The informal sector and the environment in nigerian towns what we knw and what we still need to know

Research Journal of Environmental and Earth Sciences 3(1): 61-69, 2011
ISSN: 2041-0492
© Maxwell Scientific Organization, 2011
Received: October 24, 2010 Accepted: November 22, 2010 Published: January 05, 2011
The Informal Sector and the Environment in Nigerian Towns:
What we Know and What we Still Need to Know
Emmanuella C. Onyenechere
Department of Geography and Environmental Mgt., Evan Enwerem University, Owerri, Nigeria
Abstract: People of low-income in Nigerian towns/cities rely on the informal sector for survival because the
sector provides ample opportunities to support their livelihood. W hether analysts are considering specific
aspects of the urban informal sector in Nigeria or the role of that sector in general, it is important to understand
how the sector develops and changes over time, and how it interacts w ith, and affects the environment. W e
already know in a general way the many problems associated with wastes generated from urban informal
economic activities; but, there are only few well documented case studies of environmental degradation
associated with informal sector activities. This study draws attention to some neglected aspects of informal
sector research, especially one which relates to the environment, an area which should be further investigated
by researchers undertaking field research on the informal sector in N igeria . By focusing on specific sub-sectors
of the informal sector, and how they affect the environment, we will be in a better position to formulate new
policies that will aid environmental management and sustainability in Nigerian towns.
Key words: Degradation, environment, informal sector, know, Nigeria, towns
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INTRODUCTION
According to Dickenson et al. (1996) employment in
Third World cities is heavily reliant on petty services and
petty commodity production on a small scale-what has
been called ‘bazaar’ economy. At the lowest level of
living the urban poor have no alternative but to raise and
deal in small livestock or to scavenge the streets and
garbage dumps for discarded food or for scrap material,
such as plastics, metal and paper, which can be used to
construct a shelter or sold for small sums of money’ (sic.)
In the cities of Nigeria the latter is the case.
The rise of urbanization has witnessed the
establishment and growth of its informal sector. This
sector is closely associated with poverty and squatter
problems as the lack of opportunities in the formal sector
tends to concentrate a large share of the urban population
in the informal sector. The informal sector is currently of
concern to governments, individuals, groups, including
geographers and NGOs. Geography is a science of
location interested in decoding and explaining spatial
variations, diversity, and flows. One cannot say for sure
if the economic activities carried out in the informal
sector are uniformly the same or whether there are shades
of variations from one administrative unit to another. The
Save the Children’s Fund and a few other NGOs argue
that the informal sector can build markets, expand trade,
manage natural resources, fight poverty, generate
employment, strengthen communities, support families,
and feed most of the world’s children (Salter, 1998). The
sector also utilizes waste materials such as old tyres,
plastics, metal, and paper to produce goods some of which
otherwise would have been imported, and to provide
services which could be too expensive for low- income
earners. The income generation attribute of the informal
sector attracts migrants. However, lack of opportunities in
some of its sub sectors eventually leads some of the
migrants to engage in crime and other unlawful activities.
The informal sector plays an important role in
employment creation and poverty alleviation by providing
incomes to unskilled and semiskilled workers who
otherwise would be unemployed. The use of the state to
foster growth and development has been common in
developing countries. The role of the state in ensuring a
better distribution of economic resources has been
emphasized by many writers (Goorha, 2000;
Reddy et al., 2003). It is only recently that governments
have begun to see themselves as facilitators in the
development of the inform al sector in Nigeria.
The International Labour Organization (ILO)
estimates that the proportion of the urban work force
engaged in the informal sector is highest in sub-Saharan
Africa, and accounts for more than 50% of urban
employment in two-thirds of the countries surveyed in
1999 (Nwaka, 2004). The share of informal economic
sector employment out of total gainful employment in
Nigeria rose from 27.3% in 1970 to 38.2% in 1989
(FGN, 1993). Nkom (2000) observed that more than 90%
of Nigeria’s food supply comes from the informal sector.
These economic productivities are low and are
constrained by operators’ low educational standards; poor
access to credit and production inputs; and absence of

Res. J. Environ. Earth Sci., 3(1): 61-69, 2011
62
modern technology. In the informal sector, activities
generate income but income levels are low which
undermines the welfare and living standards of the people.
From literature on informal sector studies in Asia, Asia-
Pacific, and parts of Africa, employees of this sector seem
to be exploited, poor and overworked. With the current
World food crisis, deterioration in food production has
increased the vulnerability of the poor to hunger and
malnutrition. The predominant low income of operators of
the informal sector w ill definitely translate to a shrinking
food basket for all.
The 1991 ILO Report concluded that it is possible to
improve working conditions gradually while improving
productivity and income. The informal sector continues to
play an important role within the Third World. However,
Nwaka (2004) argues that its irregular settlements have
become so pervasive that they seem to outnumber legally
planned development, and their social legitimacy appears
to be no longer in question. He adds that, unfortunately,
the appalling environmental conditions associated with
informal sector activities and settlements constitute a
major threat to the health and well-being of urban life.
One of the major management problems in urban
areas of developing nations in Africa is the ever-increasing
environmental degradation, mostly occasioned
by the concentration of people in and around squatter and
slum locations, since workers are know n to live and work
in the same neighbourhood. Such degradation should
promptly be checked, owing to the fact that man’s
activities positive and negative within and outside an
ecosystem have disastrous repercussions. Many
municipal authorities are unable to cope with the
accelerating growth of municipal waste emanating from
informal sector activities to the extent that waste disposal
is now one of the most conspicuous environmental
problems of Africa’s urban areas. This situation also
exists in Nigerian towns, where quantitative and
qualitative information available reveals that both the
absolute and the per capita quantity of wastes generated
is growing steadily. The generation of wastes from
discarded pure water bottles and sachets by
hawkers/vendors and their customers is more in the dry
season .It is not only the quantity of municipal waste that
is growing but also its variety and character, including its
changing biodegradability and toxicity.
The per capita municipal waste production in African
cities averaged about 0.5 kg/day (Ashiri, 2006). The rate
increases as urban informal sector activities accelerate.
Rising production and consumption of goods imply, that
waste generation will continue to grow. As population and
cities in Africa continue to expand along with their
productive economic base, the character of the waste
produced has exhibited a pronounced change; now getting
more like those in developed countries from mostly
degradable materials to mostly non-degradable. This thus
compounds the present problems of disposal and
management. And if nothing tangible and effective is
done and quickly for that matter, the problem will
continue to become a major source of health hazards and
a catalyst to an upsurge of environmental degradation in
the rapidly growing urban and peri-urban areas.
The irregular nature of urban economies and the
expansion in the informal sector which is heavily relied
on in third world cities for employment are key factors
compounding the problems of urban solid and liquid
wastes in Africa and indeed Nigeria. The widespread
existence of the unplanned and poorly accommodated
informal sector in most parts of Africa makes the
collection, transportation and proper treatment of
municipal waste extremely difficult, coupled with general
problems of lack of control over consumption pattern and
over waste minimization, lack of appropriate landfill sites,
and inadequacy of financial resources.
In particular, Southeast Nigerian cities, and other
Nigerian cities continue to deteriorate rapidly from a host
of environmental problems resulting from garbage and
sewage disposal and the careless use of slopes and low-lying
areas. Livelihoods of the urban poor, particularly the
informal economic activities operating on streets and
other public places, are usually seen as undesirable for
environmental management especially by urban
authorities which are preoccupied with keeping their cities
clean. Hence, informal sector activities are often seen as
“eye-sores” by most people and are evicted from city
centers in the name of “public cleanliness and
orderliness”. However, some see the environmental
problems associated with the informal sector as m ostly
manifestations of unresponsive physical planning
systems while others see them as resulting from attributes
inherent to the sector’s activities.
Most operators of the informal sector in Nigeria
especially street hawkers, market vendors, small
automotive and machine repairers, shoemakers, barbers,
hairdressers and tailors generate by-products in their daily
efforts to provide goods and render services. These by-products
deface the streets, and clog the drains. The
concomitance of these actions is the stimulation of health
hazards, flooding, noise pollution, traffic obstruction and
nuisances even road accidents. Their ignorance, attitude
and insufficient know ledge of techniques and materials
for managing and disposing of wastes among others are
causal factors. In many African cities, activities of the
informal sector make municipal waste disposal a problem.
In the attempt to find a solution to these problems,
African countries are now putting up legislative processes
to address the issue as is the case with Nigeria. Currently,
there exists a byelaw in some states of the Southeast of
Nigeria banning production and sales of pure water
sachets in the capital city. The urban informal sector
raises the expectation of potential migrants to urban areas

63
who believe that opportunities exist there for them to
explore. The rising urban population resulting from these
expectations often creates further urban environmental
problems due to the inability of the urban system to
handle the influx of population.
Previous studies on the informal sector (Fidler and
Webster, 1996; Ferej, 2000) are evidence of the
importance of service employment for urban economies,
and they also touch upon the issue of absorbing
retrenched labour. Working or trading in the informal
sector provides some form of livelihood not only for the
out-of-work rural migrant, but for the retrenched urban
dweller as well. For example, male street vendors in
Nigeria perceive the possibility of their remaining street
vendors very differently, depending on whether they are
from rural or urban areas. Thus, the complex web of
linkages between rural and urban areas is another
inescapable reality for planners to take into consideration.
In another scenario, in many low-and middle-income
countries (Nigeria inclusive), collecting, sorting, trading
and recycling of discarded materials provide income to
hundreds of thousands of people. Many of these people
are working parallel to the formal solid waste
management and are not contracted by municipal
governments or other entities that are responsible for
providing waste related services. Although, this informal
waste sector has been given credit for its services by
various NGOs and academics, attempts can be made to
evaluate the benefits of the activities of this sector for
urban societies. In the long run, unless a purposeful urban
administrative setup is established or allowed to evolve,
the absence of a virile formal management system for the
urban centres will make these urban problems persist.
Finding worthwhile solutions to the problems of wastes
generated from urban informal economic activities for
managing cities in Africa in an ecologically sustainable
way can be done largely through empirical research. In
this study, an attempt will be made to expose a crucial
dimension in the urban informal sector and the urban
environment study that should be explored by field
researchers. The focus of this study basically is to shed
light on what is known, whilst exposing grey areas in
order to make a case for the investigation of what we still
need to know.
WHAT WE KNOW: A REVIEW OF EXISTING
LITERATURE
Writers on the urban economy of developing
countries have divided the urban sector into two parallel
sectors, a formal sector and an informal sector, and Third
World employment into upper and lower circuits
(Santos, 1979; Sethuraman, 1981; Saito, 1990;
Roberts 1995). However, according to Bromley and
Gerry (1979), most commentators now reject the
dichotomy between formal and informal employment
arguing that both are characterized by the profit motive.
The formal sector is sometimes referred to as the modern
sector. The informal sector is also referred to as the
traditional sector. The term “informal” itself has been
called various names in literature, including bazaar,
invisible, irregular, backyard, underground, unorganized,
black, murky, subterranean, hidden, shadow, clandestine,
illegal, unobserved, unreported, unrecorded, second,
residual, and unenumerated. The ‘informal sector’ was
first used by the ILO (1972) in its report on Kenya. Since
its introduction by the ILO it has been receiving much
attention from social scientists as a distinct sector of
economic activity and also as a distinct socio-economic
group beyond access to state subsidies, credit or other
forms of state assistance or control (Lubell, 1991;
Dickenson et al., 1996). There exist, however, increasing
linkages between the two sectors, with the informal
increasingly fulfilling certain tasks of economic
development (Fidler and Webster, 1996). While according
to Mabogunje (1980) the relation between the ‘informal’
and ‘formal’ sectors shows some interesting differences
among the larger and the smaller urban centres.
In urban areas, the lack of opportunities in the formal
sector tends to concentrate a large share of the population
in the informal sector. In a survey conducted in Manila,
87% of the city’s slum dw ellers were found to work in the
informal sector (Joshi, 1997). The informal sector also
absorbs a large proportion of the migrant population from
the rural areas. A study in Dhaka shows that migrants
comprised 70% of the informal sector labour force,
against 37% in the formal sector (Malik, 1996). Another
survey of selected capital cities showed that 93% of the
migrants in Dhaka, 63% in New Delhi, 97% in Jakarta
and 80% in Bangkok worked in the informal sector. Thus,
in a recent analysis of sustainability, life chances, and
education in Southern Africa, Ansell (2000) has noted
that, labour migration involves not only workers in
productive industries but also, and increasingly, service
employment.
In contrast to the formal sector, the inform al sector is
generally characterized by low entry barriers and ease of
entry, reliance on indigenous/local resources, family
ownership of the enterprises, simple organizational and
production structures, small scale of the operations, labour
intensive and adapted low technology, low level of
education and skills, skills outside the formal system of
education and training, little capital investment, irregular
working hours, and personal sources of funds for
investment (UNECA/AAPAM, 1992).
The informal sector provides employment, and
generates income as corroborated by Fidler and
Webster (1996) and Obadan et al. (1996). According to
Fidler and Webster (1996), the urban informal sector is a
major provider of employment and income to three

64
categories of socio-economic groups in urban areas:
survivalists, the self-employed and very small businesses.
The survivalists being those very poor people who work
part-time in income generating activities, the self-employed
being those who produce goods for sale or
resale or offer services and lastly the very small
businesses being those that usually operate from a fixed
location with more or less regular hours.
Studies reveal that the share of urban labour force
engaged in informal sector activities ranges from 20 to
70%, the average being around 50% (Todaro, 1994). The
proportion of informal sector employment to the total
urban employment is highest in Africa followed by Asia,
Latin America and the Caribbean. Estimates in some
South East Asian and South Asian cities put the share of
informal employment to the total workforce at around 50
to 60% (Rukmana, 2007). The contribution of the
informal sector to employment generation in leading
urban centres in selected African countries in the mid -
1970s ranged from 95% in urban areas in the Republic of
Benin to 20% in Djibouti, with Kumasi (Ghana) and
Lagos (Nigeria) having 65 and 50%, respectively
(ILO, 1985).
The urban sector can have a negative role on the
quality of life. Weeks (1975) was correct in mentioning
that earnings per worker are low in the informal sector.
Researches in India by H arris and Harris (1988) and in
Sao Paulo by Humphrey (1994) show a strong correlation
between labour market status and poverty. People with a
stable job, for example, are much less likely to be poor
than people who have an unstable, casual job. This
implies that most operators of this sector may never come
out of the cycle of poverty. However, in the opinion of
Onyenechere (2003), the importance of the informal
sector lies in its contribution to a nation’s total economy,
while to UNECA/AAPAM (1992) it lies most in the
aspect of training opportunities it provides through
apprenticeship. The relative importance of informal sector
activities increases with decreasing urban size
(Mabogunje, 1980). Though there exists an increasing
body of literature on the informal sector, at the global
level few studies such as that of Perera and Amin (1996)
have been concerned with the environm ent. These authors
conducted a study in Asia on accommodating the informal
sector as a strategy for urban environmental management,
while a chapter in Eden and Parry’s (1996) book was
devoted to “Environmental Impacts of Urban
Development and the Urban Informal Sector in the
Caribbean”. Mubvami (1992) and Lubell (1991) are other
researches on the informal sector concerned with its
environmental management nexus.
The problem with the generation and disposal of
waste can be traced back to the time when humans first
began to congregate in tribes, villages and communities.
Waste accumulations thus became the consequence of
gregarious living, and its management became a core
function in civilization program. One common feature of
cities in Nigeria in recent years is the steady use of many
open spaces as refuse dumps. Apart from physically
obstructing legitimate human activities, these wastes have
in effect also constituted themselves into grave health and
safety hazards. According to Leitmann (1995) urban areas
today have come to be known, especially in the
developing nations, as centres of high environmental
pollution and degradation mainly due to problems of
waste disposal.
According to Spengler and Ford (1997) cities are
environmentally challenged, and managing solid waste is
one of the most costly urban services. Typically, it gulps
up to 1.5% of any nation’s Gross National Product and
20-40% of the municipal revenue in a developing country
like Nigeria (Ashiri, 2006). Lubell (1991) and
Mitullah (1991) have identified haw king and street
trading as one of the more intractable informal sector
problems faced by municipal authorities of the Third
World. A major catalyst in this chain reaction of waste
generation is the rapid but unplanned urban growth,
industrial revolution without commensurate check on
urban welfare, urban informal sector growth and the
resultant development of slum residential areas
(Campbell, 1993). Advocates of environmental protection
have called for appropriate legislations and regulations to
control and protect our environment from further
deterioration particularly in connection with the
management of solid w aste in urban areas (Barton, 2000,
as cited in Ashiri, 2006).
According to Lubell (1991), in industrialized
countries street trading is controlled, licensed and
organized in periodic street fairs and permanent markets,
with the exception of expatriate Senegalese peddlers on
the streets of First W orld cities from A ix- Les-Bains to
New York. Sustainable forms of development restore
production conditions; where this does not occur, inter
linked processes of social and environmental
deterioration, frequently marked by production declines,
are set in motion (O’Connor, 1988). Collins (1991) and
Blaikie and Brookfield (1987) mentioned the importance
of ecological knowledge in their study and stated that no
one explains how “ ecological consciousness” is acquired,
whether simply because of peoples’ precarious existence
or because of the severe and direct threats arising from
ecological disasters. Hesseling (1996) has documented
legal and institutional incentives for local environmental
management, adding that the attitude of operators of the
sector is determined by social relationships.
A notable area of urban research is the solid w aste
problems of cities in Nigeria, notably Lagos, Ibadan, Port
Harcourt and Kano. The major studies include those by
Abumere (1983), Filani and Abumere (1985) and
Aina et al. (1994). The aims of the studies were to be able
to determine environmental quality and predict
magnitudes of solid waste generation in Nigerian cities.

65
Faniran (1994) gave a detailed review of the solid waste
situation in Ibadan and the problems of its disposal and
management. Abumere (1995) wrote a brief article on the
informal sector and its methodological and policy
challenges, but this effort was not exactly a city- based
study. Mabogunje and Filani (1981) studied Kano’s
informal sector, Ekpenyong (1985) studied that of Port
Harcourt and Calabar, Fapohunda (1985) studied that of
Lagos and Mabogunje (1980) explained informal
enterprises as a category of urban activity gradually being
appreciated as representing more than just employment
for most urban residents in Nigeria. While
Nwaka’s (2004) study entitled “The Urban Informal
Sector in Nigeria: Towards Economic Development,
Environmental Health and Social Harmony” which is not
a spatial analysis but a historical analysis, and the work
of Aina et al. (1994) on Lagos are few efforts related to
the study of urban informal sector activities and their
impact on the environment in Nigeria. They however did
not go further to investigate the impact along the lines of
which sub-sector affects the urban environment the most.
The fact that most African cities are defaced by
activities of some informal sector operators and the fact
that the informal sector employs between 40 and 60
percent of the labour force and contributes between a
quarter and a third of incomes in most African countries
(ILO, 1985) is indicative of the importance of the
informal sector in Africa.
POSSIBLE THEORETICAL AND CONCEPTUAL
CONSIDERATIONS
The relevance of theoretical models and concepts to
the understanding of environmental changes and
dynamics is strong. Environmentalism or man-nature
relationship has an old and new concept.
Hartshorne (1960) saw the flaw of the old concept when
he summarized the two view s it held thus “core problem
of environmentalism is “geographical determination” the
most common alternative is “possibilism”. And he was
actually one of the first few to see the futility of this
contrasting dual view of the relationship. Consequently,
by the early 1970s, a new concept of environmentalism
(not determinism or possibilism) had emerged
(Mikesell, 1974) which states that the man-nature
relationship is not a one-way affair. M an affects his
environment as he responds to the changing conditions set
by the environment and the environment responds to
human manipulation, thereby creating a state of dynamic
equilibrium that continues to adjust and readjust in space
and time (Olofin, 1989). This new concept has become an
acceptable working theme in geography, knowing that
ignoring of the operation of the geo-environment will lead
to the ruin of the original basis of civilization and the
complete devaluation of all economic advantages of the
existing production process (Adalemo, 1990). It is the
working theme of this study.
What then is the environment? The term
‘environment’ defies any rigid definition. Aina (1991)
defining the environment for use in FEPA formulation of
policy for Nigeria explained that the term implies all
physical and biological systems in which humans and all
other organisms live. Baba (1992) looks at the
environment as the components and systems of the
geosphere as is applicable in the natural sciences, or the
reservoir of resources on which man draws to sustain his
economic activities and assure his survival and well-being.
The geographer often talks about the environment
as consisting of the physical and human environment.
Ofomata (1976) however presented a broad view of the
environment as consisting of the realm of nature, the
realm of man and the realm of nature and man; it is the
totality of w hat geographers study.
The Chicago Area Project (CAP) was a practical
attempt to apply theories in a city laboratory. The Chicago
school wanted to change society by directing urban
planning and social intervention agencies, and it is best
known for applying the principles of ecology to develop
the Social Disorganization Theory. It is recognized that
urban expansion was not haphazard but quite strongly
controlled by community-level forces such as land values,
zoning ordinances, landscape features, circulation
corridors, and historical contingency. This was
characterized as ecological because the external factors
were neither chance nor intended, but rather arose from
the natural forces in the environment which limit adaptive
spatial and temporal relationships between individuals.
Vasishth and Sloane (2000) argue that w hile it is tempting
to draw analogies between organisms in nature and the
human condition, the problem lies in reductionism.
Modern version of the theory uses different terminology
to refer to the sam e ecological causal processes.
Sethuraman (1981) defines the informal sector as
small scale units engaged in the production and
distribution of goods and services. Obadan et al. (1996)
refer to informal economic activities as the informal
sector, and Lubell (1991) refer to it as micro- enterprises.
The above- mentioned researchers applied this concept in
their studies of urban areas. For a study that wants to
analyze the informal economic activities of urban areas
and their impact on the environment, the informal sector
concept provides a very useful framework. However, in
this study the operational definition of the informal sector
will be “all income - generating activities with the
exclusion of those that involve contractual and legally
regulated employment”. It usually comprises
manufacturing, service/repair and trade (small scale
distribution) activities which affect the environment

66
positively by their products and negatively with their by-products.
What is produced, marketed, and gains
patronage in the economic landscape needs to be
sustained.
The sustainability concept came into prominence in
the 1980s as a result of the pressing need to evolve a
balance between the exploitation of natural resources and
adequate management of the physical environment,
instead of economic exploitation of natural resources
alone (Imevbore, 1991). Sustainable development is
widely seen as development which meets the needs of the
present population without compromising the ability of
the future generations to meet their own needs. That is,
sustainable development here is assumed to mean a
process of change in which the exploitation of resources,
the direction of investments, the orientation of
technological development and institutional change are all
in harmony to enhance both current and future potential
to meet human needs and aspirations (Olemeforo, 1995).
It has become an important issue in both developing and
advanced countries particularly on issues affecting
environmental management. However, Spengler and
Ford (1997) have criticized the concept stating that it is
too broad and appeals to an unwieldy range of political
and economic philosophies and preferring models with
modern ‘ecoism’. Bhalla (1992) attempted re-defining it
as well.
WHAT WE STILL NEED TO KNOW AND IT’S
SIGNIFICANCE
Spatial dimensions of urban informal sector however
have not been examined in details in Nigeria. Despite the
wide interest in informal sector studies, only few
geographers have done micro-studies in Nigerian cities
with an interest in informal economy and its impact on the
environment, the number of people w orking in the sector,
the types of work they do and which work actually affects
the environment the most. However, given the important
role that the informal sector plays, the question which
arises amongst many others is: what should be the
appropriate/specific role of the State i.e., government in
shaping the environment of an increasing market-oriented
economy? Whether a merely facilitating role by the State
will be sufficient is open to question; well, given the
nature of the informal sector there needs to be a fine
balance in the State’s role. This is because we know that
many government authorities in municipalities where the
informal sector thrives may have the political will, but not
the financial resources to handle the resultant
environmental degradation. Thus, the exact role of the
State should be investigated. In examining the extent and
importance of informal sector employment creation for
the unskilled rural and urban unemployed, there is the
need to equally ascertain the possibility of eventual
saturation of the sector and to determine the rate of its
accompanying degradation of the environment. There is
the need not only to fathom out the sub-Sector which
degrades the environment the most, but to determine
which component is most degraded vis-à-vis land, water
and air. The impact of its various sub-sectors not only on
poverty alleviation, income generation and reduction in
urban crime and violence but also on the physical
environment in which they operate really needs to be
examined. The need for a broader understanding is
pertinent. It is a fact that cannot be over emphasized as
planners, policy makers and even government officials
worry about the resulting urban blight and its future
implications.
The significance of this study and its eventual
extension is enormous, knowing that the urban informal
sector in Nigeria is rapidly expanding, due to lack of jobs
in the formal sector as a result of neo-liberal policies; the
inability of most of the people to secure such jobs because
of their deficiencies; and because of rural-urban migration
which is still on the rise. There is a general concern about
environmental degradation in the entire regions of
Nigeria, thus the need for a more detailed study of the
urban informal sector and the environment in Nigeria.
This finding w as significant because it will contribute to
our knowledge of inform al sector issues as well as aid
environmental sustainability in the urban areas of the
nation. It is hoped that recommendation may be useful for
comparable areas in Africa too.
CONCLUSION
In conclusion, this study provides adequate insight
into what is known and a search light into what still needs
to be known. Some may consider the notion of informal
sector/environmental management nexus unnecessary; but
it is indeed the bedrock for the sustenance of our
town/cities. For those who see the absolute necessity of
incorporating an environmental analysis in informal sector
activities, I simply say there is much ahead yet to be done
to ensure adequate economic development, environmental
health, and social harmony in our urban centres.
ACKNOWLEDGMENT
I am very grateful to Professors L. Erinosho,
U.M. Igbozurike, A.A. Adeyemo, and Dr. A.C.
Onwumerobi for their incisive comments on the earlier
draft of the paper. To fellow members of the Association
of Nigerian Geographers who attended the 49th Annual
Conference of the Association w ith me at Abuja in 2007
and urged me to take up the challenge of conducting this
study, I owe a great debt of gratitude. I also thank the
anonymous reviewer for helpful comments.

67
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