read. Have you ever
been in a fight?” he quickly added to his reply. I answered in the
affirmative.
“Have you ever seed a gunboat?”
“Yes,” I rejoined.
33. He then became much interested, and was not satisfied until I
had given him a long description of a gunboat, its object, and its
powers.
At this juncture five villainous-looking men entered the room, and
calling to my listener, took him outside. When the sheriff saw this, he
turned rather pale, fearing that some violence was threatened.
When he was about to leave with us, he asked the landlord what his
bill was.
“Oh, nothing! as you’re taking them d——d Yankees to justice,”
was the reply.
Though by no means complimentary, this expression took a heavy
load off our minds, and we were comparatively light-hearted when
we took our departure.
The sheriff resolved not to halt again until he reached a place
where he was known, as he feared that otherwise we might be
mobbed. By rapid driving he reached this point. Drawing up before
the door of a tavern, we immediately dismounted, and were invited
to enter by a house-servant, who led us to a small fire at which we
might warm ourselves. As we sat there, a hard-looking female came
in, and seeing my hand bound up, asked me what ailed it. I
responded that I had caught cold in an old bruise which had
assumed somewhat the character of a felon. She inquired if she
could do anything for it. I thanked her, and told her that I had a
poultice of sweet gum on it.
We were presently shown up to our chamber, and went to bed.
My hand pained me so much, however, that I could not sleep; and
getting up, I took a pan of water, and putting into it a lump of
opium, which I obtained from my comrade, I laid my hand in it, and
so passed the remainder of the night.
34. We resumed our journey at an early hour, and pressed forward in
order to reach the railroad, which was not quite finished to
Hockinsville. On the road we were compelled to stop at the house of
a man named Phillips. He was very wealthy, owning over two
hundred and seventy-five slaves, and a fine plantation. He was a
bitter and unrelenting secessionist, and therefore the sheriff thought
it best not to mention what or who we were. Our horses were put
up, and we entered the dwelling. Phillips came in almost
immediately after, and opened a conversation about the war. The
sheriff inquired of him if he had any late papers.
“I don’t take no papers!” he rejoined; “I can’t read. But,” added
he, casting a glance at us, “there was some men hunting round here
the other day for them Yankees that got away at Macon, and I only
wish they’d catch the thieves, and shoot them!”
This was not pleasant to our ears, and the disagreeable sensation
was considerably increased, as Phillips, nodding his head towards us,
asked the sheriff his errand to Macon with us.
Our friend hesitated a moment to reply, but finally stated his
mission. Phillips instantly flew into a rage, and commenced to swear
and threaten dreadfully. The sheriff told him that I was a Virginian,
and of like sentiments with himself, and so forth, but it did not effect
much. Phillips spoke of the outrageous conduct of our men, and
Butler’s famous New Orleans Proclamation, and swore, with a horrid
oath, that if he had his own way, he would shoot every Yankee that
was caught. I rose, and walked outside, and was followed by
Phillips, who seemed fearful of trusting me near the negroes who
were hanging round the house, and in whose faces I could see an
expression that showed they fully comprehended who we were.
35. Presently the sound of the approaching train came gratefully to
our ears. When it arrived, however, we learned that it would make a
stop of an hour, as a number of conscripts were to be put aboard.
Fearing to remain longer in Phillips’s house, we adjourned into the
neighboring pines to avoid the mob. One after another, several
wagons, loaded with conscripts, drove up. These conscripts and their
friends had, by some means or other, heard of our arrest, but did
not know that we were the men. They spoke favorably of us,
however, and were heartily endorsed by some old ladies who had
come hither with their sons, and who were decidedly opposed to the
conscription.
36. CHAPTER XIV.
On the Cars—An Old Acquaintance—His Reasons for being in the Army—Meeting
the Slave we Chased—Rebel Account of our Pursuit—Interesting Advertisement
—In Jail Again—Captain Clay Crawford—Prison Fare—Rebel Barbarities—Taking
Comfort.
In due time we took our places on the train, and recommenced our
journey. At the next stopping-place, a man in rebel uniform
approached me, and said:
“I think I know you, sir.”
I made no reply, supposing his object was merely to quarrel with
me. He repeated his remark, and still I refused to notice him. The
third time he spoke, he said:
“Your name is Rev. J. J. Geer, and you come from Cincinnati,
Ohio. You used to preach there in the George street Methodist
Protestant Church. I am ——, who studied medicine with Dr. Newton
of that city.”
He extended his hand, and I instantly grasped it, and shook it
heartily. I would state his name; but, for the same reason that I
suppress the sheriff’s, I must also omit his. Stepping back to where
he had set down a basket, my old acquaintance brought me some
biscuits and roast chicken. After this welcome gift had been properly
attended to, the donor introduced me to his lady, who was a fine,
intelligent-looking person. Her husband then taking his seat beside
me, we fell into conversation, the chances of being overheard being
small, on account of the noise made by the train. Said he to a
question of mine:
37. “I should never have taken any part in this war, could I have
helped myself. But when the conscription law was passed, I knew
there was no chance for my escaping it, nor could I remove with my
family. If I remained, I must go into the army as a private. This I
could not endure, and so I obtained an office.”
At this moment, the cars suddenly stopped, and an officer
attended by a guard, who must have partially overheard the last
portion of the speaker’s remarks, ordered him to leave me, and take
a seat in another part of the car.
Presently, we reached a place where we were detained three
hours. While waiting here, the master of that negro whom we
chased in the swamp, and whom I have before mentioned as having
a basket of corn strapped to his back, stepped aboard of the train.
He came forward smiling, and, taking us by the hand, told us what a
fierce chase he had had after us. He then asked us if he should call
the negro in, and on receiving an affirmative answer, did so.
I asked, with the permission of his master, why he ran from us in
the swamp.
“Kase, sah, I thought you wuz Tom Jimmer son, an’ he said he’d
shoot me if he ever had a chance.”
This negro seemed excessively ignorant; but this is a habit with
them all, as a general thing, when their masters are present.
“Where in the d——l did you hide,” asked the owner of this slave,
“when we were after you?”
“Where did you look?” queried I.
“Well,” said he, “when the boy came in and told me that he had
seen you in the swamp, I went down to the soldiers who were
hunting you on the river, and put them on the lookout. Then I
returned and started out all the dogs in the neighborhood. One of
38. these, an old hound, that belonged to Tom Brown, never before
failed to bring to us his game within a short time after he took the
tracks. In two hours, sixteen of us, with the two negroes and the
hounds, were after you hot-footed. Not long after we put the dogs
on your track, they got confused, and ran my own boy up to the
house. I called them back, and in returning, Brown’s old dog struck
round a fence, as we thought, on your track. He kept on the branch
back of my field, and there crossed and went up the creek, with the
whole pack at his heels. We followed after, and found that he
crossed the water again, and came down the other side to where he
crossed the first time. There the scent was lost, and the dogs gave it
up. We hunted round there till nearly night, and not finding any one,
went down to the river to guard it. When we got there, the corporal
advised me, with six or eight others, to go up the river and take
another hunt; but, of course, it brought no good.”
My comrade here informed the narrator how we had been lying
concealed under the palm-leaves, and watching all their motions, at
a distance of not over a hundred yards or so. This astonished him
very much; so much so, indeed, that he seemed to doubt it, until
Collins repeated to him the identical expressions used on that
occasion by himself, his companions, and the soldiers. He then
turned to the sheriff and said with an oath:
“I’ve hunted bear, and deer, and fox, and never failed; but these
Yankees fooled me bad.”
The sheriff told him we were Virginians, which seemed to relieve
him, as he exclaimed:
“Well, I thought Yankees couldn’t have so much pluck.”
One fact he was rather curious about, and that was, how we had
thrown the bloodhounds off our track so easily. But this knowledge,
39. which had been imparted to us by the negroes, we refused to
divulge.
“Well,” said he in conclusion, “I wish you a long life; and if I had
the say in it, I’d let you go free, for you’re none of these d——d
Yankees.”
At this moment the cars started, and he, bidding us another
good-bye, leaped off, and we saw him no more.
Soon after this little incident, my friend, the sheriff, got a paper
which he handed to me. In it I noticed an account of the recapture
of Captain Clay Crawford, who was in prison with us, and had
escaped at the same time, but had been separated from us in the
alarm of that occasion. I read also an advertisement of one J. J.
Geer, described as follows: “Six feet and three-fourths of an inch in
height, black hair, and blue eyes.” Lieutenant A. P. Collins was also
named, but without any description.
I knew instantly that I had been reported by the man that I
mentioned in the beginning of my narrative as having been a
deceiver. He had measured me in Columbus jail, Mississippi, and, as
I was in my bare feet at the time, this measurement was short, as
by all military standards I always measured six feet two inches.
There were other unpleasant items in this paper, the principal one
of which was that in reference to McClellan’s retreat from before
Richmond.
In due season we arrived at the end of our journey, Macon,
Georgia. In conferring with the sheriff on the subject of our future
course, I told him it would be best for his own safety to take us to
the prison as soon as possible. This he did; and it was but a short
time after, that we were again face to face with the tyrant Rylander.
He sent us under a guard of four men to our cells, where the jailor
40. came and robbed us of our money. He took also our watches, which
until now we had succeeded in carrying. We were then heavily
ironed, and left in those filthy cells with only a little straw to lie
upon, and this full of odious vermin.
We ascertained that it was true concerning Captain Clay
Crawford’s recapture. He belonged to a Missouri regiment, and was a
genteel, manly comrade, never, like most of his companions, jeering
at religion or its advocates. He was a graduate of West Point, and
consequently a man well versed in military matters.
Hearing of our return, Captain Crawford, who was confined close
to us, made himself known, and a conversation was shortly opened.
We learned from him that he had succeeded in making his escape at
the same time we did, dressed in a rebel uniform. Going boldly to
the Provost Marshal’s office, he passed himself off for a Confederate
officer, and obtained a pass to Savannah, where he hoped to be able
to get aboard a United States gunboat. His knowledge of the South
and Southern officers, and the fact that there was a Captain
Crawford in the rebel army, assisted him greatly. In one or two
places through which he passed, he was in peril from Union
sympathizers, who looked upon him as an enemy. In all these
localities he found that all the young, able-bodied men had been
swept into the army, while the old men who were left behind were
very decided Unionists. This I may add was exactly my own
experience.
I asked him what fare he got in prison.
“Oh,” said he, “nothing but corn-meal and maggots!”
That he stated truth in regard to the food, I had ample proof,
when at night a negro brought us some boiled colards, a species of
cabbage. He carried it in a dirty-looking bucket, mixed with corn-
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