Womenempowerofnorthpartwb

Research Study
On
Women’s Empowerment, Good-governance and
Decentralisation : Assuring Women’s Participation in
Panchayats of Two Backward Districts of Northern Part of
West Bengal.
With the Financial Support from
Department of Women and Child Development
(F. No. 1-2/2004 – Research)
Ministry of Human Resource Development
Government of India
Submitted by
DR. DILIP KUMAR SARKAR
Project Director
University of North Bengal

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P R E F A C E
The study was undertaken at the initiative of the Honourable Vice-Chancellor,
University of North Bengal and with the financial support from Department of Women
and Child Development, Ministry of Human Resource Development, Government of
India. The study focused on the factors and forces behind the participation of women in
Panchayat Structure specially after the seventy third Constitution Amendment Act. The
role performance, role awareness and role perception of the elected women Panchayats
have been explored to understand the impact of socio-economic variables and legal
impetus on electoral participation and the impact of such variables on attitudinal
variables on political participation. Nearly five hundred elected women representatives
of different tiers, viz., Gram Panchayat, Panchayat Samiti and Zilla Parishad of two
selected districts, namely, Cooch-behar and Jalpaiguri of Northern part of the state of
West Bengal have been thoroughly interviewed with both structured and unstructured
questionnaires to understand the ground realities. The study does not claim to cover all
aspects of women’s political life. It has sought to examine some of the major aspects of
women political participation at the grass-root in the context of empowerment,
decentralization and democratic good-governance.
For completion of the study within the stipulated time frame, thanks are due to
many. The Project Director is grateful to the officials and staff of the Department of
Women and Child Development, for their having taken active interest in the study and
continuous vigil to complete the study within the given time frame. The contribution
(by way of putting hard labour in the field and active academic interest) made by the
Research Fellow and four Field Investigators is deeply appreciated. The Project
Director owes indebtedness to Sri Ajoy Mishra, Asst. Librarian for his tireless support
by providing related literature. Cooperation and supports received from the District /
Block / Panchayat level functionaries are also deeply acknowledged.
(DILIP KUMAR SARKAR)
Project Director
C O N T E N T S

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Page No.
Chapter – I : Experiencing Participation of Women in Panchayats 001 - 018
Chapter – II : Women in Panchayats : The West Bengal Experience 019 - 026
Chapter – III : Research Design 027 - 034
Chapter – IV : Reflections on the Field of Research 035 - 076
Chapter – V : Findings from the Field Study 077 - 088
Chapter – VI : Study Recommendations 089 - 099
Select Bibliography 100 - 119

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Chapter-I
Experiencing Participation of Women in Panchayats
Women share roughly half of the world’s population. According to Population
Reference Bureau, 2004, World Population Data Sheet, The United Nations, out of
3209 millions women living in world, the share of India is 531.9 millions. This
amounts to nearly half of India’s total population. As per Census, 2001, ratio of females
in per thousand males is 933. Different statistics suggest that this half of the humanity
possesses 1/100th
of the world’s property. Nearly seventy percent of the women are
living below the poverty line. Two-thirds of them are illiterate. According to the
Human Development Report 1995, “Poverty has a women’s face. Of 1.3 billion people
in poverty, 70 per cent are women”. Taking the economy as a whole, Indian women
perform two-thirds of the work, but, earn only one-tenth of the income. Women do
have unequal access to land and property rights. Nearly 89 percent of women
population earn their livelihood from agriculture. Women do have heavy work load
with dual responsibility for farm and household production. Compared to male
members, women have low life expectancy at birth, low educational attainment, low
income and gender disparities.(1)
In 2005, women made up of just twelve percent of the
World’s Parliamentarians, while for India the share is only eight percent. Studies on
Indian women in politics, in aggregate, indicate that women in Indian society have been
deprived of fundamental social, economic and political rights. The social hierarchies
and inequalities that exist in Indian society deter the women for centuries to play an
active role in the societal functions including participation in political institutions.
Women constituting half of the population of our country have been an integral
part of our social structure principally due to their contribution to the socio-economic
spheres of life. Notwithstanding the fact, women in India have been treated
discriminately because of the gender bias of the prevalent patriarchic values of Indian
society. The dominant patriarchy has denied women equality of status and
opportunities in socio-economic and political spheres. Amidst such patriarchic bias
Women in India can not be treated as a homogeneous unit. There are differences
amongst women in terms of class, caste, status, space (rural-urban divide) etc. Several
studies have revealed that social, economic and political empowerment of Indian rural

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women is comparatively much lower than that of their urban counterparts. Rural Indian
Women have still been treated as “Object” of development rather than the “Subject” of
development.
The involvement of women in the development process and political decision
making process has always been advocated by social and political thinkers. The Report
of the Committee on status of women in India (CSWI: 1974), which is considered as a
significant document on the socio-economic conditions of Indian women says, “though
women’s participation in the political process has increased, their ability to produce an
impact on the political process has been negligible because of the inadequate attention
paid to their political education and mobilization by both political parties and women
organizations. Parties have tended to see women voters as appendages of the males.
Among women, the leadership has become diffused and diverse having sharp
contradictions with regard to inequalities that affect the status of women in every
sphere – social, economic and political.”
The United Nations after declaring 1975-85 as the Decade for Women
Development observed that “Women perform two-thirds of the world’s work but
receive only ten per cent of the world’s income and only one percent of the means of
production. Women are thus the world’s largest ‘excluded category’.(2)
The U.N.
Report on Women observes: “The scales of world’s equality are out of balance. The
side marked ‘women’ is weighed down with responsibility, while the side marked
‘men’ rides high with power. Tilting first under rules that say women must do all
domestic work, the scales are lipped further by men’s greater opportunities to earn
wages. Advantage builds on advantage until today they are tilted so steeply that almost
all of the world’s wealth is on men’s side, while most of the work is on women’.”
It has now widely been recognized that women should have their entitled share
in enjoying the basic rights with the males. Women shall have the equal rights to
political participation and right to involve in the process of political decision making.
The issue of women’s participation in local level politics may be viewed from the
general understanding that women are subjugated in many ways and such state of
subordination has affected negatively the development process. The situation took turn
with the passage of liberal ideas. The issue of women’s participation in political
decision making assumed importance only in the late twentieth century, it is now on the
international agenda and permeating many regional and national plans of action. The

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United Nations adopted the Convention on the Political Rights of Women in 1952. The
world-wide concern for women’s participation was noticed in 1975 when the United
Nations declared the decade as the Women Development Decade and adopted
resolutions accordingly. In 1975, the World Plan of Action, adopted in the First World
Conference held in Mexico City, put forward various suggestions for the recruitment,
nomination and promotion of women in various branches of government, public bodies,
trade unions and pressure groups. In Copenhagen, in 1980, further steps were
recommended to promote international cooperation and strengthen peace through
women’s participation.
The Nairobi Forward Looking Strategies, adopted in the Third World
Conference on Women, Nairobi (1985) stressed that “Women by virtue of their gender,
experience discrimination in terms of equal access to the power structure that controls
society and determines development issues and peace initiatives”. It was further
resolved that “For true equality to become a reality for women, the sharing of power on
equal terms with men must be a major strategy. The importance of governmental and
non-governmental organizations in educating women to exercise their newly own civil,
political and social rights was emphasized. In this process of consciousness raising
efforts would have to be made to fix definite time-bound targets and even resort to a
quota system.
The issue of women’s political empowerment had gained momentum in the
global debate for women’s rights at the time of the Fourth World Conference on
Women held at Beijing in 1995. The issue continued to hold centre-stage of all
discussions on gender justice and equality. Women’s equal access to, and full
participation in decision making was emphasized in the Platform for Action, as one of
the critical areas of concern. It unequivocally declared “Women’s equal participation in
political life plays a pivotal role in the general process of advancement of women.
Women’s equal participation in decision making is not only a demand for simple
justice or democracy but can also be seen as a necessary condition for women’s
interests to be taken into account”. It also affirmed that women should have at least a
thirty percent share of decision making positions”.
The issue of providing adequate space for women’s political participation has
also repeatedly come up in the NGO Meetings of South Asia Watch, Asia Pacific
Women’s Watch as a priority issue and more categorically at the Regional Meet on

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Commemorating Beijing III organized by the UNIFEM. (Third Beijing Biennial South
Asia Regional Ministerial Meeting, Organised by UNIFEM, Maldives, Sept. 26-27;
2000). The Maldives Outcome Document recognized the “continuing invisibility of
women in higher levels of governance, political leadership and civil service and the
continuing resistance of mainstream political parties to provide space for women in
politics”. It further recommended, “sharing of experiences of affirmative action at
grass-root levels as well as at national level; studying of different electoral systems and
creation of a shared political agenda for women.” The need to increase women’s
participation in political decision making has been a common issue for all International
and Regional Conferences relating to women held so far which means that women’s
political empowerment has been at the centre-stage of attention for all discourses on
women’s issues. (Information taken from Promilla Kapur; Empowering of Indian
Women, Publication Division, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Govt. of
India, New Delhi, 2001) Correspondingly, various initiatives have been undertaken in
India for enabling women to participate in the political process.
In the face of globalization and corroborative Structural Adjustment
Programme, women have become the best sufferers. There has been the policy of state
minimalism and market maximalism. Under such a situation, there has been a growing
reduction of public sector investment. Women have not been finding proper place in
the public sector. Moreover, the increase in unorganized sector and the increase of
women workers in this sector enhance vulnerability of women workers in the labour
market. The Report of the Working Group on Women’s development for the Ninth
Plan admitted that “Women operate in a vicious circle of subsistence, deprivation and
survival.” There has also been sharp increase in female casual employment for over the
decades. In addition, ninety-six percent of women work in the in informal sectors
following the last one decade. Agricultural wages have also declined in real terms
which means more women entering into lower paid jobs. The hire and fire policy,
downsizing and disinvestments in the recent past have affected women most.
According to the data served by National Commission on Self-employed Women
(1998), there are 63 million female workers in India of which 28 million (45 percent)
are agriculture labourers. In spite of their crucial role in agricultural production, the
earning of the women are less than their male counterparts. Women get half or two

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thirds of the wages of male agriculture labourers. The legal impetus like “Equal
Remuneration Act”, “The Minimum Wages Act” seem to be futile and meaningless.
The concern of this study is to explore women’s participation in Panchayats, let
us have a quick browse to the status of rural women in India. Rural women constitute
seventy-five percent of the total female population. By any means of human
development indicator, the rural women is disadvantaged compared to her urban
counterpart. Access to information, assets, opportunities of life are also low for rural
women. What Indian rural women need is a radical overhauling of their status.
Empowerment in every aspect of life for Indian rural women has been the only answer.
The strategy is to adopt an integrated approach towards empowering women in all
fronts like social, economic, political and legal. The Government of India has also
prepared a National Policy for the empowerment of women in 1996 which
recommended adoption of the policy along with gender development index. Further, a
special strategy of earmarking of funds as “Women Component” also adopted and to
ensure flow of funds and benefits for women both at central and state levels.(3)
The seventy-third Constitution Amendment Act (1993) has ushered in
watershed in the history of state initiatives with regard to political empowerment of
rural women. The Parliament of India in April 1993 passed the Seventy Third
Amendment Act, providing thirty three percent reservation in all tiers panchayat
structure for all rural women. The Act has provided a definite space for women to
participate in Panchayat politics and to involve in local political decision making
process. This legislative innovation has enabled women to participate in decentralized
governance, planning and development. Consequently, there have been around eleven
lakh elected women including women belonging to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes, as members and Chairpersons all the three tiers of Panchayat Raj structure. It is
said that such an arrangement has created scope for women forming ‘Critical Mass’
whereby they can raise their voice felt in a regimented manner. (The ‘Critical Mass’ is
a concept originally derived from nuclear physics and refers to a quantity needed to
start an irreversible chain reaction. Its basic tenet in this context is that a certain number
of women must be present in order to be able to effect change. Alternatively thirty-
three percent reservation of seats in Panchayat structure for women, although still
minority, is an effective size of minority to effect change). However, if any one
subscribes to the view that a ‘critical mass’ of women will introduce changes in

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politics, the scope for that is less at the local than at the national level, where more far
reaching policy formulation takes place.
It is, therefore, timely to explore to what extent these new arrangements have
contributed change to the position and status of women in India. Have they been
actually empowered or do they live in the same state of subordination and deprivation?
Empowerment, in common parlance, means empowering women socially,
economically and politically so that they can break away from patriarchic domination
and claim equality with their male counterpart. It is being increasingly felt that
empowerment of women will enable a greater degree of self confidence, a sense of
independence and capacity to resist discrimination imposed by the male dominated
society. Precisely, it means, enabling women to decide on every aspect of socio-
economic and political life which includes household activities, economic activities,
socio-cultural activities and political activities. Women are to be made partners in
common development in shaping up collective future by means of active and direct
involvement.
Politics has been the principal pillar of empowerment. The more the
participation of women in politics, the more they can change the modalities and
outcomes of politics. Several studies on post-seventy third Amendment suggest that
after the introduction of the seventy-third Amendment Act, rural women although, are
participating in large numbers in rural grass-root level institutions, they still remain
largely outside the realm of power and decision making. The gender difference in rural
participatory politics is still very high. Many interrelated factors affect women’s ability
to participate in politics. The social hierarchies and inequalities that exist in Indian
society deter the woman for centuries to play an active role in the societal functions
including participation in political institutions.(4)
Despite the existence of multiple hurdles and presence of multidimensional
constraints for women in Indian rural canvas, it has been established unquestionably
that the seventy third Amendment has created space for women’s needs within the
structural framework of politics and has legitimized the women’s issues. The study(5)
of
the Institute of Social Sciences has revealed women’s disadvantaged position in all
spheres of life. In the midst of such maladies, Women’s success in Panchayats are
creating an encouraging trend all over the country. Women in India have been able to
influence social choices and decisions affecting rural society. The Seventy-third

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Amendment Act has provided rural women a sense of recognition and respect as equal
citizens and human being with a contribution to make for the society. An account
suggests that out of 29.2 lakh elected representatives of Panchayats at various levels,
about 10 lakhs are women. A large majority of them has been elected for the first time
for any political representation. The reservation of seats in rural political institutions
has greatly contributed to the political empowerment of women and merginalised
communities in the rural society. The seventy-third Amendment Act, in the ultimate
analysis, has thrown open political opportunities in the different tiers of Panchayat
decision making. However, their representation interms of numbers does not add much
to the quality of governance unless this is reflected in the efficient delivery of services
to the poor and needy.
Mention should be made that a few number of Indian states had introduced
reservation of seats for women by bringing state level legislations before the
introduction of Seventy Third Amendment Act. The percentage of reservations so
introduced, however, did have no national uniformity. It varied from state to state
ranging from 10 percent reservation for women in Madhya Pradesh to 33 percent in
West Bengal. The Constitutional mandate of providing 33 percent reservation of seats
in Panchayat for women by the enactment of Seventy Third Amendment has brought
uniformity among the states to reserve 33 percent seats in Panchayat for women. The
state legislations have been enacted/modified in accordance with the Constitutional
guideline. Elections have been held after keeping conformity with the reservation
mandate. Such arrangements have constitutionalised women’s entitlement to participate
in local political decision making process in a much larger way than before. It is
extremely important to mention that the reservation of seats for women in Panchayats is
not an end in itself, it is a means to an end, the end being the effective realization of
involving women constituting nearly half of India’s population, in the decision making
process and total empowerment of rural women.
A study or the findings of inter-state researches on the impact of seventy third
Amendment Act is not out of place to mention here. Even before the introduction of the
Amendment Act, the importance of the study of women in India had been realized by
the Government of India.(6)
The principal purpose of the study was to assess the impact
of constitutional, legal and administrative provisions on the social status of women,
their education and employment. The study began with a demographic profile of Indian

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Women and presented a vivid description of education, employment, participation of
women in politics and laws specifically related to women.
Studies on women leadership in Panchayat made by Participatory Research in
Asia (PRIA, New Delhi, 1997) have revealed some important findings: (a) Majority of
the women are in the age group of 34-45 years; (b) the proportion of unmarried women
is negligible; (c) only 20 to 40 percent of the women are literate; (d) Incidence of joint
and nuclear families is almost equal; (e) Less than 20 percent of them are heads of the
domestic households (f) About 40 percent of the members work in the field; (g) The
educational and economic background of the chairpersons are better than the ordinary
members; (h) More than 20 percent come from the families of Panchayati Raj
members; (i) About 40 percent stood for elections on the insistence of their husbands
and 20 percent on that of the Community (Caste) etc. (j) 25 percent notice change in
their status in the family after being elected; (k) About 60 percent would like to
encourage women to contest in elections; (l) About 60 percent of these elected would
contest next elections.
A number of micro-studies have documented the profile and experience of the
emancipated rural women and perceptions about their new role. The studies have
reflected variety of experience and participation of women in different groups. It is seen
that women have to use the new political space in the Panchayats in the face of
unspoken opposition or at least reservation. A study(7)
in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan
and Uttar Pradesh noted that the reservation for women immediately led to four myths
about their entry and likely performance; (a) their passivity and disinterest in political
institutions; (b) only the well-to-do, upper strata women come through reservation, (c)
Women’s political connectivity – only kins of powerful politicians enter Panchayats to
keep the seats for them and finally, (d) Women are only proxy – ‘namesake’ members
and they do not participate in Panchayats. Nirmala Buch in her study has exploded
these myths without discounting existence and behaviour of some women who would
fit into this patriarchy oriented framework. The participation of women in Panchayats
has had an impact on their sense of self. The data on their perceptions, recognition,
respect, enhanced status, confidence levels, enhanced levels of mobility and exposure,
their increased political perceptions and community’s perceptions and evaluation of
their performance are seen as markers of empowering process for women.

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The post-73rd
Amendment experiences suggest that Panchayats have shown
emerging leadership of rural women and they have moved ahead from the initial
learning phase over the decade. Women are also slowly learning how to build alliances
with other social collectives, with other women and with other sections to build on their
initial entry in public life. The positive outcome of the induction of women in the
Panchayats is also felt in the pro-poor, especially pro-women welfare programmes
pursued by women Panchayat members and women Chairpersons at different tiers of
Panchayat structures. Studies reveal that in places where young and energetic women
assumed chair position, special attention has been paid to promote income generating
activities to rural women. Women leaders have shown a great degree of dedication and
honesty in their activities and performed a number of welfare programmes benefiting
community.(8)
Some state specific studies may be mentioned to understand the nature of
political empowerment of women in post-73rd
Amendment perspective.
Andhrapradesh
The composition of Gram Panchayats in Andhra Pradesh is governed by the
Andhra Pradesh Gram Panchayats Act, 1964 as amended time to time. Andhra Pradesh
Mandal Praja Parishad, Zilla Praja Parishad and Zilla Abhivrudhi Sameeksha Mandal
Act, 1986 had a provision for reservation of minimum of two and a maximum of four
seats for women in Gram Panchayats and some percentage in Mandal Praja Parishad
and Zilla Praja Parishad. Some percentage of the posts of Chairperson of the Zilla
Parishad were also reserved for women. As a result of the 73rd
Amendment a large
number of women belonging to different castes and communities have been elected as
members and chairpersons in the Panchayats. Although the Act has mandated one third
reservation for women as members as well as chairpersons at different tiers of the
Panchayats, in Andhra Pradesh, women have captured more than one third seats. The
representation of women at this level has been 33.84 percent.
In Andhra Pradesh, the visibility of women in decision making positions has
been ensured by the protective discrimination measures. There are about 73513 women
members at G.P. level, 4776 at MP level and 361 at ZP level. The post Amendment
phase in Andhra Pradesh has proved beyond doubt that women in Panchayati Raj
moved from peripheral to leadership role. However, a Ford Foundation-sponsored
study in the District of Kurnool in Andhra Pradesh mentions that a large number of

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elected members of the local bodies especially women are not actively participating in
the meetings of the Panchayats.(9)
Haryana:
Haryana had only a two-tier Panchayati Raj System at village and block level
till 1995 and the third tier could only be revived in 1995 after the enactment of 73rd
Amendment Act. The State Government replaced the Punjab Gram Panchayat Act 1952
and the Panchayat Samiti Act, 1961 and enacted the Haryana Panchayati Raj Act, 1994.
At present, the number of women Panchayat is 18356, women members in Panchayat
Samiti is 842 and women members in Zilla Parishad is 109.(10)
In Haryana a study with a sample of 100 elected members in four districts over
two years indicated the beginning of a discernible revolution.(11)
A majority of the
women members were illiterate when elected to office. After two years in office they
demanded literacy skills and became concerned about their daughters’ education. The
MARG did a study in the Kamal district of Haryana in 1997. The study revealed that
the elected members were not given any training regarding their power, functions and
duties. They were little aware of fiscal powers, sources of funds and the reason for
reservation of seats for women. Manju Power’s study(12)
of women Sarpanchas
conducted in four Gram Panchayats in Haryana brought out that except one others have
little knowledge about the power and functions of the Panchayati Raj Institution and
about the governmental schemes.
Susheela Kaushik’s study on Panchayati Raj Institution in Haryana revealed
that most of the women members were illiterates, poor and mostly engaged in domestic
responsibilities. Due to these disabilities these elected women have not been
performing their role effectively. In order to perform their duties they had to depend on
members of their families. However, this experience has made them conscious about
their importance of education in human life. The training imparted to them by
government and non-governmental organizations enabled them to know a little about
their roles and duties as a member and chairperson of the Panchayat. Some of them
were so conscious about their posts that they desire to recontest the election for the post
of chairperson even if their posts were dereserved.(13)
Sri Mahi Pal has also conducted a
study of seventy-five women elected leaders at all tiers in Rewari, Mahindragarh and
Faridabad districts of Haryana. He concluded that one-third reservation for women has

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enabled them to participate in decentralized governance and development at the local
level.
Gujarat :
In conformity with the Constitution (73rd
Amendment) Act 1993, the Gujarat
Panchayat Act 1993 came into force on 15th
April 1993. The Act continues the three
tier Panchayati Raj structure at the village, block and district levels. There is provision
for reservation of seats for SCs and STs in all Panchayats in proportion to their
population and ten percent reservation for the socially and economically backward
classes / other backward classes along with reservation of one third of the total number
of seats for women in Panchayati Raj Institutions at all three levels. The Gujarat State,
according to the law, has 13316 Panchayats, 25 Zilla Panchayats and 210 Taluka
Panchayats. Out of total 64052 elected Gram Panchayat Members, the share of Women
is 21351, out of 3765 elected Taluka Panchayat 3765 are women and out of 764 Zilla
Panchayat members women’s share is 254.(14)
A study carried by ‘Unnati’ (Status of Panchayati Raj Institutions in Gujarat
(1995-2000), Ahmedabad (2001)) revealed that sixty percent of Women Gram
Panchayat members are illiterate; six percent of them belong to the age group 21-35;
about ninety percent of them are married and shoulder the household responsibility; 85
percent of them do not have any previous experience of working with Panchayats. A
close look at the profile of the elected women members at the block and district levels
brings out a different picture particularly in terms of literacy. 91 percent at the block
level and 97 percent at the district level are literate. Notwithstanding the high literacy
rate, 35 percent of them have poor understanding about their roles and less than 25
percent are aware of the financial situation of Panchayat bodies they are attached to. It
has been an overall impression that space for women in Panchayat Raj Institutions in
Gujarat has created a process of change.
Tamil Nadu:
The Gandhigram Rural Institute’s study on rural women leaders in Tamil Nadu
has revealed that as per the perception of the leaders they are elevated to the position
through election on the basis of their caste, party affiliation, organizational affiliation,
family, community, par group. Majority of the leaders have exhibited their

15
determination to occupy public space. The women have assumed the leadership at
grass-roots level governance.
Out of total 40734 Gram Panchayats members, the number of women Gram
Panchayat is 13578 out of total 6504 Panchayat Samity members, women elected
members are 2168 in number and out of 649 Parishad member in Tamil Nadu is 216.(15)
One third reservation of seats for women in local bodies through the
constitutional amendments has opened a channel in the power structure for women
from different strata of the society to occupy a legitimate space.(16)
Women rural
leaders need orientation, sensitization, capacity building, information and counseling
continuously through organizations. The experience suggests that periodical training,
orientation and sensitization can help the women leaders to perform the assigned role in
a better way. When the women leaders are responding to the socio-political challenges
in this society, they are to be supported by the organizations and institutions which are
working for empowerment of women.(17)
Karnataka:
History of rural local government suggests that Karnataka has had a significant
bearing on decentralized planning and governance. Since the late 19th
Century to the
present, the state has witnessed several Acts on rural governance under different
regimes. Indeed, Karnataka has been the first state to pass a ‘conformity’ legislation
necessary to bring the provision of the seventy third Amendment into force – the
Karnataka Panchayat Act, 1993. The Act provides for a three tier structure of
Panchayati Raj with Zilla Panchayats at the district level, Taluk Panchayats at
intermediary level and Gram Panchayats at the village level. While all three Panchayats
are directly elected bodies, the Act stipulates that elections to Gram Panchayats should
not be held on a party basis. To facilitate people’s participation in governance and
planning, the Act stipulates that the Gram Sabha be convened twice in a year with the
functions of mobilizing voluntary labour and contributions, identifying beneficiaries for
development schemes and rendering assistance in the implementation of programmes /
schemes pertaining to the village.(18)
A detailed study(19)
on the position of women in Political Institutions with
reference to Panchayati Raj System in Karnataka was under taken during early nineties
has revealed that sixty percent of the women elected to different tier of Panchayat

16
belong to younger age group. The argument that the younger generation lacks political
experience, does not hold good in the case of women to whom their involvement in the
political sphere itself is new. It has also been observed that though women have now
come to stay as a political force they have to go a long way before they can really
become a significant political force. Moreover, traditional attitudes and values
regarding women’s roles continue to dictate women’s political role. The study(20)
undertaken by George Mathew revealed that women have social handicaps and
constraints of various kinds, but with experience their effectiveness improves. Even
when Bangarappa government suspended Panchayats, women groups started watchdog
committees to monitor the working of bureaucracy. The researches on Karnataka rural
women leaders show that regardless of the situation obtaining today, the awareness and
participation of women in governance can grow leading to positive change in Caste,
Class and family relationships.
Maharashtra:
In Maharashtra, the 73rd
Amendment Act has made a powerful impact on
women by enabling them to enter into the decision making sectors. Out of 303545
elected members to Gram Panchayats 100182 are women (33.88 percent), out of 3525
elected member to Panchayat Samiti 1174 are women (33.31 percent) and out of 1762
elected District Panchayat Members 587 are women constituting 33.31 percent. The
study(21)
revealed that women through Panchayati Raj Institutions are making the state
sensitive to issues concerning poverty, inequality and gender justice. Women have
infused confidence and inculcated sense of empowerment by enabling them to exercise
control over resources, officials by challenging the male authority and monopoly.
Maharashtra rural women have endeavoured to bring about the changes by raising the
issues such as health, sanitation, education, water scarcity, alcohol and domestic
violence.
It has been observed that elected rural women in Maharashtra have found the
role and work exciting due to recognition and status gained as individual. The barriers
to executing programmes include lack of cooperation, misappropriation of power,
interference of political parties, corruption and non-cooperation etc. Women
Panchayats have a far more gender sensitive agenda. They want to start biogas plants,
open schools and take other welfare measures.

17
Kerala:
In addition to long practiced movement for local democracy, the 73rd
Constitution Amendment Act has marked a watershed in the field of advancement of
rural women in Kerala as they have been ensured on third of total seats in all elected
bodies of Panchayati Raj Institutions. This provides an opportunity to about lakhs of
rural women in Kerala to encourage as leaders and decision makers at the grass-root
level and to enter in public life.
In Kerala, the introduction of People’s Campaign for Decentralised Planning
created new condition for women empowerment. Before the People’s Campaign,
Kerala had done little to emancipate women. The substantial gains women had made in
Kerala in education, low birth rates, and fairly equal treatment in health care and
nutrition – all came as by-products of the general Kerala model of development. The
Left in Kerala does not have a history of struggling for women’s rights in the same way
it has fought for peasants and workers.(22)
All this changed with the People’s Plan
Campaign. From the beginning, it was realized that the campaign needed women’s
participation to make decentralization democratic and effective. While few men have
openly opposed these interventions, the general weight of Kerala’s patriarchal
institutions has shown itself to be a powerful force against equality.(23)
Moreover, the gender dimension of decentralization assumes a special relevance
in the context of the one-third reservation of the seats and offices in the local self
governing institutions for women. The Kerala experience reinforces the correctness of
affirmative action in elections and is supportive of the extension of affirmative action to
higher levels of government. According to the self assessment made by the elected
women representatives, women leaders perceive improvement in their capabilities as a
result of the campaign. The Kerala experience(24)
shows that in-depth and continuous
capacity development programmes largeting the elected women representatives should
accompany affirmative action. Isaac and Franke concludes that “formal training
programmes can only be one element of empowerment; success depends on creating a
favourable environment in the Panchayat. It is assessment that the campaign and the
synergies released by it helped propel women into more active public roles and sets the
stage for further women’s empowerment in the immediate future.

18
The state has empowered the PRIs to the extent that they may prove since
models of decentralized development. The state of Kerala initiated the Jana Abhiyan
(People’s Campaign) on 17th
August, 1997 which aimed at maximum participation of
the local people in planning process for development at the grass-roots level. In Kerala,
Panchayats can take loans at their own level.
Uttar Pradesh:
The state of Uttar Pradesh demographically occupies highest position, however,
performance-wise it is a backward state. The level of women Empowerment has been
very low and the status of women rural leaders is far from satisfactory level. Out of
total 682670 elected Gram Panchayat members, women Panchayats constitute 25.55
percent. The total Women Gram Panchayat is 174410 which is much below the
mandatory reservation for women. Out of total 58165 Panchayat Samity members the
total number of elected Women Panchayat is 14002 constituting 24.07 percentage –
below than the stipulated reservation mandate. 587 women have been elected to District
Panchayat out of total 1762 elected members to the District Panchayat constituting
33.31 percent reservation for women.
Studies have shown rural women elected to different tiers of Panchayats in
Uttar Pradesh felt neglected even after being elected. Most of them are very very poor
and mostly economically dependent on their husbands. For attending the meetings they
have to ask for bus fare from their husbands or male members of the family. Sudha
Pai’s study in Meerut District tends to show that illiteracy and dominance of husbands
impede women’s participation.(25)
In the recent years, women Panchayat leaders have
shown a considerable progress in the political empowerment process. Most of the other
states do possess more or less the same features of Uttar Pradesh Panchayat experience.
General Observations for the Cross-State Studies:
The general experience of the studies of some important states suggests that the
Indian states have adopted / enacted / modified Panchayat legislations keeping in line
with the 73rd
Constitution Amendment Act. This important national Act has ensured the
representations of one-third women in Panchayat Raj Institutions. This has augmented
the power of participation of women in the policy making bodies. Women have been
accorded more and more importance in various spheres of socio-economic life. The
experience of the states is very encouraging in this new phase of Panchayati Raj.

19
Kerala, Hariyana, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka and to name few, have also gone ahead in
this direction. However, in some of the states the picture is not so bright. In many states
state level leaders do not seem to be interested in sharing power with the women
representatives of the PRIs even after it had been made mandatory by the
Constitution.(26)
Different state level studies have shown that women through PRIs are making
the states sensitive to the issues concerning poverty, inequality, gender injustice etc.
They are also helping the women to change their perceptions about themselves. They
have been infusing sense of empowerment by enabling them to exercise control over
resources by challenging male authority and dominance. The women march continues
irrespective of hundreds and thousands of socio-economic and political bottlenecks and
lack of practical trainings and operational modalities involved in the administrative
functioning.(27)
The post-colonial societies like ours are still dominated by social norms and
customs. They dictate the terms of social life, movement and behaviour. The
environment within which they operate has such inherent problems as crimes against
women which keep them under restraint and restrict their free movement. Moreover,
women’s organizations are not very strong in most of the states. In short, the
experiences of the various states suggest that women leaders do have low human
development indices such as illiteracy and low educational level, compliance with
social restrictions, constructed shyness and submissiveness, lack of comprehensive
understanding of their roles and responsibilities, weak articulation skills and negative
perceptions of male political leaders and bureaucracy on women.
Participation of rural women in Panchayat politics has come a long way since
independence. Women are now committed, despite limitations, to effect the local
development policy decisions and programmes and have been able to make them
gender sensitive and gender specific being a part of decision making process.(28)

20
References :
1. UNDP Human Development Report, 2002.
2. R. Narayanan, Women in Panchayati Raj, The Divide between Intent and
Implementation, p.45, Kurukshetra, June 1994.
3. B. Suguna, Strategies For Empowerment of Rural Women, Social Welfare,
Vol.49, No.5, Aug., 2002.
4. Susheela Kaushik, “Women and Political Participation”, Women in Politics,
FES, New Delhi, 1992.
5. Status of Panchayat Raj in the States and Union Territories of India, 2000,
Institute of Social Sciences, New Delhi.
6. Government of India, Ministry of Education and Social Welfare, Towards
Equality, Report of the Committee on the Status of Women in India, New
Delhi, 1974.
7. Nirmala Buch, 1999, From Oppression to Assertion: A Study of Panchayats and
Women in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh, Centre For Women’s
Development Studies, New Delhi, (Mimco).
8. Studies have been referred in M. Gopinath Reddy, Status of Decentralised Local
Bodies: Post-73rd
Amendment Scenario, Economic and Political Weekly, 38,
12-13; 2003; pp.1284-1292.
9. Babu, Devendra M (1998), Status and Working of Decentralised Bodies in A.P.:
An analysis, paper presented in the Seminar, Organised by Institution for Social
and Economic Change, Bangalore.
10. K.K. More; Dynamics of Women’s Participation in Grass-roots Democracy:
The Haryana Experience, Women’s Link, Vol.II, No.3; July-Sept.; p.24-27,
2005.
11. Panchayat Sandesh, August, 1998.
12. Manju Power, ‘Women Sarpanchas: A Case Study ….., Kurukshetra,
December, 2002.
13. Referred in Mahi Pal; Empowerment of Women through Panchayats – An
Assessment and Talks Ahead, Women’s Link, April – June- 2004.
14. Abha Chauhan, ‘Women in Politics’, Women’s Link, Vol.4, No.2; 1998, Apr-
June; p.13
15. Abha Chauhan, ‘Women in Politics’, Women’s Link, Vol.4, No.2, 1998, Apr-
June; p.18.

21
16. G. Palanithurai, the Genre of Women Leaders in Local Bodies: Experience from
Tamil Nadu, Indian Journal of Public Administration, 47, 1; 2001 – Jan-Mar;
39-50.
17. V.B. Athrcya and K.S. Rajeswari, Women’s Participation in Panchayati Raj: A
Case Study from Tamil Nadu, (Sponsored by Women’s Commission) M.S.
Swaminathan Research Foundation, Chennai, 1998.
18. N. Sivanna, Decentralised Governance and Planning in Karnataka: A Historical
Review, Social Change, March, Vol.28, No.1, 1998.
19. B.S. Bhargava and K.C. Vidya, Journal of Rural Development, Vol.11(5)
pp.601-628, 1992.
20. George Mathew, “Women in Panchayati Raj: Beginning of a silent revolution”,
Kurukshetra, June, 1994.
21. Neelima Desmukh, “Women’s empowerment through PRI: a Case Study,
Indian Journal of Public Administration, Vol.51, No.2, Apr-June, p.196, 2005.
22. T.M. Thomas Isaac and Richard W. Franke, Local Democracy and
Development: People’s Campaign for Decentralised Planning in Kerala, Left
Word Books, 2000, Delhi, p.224.
23. Ibid, p.224.
24. Ibid, p.228.
25. Sudha Pai, “Pradhanis in New Panchayats, Economic and Political Weekly,
May 2, 1998.
26. Jitendra Narayan, “Panchayati Raj: The Indian Model of Participatory
Democracy, Journal of Constitutional and Parliamentary Studies, Vol.37,
Nos.1-4, Jan-Dec., p.80, 2003.
27. Neclima Desmukh; Women’s Empowerment through Panchayati Raj
Institutions: A Case Study of Women Panchayat in Maharashtra, Indian Journal
of Public Administration, Vol.51, No.2; Apr-June; pp.192-198, 2005.
28. Abha Chouhan, Women in Politics, Women’s Link, Vol.4, No.2, apr-Jun, p.18,
1998.

22
Chapter – II
Women in Panchayats : The West Bengal Experience
The fourteenth largest state in India in size (88,752 sq. km.) with a population
of 80,176,197 (Census 2001) of which 41,465,985 males and 38,710,212 females
having the sex ratio of 934, West Bengal is the fourth most populous state situated in
the eastern region of India. The state of West Bengal is a very high population density
state which is three times that of the Indian average. Heterogeneities of socio-economic
factors have determined the high density population in the state. The partition of India
and internal migrations from the neighbouring states of Bihar, Jharkhand, Orissa,
Assam, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan etc. give an indication of the enormity of migration.
Precisely, with a population density of 904 persons per sq. km. (as per Census, 2001)
West Bengal is currently the most densely populated state in the country. West Bengal
holds 2.7 percent of India’s geographical areas but about 7.8 percent of the country’s
population. This extremely high population density obviously affects per capita
resource allocation and such other corresponding human development indices per
caput.
The rural West Bengal accounts for a total population of 57,784,946 (Census,
2001) out of which the total numbers of males and females respectively are 29,616,009
and 28,132,937 with a sex ratio of 950. Thus seventy two percent of the total
population in West Bengal live in rural areas. The percentages of Scheduled Caste and
Scheduled Tribe population are 28.6 and 5.8 percent respectively in rural areas and
19.9 and 1.5 percent respectively in the Urban areas. Gender discrimination ranging
from infant mortality rate, literacy, health, education, work-force participation to other
socio-economic and political development riders, has been an important feature of
economic and social processes in West Bengal. Despite the declining trend in the recent
past, it still remains significant. Despite gender differences, women’s participation in
Panchayats of West Bengal has been greater and more substantive than in many other
states.(1)
The total number of identified villages in West Bengal is 37,955. The number of
Gram Sansad is 43245. The total number of Gram Panchayats, Panchayat Samity and
Zilla Parishad respectively are 3354, 341 and 17 (including Siliguri Mahakuma

23
Parishad). The total numbers of elected members in the three tier Panchayati structure
are : Gram Panchayat : 51142; Panchayat Samities : 8579 and Zilla Parishad : 723. The
total elected women members in Gram Panchayats is 18721, in Panchayat Samity 3039
and in Zilla Parishad 246. Out of total elected women members in Gram Panchayats in
West Bengal, the shares of women members belonging to scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes categories respectively are 5657 and 1496. The number of general
caste category women elected to Gram Panchatyats is 11568. Out of total elected
women in Panchayat Samities, the shares of Schedule Caste, Scheduled Tribes and
General categories of women respectively are 923; 228 and 1881. The same Picture for
Zilla Parishads in West Bengal is 66; 21 and 159 respectively. Thus rural women in
West Bengal share 35.56 percent seats in Gram Panchayats, 35.14 percent seats in
Panchayat Samities and 34.02 percent in Zilla Parishad respectively. (Data collected
from Panchayat Update, June 2005)
West Bengal has had a history of representation of Women in Panchayats well
before the seventy third Amendment was passed by Parliament. The West Bengal
Panchayat (Amendment) Act 1992, provided for reservation of one third of the total
seats in different tiers of Panchayati Raj system for women. The Panchayat elections
(19993) in the state were held on the basis of reservation of seats for women and the
women now constitute nearly 36 percent of the total members in the Panchayat bodies.
However, till early eighties West Bengal’s record in respect of Women’s participation
was not encouraging. Before the 1993 Panchayat elections which were held on the
basis of reservation of seats for women there was less than one percent women
members elected to different Panchayat bodies in the state. It was found that after the
nomination of women members to the Gram Panchayats women’s representation stood
at least ten per cent, in Panchayat Samiti it was around five percent and in Zilla
Parishad it was four percent. The Left Front Government in West Bengal, since
eighties, has take steps for more participation of women in the Panchayati Raj System
through reservation. Mention should be made, however, that there has not been any
apparent case of the Left Front Government of West Bengal having been
discriminatory against women in its political activity. But it also can not claim that it
has been singularly conscious about women. The Communist Party of India (Marxist) –
the leader of the Left Front in West Bengal has never made gender an issue of politics
while Class / Mass has always been the central guiding force of the Left Parties

24
including CPI(M). The women wing of CPI(M), Paschim Banga Ganatantrik Mohila
Samity has always been raising voice against the exploitation of women. This,
however, has not made the situation any better in emancipating women against
injustices done to their position in the political scene, in terms of their contesting
elections or getting elected.
It is to noted that the objective condition in rural West Bengal appears to be
largely conducive to women participation in Panchayats through community
convergence. The West Bengal Panchayati Raj Institutions as they stand, at present, are
well ahead of their counterparts in many other India states due to the fact that
Panchayats in West Bengal constituted under party-based democratic elections have
had an history of uninterrupted regular Panchayat elections since 1977. The most recent
Panchayat elections in 2003 have created even more gender balance because of the
active policy of the ruling Left Front in terms of more women elected leaders in all the
three tiers of Panchayati Raj System. The positive ambience set in the rural front has
created a space for women’s participation in politics. Panchayats in West Bengal are
free from the clutches of the landed gentry and from upper caste dominance. The
successful implementation of the land reform programme has brought about a change
in the rural socio-economic structures. The relatively successful working of the pro-
poor Panchayats have led to “the churning of the sub-merged humanity”.(2)
Resultantly,
social roots of political democracy has been widely extended in West Bengal’s rural
society ensuring free and fare participation of the depressed people such as Scheduled
Castes, Tribes and Women at large way.
While largely accepting the impediments rooted both within and without which
includes resistance to accept women as a considerable force (‘Critical Mass’) in the
decision making process of rural local institutions, class interests, the duality that exists
to take Panchayats as a people’s organization or / and as an arm of the government etc.,
it can well be argued that the comparatively much better participation of the women,
their growing maturity, the positive political ambience, honest political will of the state
government, active and vigilant role of the women’s organization, gradually withering
away of the inertia of resistance at the local level etc. are some of the bright silver
linings on the horizon in rural West Bengal as they create conditions conducive to
women’s participation in rural politics and politico-administrative decision making.

25
For over two decades, the state government has been pursuing the policy of
democratic decentralization realizing that the power of the state be flown from
democratically elected body to the democratically elected lower level democratic
bodies. If decentralization is the end, Panchayats are the means to realize such ends.
Many significant social changes have taken place while realizing the principle of
democratic decentralization and one of such major social changes has been the
empowerment of rural women. The participation of women in Panchayats tends to have
dynamic effects on the social and political empowerment of women and has been seen
to have positive effects on the general functioning and responsiveness of Panchayats to
people’s needs. The rural women leaders have emerged through this process,
transforming their own lives and those of the society around them, and altering both
social attitudes towards women and their aspiration. What is inspiring is the
proliferation of young women Panchayat members from poor and socially
disadvantaged back-grounds, who are increasingly more articulate and empowered,
able to express the concern of women in public platforms, and conscious of the need to
influence policy making. The potential for social change in such a process is enormous,
and the effects are likely to be felt very markedly in the next generation.(3)
Research works on women in the rural political process in West Bengal and in
addition, recent academic interest on women’s issues have resulted in the publication of
a large number of Books and published papers highlighting different aspects of
women’s political life. More specifically, studies on Women Panchayats in West
Bengal so far undertaken have been of three varieties: (a) Women as elected members
including office bearers at the village / Gram Panchayat, Block / Panchayat Samity
level: (b) the position of women as office bearers in proportion to their representation at
all the three tiers of Panchayat system and as members of the corresponding standing
committees at District / Zilla Parishad / Block / Panchayat Samity levels and (c)
Women as elected members and office bearers of all women Panchayats / Village
Panchayats. Moreover, macro surveys and micro-surveys conducted by the state
Institute of Panchayats and Rural Development need to be mentioned.(4)
The study
conducted by the Development Dialogue covered four districts – Birbhum, North
Dinajpur, South Dinajpur and Murshidabad.(5)
It was indicated that women’s
participation was peripheral. The traditional outlook in the rural areas, lack of
education and awareness and access to information are the primary reasons for the

26
continued tilt of the balance of power against women even after the reservation of one
third of the seats for them in the Panchayats. Assetlessness and lack of personal income
are some other important impediments to their empowerment. Except in few cases rural
women leaders had no experience in public life.
The study undertaken by Joshi – Adhikari Institute of Social Studies(6)
to assess
the impact of Women’s empowerment revealed that the reactions from the general
public tend to show that they have better sense of time management, better capability
and greater understanding. The women leaders are playing their roles properly. The
incidence of attendance of women in Panchayat Meetings and proposals initiated by
them are high. The same had been the case with regard to women involvement in major
programmes of the Panchayats such as DWCRA. The study also noticed
merginalisation of women in some Panchayats not due to gender discrimination but
rivalry among the political parties. Moreover, the study has convincingly brought out
that the empowerment has created space for augmenting the mobilizing potential of
women Panchayat functionaries. Such a situation has also brought about positive
change of attitude in respect of women’s role in society. The study concluded with a
caution that the gains of empowerment are to a greater extend neutralized by the
discouraging trends towards dowry, torture and violence against women and
discrimination between male and female children.
In his study on women Panchayat Members as Heads of Offices Sri Dilip Ghosh
has found a very disappointing status of women rural leaders. Investigation of the
extent of participation of women Panchayat members as Heads of offices brought to
light that the level of participation has been very low. They need to be motivated,
trained and made fully aware of their rights, duties, powers and responsibilities. The
elected women Panchayat leaders need to learn and accept new advocacy, leadership
and decision making roles which are different from the traditional roles in order to be
effective and efficient leaders. Without full and informal participation of women in
politics, social and economic aspects, empowerment among them could be a difficult
task. The National Perspective Plan for Women (1998-2000) examined all possible
aspects relating to women’s political participation and decision making and expressed
concern about the insignificant role of women in the formal political decision making
process. The policy of reservation of one third of all seats and posts of chairpersons for
women in institutions of local governance ensures shared power and responsibility

27
between men and women in the governance of public affairs. The study concluded with
the observation that women have made a strong dent in the rural power structure and
they have taken it as an opportunity, not only to promote the interests of women, but
also to work for the development of villages.
The study(7)
of one all women Gram Panchayat of Kultikari village of Sankrail
Block in Midnapore district, undertaken by Jaytilak Guha Roy, revealed that despite
their inexperience in the Panchayat works and constraints of socio-economic
backwardness, the elected women of this first and foremost mahila (women) Panchayat
of West Bengal has done appreciable work in literacy, poverty alleviation and
development programmes during their tenure. It was further that women although poor,
unlettered and inexperienced have contributed considerably in rural development.
However, cases have been there where some women also worked under the shadow of
their husbands. Where the elected women representatives were associated with the
women organizations or any other local NGO, they performed better than those who
have not been associated with such organizations.
Another study(8)
of all women Panchayat has been conducted. After the election
in 1998 one more such Panchayat has been added and it is located in the same district
of Midnaqpur. It has been observed under women leadership, the socio-economic scene
has undergone a basic change. All the women leaders including women of schedule
caste and scheduled tribe categories are alert, articulate, inquisitive and determined.
They do not have any significant academic background, neither they have adequate
political experience. The performance of the women led Panchayat was indeed
appreciating. The IRDP loans were given to fifty three persons. The Panchayat has
leased out ponds to mobilize resources. It has arranged all infrastructural facilities to
start training-cum-production centres of readymade garments for the economic
empowerment of the women.
The study(9)
conducted by the Indian Statistical Institute, Kolkata, has identified
that the women members are capable not only of identifying the problem areas in their
locality but also of playing active role in pursuing the programme. The honour of the
women panchayat members in the society has been augmented. They have become
conscious of their legal rights. They are attaching more importance to the protection of
the rights of women either in property related or in matrimonial cases. The problems
identified by the women respondents include financial dependence on their male folk

28
who often exploit this weakness, lack of attitudinal change in all spheres of life and the
like.
In their study on “Empowerment of Women through Panchayats in West
Bengal: an Empirical study of the District of Burdwan, Professor Prabhat Datta and
Smt. Panchali Sen, it has been observed that a large number of the women members
who have been elected to the Gram Panchayats are neo-literate. Women found difficult
to play their role as elected representatives they have the added difficulty of coming
from poor families. Their role-awareness is weak and role perception is far from
satisfactory level. At the social and political levels there are quite a few problems. Thee
is a lack of political support. The meetings are held without notice or inconvenient
hours. Women members found difficult to attend such meetings. The study further
indicated that women members experienced some inhibiting factors at the individual
level. However, at the environmental level the women do not face many of the
difficulties particularly because of politicized Panchayats and strong women’s
organizations backed by the particular political parties. Despite constraints, it has been
observed that the upsurge of women’s power in Panchayati Raj structure in West
Bengal is very much noticeable.
References :
1. West Bengal Human Development Report, 2004, Development and Planning
Department, Government of West Bengal, May 2004, pp.66-67
2. Prashanta Nandi; “Communism through the Ballot Box: Over a Quarter Century
of Uninterrupted Rule in West Bengal”’ Sociological Bulletin, 54(2), May-
August, 2005, p.171
3. Prabhat Datta; “Political Empowerment of Rural Women in India”’
Administrative Change, Vol.XXIV, No.2 Jan-Jun, 1997, p.144
4. Arguments conceived from Prabhat Datta, “Democratic Decentralization: The
West Bengal Experience; Frontline, August 18, 2000, p.125-126
5. Development Dialogue “Women in Panchayati Raj: A Study in West Bengal”
(Unpublished), Kolkata.
6. Satyabrata Datta et al (1998); “Impact of Women Empowerment : A Pilot Study
of West Bengal panchayat (Unpublished document), Joshi-Adhikari Institute,
Kolkata.

29
7. Roy Jaytilak Guha, (1997), “Decentralization Development and the Role of
Women: The West Bengal Experience, Indian Institute of Public Administration,
New Delhi.
8. Sukla Deb Kanango; “Panchayati Raj and Emerging Women Leadership: An
Overview”, Social Action, 46,1; Jan-March, 1996, p.82.
9. Bhola Nath Ghosh; “Women Leadership in Gram Panchayat: Prospects and
Constraints”, Socialist Perspective, Jun-Sept., Kolkata (1999)

30
Chapter – III
The Research Design
Research Gaps:
The existing literature, so far attempted in Chapters I and II on political
participation of rural women in some important Indian states in general and West
Bengal in particular, reveals some significant research gaps, although valuable
contributions of scholars and researchers to this field can not be underestimated. Most
of the studies have not had sufficient reference to the actual behaviour of women and
the relevance of important social, economic and cultural variables to the participation
and the decision making by women. Political participation of women and their attitude
towards politics can properly be understood not from an analysis of their political
activities and attitudes alone, but perhaps much more clearly from a through
multidimensional analysis. Studies conducted so far have paid little attention to the
problem of participatory conflict and that of personal influence. Exploring the factors
and forces behind the participation of rural women in the electoral process of grass-
roots level has not been attended considerably so far. Researches conducted so far have
examined the impact of socio-economic attributes and individual attitudes and beliefs
on political participation, but to what extent the individual’s attitude and belief are
shaped by socio-economic attributes have not been thoroughly explored. Moreover,
there are only few studies on the political participation of women in West Bengal in
general and district/block level studies in particular. To be precise, there is no micro-
level study on the participation of women in Jalpaiguri and Cooch-behar districts
situated in the northern part of West Bengal. The macro-myths and micro-realities have
not been bridged so far these two districts are concerned.
Principal Objectives of the Study:
This present study is almost restricted to assess and explore the following objectives:-
a) To understand the factor and forces behind the participation of women in
Panchayats electoral process of the two districts such as Cooch-behar and
Jalpaiguri of the state of West Bengal specially after the 73rd
Constitution
Amendment Act.

31
b) To explore the impact of socio-economic variables and legal impetus on
electoral participation and the impact of such variable on attitudinal variables on
political participation;
c) To explore the extent to which rural women participate in different spheres of
political activities ranging from decision making to exercising the right to vote.
d) To assess the perceptions of Women Panchayat members about the Panchayat
system in general and about their role in particular in their respective tiers of
Panchayat structure.
e) To identify the problems posing challenges to play their role as elected
members.
f) To assess the impact of training of the women elected representatives at
different tiers of Panchayat.
g) To understand the changed status, if any, before and after their elections.
h) To know the nature of role-performance of the elected women.
i) To identify the factors that hinder the process of Women’s political
empowerment at grass-roots level.
j) To understand the perception of rural women on women’s empowerment.
Hypothesis of the Study:
In order to get hold of the issues and problems raised and for further
examination through survey following hypotheses may be projected:-
1) Historically, women have been excluded from participation in politics and
institutions of politics.
2) Political participation of women is very low and participation of women is
rather passive, they are influenced by the male members of the family.
3) Political participation, political interest, political awareness and sense of
political efficacy are positively associated with socio-economic variables like
age, marital status, nature of family, higher caste status, a higher level of

32
educational and occupational status, a higher level of family income and with
the membership of women’s organizations.
4) Illiteracy, lack of awareness, domestic responsibility and economic dependence
prevent women from participating in active politics.
5) The idea that seventy-Third Constitutional Amendment and other legal and
administrative and arguments ensured the coming of women to the leadership
and decision making positions does not always hold truth.
6) The reservation of seats for women in Panchayats have created a space for the
formation of “Critical Mass”.
7) In order to be gender-equal in decision making, women will have to be far more
participatory in creating ideologies, structures and institutions.
8) Women need to link citizenship with legal rights, while demystifying
patriarchal law and deconstructing gender-oppressive structures.
9) To ensure Women’s participation in rural politics and institutions male
members with a human face are coming forward.
10) Women although poor, unlettered in some cases and inexperienced have
contributed considerably in rural development activities.
Methodology of the Study :
The study is definitely having a strong empirical bias. The scientific method has
been followed to design the whole content of the study. Constraints of doing scientific
social research has been strictly adhered to. Both the explanatory variables having
dependent and independent quality and extraneous variables having controlled and
uncontrolled nature have been given due consideration for analyzing the problem of the
study. Different testing methods for identifying different sets of relationship have also
been executed. The study is both explanatory and experimental. Data have been
collected so far through schedules and a thorough scrutiny of the so far assembled data
has been made. Data have been classified properly through the process of establishment
of categories. Required tools and methodologies have been chosen and applied
depending on the types and nature of work. Some tools and methods have also been

33
needed to devise and develop to cater to the situational development and design as
presented as under :-
Items Methods / Tools
Selection of local Pre-Review Assessment through Pilot
Survey, Social Mapping, Focused
Respondents.
Study of secondary sources of
information
Specimen Data collected through
pilot survey, Extensive Library
Research on the available literature of
the field of study.
Selection of Respondents Stratified random sampling, Semi-
structured and structured schedule
Analytical Aspect Case-studies, different statistical
methods and tools as applicable.
The study may have following constraints / limitations:-
1. Since the population of the study has been confined to elected women
representatives of three tier Panchayats of two Districts, viz., Jalpaiguri and
Cooch Behar, the generalization of the findings shall be limited to the area /
region specific only.
2. The finding of the study are based on the qualitative and quantifiable data
collected from the study area. Hence the objectivity of this study is limited to
the abilities of the respondents (elected Women Panchayats at different tiers of
Panchayat system of the two Districts) to express and also to their honesty in
furnishing the required information.
3. Due to lack of data qualitative analysis could not always be associated with the
quantitative measurements.
The Field Survey
The study was initiated during the month of April, 2005 soon after the receipt of
the first installment of the project Grant from the Department of Women and Child
Development, New Delhi. Since the time coverage of the study is only ten months, the
village Panchayats under two Panchayat Samities each of two Districts have been

34
brought under survey. The Panchayat Samities / Blocks so identified are Mathabhanga
II and Cooch Behar II of the District of Cooch behar and Alipruduar II and Maynaguri
of the District of jalpaiguri. The village (Gram) Panchayats surveyed in details may be
presented as under :-
Cooch Behar District
Name of the block /
Panchayat Samity
Name of the Village
Panchayats surveyed
Number of Respondents
(Elected Women
Panchayats)
Mathabhanga II Fulbari Gram Panchayat 06
Do Barasolmari 06
Do Unisbisha 07
Do Latapota 06
Do Ghoksadanga 05
Do Nishiganj I 05
Do Nishiganj II 04
Do Premerdanga 05
Do Raidanga 06
Do Angarkata – Paradubi 06
Cooch Behar-II Patla Khawa 06
Do Bara-rangrash 04
Do Marich-bari Khotta 07
Do Ambari 05
Do Gopalpur 06
Do Pundibari 07
Do Madhupur 06
Do Takagach – Rajarhat 06
Do Khagrabari 08
Do Chakchaka 08
Do Baneswar 06
Do Khapaidanga 06

35
Jalpaiguri District
Name of the block /
Panchayat Samity
Name of the Village
Panchayats surveyed
Number of
Respondents (Elected
Women Panchayats)
Alipurduar II Turturi 04
Do Samuktala 06
Do Mahakalguri 06
Do Parokata 06
Do Majherdabri 07
Do Tatpara I 04
Do Tatpara II 04
Do Bhatibari 06
Do Chapererpar I 05
Do Chapererpar II 05
Do Kohinoor 03
Maynaguri Saptibari I 05
Do Saptibari II 04
Do Barnesh 06
Do Maynaguri 08
Do Churabhandar 07
Do Madhabdanga I 04
Do Madhabdanga II 04
Do Padamati I 05
Do Padamati II 04
Do Dharmapur 05
Do Ramshai 06
Do Amguri 07
Do Domohani I 04
Do Domohani II 05
Do Khagrabari I 05
Do Khagrabari II 04

36
In addition to above, all elected women members of Zilla Parishads of both the
Districts and women members of some randomly selected Panchayat Samities of both
the Districts have been brought under survey. The selected Panchayat Samities / Blocks
are as under :-
Cooch-behar District
Name of the Panchayat
Samities
Number of Respondents (Elected
Members to Panchayat Samities)
Mekhliganj 06
Haldibari 05
Mathabhanga I 09
Mathabhanga II 09
Sitalkuchi 08
Sitai 05
Cooch-behar I 15
Cooch-behar II 13
Dinhata-I 13
Dinhata-I 11
Tufanganj-I 11
Tufanganj-II 10
Jalpaiguri District
Samities
Number of Respondents (Elected
Members to Panchayat Samities)
Alipurduar-I 10
Alipurduar-II 10
Falakata 12
Kalchini 10
Kumargram 09
Madarihat – Birpara 09
Jalpaiguri Sadar 13
Dhupguri 17
Mal 11
Maynaguri 13
Metaili 05
Rajganj 11
Nagrakata 05

37
Data, observation, information so collected have been processed and analysed.
Concerned libraries of Kolkata, North Bengal University, Centre for Women Studies
both at Jadavpur, Kolkata and University of North Bengal and Indian Institute of Public
Administration, New Delhi, State Institute of Panchayat and Rural Development,
Kalyani have been consulted with. Journals / Research Materials of the field have been
studied thoroughly. Admittedly, the Report has been attempted after an understanding
of the issues both operationally and conceptually.

38
Chapter – IV
The Field of Research
The two districts under study, that is Cooch Behar and Jalpaiguri, belong to
northern region of the State of West Bengal. Comprising six districts of the state of
West Bengal this region is popularly called North Bengal. Within North Bengal
districts three sub-regions can be identified: (a) The districts of Malda and Dakshin
Dinajpur; (b) The districts of Darjeeling, Cooch Behar and Jalpaiguri and (c) The
“Chicken neck” of the district of North Dinajpur. These three agro-ecological zones
also have cultural associations. These northern districts of the state of West Bengal had
reasonably good communication links with the rest of the state through earstwhile East
Bengal (Now in Bangladesh). But after partition in 1947, these links were severed
which disrupted both road and rail lines resulting inaccessibility. However, rail roads
and road systems were again interlinked with the rest of the state after construction of
Farakka Bridge. Thus the development history of North Bengal region has a pre-
Farakka and post-Farakka dimensions. Another distinguishing feature to note that the
proportions of Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe population are higher in the
districts of North Bengal region, with Scheduled Caste segment concentrated in Cooch
Behar and Jalpaiguri districts and the tribal population in Jalpaiguri and Darjeeling
districts.
The six districts of North Bengal cover an area of 21,368 sq.km and has a
combined population of nearly 1.3 crore or around 24 percent of the area of West
Bengal with nearly 18 percent of the total population of the state. The female
population of the North Bengal districts amounts to nearly 49 percent of the total
population. Despite the region being subject to less population pressure than South
Bengal and having a more equitable gender ratio, social statistics for North Bengal are
rather poor. The districts of North Bengal have a definite rural bias. Nearly 14 percent
of the population of the region live in urban areas. Around 27 percent of the North
Bengal population is Muslim. Another 42 percent comprise other socially depressed
segments of which 31 percent scheduled caste and 10 percent Scheduled Tribe
population. Thus nearly seventy percent of the regional population overall belong to
underprivileged communities.

39
The presence of depressed communities in the regional population has
precipitated considerable social and gender backwardness in North Bengal. The entire
region of North Bengal is identifiably the most asset-poor region of the state and has
been designated as most backward in respect of low levels of female literacy, low
contraceptive prevalence and high fertility, and low child immunisation rates and high
infant mortality rates. (P.N. Mari Bhat and Francis Xavier, Findings of National Family
Health survey, Economic and Political Weekly; 34 [42 and 43] : 3008 – 3032 [1999]).
The region is not drought prone, but suffers from floods and soil erosion. The region is
characterised by higher incidence of land less labour as compared to landowning
cultivators. (Report on comparative backwardness of North Bengal Region, Institute of
Applied Manpower Research, New Delhi, Nov. 2002). With each of these social
indicators directly or indirectly reflecting disadvantages for women, it appears quite
evident that women in North Bengal districts have to suffer for poverty and other social
and gender backwardness. Thus women’s situations in North Bengal have been a major
theme of research studies inviting attention of scholars of multi-dimensional fields.
The District of Cooch Behar
Cooch Behar, one of eighteen districts of West Bengal, until January, 1950, was
a feudatory state. The accession of Cooch Behar to India was made complete through a
merger agreement which was signed on September 12, 1949 between the Maharaja of
Cooch Behar and the representative of the Government of India. During 1947-49
Cooch Behar was administered through a Chief Commissioner under the Government
of India and was placed in Part-C of the First schedule of the original Constitution of
India (Amendment of the First and Fourth schedule, source, District Recarder, Cooch
Behar). Cooch Behar became one of the Districts of West Bengal through an Act
known as “Assimilation of state laws” with effect from January 1, 1950 (Constitution
Amendment Act, 1950, Amendment to the First Schedule.) In view of its distinctive
cultural heritage and administrative system inherited from Maharajas, the district
presents a case of suigeneris.
The district of Cooch Behar is inhabited by a population of nearly 22 lakh
among them nearly 92 percent live in rural areas. Another salient feature of the District
is that the scheduled caste population outnumbers the general caste population. Cooch
behar town is the administrative head quarters of the district of Cooch Behar. The
district consists of five sub-divisions, eleven police stations, twelve Blocks – each of

40
which has one Panchayat Samity, One Zilla Parishad and 128 Gram Panchayats. The
district has six towns having municipal status. The annual population growth rate
during 1991-2001 census was 1.4 percent. For Cooch Behar, the Health Index is 0.50,
Income Index 0.41, Education Index is 0.65, altogether Human Development Index
value is 0.52. Compared to other seventeen district of the State, Cooch Behar ranks 11
in Human Development Indices Value, while in terms of Gender Development Indices
by districts, the district of Cooch Behar ranks 13. (West Bengal Human Development
Report, Development and Planning Department, Government of West Bengal, May,
2004)
Two Blocks / Panchayat Samities of the district of Cooch Behar have been
selected for the survey work. These are Cooch Behar II Panchayat Samiti and
Mathabhanga – II Panchayat Samiti. The Cooch Behar – II and Mahabhanga – II
Panchayat Samities do have 13 and 10 Gram Panchayats respectively. All the women
members of Gram Panchayats under the selected Panchayat Samities along with Zilla
Parishad have been extensively surveyed for the purpose of the study. All the Women
elected leaders of these three tiers of Panchayat have been interviewed. The details of
representation at different tiers Panchayati Raj structure of the district may be shown in
the following tables :
Items Zilla Parishad Panchayat Samiti Gram Panchayat
Total Members 27 339 1880
Scheduled Caste Members 14 182 1030
Scheduled Tribe Members 00 01 04
Women Members 09 118 667
Scheduled Caste Women Members 05 66 383
Scheduled Tribe Women Members 00 01 02

41
Category of Panchayat Samiti Members
District – Cooch Behar
Schedule Caste Schedule Tribe GeneralName of the
Panchayat Samiti
Men Women Total Men Women Total Men Women Total
Men Women Total
Cooch Behar – I 12 07 19 00 00 00 16 08 24 28 15 43
*Cooch Behar – II 11 06 17 00 00 00 14 07 21 25 13 38
Dinhata – I 08 06 14 00 00 00 18 08 26 26 14 40
Dinhata – II 09 05 14 00 00 00 11 06 17 20 11 31
Sitai 06 04 10 00 00 00 03 01 04 09 05 14
Tufanganj – I 10 07 17 00 00 00 12 04 16 22 11 33
Tufanganj – II 11 05 16 00 01 01 07 04 11 18 10 28
Mekhliganj 10 05 15 00 00 00 03 02 05 13 07 20
Haldibari 05 03 08 00 00 00 03 02 05 08 05 13
Mathabhanga – I 13 07 20 00 00 00 05 03 08 18 10 28
*Mathabhanga – II 12 06 18 00 00 00 06 03 09 18 09 27
Sitalkuchi 09 05 14 00 00 00 07 03 10 16 08 24
Total 116 66 182 00 01 01 105 51 156 221 118 339
* Surveyed Panchayat Samiti
Sl.
No.
Samiti
No. of Seats in
Zilla Parishad
No. of Seats in
Panchayat Samiti
No. of Gram Panchayats
in Panchayat Samiti
No. of seats in
Gram Panchayats
01. Cooch Behar – I 03 43 15 228
02. *Cooch Behar – II 03 38 13 237
03. Dinhata – I 03 40 16 204
04. Dinhata – II 03 31 12 184
05. Sitai 01 14 05 81
06. Tufanganj – I 03 33 14 184
07. Tufanganj – II 02 28 11 141
08. Mekhliganj 02 20 08 102
09. Haldibari 01 13 06 66
10. Mathabhanga – I 02 28 10 148
11. *Mathabhanga – II 02 27 10 160
12. Sitalkuchi 02 24 08 144
Total 27 339 128 1879
* Surveyed Panchayat Samiti

42
Cooch Behar Sub-Division
Sl.
No.
Samiti
No. of Seats in
Zilla Parishad
No. of Seats in
Panchayat Samiti
in Panchayat Samiti
No. of seats in
Gram Panchayats
01. Cooch Behar – I 03 43 15 228
02. Cooch Behar – II 03 38 13 237
Total 06 81 28 465
Cooch Behar – I Panchayat Samiti
Sl. No. Name of the Gram Panchayat No. of Constituencies No. of Seats
01. Guriahati – I 14 15
02. Guriahati – II 13 15
03. Dawaguri 14 16
04. Ghugumari 17 18
05. Suktabari 13 14
06. Dewanhat 12 16
07. Jiranpur 10 12
08. Parisala 14 15
09. Moamari 11 11
10. Patchhara 12 14
11. Chilkirhat 15 15
12. Falimari 16 17
13. Putimari-Fuleswari 16 17
14. Chandamari 15 15
15. Haribharga 16 18
Total 208 228

43
Cooch Behar – II Panchayat Samiti**
01. Patlakhawa 18 18
02. Bararangrash 12 13
03. Marichbari-Kholta 21 22
04. Ambari 12 14
05. Gopalpur 16 18
06. Dhangdringuri 17 17
07. Pundibari 19 21
08. Madhupur 18 18
09. Takagachh-Rajarhat 17 18
10. Khagrabari 21 23
11. Chakchaka 19 23
12. Baneswar 15 16
13. Khapaidanga 15 16
Total 220 237
** Surveyed Panchayat Samiti and Gram Panchayats
Dinhata Sub-division
Sl.
No.
Samiti
No. of Seats in
Zilla Parishad
No. of Seats in
Panchayat Samiti
in Panchayat Samiti
No. of seats in
Gram Panchayats
01. Dinhata – I 03 40 16 204
02. Dinhata – II 03 31 12 184
03. Sitai 01 14 05 81
Total 07 85 33 469

44
Dinhata – I Panchayat Samiti
01. Gosarimari – I 15 15
02. Gosarimari – II 12 12
03. Matalhat 16 16
04. Bhataguri – I 10 10
05. Bhataguri – II 13 13
06. Putimari – I 14 14
07. Putimari – II 07 07
08. Patla 20 20
09. Barasoulmari 13 13
10. Okrabari 21 21
11. Gitaldaha – I 10 10
12. Gitaldaha – II 10 10
13. Bara Atiabari – I 11 11
14. Bara Atiabari – II 11 11
15. Dinhata Gram – I 08 08
16. Dinhata Gram – II 13 13
Total 204 204

45
Dinhata – II Panchayat Samiti
01. Burirhat – I 08 10
02. Burirhat – II 12 13
03. Nazirhat – I 10 12
04. Nazirhat – II 11 14
05. Barasakdal 15 18
06. Bamanhat – I 12 13
07. Bamanhat – II 08 11
08. Sahebganj 14 17
09. Chowdhuryhat 18 21
10. Sukarurkuthi 14 17
11. Gebrachara- Nayarhat 20 22
12. Kishmat Dasgram 15 16
Total 157 184
Sitai Panchayat Samiti
01. Sitai – I 14 14
02. Sitai – II 11 12
03. Chamta 18 20
04. Adabari 14 17
05. Brahmattar Chatra 14 18
Total 157 184

46
Tufanganj Sub-division
Sl.
No.
Samiti
No. of Seats in
Zilla Parishad
No. of Seats in
Panchayat Samiti
in Panchayat Samiti
No. of seats in
Gram Panchayats
01. Tufanganj – I 03 33 14 184
02. Tufanganj – II 02 28 11 141
Total 05 61 25 325
Tufanganj – I Panchayat Samiti
01. Natabari – I 12 13
02. Natabari – II 09 10
03. Chilakhana – I 13 14
04. Chilakhana – II 08 09
05. Maruganj 16 17
06. Balarampur – I 14 15
07. Balarampur – II 07 10
08. Deocharai 18 20
09. Balabhut 11 12
10. Nakkatigachh 19 22
11. Andarar Fulbari – I 06 08
12. Andarar Fulbari – II 08 09
13. Dhalpal – I 10 12
14. Dhalpal – II 10 13
Total 161 184

47
Tufanganj – II Panchayat Samiti
01. Salbari – I 13 14
02. Salbari – II 08 10
03. Mahishkuchi – I 10 10
04. Mahishkuchi – II 10 11
05. Rampur – I 11 14
06. Rampur – II 12 15
07. Falimari 08 09
08. Bhanu Kumari – I 15 17
09. Bhanu Kumari – II 13 14
10. Barakodali - I 13 14
11. Barakodali - II 11 13
Total 124 141
Mekhliganj Sub-division
Sl.
No.
Samiti
No. of Seats in
Zilla Parishad
No. of Seats in
Panchayat Samiti
in Panchayat Samiti
No. of seats in
Gram Panchayats
01. Mekhliganj 02 20 08 102
02. Haldibari 01 13 06 66
Total 03 33 14 168

48
Mekhliganj Panchayat Samiti
01. Jamaldaha 15 15
02. Uchhalpukuri 18 18
03. Ranirhat 10 11
04. Changrabandha 14 16
05. Bhtbari 07 09
06. Niztaraf 08 08
07. Bagdokra Fulkadabri 09 10
08. Kuchlibari 14 15
Total 95 102
Haldibari Panchayat Samiti
01. Uttar Bara – Haldibari 14 14
02. Baxigunj 10 12
03. Dakshin Bara Haldibari 07 07
04. Dewangunj 11 11
05. Hemkumari (Hemkumari) 12 12
06. Per Mekhliganj 09 10
Total 63 66
Mathabhanga Sub-division
Sl.
No.
Samiti
No. of Seats in
Zilla Parishad
No. of Seats in
Panchayat Samiti
in Panchayat Samiti
No. of seats in
Gram Panchayats
01. Mathabhanga – I 02 28 10 148
02. Mathabhanga – II 02 27 10 160
03. Sitalkuchi 02 24 08 144
Total 06 79 28 452

49
Mathabhanga – I Panchayat Samiti
01. Kedarhat 14 15
02. Gopalpur 17 18
03. Nayarhat 17 17
04. Bairajirhat 15 15
05. Shikarpur 15 16
06. Kurshamari 12 12
07. Jorepatki 13 15
08. Hazrahat – I 11 13
09. Hazrahat – Ii 09 11
10. Pachagarh 14 16
Total 137 148
Mathabhanga – II Panchayat Samiti*
Sl. No. Name of the Panchayat Samiti No. of Constituencies No. of Seats
01. Fulbari 15 18
02. Barasolmari 15 18
03. Unishbisha 17 20
04. Latapota 15 17
05. Ghoksadanga 10 13
06. Nishiganj – I 11 13
07. Nishiganj – II 10 11
08. Premerdanga 13 15
09. Ruidanga 15 18
10. Angarkata – Paradubi 14 17
Total 135 160
* Surveyed Panchayat Samiti and Gram Panchayats

50
Sitalkuchi Panchayat Samiti
01. Khalishamari 18 18
02. Borokaimari 15 16
03. Bhawerthana 16 17
04. Chhotosalbari 19 20
05. Gosairhat 15 17
06. Lalbazar 18 18
07. Golenowhati 14 15
08. Sitalkuchi 22 23
Total 137 144
The District of Jalpaiguri
Once a part of the feudatory state Cooch Behar, the district of Jalpaiguri was
formally constituted in 1869. The population of the district consisted overwhelmingly
of Hinduized and Islamised autochthons and immigrant tribals like Oraons, Mundas
and Santals. They constituted the basic producers, while Bengali Hindus and Muslims
immigrating from East Bengal dominated services and professions and Maswaris,
wholesale and retail trade. Thus the society in Jalpaiguri has been a plural society by
considerable socio-cultural differentiations (Rajit Dasgupta, Society, Economy and
Politics of Jalpaiguri (1869-1947), Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1990). The
district consisted of two well defined tracts which differed in physical features, history
administrative arrangement, types of economic activities and production system. One
tract had been the riverine plains, the other has been the Duars. The Duars tract is
famous for tea plantation since late nineteenth century. A huge number of migrants
from the neighbouring states (mostly tribes) has settled in the Duars region as tea
plantation workers.
The district of Jalpaiguri is, at present, inhabited by a population of 3403204
among them nearly 82 percent live in rural areas. One of the principal features of the
district is that a large majority of scheduled castes and scheduled tribe people live here.
Taking scheduled caste and scheduled tribe population in to account, the district is

51
having nearly fifty percent of its population. The district of Jalpaiguri consists of six
sub-divisions, fourteen Police Stations, thirteen Blocks, each of which has one
Panchayat Samiti, one Zilla Parishad and one hundred and thirty six Gram Panchayats.
The district has nine towns having Municipal status. The annual population growth rate
during 1991-2001 Census periods was 2.2 percent. For Jalpaiguri, the Health Index is
0.61, Income Index is 0.38, Education Index is 0.60. Taking all the indices into
consideration Human Development Index value for Jalpaiguri is 0.53. While comparing
with the values of Human Development Index of the rest of the districts of the state,
Jalpaiguri ranks tenth and on the same comparison of values of Gender Development
Index, Jalpaiguri ranks eleventh. (West Bengal Human Development Report,
Ddevelopment and Planning Development, Government of West Bengal, May, 2004)
Two Block’s / Panchayat Samities of the district of Jalpaiguri have been selected for
survey work. These are Alipurduar – II and Moynaguri Panchayat Samities. These two
Panchayat Samities do have 14 and 11 Gram Panchayat respectively. All the elected
women leaders of these Panchayats, Panchayat Samities and Zilla Parishad have been
extensively interviewed with questionnaires for the purpose of the study. The details of
representation at different tiers of Panchayat Raj structure of the district may be shown
in the following tables :
Jalpaiguri District
Items Zilla Parishad Panchayat Samiti Gram Panchayat
Total Members 32 388 2342
Scheduled Caste Members 13 160 606
Scheduled Tribe Members 07 83 320
Women Members 11 136 836
Scheduled Caste Women Members 05 55 350
Scheduled Tribe Women Members 02 31 189

52
Category of Panchayat Samiti Members
District – Jalpaiguri
Panchayat Samiti
Men Women Total
Jalpaiguri 17 07 24 01 02 03 07 04 11 25 13 38
Dhupguri 16 08 24 06 03 09 12 06 18 34 17 51
Mal 06 03 09 07 04 11 07 04 11 20 11 31
Matiali 02 00 02 03 03 06 03 02 05 08 05 13
*Maynaguri 17 09 26 00 00 00 08 04 12 25 13 38
Nagrakata 01 01 02 04 02 06 03 02 05 08 05 13
Rajganj 10 07 17 02 00 02 08 04 12 20 11 31
Alipurduar – I 08 06 14 04 01 05 06 03 09 18 10 28
*Alipurduar – II 09 03 12 03 03 06 06 04 10 18 10 28
Falakata 07 06 13 05 01 06 10 05 15 22 12 34
Kalchini 03 01 04 07 05 12 10 05 15 20 11 31
Kumargram 06 03 09 05 03 08 06 03 09 17 09 26
Madarihat - Birpara 03 01 04 05 04 09 09 04 13 17 09 26
Total 105 55 160 52 31 83 95 50 145 252 136 388
* Surveyed Panchayat Samities
Jalpaguri District
Sl.
No.
Samiti
No. of Seats in
Zilla Parishad
No. of Seats in
Panchayat Samiti
in Panchayat Samiti
No. of seats in
Gram Panchayats
01. Jalpaiguri 03 38 14 221
02. Dhupguri 03 51 18 320
03. Mal 03 31 12 207
04. Matiali 01 13 05 83
05. *Maynaguri 03 38 16 232
06. Nagrakata 02 13 05 90
07. Rajganj 03 31 12 189
08. Alipurduar – I 02 28 11 150
09. *Alipurduar – II 02 28 11 155
10. Falakata 03 34 12 199
11. Kalchini 03 31 11 204
12. Kumargram 02 26 11 142
13. Madarihat - Birpara 02 26 10 148
Total 32 388 148 2340
* Surveyed Panchayat Samities

53
Jalpaiguri District
Jalpaiguri Sadar Sub-Division
Sl.
No.
Samiti
No. of Seats in
Zilla Parishad
No. of Seats in
Panchayat Samiti
in Panchayat Samiti
No. of seats in
Gram Panchayats
01. Jalpaiguri Sadar 03 38 14 221
02. Dhupguri 03 51 18 320
03. Mal 03 31 12 207
04. Maynaguri 03 38 16 232
05 Matiali 01 13 05 83
06. Rajganj 03 31 12 189
07. Nagrakata 02 13 05 90
Total 18 215 82 1342
Jalpaiguri Sadar Panchayat Samati
01. Barapatia-Nutanbas 08 12
02. Patkata 15 15
03. Paharpur 22 25
04. Belakoba (Belakoba) 21 21
05. Arabinda 15 15
06. Kharia 20 21
07. Garalbari 13 15
08. Mandalghat 15 15
09. Boalmari-Nandanpur 12 14
10. Nagar Barubari 11 13
11. Kharija Barubari – I 10 11
12. Kharija Barubari – II 08 10
13. Dakshin Barubari 14 15
14. Bahadur 17 19
Total 201 221

54
Dhupguri Panchayat Samati
01. Sakoajhara – I 24 26
02. Sakoajhara – II 12 14
03. Jharaltagram – I 16 17
04. Jharaltagram – II 08 10
05. Gadheyarkuthi 16 17
06. Magurmari – I 13 16
07. Magurmari – II 11 13
08. Dhupguri – I 14 16
09. Dhupguri – II 16 18
10. Barogharia 21 21
11. Gadong – I 12 15
12. Gadong – II 14 15
13. Banarhat – I 30 30
14. Banarhat – II 17 20
15. Salbari – I 13 13
16. Salbari – II 10 11
17. Chamurchi 22 25
18. Binnaguri 19 23
Total 288 320

55
Mal Panchayat Samati
01. Odlabari 29 29
02. Tesimla 08 09
03. Kumlai 17 17
04. Changmari 12 12
05. Rajadanga 21 22
06. Kiranti 16 16
07. Lataguri 10 11
08. Moulari 10 11
09. Chapadanga 09 09
10. Bajrakote 21 21
11. Damdim 25 25
12. Rangamatee 25 25
Total 203 207

56
Maynaguri Panchayat Samati**
01. Saptibari – I 11 13
02. Saptibari – II 09 11
03. Barnesh 16 17
04. Maynaguri 20 23
05. Churabhandar 18 20
06. Madhabdanga – I 10 12
07. Madhabdanga – II 11 12
08. Padamati – I 12 13
09. Padamati – II 08 11
10. Dharmapur 11 13
11. Ramshai 18 18
12. Amguri 18 20
13. Domohani – I 10 11
14. Domohani – II 11 14
15. Khagrabari – I 12 13
16. Khagrabari – II 08 11
Total 203 232
Matiali Panchayat Samati
01. Bidhannagar 13 13
02. Matiali Batabari – I 18 20
03. Matiali Batabari – II 12 13
04. Indong Matiali 18 20
05. Matialihat 17 17
Total 78 83

57
Rajganj Panchayat Samati
01. Dabgram – I 06 07
02. Dabgram – II 15 23
03. Fulbari – I 12 17
04. Fulbari – II 12 15
05. Sannyashikata 10 11
06. Majhiali 11 12
07. Binnaguri 24 24
08. Martadari 12 13
09. Shikarpur 20 20
10. Panikouri 17 17
11. Sukhari 15 15
12. Kukurjan 13 15
Total 167 189
Nagrakata Panchayat Samati
01. Angrabhasa – I 06 07
02. Angrabhasa – II 12 12
03. Sulkapara 18 20
04. Champaguri 25 25
05. Looksan 24 26
Total 85 90

58
Jalpaiguri District
Alipurduar Sub-division
Sl.
No.
Samiti
No. of Seats in
Zilla Parishad
No. of Seats in
Panchayat Samiti
in Panchayat Samiti
No. of seats in
Gram Panchayats
01. Alipurduar – I 02 28 11 150
02. Alipurduar – II 02 28 11 155
03. Falakata 03 34 12 199
04. Kalchini 03 31 11 204
05. Kummargram 02 26 11 142
06. Madarihat-Birpara 02 26 10 148
Total 14 173 66 998
Alipurduar – I Panchayat Samati
01. Topshikatha 13 13
02. Parapar 13 15
03. Banchukamari 13 15
04. Vivekananda – I 13 14
05. Vivekananda – II 15 16
06. Salkumar – I 09 11
07. Salkumar – II 09 13
08. Purba-Kanthalbari 14 16
09. Patlakhawa 07 09
10. Chakowakhati 16 20
11. Mathura 07 08
Total 129 150

59
Alipurduar – II Panchayat Samati**
01. Turturi 11 11
02. Samuktala 15 16
03. Mahakalguri 16 18
04. Parokata 14 16
05. Majhardabri 21 21
06. Tatpara –I 10 11
07. Tatpara –II 10 11
08. Bhatibari 17 17
09. Chapararpar – I 12 14
10. Chapararpar – II 11 13
11. Kohinoor 05 07
Total 142 155
Falakata Panchayat Samati
01. Guabar Nagar 20 22
02. Deogaon 18 19
03. Jateswar – I 15 16
04. Jateswar – II 14 16
05. Salkumar 17 18
06. Moiradanga 16 19
07. Falakata – I 14 16
08. Falakata – II 20 24
09. Parangarpar 09 11
10. Dhanirampur – I 13 14
11. Dhanirampur – II 13 15
12. Dalllgaon 09 09
Total 178 199

60
Kalchini Panchayat Samati
01. Jaigaon – I 13 16
02. Jaigaon – II 18 26
03. Satali 13 16
04. Mendabari 11 11
05. Latabari 19 21
06. Dalsingpara 13 13
07. Malangi 25 25
08. Chuapara 17 19
09. Kalchini 25 25
10. Rajabhatkhawa 10 10
11. Garopara 22 22
Total 186 204
Kumar Gram Panchayat Samati
01. Turturi Khanda 12 12
02. Kumargram 17 17
03. Chengmari 10 10
04. Bhalka Barobisha – I 13 16
05. Bhalka Barobisha – II 10 10
06. Khairdanga – I 11 11
07. Khairdanga – II 09 10
08. Kamakshyaguri – II 11 13
09. Kamakshyaguri – II 12 16
10. Rydak 11 12
11. Newlands Kumargram Sankosh 14 15
Total 130 142

61
Madarihat-Birpara Panchayat Samati
01. Birpara – I 23 23
02. Birpara – II 10 11
03. Rajgali Bazna 16 17
04. Khoirbari 13 14
05. Madarihat 17 17
06. Totopara Ballalguri 05 05
07. Bandapani 09 10
08. Sishujhumra 17 20
09. Larkapara 14 15
10. Hartapara 13 16
Total 137 148
A Comparative view of the elected members of different categories of the two districts
along with West Bengal may be presented.
West Bengal
(Panchayat at a Glance)
Elected Members (1998)
Sl. No.
Category
(Stages of Panchayats)
Nos. Total
Schedule
Caste
Schedule
Tribe
Women
01. Gram Panchayats 3330 50345 14131 (28.06) 3755 (7.45) 17907 (35.56)
02. Panchayat Samitis 341 8579 2410 (28.09) 613 (7.14) 3015 (35.14)
03. Zilla Parishads 17 723 279 (38.58) 68 (9.40) 246 (34.02)
Cooch Behar / Jalpaiguri
Total Number of members in PRIs
District Zilla Parishad Panchayat Samiti Gram Panchayat
Cooch Behar 27 339 1880
Jalpaiguri 32 388 2342

62
Number of Scheduled Caste members in PRIs
Number of Scheduled Tribe members in PRIs
Number of Women members in PRIs
Category of Zilla Paridhad Members
(Cooch Behar and Jalpaiguri Zilla Parishad)
Schedule Caste Schedule Tribe GeneralName of the Zilla
Parishad
Men Women Total
Cooch Behar 09 05 14 00 00 00 09 04 13 18 09 27
Jalpaiguri 08 05 13 05 02 07 08 04 12 21 11 32
Category of Gram Panchayat Members
District wise (Cooch Behar and Jalpaiguri)
District
Men Women Total
Cooch Behar 647 383 1030 02 02 04 564 282 846 1212 667 1880
Jalpaiguri 606 350 956 320 189 509 580 297 877 1506 836 2342

63
From the tables presented, it is revealed that both the districts of Cooch Behar
and Jalpaiguri do have nearly 36 per cent representation of Women in Panchayati Raj
Structure. Another distinctive feature of the Women’s representation in Jalpaiguri
Panchapayat Raj structure has been the representation of tribal women in a
considerable number. For Cooch Behar, the scheduled caste women have represented
large number of seats in different tiers of Panchayati Raj structure. This reflects a pro-
poor and depressed section representation at the grass-roots of the local democracy.
The study will concentrate principally on four Panchayat Samities (two each for
Jalpairugi and Cooch Behar districts and Gram Panchayats of those identified four
Panchayat Samities. Besides, women members of the other Panchayat Samities of both
the districts and Zilla Parishads have been randomly interviewed through
questionnaires. Let us have a quick look to the status of the infrastructural facilities of
the identified Panchayat Samities of these districts on a comparative scale. Among such
infrastructural facilities, access to health care centres, and schooling are important for
human resource development. Variables such as hospital, primary health centres, sub
centres, drinking water, electricity, roads, irrigation, number of schools at various level
available per unit of population and the students-teachers ratio in expected to represent
social infrastructure. The impact of such access to infrastructure would then be
reflected on output indicators such as infant mortality, child-women ratio and
proportion of children attending schools. The following tables so objectively designed
would corroborate the arguments.

64
Drinking Water Sources Amenities of The Surveyed Panchyat Samities
No. of Villages Having Drinking Water Source within the Village
Block
Code
Total No.
Villages
Total No. of
Inhabitated
Villages
Total No. of
Uninhabited
Villages Tap Tube well Well Other SourcesName of the District / CD Block
2001 1991 2001 1991 2001 1991 2001 1991 2001
01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12 13
West Bengal 341 40794 37956 2838 1431 3422 29367 31675 29367 13748 110 319
Jalpaiguri 13 756 742 14 116 228 417 573 417 570 00 12
Alipurduar – II 0009 79 79 08 18 69 71 69 57 00
Maynaguri 0012 86 79 07 06 17 63 75 63 77 00 06
Cooch Behar 12 1202 1138 64 68 168 1099 820 1099 374 01 10
Mathabhanga – II 0004 93 92 01 00 11 92 86 92 14 00 01
Cooch Behar – II 0006 115 115 17 20 116 14 116 04 00

65
Medical Amenities of Jalpaiguri and Cooch Behar District
Distance Range of Nearest
Primary Health Centre if Not
Available within the VillageBlock
Code
Total No.
Villages
Total No.
of
Inhabitated
Villages
Total No. of
Uninhabited
Villages
No. of Villages
Having Health
Centre Within
the Village
No. of Villages
having Allopathic
Dispensary within
the Village
No. of Villages
having Primary
Health Centre
within the Village
< 5 km. 5-10 km. 10 + Km.
No. of Villages
Having Primary
Health Sub-centre
within the Village
Name of the District / CD Block
2001 1991 2001 1991 2001 1991 2001 2001 1991 2001
01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12 13 14 15 16
West Bengal 341 40794 37956 2838 564 537 1018 2963 692 999 10083 15324 11550 1887 4575
Jalpaiguri 13 756 742 14 22 66 48 159 10 44 152 273 273 72 188
Alipurduar – II 0009 79 79 09 02 20 15 04 02 20 37 20 12 25
Maynaguri 0012 86 79 07 01 03 01 05 19 25 30 11 25
Cooch Behar 12 1202 1138 64 54 40 52 38 112 55 315 433 335 147 201
Mathabhanga – II 0004 93 92 01 03 02 01 02 00 05 33 36 18 01 10
Cooch Behar – II 0006 115 115 00 01 01 02 00 04 32 52 27 18 30

66
Road Amenities of Jalpaiguri and Cooch Behar District
Block Code
Total no.
Villages
Total No. of
inhabitated
Villages
Total no. of
uninhabited
villages
No. of villages having
approach by paved road
No. of villages having approach
by metal road
2001 1991 2001 1991 2001
01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09
West Bengal 341 40794 37956 2838 31204 17710 9033
Jalpaiguri 13 756 742 14 473 496 308
Alipurduar – II 0009 79 79 77 49 29
Maynaguri 0012 86 79 07 63 56 31
Cooch Behar 12 1202 1138 64 953 519 342
Mathabhanga – II 0004 93 92 01 60 43 32
Cooch Behar – II 0006 115 115 72 62 42

67
Electric Power Amenities of Jalpaiguri and Cooch Behar District
Block Code
Total no.
Villages
Total No. of
inhabitated
Villages
Total no. of
uninhabited
villages
No. of villages having
Electric Power for
domestic Use
No. of villages having Eclectic
Power for Agricultural use
2001 1991 2001 1991 2001
01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09
West Bengal 341 40794 37956 2838 11921 23344 3056 12598
Jalpaiguri 13 756 742 14 202 500 18 274
Alipurduar – II 0009 79 79 15 38 05 29
Maynaguri 0012 86 79 07 25 56 03 25
Cooch Behar 12 1202 1138 34 342 570 00 283
Mathabhanga – II 0004 93 92 01 19 52 00 27
Cooch Behar – II 0006 115 115 86 73 00 69

68
Total cultivable land, land forest, irrigated land, unirrigated land and total culturable waste of Jalpaiguri and Cooch Behar District
Block
Code
Total No.
Villages
Total No. of
Inhabitated
Villages
Total No. of
Uninhabited
Villages
Total Area
(in hectares)
Total land under
forest
Total area under
cultivation
Total cultivable area
under irrigation
Total cultivable area
not under irrigation
Total culturable
wasteName of the District / CD
Block
2001 1991 2001 1991 2001 1991 2001 1991 2001 1991 2001
01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12 13 14 15 16
West Bengal 341 40794 37956 2838 7997167.36 601917.76 630135.06 5427431.90 5450679.18 1891512.11 2334257.49 3535919.79 3116421.69 365634.33 398687.74
Jalpaiguri 13 756 742 14 594252.29 97588.81 106215.45 234231.44 297467.26 46340.22 76826.77 187891.22 220640.49 27780.4 33474.97
Alipurduar – II 0009 79 79 31739.17 0.00 411.20 28262.62 28184.02 2236.41 4020.32 26026.21 24163.70 00 310.00
Maynaguri 0012 86 79 09 51821.93 4898.43 3887.56 21276.02 33259.97 6515.14 3916.13 14760.88 29343.84 909.76 5436.52
Cooch Behar 12 1202 1138 64 334699.95 3170.29 4391.41 310304.06 248761.53 22433.16 40002.94 287870.9 208758.59 13264.13 15608.28
Mathabhanga – II 0004 93 92 01 30998.92 430.39 329.36 16655.37 18453.32 1456.28 2746.32 15199.09 15707.00 1268.86 1055.06
Cooch Behar – II 0006 115 115 37969.05 0.00 801.07 63377.17 29035.14 996.4 2531.82 62380.77 26503.32 147.4 1741.49

69
Educational Amenities of Jalpaiguri and Cooch Behar District
Distance range of nearest
primary school if not
available within the village
middle school if not
available within the
village
college if not available
within the village
Block
Code
Total No.
Villages
Total No. of
Inhabitated
Villages
Total No. of
Uninhabited
Villages
No. of villages
having primary
school within the
village
<
5km.
5-10
km.
10 +
km.
No. of villages
having middle
school within
the village
<
5km.
5-10
km.
10 +
km.
No. of villages
having secondary
school within the
village
No. of villages
having senior
secondary
school within
the village
No of villages
having college
within the
village
<
5km.
5-10
km.
10 +
km.
2001 1991 2001 2001 1991 2001 2001 1991 2001 1991 2001 1991 2001 2001
01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24
West Bengal 341 40794 37956 2838 27138 28185 8369 1308 94 2971 5541 18628 12649 1138 2958 3411 00 999 547 138 2894 8172 26752
Jalpaiguri 13 756 742 14 603 700 38 03 01 119 181 291 196 74 49 107 00 24 05 05 40 141 556
Alipurduar – II 0009 79 79 74 74 05 12 20 28 27 04 10 09 03 01 02 21 56
Maynaguri 0012 86 79 07 63 76 03 12 20 33 08 18 06 08 02 00 08 13 58
Cooch Behar 12 1202 1138 64 917 922 189 27 00 184 603 283 68 87 120 00 39 11 05 99 261 773
Mathabhanga – II 0004 93 92 01 73 73 15 04 09 17 46 27 02 08 09 04 00 01 01 13 77
Cooch Behar – II 0006 115 115 104 107 07 01 13 28 69 18 18 17 04 01 06 42 67

70
Out of nearly five hundred plus respondents of the identified village
Panchayats, Panchayat Samities and Zilla Parisad of Cooch Behar and Jalpaiguri
districts 480 data sheets have been found to be valid for empirical research. Data
extracted from filled in questionnaires may be presented for analytical findings. The
principal purpose was to assess the nature of women leadership in the villages
including their socio-economic characteristics, awareness about powers and duties
of Panchayat, election process related aspects, role and participation in decision
making, level of participation, types of obstacles faced, role in general development
of the village, attitude towards decision etc. It is to be mentioned that the responses
so far presented have been the outcome of aggregated data of the Gram Panchayats
of the four selected Panchayat Samities of the districts of Cooch Behar and
Jalpaiguri (Detailed list of Gram Panchayats, Panchayat Samities and Zilla Parishad
has been presented at the beginning of this chapter as well as in the chapter on
Research Design). Since the tables ranging from Table – 1 to Table – 11 have been
self explanatory, it is relevant to reflect the results of the table in the chapter entitled
Findings of the study. The tables are presented by way of compartmentalising the
‘Attributes’, ‘Category’ ‘Frequency’ and Percentage for a general understanding of
the readers on the responses from the respondents so far received. Tables are
presented as under in the following categories.

71
Table – 1
Socio-Economic characteristics of the Respondents
Attributes
Category
(N – 480)
Frequency Percentage
18 – 39
(Younger Age Group)
84
17.5
40 – 50
(Middle Age Group)
344
71.7Age (year)
51 – 60
(Old Age Group)
52
10.8
Hindu 384 80.0
Muslim 68 14.2
Christian 12 2.5
Religion
Other 16 3.3
Higher Caste 144 30
Scheduled Caste 131 26.6
Backward Caste 149 30.1
Caste
Scheduled Tribe 56 13.3
Joint 192 40
Family Type
Nuclear 288 60
Small 128 26.7
Medium Family 232 48.3Family Size
Large Family 120 25
Illiterate 68 14.2
Up to Primary 268 55.8
Matriculate 96 20.0
Education
Graduates / Post Graduate 48 10.00

72
Table – 2
Socio-Economic characteristics of the Respondents
Attributes
Category
(N – 480)
Landless 172 35.8
Up to 2.5 116 24.2
2.6 – 50 92 19.2
5.1 – 10.0 80 16.6
Land Ownership
(Acres)
Above 10 20 4.2
Farming 308 64.2
Casual Labourer 92 19.2
Occupation
(Family)
Service 80 16.6
Less than 25,000 172 35.8
25,001 – 50,000 116 24.2
50,001 – 75,000 100 20.8
Annual Income
(Rupees)
75,001 and above 92 19.2
Yes 28 5.8
Servicing Women
No 452 94.2
Yes 116 24.2
Relatives in Politics
No 364 75.8
Yes 92 19.2Exposure in Politics before
getting elected
No 388 80.8

73
Table – 3
Nature of Election Process of the Respondents
Attributes
Category
(N – 480)
Ballot 424 86.7
Mode of Election
Uncontested 56 13.3
Once 384 80Number of Times Elections
Contested
Twice 96 20
Voluntary 116 24.2
Type of Entry into Panchayati Raj
Motivated 364 75.8
Table – 4
Cause of Success in Election of the Respondents
Attributes
Category
(N – 480)
Yes 100 20.8
Personal Capacity
No 380 79.2
Yes 336 70.0
Help by Family
No 144 30.0
Yes 88 18.3
Help by Relatives
No 392 81.7
Yes 424 86.7
Help by Political Party
No 56 13.3
Yes 384 80
Good Reputation
No 96 20
Yes 364 75.8
On the basis of Performance
No 116 24.2

74
Table – 5
Awareness About Powers / Duties of the Respondents
Attributes
Category
(N – 480)
Powers
Yes 24 05
1. Judicial
No 456 95
Yes 116 24.2
2. Administrative
No 364 75.8
Yes 92 19.2
3. Financial
No 388 80.8
Yes 56 13.3
4. Legislative
No 424 86.7
Duties
Yes 420 87.5
1. Construction of Village Streets
No 60 12.5
Yes 424 86.7
2. Maintenance of Roads
No 56 13.3
Yes 36 7.5
3. Settlement of Disputes
No 444 92.5
Yes 316 65.8
4. Education
No 164 34.2
Yes 384 80
5. Women and Child Development
No 96 20
Yes 116 24.2
6. Public Health and Family Welfare
No 364 75.8
Yes 56 13.3
7. Rural Housing
No 424 86.7
Yes 28 5.8
8. Rural Electrification
No 452 94.2
Yes 308 64.2
9. Other Rural Development Schemes
No 172 35.8

75
Table – 6
Participation of Women in Panchayat Decision Making
Attributes
Category
(N – 480)
Every Time 176 36.7
Frequently 84 17.5
Rarely 128 26.7
Invitation for Decision
Making
Never 92 19.1
Full 100 20.8
Just as Spectator 64 13.3
To fill the quorum 68 14.2
Level of Participation
None of these 248 51.7
Dominance of Males 288 60.0
Illiteracy 56 10.8
Non-recognition of Opinion 40 9.2
Types of Obstacles Faced
Other Social and Economic
issues
96 20.0
Agree 404 84.2
Attitudes Towards
Decisions
Disagree 76 15.8
Table – 7**
Participation in General Development
Attributes
Category
(N – 480)
Education 320 66.7
Sanitation 292 60.8
Rural Health 176 36.7
Women’s Health 188 39.2
Child Development 152 31.7
Welfare of Villages 288 60
Role in General Development
No Role 92 19.1
** This Table has multiple responses.

76
Table – 8
Participation of Women in Panchayati Raj
Attributes
Category
(N – 480)
Active and Interested 176 36.7
Passive and Non-interested 152 31.7
Motivated 144 30.0
Women as Voters
None of the these 08 1.6
Independent of Parties 84 1735
Dependent on Party 288 60
Active in Party 68 14.2
Women as members of
Political Parties
No Effective Role in Party 40 8.3
Yes 424 86.7Women as members of
Women’s Organization
including NGO’s No 56 13.3
Yes 188 39.17Women as member of
Different Committees of
Panchayat Governance No 292 60.83
Often 188 39.7
Occasionally 176 36.7
Family of respondents
interfere in Panchayat
Work
(Pressure from males)
Never 116 23.6
Agree 84 17.5Conventional role of
Women Compells them to
become proxy member Disagree 396 82.5
Agree 176 36.7
In addition to household
activities Panchayat work
create adjustment problem
in home life of the
respondents
Disagree 304 63.3

77
Table – 9
Extent of Participation of Women members in nine major functions of PRIS
Attributes
Category
(N – 480)
Very High Nil Nil
High 54 10.2
Medium 396 82.5
Low 21 4.6
Very Low 09 2.7
Social Functions
Nil Nil Nil
Very High 06 1.3
High 24 05
Medium 288 60.0
Low 128 26.7
Very Low 21 4.2
Economic Function
Nil 19 2.8
Very High Nil Nil
High 19 4.8
Medium 384 80.0
Low 43 7.8
Very Low 28 5.7
Political Functions
Nil 06 1.7
Very High 06 1.7
High 21 4.2
Medium 176 36.7
Low 152 31.7
Very Low 76 15.6
Educational Functions
Nil 49 10.1
Very High 06 1.3
High 21 4.2
Medium 288 60.0
Low 128 26.7
Very Low 21 4.2
Public Work and Civil Amenities
Nil 16 3.6
Very High 06 1.3
High 24 5.0
Medium 288 60.0
Low 128 26.7
Very Low 21 4.2
Agricultural Functions
Nil 19 2.8
Very High Nil Nil
High Nil Nil
Medium 54 10.2
Low 21 4.6
Very Low 396 82.5
Trade and Commerce
Nil 09 2.7
Very High
High 64 13.3
Medium 248 51.7
Low 100 20.8
Very Low 68 14.2
Sanitation and Medical Relief
Nil
Very High Nil Nil
High Nil Nil
Medium Nil Nil
Low 380 79.2
Judicial
Very Low 50 10.4

78
Nil 50 10.4
Table – 10
Perceived Improvement of States of Women Panchayats
Attributes
Category
(N – 480)
Low 288 60
Medium 192 40Access to Resource
High Nil Nil
Low 396 82.5
Medium 84 17.5Control over Resource
High Nil Nil
Low 176 36.7
Medium 240 50.0
Perceived Improvement of
Status
High 64 13.3
Table – 11
Political Attitudes and Political Participation of Women Panchayats
Attributes
Category
(N – 480)
Low 96 20
Medium 380 79.8Level of Political Ambition
High 04 0.2
Low 128 26.7
Medium 345 72.2Level of Political Efficacy
High 07 1.1
Low 288 60
Medium 192 40
Level of Sense of Political
Efficacy
High Nil Nil
Level of Sense of Political Low 305 63.5

79
Medium 168 35.4Knowledge
High 07 1.1
In the sphere of attitude towards women’s participation in politics, a
significant association can well be observed with the marital status, size of the
family, occupation, education, family income and membership of associations.
Involvement in participation is found to have significant association with education,
family political background, party influence and membership of association. It has a
positive association with family size and economic capacity as well as occupation.
The detailed findings extracted from the tables so for presented have been taken up
in the following chapter.

80
Chapter – V
Findings from the Field Study
From the field survey made in the preceeding chapter, the important
findings may be incorporated as under :
1) Despite favourable legislation women’s participation in the Panchayat Raj
Structure of the two districts has not been made effective. Reservation of seats
at different tiers of Panchayat has increased the number of elected women
representatives but not their effectiveness. The associated enabling interventions
have been absent in the remote villages as well as at the Panchayat Samiti and
Zilla Parishad levels. It is therefore important to look beyond numbers as an
indicator of the level and quality of women’s participation. With the Seventy-
third Amendment Act and corresponding state legislations apparently the barrier
has formally collapsed which tends to over look certain social realities which
stand in the way as hidden barriers to women’s political participation.
2) The legislative arrangements of reservation of one third seats for women in all
Panchayat bodies and reservation of one third of the total number of offices of
chairpersons in the Panchayats for all women including women belonging to
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes have created atleast a political space for
rural women to participate in politics and in local level decision makings. The
survey experiences suggest that most members of the Panchayat are really
educated, they are becoming aware of their rights and the problem. Rural
women in both of the districts are being encouraged to voice their opinion and
decision making powers. They are gradually gaining strength to fight for their

81
rights. No less important, the women panchayat leaders were no longer what
they were at the beginning – a bewildered and confused lot – but grew out of
this experience as mature, confident leaders who are trusted by the people.
3) It has been observed that in both the districts, at the initial stage a great deal of
resistance to this change in rural administration come from the rural
administration, who saw in this institution a threat to their own power, privilege
and authority. They ignored the Panchayat women members on the ground that
they are not educated. The survey experience suggests that such attitudinal
resistances have taken a back seat despite the lack of formal education of most
of the elected women panchayat members, most of them are highly intelligent
individuals, and what they lack in terms of education is more than made up by
their enthusiasm and concern for their own locality as also the detailed
knowledge regarding local environment, cropping pattern and people. There are
also administrative obstackles to be overcome. It has been observed from the
field experience that the current administrative framework has a departmentally
–administered sectoral funding pattern which conflicts with the women-led,
area-derived programmes arising from Panchayat Raj Institution. There is a
need to cut through the existing system of development finance to find more
flexible approaches capable of responding to the new priorities that are
expressed.
4) Since the district of Cooch-behar is having more than fifty percent Scheduled
Caste population out of total population (Mostly belonging to Rejbanshi Caste),
the women respondents of the district of Cooch-behar are mostly drawn from
scheduled caste community (nearly sixty five percent). The district of Jalpaiguri
on the other has a considerable number of Schdduled Tribe population (Rava,
Mech, Mochari, Santhal, Totos and others). The Blocks / Panchayat Samities so
identified have been mostly based on Scheduled Tribe population. Nearly forty
percent of the respondents of Alipurduar-II Panchayat of Jalpaiguri are drawn
from Scheduled Tribe community.
5) Nearly forty percent of the elected women members of different tiers of
Panchayat of the two districts responded that at the time of elections they were

82
projected as some ones mother, sister, wife etc. and not as party nominees. They
have entered into Panchayat politics due to mandatory provision of reservation.
Nearly seventy percent of the elected women interviewed had been of the
opinion that they held from a non-political background and entered into politics
due to persuasion by their family members or pressure from the village
community. However, the important aspect is that women who reluctantly
entered into politics showed greater maturity in outlook, enthusiasm, increasing
political consciousness and increasing perception of their role and
responsibility. This new space has led women to emerge as a potential force in
village politics.
6) It has been observed that there has been representation, as per legislative
stipulations, of women in general and scheduled caste and scheduled tribe
women in particular in both the three tiers of Panchayats of two districts under
study. There is very high negative correlation between the level of education
and poverty. Nearly forty-five percent of the members have an educational
qualification up to primary level, nearly forty up to high school level, only
seven percent are graduates, eight percent are illiterate and nearly one percent
are post graduates. So from the educational status of the Gram Pancyayat and
Panchayat Samiti and Zilla Parishad members it is evident that there is a
considerable representation of the poorer sections of the society in the
Panchayat Raj structure of the two districts. The educational attainment of
women members of Zilla Parishads disproves the general perception that
panchayats are handicapped because of the under-education of the members.
Indeed, illiteracy, inexperience etc. have been the handicaps prevalent in Gram
Panchayat level.
7) The occupational pattern of panchayat members of the two districts under study
vary from each other. While in Jalpaiguri district twenty six percent of women
Gram Panchayat members are tea-plantation labourers, in Cooch-behar nearly
twenty percent are agricultural labourers, four percent are bargadars and sixteen
percent cultivators. In Jalpaiguri, on the other hand, the percentage is five
percent and nineteen percent respectively. A considerable number of women
panchayat members are housewives. Moreover, out of total four hundred plus

83
respondents, ten percent are involved with agriculture labour and twelve percent
are with tea garden labour. Only 0.05 percent are with teaching or any other
governmental jobs. So the occupational pattern of the gram panchayat members
confirms the adequate representation of the poor people in the rural power
structure. Nearly forty-one percent of the women panchayats are from landless
family, six percent belong to the family of patta-holder and nearly thirty-nine
percent have a family holding of land upto 2.5 acres. It confirms the presence of
poor people in the panchayat leadership of both the districts. The study
identified that most of the land ownership were in the name of the male-
members of the family of the respondents. Only 5 percent reported land
ownership in their own name. the study also revealed that the absolute majority
of the respondents at the Gram Panchayat level did not have experience of
service. One-fourth of the respondents held that their relatives were already in
politics while most of them responded negatively.
8) One of the major objectives of the study was to find out the degree of awareness
about their powers and duties among the respondents. Surprisingly, not even a
single respondent was found totally aware of the old Panchayat Acts, Seventy-
Third Amendment Act and corresponding state Panchayat Act. When associated
with different socio-economic variables (like age, caste, education, income) to
find out the degree of awareness about powers, most of the respondents
especially at the Gram Panchayat of both the districts of Jalpaiguri and Cooch-
behar responded that they were not at all aware of their power. Even the
respondents of Panchayat Samiti level of the two districts held that they were
aware though partially about their duties. They held that their main duty was to
help the village panchayat for construction and maintenance of village streets,
drainage system and development schemes of their respective constituencies.
The other duties, of which they were aware, include looking after the education
of the villagers, improvement of public health and family welfare, women and
child development, settlement of disputes etc.
9) Though women members of Panchayat Samities and Zilla Parishad of both the
districts were aware about their duties but the required level or degrees of
awareness was quite low. Only twenty percent of such respondents had high

84
level of awareness, majority had minimum level awareness. The study further
revealed that there has been a low level participation of the respondent in the
meetings of Panchayats in both the districts. 21 percent respondents participated
fully and a considerable number did not participate at all, however a
considerable majority of the respondents occasionally attend the meetings of the
Panchayats.
10) During the field study, some of the women panchayat members responded
grudgingly that male members of the Parties hardly recognized their worth.
Women members could not play their role due to various social, economic and
psychological problems. Usually, respondents were consulted after the male
members of the Panchayat had taken the decision. Most of the respondents
normally agreed with the decision taken by the other members. The role played
by women members in the general development of their respective villages was
mainly in the field of education, sanitation etc. It has been observed that nearly
thirty percent of the total women respondents at the Panchayat level and
panchayat samiti level had never contributed towards any development issues of
their respective villages/constituencies.
11) Age is an important variable in determining the character of emerging
leadership. The data on the age group profile of Zilla Parishad, Panchayat
Samiti and Gram Panchayat members of these two districts indicate the
emerging trend of younger leadership of Panchayati Raj Structure in West
Bengal. Out of all women members of the three tier Panchayati structure of
these two districts thirty one percent are in the age group of less than 31 years,
forty percent in the age groups of 31 to 40 years and twenty percent in the age
group of 41-50 years. The strong reasons for this trend of the emergence of
younger leadership are : (a) The reduction in the voting age (from 21 years of
age to 18 years of age); (b) A good majority of the electorate is drawn from the
rural youth who have favoured the election of young leaders; (c) The young
women are more politically vulnerable to be nominated as Party Candidates; (d)
The aspiration of the young women to become leaders of rural level governance
for gaining respect and power in the society.

85
12) Another important finding of the study is that religion and caste do not have any
role in determining the women leadership in panchayat politics in these two
districts. By and large women are elected to different tier from the thirty three
percent reserved quota including women belonging to schedule caste and
scheduled tribe categories. In some of the Gram Panchayats even the women got
elected from unreserved constituency, that is why percentage of women in the
panchayat leadership in these two districts is little higher than the stipulated
percentage of reservation of seat. However, both the districts do not have any
additional percentage of women members at the Zilla Parishad and Panchayat
Samiti level. This suggests that the principal bearing of leadership of the rural
society is still held by the male members of the society. However, women have
made a significant dent in the village level power structure cutting across caste
and religion and have their presence felt in the decision making process.
13) Data gathered and analysed so far suggest that nearly sixty percent of women
members of Zilla Parishads and Panchayat Samities do have a political
background and nearly thirty percent had either their father / relations
experienced in local politics and more than ten percent did not have a political
family background. A majority of the elected Panchayats had political
experience either as a political party workers or Panchayat / Panchayat Samiti
members, members of local organizations or members of cooperative societies.
A comparative analysis of the data suggests that while all the women
representatives of Zilla Parishad members of Jalpaiguri and Cooch-behar are
almost exposed to politics, in the case of Panchayat Samiti nearly thirty eight
percent had prior experience of politics, at the Gram Panchayat level, most of
the members have no such prior exposure in politics. This reflected that
stipulated reservation has helped more women to contest in the election.
Irrespective of tiers, female representatives stated that they had entered
panchayats to render social service and it was an opportunity to render service
for the development of women and weaker sections.
14) The status and position in social and political institutions are regarded as
important variables in determining the quality of leadership in a democratic
system. Data suggest that nearly ninety percent of women representatives of

86
Zilla Parishad of both the districts of Jalpaiguri and Cooch-behar had held
position before they became members of Zilla Parishads. Only ten percent of
them did not hold any position before they became members. Women Zilla
Parishad members of both these districts are mostly politically trained with a
considerable amount of social exposure. However, at the Gram Panchayat level,
the picture has been just reverse. Nearly eighty percent of elected women of the
Panchayats under study did have no social or political exposure. In the case of
Panchayat Samities the responses have been mixed. Nearly fifty percent of
women members of Panchayat Samities under study of these two districts did
have earlier exposure in societal institutions and as members of Gram
Panchayats. Social Institutions include local cooperative societies, women
organizations, Women Credit / Threft Societies, non-governmental
organizations etc. This suggests altogether that the ice-burg of women’s
merginalisation has started breaking at the rural society.
15) Almost every women elected member irrespective of tiers had a serious concern
for and desire to develop their own constituencies / localities. Out of total
respondents nearly forty nine percent have shown interest in such welfare
activities as improving the conditions of the weaker sections, including women,
organizing awareness programmes for health, sanitation, self-employment etc.
Nearly forty percent were interested in providing such expenditural facilities
such as village roads, drainage, sanitation, electricity, primary education in their
respective areas.
16) For both the districts, aspiring women representatives possessing required
enthusiasm and ability to take leadership are resisted by their male counterparts.
Forty eight percent of the total elected members so far interviewed have given
an impression that they can take independent decision in Panchayat activities.
However, still the majority of women members are subjected to male political
leaders or husbands/influential male member of family while attempting to take
decisions on Panchayat development activities. Majority of the respondents at
the Gram Panchayat level do not have knowledge on panchayat Act and
emerging rural developmental programme of the Government undertaken by
both Central and State Governments. Nearly six percent of the women members

87
of Gram Panchayat are to depend on officials and experienced male Panchayat
Members. However at the Zilla Parishad level and Panchayat Samiti level of
both the districts women members are comparatively knowledgable in dealing
with the Panchayat Act and Governmental programmes. Another important
finding is that office bearers (Pradhans, Upa-Pradhans, Sabhapatis,
Sabhadhipatis of the Gram Panchayat, Panchayat Samities and Zilla Parishad of
these two districts are all literate and educated. There had not been a single case
of respondent holding on office in the three tier Panchayat system who is an
illiterate. However thirty percent of the office bearer at the village panchayat
level have expressed their ignorance on Panchayat Act. Nearly twenty-two
percent of the respondents have been trained under Panchayat Leadership and
Awareness Development Programme; but continuous process of training for
required updating is absent. The district of Cooch behar has a full-fledged
Panchayat Training Centre but the district of Jalpaiguri does not have such
training centre.
17) An interesting finding of the study is that nearly ninety-nine percent of the
women panchayats of the three tier Panchayat structures of both Cooch-behar
and Jalpaiguri are married. Out of more than four hundred plus respondents, a
little more than one percent belong to the category of ‘unmarried’, widow, etc.
Comparatively younger women panchayat members get larger scope in the
development activities and they show greater interest too in such activities.
Women panchayat members who are daughters of the soil are treated as
‘daughter of the village’, usually get greater scope to do panchayat workers.
Most of the married women on the other hand, have been given a restrictive
space to work and they are designated as “wife of the village”. Most of the
women respondents have much more clearer ideas of village development as
they are closed to grass-roots realities. Most of the Women Panchayat members
could not express on the women’s critical needs of literacy, legal rights, health,
wage equality etc. However, sixty-five percent of the total respondents do have
some kind of constraints or the other which prevent them partaking effectively
in grass-root level democratic process. Some of the constraints so identified are
: (a) family poverty, (b) social powerlessness; (c) inadequacy of functional

88
literacy and continuing education; (d) non-awareness of Panchayat Act; (e)
resistances in tacit form of the male dominated rural society; (f) reluctance of
the male counterpart to share panchayat power; (g) traditional outlook; (h) lack
of access to information; (h) Assetlessness; (i) lack of personal income; (j) non-
ownership of land holding in most of the cases etc.
18) Majority of the respondents both at the Gram Panchayat and Panchayat Samiti
level of these two districts admitted, unequivocally, to their facing strong
opposition from the male members both at home and outside of home. Their
household responsibilities continued unchanged. A large number of women
respondents expressed that they received the support of the family for contesting
the elections but they have not been spared after the election in respect of
household activities. The household responsibilities prevent the women
members from playing their role in panchayat effectively. Except in few cases,
women members at the Gram Panchayat level had no previous experience in
public life. Resultantly, women members can not contribute effectively in the
meetings of the Panchayats. Quite a few asserted that they had no liberty to act
independently as the political parties dictate as to what to do and what not to do.
However, at the Panchayat Samiti level (Block) and zilla Parishad level
(District), the women elected members have been playing their role
comparatively in a much better way. It has been reported that nearly sixty
percent of the clients approach women office bearers with their problems and
issues and the rest make their way to get access either through male
functionaries or through political parties. Women members at all the levels of
panchayat structure seldom raise issues. From the available data it captures our
attention that women’s participation in the electoral process has shown a steady
increase, but their ability to produce an impact on the political process has still
been negligible.
19) It has been identified that elected women members, at different tiers of
panchayats of these two districts, who are associated with social activities as
members of non-governmental organizations or women self-help groups or any
other women’s organization, are performing better than those who have not
been associated with such organizations. For the elected women representatives,

89
in most of the cases, especially for those who did not have any prior exposure,
their perception about the role of the panchayats, in general, and their role in
particular, had been confused. From the information it has been identified that
women’s participation in the electoral process has shown a steady increase, but
their ability to produce an impact on the political process has still been
negligible. Although women of the districts of Cooch-behar and Jalpaiguri take
part in Peasant Movements through Peasant Organisations and labour
movements through Tea Plantations worker’s Organisation, no women has been
brought to the leadership of these organizations. In both the districts, women
have a negligible role in providing leadership in Peasant Movements or Tea
labour movements. The political parties (since the Panchayat election in West
Bengal is purely party-based), it is identified, are not serious on gender justice
and equity ensuring women’s representation at all levels of party hierarchy and
as a result, the qualitative participation of women at all levels of rural
governance in the districts has not been adequately ensured. Since the women at
village level of these two peripheral districts are mostly domesticised and not
properly educated, there is no awakening as to their political interests, which
they can aspire for, however at Panchayat Samiti and Zilla Parishad level, a few
of them have some awakening and think of reaching higher levels of political
structure. There has been no mass awakening in women at the rural society for
their political rights so far.
20) Most of the respondents have answered that there is no security problem while
working for panchayats. A negligible few have answered in the affirmative.
Most of them have agreed that it is also not possible to give security guard to all
of them, however they felt urgent need of constituting women defence group at
different levels of panchayat structure. The respondents also viewed that police
must be instructed to have strict vigilance and may provide security
arrangement where it is imminently necessary. Women representatives are also
aware of growing criminalization of politics. It is more dangerous at local level,
because supporters of the criminal element are at one place all the time and in
villages there is no police force to control them. Most of the women respondents
in villages face this difficulty. However at the Panchayat Samiti level and Zilla

90
Parishad levels things are not so hopeless, though, to some extent, they are also
affected by this vice.
21) Data of the field study suggest that awareness of Women representatives to the
Gram Panchayats of the two districts about sources of finance, different sub-
committees, plan schemes and development departments is reasonably low.
However, women respondents at the panchayat samities and Zilla Parishad have
been much more aware of the above issues. Obviously, compared to village
level panchayat women members, their participation level in decision making,
planning process and programme monitoring is reasonably high. It is, however,
intriguing to identify that women respondents in all the three tiers of Panchayats
of both the districts have neither comprehended rightly or fully the decisive role
that the women have under the new legislations, nor have they comprehended
fully their own determining role to play in rural local governance.
22) Despite so many negative findings, the provisions of Seventy Third Amendment
Act and corresponding amended legislations of the state of West Bengal, have
been a good beginning in the right direction for emancipation of rural women
and to make them equal partner in local politics with their male counterparts.
The policy of reservation has been hailed by women community and it has
inspired confidence in them that one day they will be able to take active part in
ruling the country, though at present, they are unable to get out of the strong
clutches of male population because of their comparative ignorance and
dependence. To day they may be few in number but they have a vision and
mission either of their own or because of some political background of their
family members. The only remedy for which most of the respondents affirmed
positively is to make the women aware by imparting to them training about
local governance and the environment in which they are living. Another
important identification from the women respondents is that attitude of men
towards women’s participation is one of the most important factors in the
empowerment process of women. It was found to be negative in the studied
areas. Thus for overall empowerment of women, it is the finding that the
strategy has to be two-pronged aiming at eliminating the effect of factors which
are external to the women (i.e., those which are in the social environment) and

91
secondly, at developing rural women by way of enhancing their psychological
orientation towards themselves as well as towards development work so that
they become assertive and take on their new role effectively.
This project is principally concerned with the political participation of
women in two peripheral districts of the northern part of West Bengal. It has
explored the impact of socio-economic variables on electoral participation, the
impact of socio-economic variables on attitudinal variables on political
participation. The study is based principally on the data collected from the field. In
addition, official data and secondary sources have been used for an overall correct
appraisal. Some of the hypotheses formulated at the initial stage of the study have
been corroborated with the findings of the study, some have to be partially
reformulated, while a few stand vindicated.
To the first category belong the hypotheses that historically women have
been excluded from participation in politics and in institution of politics; political
participation of women is very low and participant of women is influenced by the
male members of the society; illiteracy, lack of awareness, domestic responsibility
and economic dependence prevent women from participating in active politics; the
reservation of seats for women in Panchayats have created a space for the formation
of ‘critical mass’. Moreover, the hypothesis that political participation, political
awareness etc., are positively associated with socio-economic variables like age,
education, economic condition, marital status, occupation, membership of women’s
organization etc. has been significantly proved.
To the second category belong the hypothesis that are proved partially valid
by the study is that the idea that the seventy third Constitution Amendment Act and
other legal and administrative arrangements have ensured the coming of women to
the leadership and decision making process does not always hold truth. It has been
proved that the said Act and corresponding legislations and other measures have
created a definite space for women’s participation in politics and in the process of
rural decision making. The study further proved that the hypothesis that “to ensure
women’s participation in rural politics and institutions male members with a human

92
face are coming forward” is not wholly true. Despite resistances, a portion of the
male members are coming forward.
To the third category belong the hypothesis that were not supported at all
by the present study. The hypothesis that “women although poor, unaltered in some
cases and inexperienced have contributed considerably in rural development
activities” has been disapproved by the study. Another hypothesis that in order to be
gender equal in decision making only women will have to be far more participatory
in creating ideologies, structures and institutions stand vindicated. Another
hypothesis that lack of awareness, domestic responsibility and economic
dependence prevent women from participating in active politics – needs thorough
overhauling.
With references to the major findings of the study and both from survey data
and official statistics, it has been found that women’s political mobilization is
increasing but their participation in politics is still much lower while compared to
their male counterparts. This gender hiatus, however, is gradually diminishing. It is
also interesting to highlight that some of the findings regarding the association
between some political factors and socio-economic variables are contrary to some
common assumptions which may reveal new areas for further investigations.

93
Chapter – VI
Study Recommendations
It is acknowledged that the analysis so far made is limited by data
unavailability, data inaccuracies and limited purpose as well as time constraints. It
is true that PRIs by way of the New Panchayati Act has offered an opportunity for
active participation of hitherto suppressed rural women in socio-political life and
this has certainly resulted in increased numerical participation of women. However,
the fact to be realized is that if PRIs were to became a vibrant vehicle for the
empowerment of rural women, a lot more needs to be done. In sum and substance
following recommendations may be suggested for future policy formulation and
policy implementation.
(1) The specificities of women’s situation in the two districts of North Bengal and
related constraints can not be captured by the relatively aggregated picture and
thus it requires particular attention not only with respect to the constraints
faced by women, but especially from the perspective of multidementionalism
of women’s empowerment.
(2) A major aspect of lack of women’s development has been the very inadequate
infrastructural development. In this region specially for the two districts under
study, a critical felt need is that of women specific development institutions
which requires the intervention of both the State and Central Government. The
areas which can be identified for the purpose are: (a) Economic Institutions to
assist women engaged in agriculture, for example in activities such as credit
provision, prohibition of village money lenders, food-processing and
marketing, especially the local produce; (b) Education/training Institutions for
better utilization of women human resources; (c) Special assistances to
women for better performance in extension services; (d) Conditions of women

94
peasants in Cooch-behar district and Women labour on the tea estates of
Jalpaiguri are cause for some grave concern. There have been increases in
labour productivity, but a simultaneous increase in the casualisation of labour,
especially of women workers. While women workers (mostly in the form of
casual labour) face very difficult circumstances wherefrom, the realization of
empowering women both politically and economically have remained a
distant cry. This area needs to be addressed with care. (e) The experience of
North Bengal especially of the two districts, therefore, highlights three policy
areas relevant for improving women’s development and empowerment: (i) the
role of infrastructure in redressing development imbalances (women and girls
child affect most adversely for such imbalances); (ii) the importance of
institutions, in a range of areas such as banking, marketing, education, health,
agri-based industrial development; (iii) the simultaneous significance of both
decentralization, good-governance and coordination ensuring women’s
participation in institutional politics and decision making process.
(3) Mainstreaming of women involves recognition of women’s perspectives as a
valid component within all academic and applied discourse. Thus policies
relating to every asset distribution and every allocation of resources should
also be formulated from the women’s perspective too. The protective
discriminatory practices of the state build powerful arguments for women’s
rights enabling to bring a balance in social power equations. A state sponsored
continuous advocacy for women’s rights at every decision-making level can
well ensure resetting of women’s position – a process extending well beyond
the political empowerment of women.
(4) Education especially elementary education must be made compulsory for
ensuring equal participation of women in all walks of life. Training
programmes on health education, small savings, developing skills etc., may be
arranged by government and non-governmental organizations for women to
realize their responsibilities and to develop character and personality. This
may enable the women to give command and extract respect as well as
supplement government efforts so as to offer the women choices and
alternatives. National Literacy Mission and other organizations engaged in the

95
Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan should also be assigned the responsibility of educating
the rural women in particular regarding the significance of Panchayati Raj and
empowerment of women.
(5) Training of women and access to information is essentially urgent for
realization of women’s involvement in Panchayat politics and decision
making. It is also essential that along with training of women in political
activities, programmes must be undertaken to sensitise both men and women.
Women’s involvement in local governance can be promoted with the support
of men. It is important for men to realize that grassroots development based
on household economics requires the active participation of women.
Therefore, if the Panchayats have a future in development work then certainly
women have a future in Panchayats and in public offices. There should always
be a gender sensitization of the bureaucrats working at different levels of
government.
(6) The success of the process of political empowerment of women through local
bodies will depend on organizational and policy changes for revitalization of
PRIs, electoral reforms, sustained drive for political education, gender
sensitization campaign, enlargement of employment opportunities for rural
women, availability of supportive services and above all male enlightenment
about the gender equality and justice. Both the National and State government
must create healthy environment for active leadership generating participation
which would ensure women’s voice. An essential condition of empowerment
is the adoption of equal opportunity and affirmative action measures which
includes the removal of direct and indirect discriminatory practices and
adoption of targets or quotas, electoral systems supportive to women’s
participation. Special mechanisms must be introduced in order to induct
women at all levels of decision making to ensure that they form of critical
mass and contribute to policy planning and implementation.
(7) The state governments should invest in capacity building of the women
Panchayats enabling them to participate in planning process at the Gram
Panchayat and Panchayat Samiti level. There is need of complete overhauling

96
of the existing rules and practices of plan formulation, participatory
implementation and monitoring. The participation of women in grassroots
democracy is a multivariate function of many determinants operating at the
ground level. The ground level constraints which hamper women’s
participation need to be addressed both by the government and local civil
society. The policy makers should give a serious thought to understand that
the specific and strong provisions of the law pertaining to the safeguards of
women would not improve the situation until and unless the delivery
mechanism is improved. Workshops for smaller group of women should be
organized in which a detailed training among others, in resource mapping and
participatory planning could be imparted. In these workshops, issues like
devolution of functions and powers to Panchayats, financial resources, village,
Block, Zilla Parishad Plans and their enmeshing in the overall plan of the
district should be discussed threadbare. In this context, the mass-media,
especially radio and TV must reorient their presentations.
(8) Subject Committees like those for social justice, health and welfare, education
and land management should be constituted immediately so that through these
Committees women could participate effectively in their development. In
decentralized planning top priority should be given to education, health, water
and sanitation facilities as these directly effect society’s welfare and the
women of the community at large. Economic independence is another major
pre-condition for political empowerment of women. They are to depend on the
husbands or male members of the family even for the bus fare to attend the
Panchayat meetings. In such a situation, it is not possible for them to play and
effective role in both politics and society. They should be atleast engaged in
some society specific gainful economic activities and the government and
banking institutions should come forward to provide them grants and loans.
Women Self Help Groups be given additional incentives so that women can
engage more and more in numerous enterprise activities. Such as making files
and folders, soft toys, fruit processing, sewing, pickles, bamboo and cane
related cottage industry, leaf made utensils, animal husbandry, fishery,
horticulture, floriculture etc. Self-Help Groups be given additional care so that

97
they can expand scope and agenda from economic empowerment to
incorporate social and political empowerment too.
(9) Studies on women in politics have emphasized that contact with outside world
makes women more alert and active in the political process. There are two
ways of doing it : Firstly interaction between enlightened rural women and
illiterate elected women leaders be encouraged. Secondly, these women could
be taken out to urban areas and their interaction with educated urban elected
women representatives be arranged.
(10) Lack of proper devolution of functions, funds and functionaries has been
revealed as one of the major impediments. Such impediment has discouraged
the elected women representatives from taking interest in the process of
democratic decentralization. For removing this drawback, the Government
should ensure devolutions of funds, functions and functionaries through
statutory provisions. Incentives play a vital role in ensuring the participation
of elected representatives in decision making. Women elected leaders at
different tier of Panchayat who have been successfully implementing the
development schemes and have ensured overall development of their
constituencies need to be encouraged by publicizing their leadership qualities
and honouring them in public meetings. It will certainly encourage their
counterparts elected to different tiers of Panchayati Raj structure and their
success stories and good practices will get replicated.
(11) The unfinished agenda of women empowerment be completed by enacting an
Amendment for providing reservation for women in the national Parliament
and the state legislatures. The reservations at local level are not enough for
women empowerment unless the issue is addressed both at national and state
level. To realize good governance, both the Indian State and the State
Governments must create a congenial ambience for active leadership
generating participation which would ensure women’s role in governance and
politics. Leadership needs to be transformational effecting changes in
institutions of governance. Women, on the other, are required to be actively
involved in defining the political, economic and social agenda. Women’s

98
qualitative and quantitative participation al all levels of governance is
importantly essential for their empowerment. Decentralization and women’s
empowerment would be rendered meaningless if women, constituting more
than forty-eight percent of India’s population, are not facilitated to participate
both in the governance and development process. This is only possible if
gender equity is ensured at all the levels of the body polity.
(12) The Action Plan for women in wage employment and self employment has
identified some areas of interventions. The identified interventions may be
recommended for the realization of women’s empowerment at the grass-roots
level. In the field of wage employment for women the Action Plan stipulates:
(a) Both central and state government departments should determine the
direction and the method by which the participation of women could be
increased in different occupations; (b) villages and women – intensive
industries, which provide employment to women should be promoted in the
economic development plans. Increased participation of women in promotion
and management of such enterprise should be encouraged: (c) The maximum
age of entering services for women in government and public sector should be
raised to 35 years; (d) special assistance for provision of credit facilities and
development of specific plans of action to encourage women’s participation in
self-employment activities.
(13) The adoption of a special plan component and the recognition of Self Help
Groups as ideal institutional arrangement for the socio-economic and other
forms of women empowerment have been the major efforts towards
addressing women’s economic marginalization in West Bengal. Nevertheless,
as local level initiatives to generate employment and work participation of
women, these efforts do have certain limitations. These efforts are being
viewed primarily as antipoverty efforts and those who are coming under these
programmes should essentially belong to the economic category of ‘poor’.
Women from the Above Poverty Line (APL) families were not allowed to
become members of the specified self-help groups. Such a division between
families below the poverty line and those above poverty line is vague. Under
such division, a large number of village women are excluded. It is in this

99
context, the question of inclusion of APL women into these programmes has
to be re-looked.
(14) Role and responsibilities of elected representatives in different tiers of
Panchayat should clearly be defined in the Act / Rule relating to Panchayat.
The new faces of leaders such as elected women representatives should be
given intensive training in public activities, leadership, communication, group
dynamics, team building, equal rights, gender organizational behaviour,
various departmental schemes with a view to develop women’s leadership so
that they can play an effective role in mobilizing people’s participation and
involve them in developmental schemes.
(15) The male dominated rural social structure is still not reconciled to the
women’s participation in politics. The positive attitudinal changes is urgently
called for whereby the male folk in the rural society should rather encourage
and offer their unreserved cooperation and support to women folk. The
political empowerment of women demands that they must be able to think and
act according to their conscience. The state government should provide
functional literacy to the illiterate and semi-illiterate elected women members
of the panchayats soon after the election. There is also an important need for
continuous campaigning because most of the women elected members are not
aware of the uniqueness of the West Bengal Panchayat system neither they are
aware of the existing Act, rules and practices on Panchayat. This kind of
Panchayat sensitization has been extremely important because panchayats are
vanguards of decentralized grass-root level participatory democracy. Women
elected members at the one hand, are required to be actively involved in
defining the political, economic and social agenda, while the political parties
(since Panchayat election in West Bengal is purely party based) must be
committed to gender justice and equity ensuring women’s representation at all
levels of party-hierarchy. Women’s qualitative and quantitative participation
at all levels of governance is importantly essential for their empowerment.
(16) Following three models may be recommended for overall empowerment of
rural women. The first model has been developed by Dr. Shyam Sundar Singh

100
Chauhan and Gaurav Banyal (“Various Dimensions of Women’s
Empowerment”, Social Welfare, Aug. 2002, Vol.49, No.5, p.13), while the
second model has been developed by Sri Manoj Pant (“Women Empowerment
– Perspective and Approach, The Administrator, Vol.45, No.2, December,
2002, p.77 and Third has been developed by Dr. Dilip Kumar Sarkar
(Education, Employment and Empowering Women, Anil Bhuinmali (Edtd.),
Serials Publications, New Delhi, 2004, p.317). The Models may be presented
to have future policy interventions.
First Model

101
Legal Framework
a) Constitutional Safeguards
b) Enactment of laws to protect women’s rights
andcheckingatrocities onthem
Political and Administrative
Empowerment
a) Ensuring representation both in national
and statelegislature
b) Assuringrepresentation inlocal bodies
c) Ensuringreservation inadministrative
Services
Making Women Self
Dependent
a) Providingemployment
b) Enhancingskills
c) Giving ownershiprights
Human Development
a) EnsuringEducation
b) A s sur i ng H e a l t h an d
Nutrition
Empowerment of
Women
Second Model
As a single window approach towards women empowerment and grievance
redressal, it is recommended to set up in every district a centre which will act as
Nodal Centre for addressing those issues and contribute in managing and mitigating
the socio-economic and gender issues. The proposed nodal centre can be termed as
Women Empowerment and Grievance Redressal Centre (WEGRC). The head
Office or Centre can be opened at the district head quarters level with its sub-
centres as per requirement or may be a part of the administrative network at the
District, Sub-division, Block Headquarters. The existing official machinery with
some additional duties and realignments be used so that there could be no financial
involvement. A society may be formed under Registration of Societies Act to give
the centre a legal sanction. Active members of various non-governmental
Organisations working on such issues may be co-opted in the society. The proposed

102
WEGRC shall be an enabling mechanism to meaningfully address gender related
issues and ensure gender equalities by making poor women groups aware of their
rights and opportunities and acting as a Resource Centre on gender issues. The
schematic networking can be shown as below :-
Legal Aid
Social Welfare Schemes and
Social Safety Net
Programmes, Widow
Pension, Old age Pension,
Maternity Benefits Schemes,
Accident Benefit Schemes
District level to Village Level
Planning including Housing,
Electricity and Drinking
Water supply
W E G R C
Security from
crime against
women
Grievance
Redressal
Health : RCH,
ICDS, Pry. Health
Infrastructure
Asset Creation
Education
Capacity Building
Information
Dissemination on
rights and
opportunities
Self Employment and
Thrift and Credit Society
(DWCUA) SJSRY
Providing
Backward and
Forward Linkages
Vocational
Training and Skill
Development
This proposed Women Empowerment and Grievance Redressal Centres shall work
on Single Window Clearance Approach and thereby provide timely and adequate
services and relief to women.
Third Model
Undoubtedly women are to be empowered, enfranchised and enabled to take
part in decision making and to exert control over resources. Problems faced by
women have been more or less identified and areas of discrimination have to be
addressed operationally. Empowering women both economically, socially and
politically needs a viable platform or structure Since District is the most viable
administrative unit (in terms of resource and infrastructure) and District based
Panchayati Raj structure is the most legitimize political vehicle to realize
democratic decentralization and development ensuring Women’s participation,
women’s empowerment calls for a viable structure at the district level with an
intrinsic networking of sub-structures at the sub-Division / Block, Panchayat and

103
Mouza levels. Thus an integrated model for empowering rural women may be
suggested.
Tier - I
Zilla Parishad
District Level Women’s Core Committee to
be represented by Women Members of Zilla
Parishad and Women Sabhapatis of
Panchayat Samities.
Tier - II
Panchayat Samity
Block Level Women’s Core Committee to be
comprised of female representatives of
panchayat Samities and Women Pradhans
of Gram Panchayats under the Panchayat
Samity.
Tier -III
Gram Panchayat
Panchayat Level Women’s Core Committee
to be composed of members of all women
elected representatives of the Gram
Panchayat and two nominated active
members (women) of the NGO working
withintheterritory of theGram Panchayat
Tier - IV
Mouza
Mouza Level Women’s Action Committee
having three groups: Women’s Education
Group; Women’s Defence Group and
Women’s Self-help Group. The Action
Committee shall have elected/nominated
women representatives and representatives
o f W o m e n N o n - G o v er n m en t a l
Organisations.
N.B. - For making the above three Groups
viable inter-mouza cooperation may be
sought.
To provide material support for capacity building to the four tier
committees, a concerted action oriented and development oriented Women’s
Development Plan has to be formulated at the district level and to be percolated
down to the grass-root level for implementation. In order to make such plan valid,
viable and relevant, it is indeed to have detailed information and statistics of each
constituency of every Gram Panchayat. Socio-economic survey and livelihood
studies of each constituency is also urgent to gather information data bank for future
plan formulation and implementation. The state of West Bengal has activised the

104
District Planning and Coordination Council in each district (DPCC). Such Council
may corroborate with District level women’s core committee to have Women’s
Development Plan for the District. There must be women component in each
developmental planning for the district. To provide material resource support, the
respective Lead Bank of the district be moved to create a District Women’s
Development Bank. Such Bank so created may collaborate with District Industrial
Centre (DIC). The DIC should open a separate window for women for providing
supports and training for opening small cottage industries and such other economic
initiatives. This separate window shall also provide support relating project
formulation, project funding, project implementation and repayment of loan.
Undoubtedly, women’s needs are radical and the response of the society to address
those needs has been mostly moderate. What is urgently called for is to bring
radical reforms to address the burgeoning socio-economic and political needs of
Indian rural women. Moreover the above model requires the support of the state to
ensure the affirmative actions causing / creating space for rural women to
participate effectively both in socio-economic and political process of the rural
matrix and in the dynamic decision making process.
To conclude, representation of women in Panchayati Raj structure or
elsewhere is not a sufficient condition for their effective political participation,
although it is undoubtedly an essential one. Despite being members of these
democratic bodies or even their head, Women’s political participation may be
severely constrained by various socio-economic pressures. It would therefore be
prudent to supplement formal representation in institutional structures with other
measures such as mobilization of women and involvement of Panahcyats on
specific economic and social issues which affect women exclusively such as
development and protection of fuel wood, plantations, drinking water resources,
child health and nutrition programmes, protection of dignity and honour of women.
In this regard, it is highly relevant to mention the words of Veena Majumdar (The
Hindu, Sunday, 25 Nov., 2001), eminent scholar and Secretary to the First
Committee on the Status of Women in India, “The state has no option but to take
note of the critical mass of human resource. As the empowerment process is already

105
on, it is time for a step forward to acknowledge them as the agents of social change
and development.”
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