Developing and Strengthening Community

Health Worker Programs at Scale

A Reference Guide and Case Studies for Program Managers and
Policymakers

Henry Perry and Lauren Crigler, Editors

Steve Hodgins, Technical Advisor

The Maternal and Child Health Integrated Program (MCHIP) is the United States Agency for
International Development (USAID) Bureau for Global Health’s flagship maternal, neonatal and child
health program. MCHIP supports programming in maternal, newborn and child health, immunization,
family planning, malaria and HIV/AIDS, and strongly encourages opportunities for integration. Cross-
cutting technical areas include water, sanitation, hygiene, urban health and health systems
strengthening.

www.mchip.net

This report was made possible by the generous support of the American people through USAID,
under the terms of the Leader with Associates Cooperative Agreement GHS-A-00-08-00002-00. The
contents are the responsibility of MCHIP and do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID or the
United States Government.

© 2014 by Jhpiego Corporation. All rights reserved.

Table of Contents
SECTION 1: SETTING THE STAGE
Chapter 1. Introduction (Steve Hodgins, Lauren Crigler, and Henry Perry)
Chapter 2. A Brief History of Community Health Worker Programs (Henry Perry)
Chapter 3. National Planning for Community Health Worker Programs (Jessica Gergen,
Lauren Crigler, and Henry Perry
Chapter 4. Governing Large-Scale Community Health Worker Programs (Simon Lewin and
Uta Lehmann)
Chapter 5. Financing Large-Scale Community Health Worker Programs (Henry Perry,
Francisco Sierra-Esteban, and Peter Berman)
Chapter 6. Coordination and Partnerships for Community Health Worker Initiatives
(Muhammad Mahmood Afzal and Henry Perry)

SECTION 2: HUMAN RESOURCES

Chapter 7. Community Health Worker Roles and Tasks (Claire Glenton and Dena Javadi)
Chapter 8. Recruitment of Community Health Workers (Wanda Jaskiewicz and Rachel
Deussom)
Chapter 9. Training Community Health Workers for Large-Scale Community-Based Health
Care Programs (Iain Aitken)
Chapter 10. Supervision of Community Health Workers (Lauren Crigler, Jessica Gergen
and Henry Perry)
Chapter 11. What Motivates Community Health Workers? Designing Programs that
Incentivize Community Health Worker Performance and Retention (Christopher J.
Colvin)

SECTION 3: CHW PROGRAMS IN CONTEXT

Chapter 12. Community Health Worker Relationships with Other Parts of the Health
System (Henry Perry, Steve Hodgins, Lauren Crigler, and Karen LeBan)
Chapter 13. Community Participation in Large-Scale Community Health Worker Programs
(Karen LeBan, Henry Perry, Lauren Crigler, and Chris Colvin)

i
SECTION 4: ACHIEVING IMPACT
Chapter 14. Scaling Up and Maintaining Effective Large-Scale Community Health Worker
Programs (Steve Hodgins, Lauren Crigler, Simon Lewin, Sharon Tsui, and Henry Perry)
Chapter 15. Measurement and Data Use for Services Provided by Community Health
Workers (Steve Hodgins, Dena Javadi, and Henry Perry)
Chapter 16. Wrap-Up (Henry Perry, Lauren Crigler, and Steve Hodgins)

APPENDIXES
Appendix A. Case Studies of Large-Scale Community Health Worker Programs: Examples
from Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Brazil, Ethiopia, India, Indonesia, Iran, Nepal,
Pakistan, Rwanda, Zambia, and Zimbabwe (Henry Perry, Rose Zulliger, Kerry Scott,
Dena Javadi, Jessica Gergen, Katharine Shelley, Lauren Crigler, Iain Aitken, Said
Habib Arwal, Novia Afdhila, Yekoyesew Worku, Jon Rohde, and Zayna Chowdhury)
Appendix B. Current Perspectives on Large-Scale Community Health Worker Programs:
Summary of Findings from Key Informant Opinions (Sharon Tsui, Elizabeth Salisbury-
Afshar, Rose Zulliger, and Henry Perry)
Appendix C. Important Resources (Henry Perry)

ii
Authors and Their Affiliations
SENIOR WRITING TEAM
Lauren Crigler, Crigler Global Consulting, formerly with the USAID-funded Health Care
Improvement (HCI) Project
Claire Glenton, Norwegian Knowledge Centre for the Health Services
Steve Hodgins, Saving Newborn Lives, formerly with Maternal and Child Health Integrated
Program (MCHIP)
Karen LeBan, the CORE Group
Simon Lewin, Norwegian Knowledge Centre for the Health Services and Medical Research
Council of South Africa
Henry Perry, Department of International Health, Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public
Health

OTHER SENIOR AUTHORS

Muhammad Mahmood Afzal, Coordinator, Global Health Workforce Alliance
Iain W. Aitken, Advisor on Community-Based Health Care to the Ministry of Public Health,
Afghanistan, through Management Sciences for Health from 2004 to 2012
Christopher Colvin, School of Public Health and Family Medicine, University of Cape Town
(South Africa)
Jessica Gergen, Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health
Wanda Jaskiewicz, CapacityPlus/IntraHealth International
Sharon Tsui, Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health

COLLABORATING AUTHORS
Novia Afdhila, Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health
Shelly Amieva, Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health
Said Habib Arwal, Community-Based Health Care Department, Ministry of Public Health,
Afghanistan
Peter Berman, Harvard School of Public Health
Zaynah Chowdhury, Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health
Rachel Deussom, CapacityPlus/IntraHealth International
Dena Javadi, Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health
Uta Lehman, University of Western Cape School of Public Health (South Africa)

iii
Jon Rohde, James P. Grant School of Public Health, BRAC University (Bangladesh)
Elizabeth Salisbury-Afsar, Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health
Kerry Scott, Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health
Katharine Shelley, Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health
Francisco Sierra-Esteban, London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine
Yekoyesew Worku, Clinton Health Access Initiative/Zambia
Rose Zulliger, Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health

iv
Acknowledgments
This volume summarizes the collective knowledge, experience, and wisdom of many people,
programs, and organizations. We are grateful to the many contributors to this work. We are
particularly grateful to MCHIP and USAID for the financial support which made this work
possible.

Earlier drafts of this volume were reviewed in whole or in part by many people, and we
appreciate all the comments that led to a stronger product than would have been the case
otherwise. Those whose comments on earlier drafts were limited to a single chapter are
acknowledged in that chapter. Others who reviewed all or large parts of this document whose
contributions we deeply appreciate include Jon Rohde, David Sanders, William Brieger, Anne
Liu, Muhammad Mahmood Afzal, John Stanback, Mary Lou Fisher, Seyi Soremekun, Vikas
Dwivedi, members of the CORE Group staff, attendees at the CORE Group meeting in the fall
of 2013, and numerous staff members at the USAID Bureau of Global Health.

v
Preface and Guide to the Reader
Welcome to Developing and Strengthening Community Health Worker Programs at Scale: A
Reference Guide and Case Studies for Program Managers and Policymakers (the CHW
Reference Guide). This guide is a long and detailed volume that is not intended to be read from
cover to cover but rather to be used as a document that can be referred to as specific issues or
questions arise. In this sense, you will find some repetition. We have also tried to refer the
reader to other chapters where appropriate because many topics and issues are covered in
various ways in different chapters.

For readers who want a quicker and perhaps easier-to-use reference, we encourage a look at the
recently released Decision-Making Tool for CHW Programs (the CHW Decision Tool) developed
by the Health Care Improvement Project, Applying Science to Strengthen and Improve Systems
Project of the University Research Corporation (URC) , supported by USAID. This tool is
designed to support national and local decision-makers through the design, planning, and scale-
up of CHW programs.

The CHW Reference Guide is a more in-depth review of issues and questions that should be
considered when addressing key issues relevant for large-scale CHW programs. Like the CHW
Decision Tool, the CHW Reference Guide is designed for new CHW programs that are beginning
the planning process as well as for existing programs that are being strengthened or scaled up.
Like the CHW Decision Tool, the CHW Reference Guide is meant for in-country use by national-
level policymakers and planners as well as program implementers. It has many practical
examples from CHW programs around the world. Unlike the CHW Decision Tool, the CHW
Reference Guide is meant to be a stand-alone document that is read essentially like a reference
book. It provides an in-depth look at specific questions of central relevance to large-scale CHW
programs. It also has appendixes with a summary of in-depth interviews with key informants
who have had extensive experience in working with large-scale CHW programs; a series of in-
depth and detailed case studies of CHW programs from Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Brazil,
Ethiopia, India, Indonesia, Iran, Nepal, Pakistan, Rwanda, Zambia, and Zimbabwe; and a list of
important resources for CHW program managers and policymakers.
• Both CHW resources offer guidance and support on issues related to CHW program governance,
planning, financing, health system support, community collaboration, recruitment and selection,
tasks and roles of the CHW, training, incentives, logistical support, scaling up, and monitoring
and evaluation (M&E). The CHW Reference Guide contains a history of CHW programming
around the world. The CHW Decision Tool contains links to many other online documents that
address issues of CHW programming.
• While the CHW Decision Tool is practical, user-friendly, and a quick-to-use reference source for
specific issues, the CHW Reference Guide is a more extended discussion of considerations that
pertain to specific aspects of CHW programs. Neither resource provides technical information
about how CHWs should deliver specific interventions. Instead, they are focused on more
general organizational, management, and operations issues that are relevant to all types of
CHW programs.
• The CHW Decision Tool was developed by the USAID ASSIST (Applying Science to Strengthen
and Improve Systems) Project under the leadership of Ram Shrestha and Allison Foster of the
University Research Corporation. The CHW Reference Guide was developed by a team led by
Steve Hodgins of Save the Children, Henry Perry of the Johns Hopkins University, and Lauren
Crigler of Crigler Global Consulting in collaboration with a writing team that included Karen
LeBan of the CORE Group along with Simon Lewin and Claire Glenton of the Norwegian

vi
 Knowledge Centre for the Health Services, with overall guidance and support from MCHIP
(Maternal and Child Health Integrated Program), supported by USAID.

COMPARISON OF THE URC DECISION TOOL AND THE MCHIP REFERENCE GUIDE
Key Features URC Decision Tool MCHIP Reference Guide
Length Shorter (40 pages) Longer (>400 pages)
Accessibility Quick to use for specific questions Requires more time to digest content, “academic
with quick links to other sources discourse”
Meant to be used exclusively as a Meant to be used either as a “free-standing”
web-based resource document or as a web-based resource
Linkages Extensive links to web-based tools Limited links to web-based tools and resources
and resources
Limited references to the peer- Numerous references to the peer-reviewed
reviewed literature literature
Case studies Description of case studies very Description of case studies more extensive
brief, though many examples (including an appendix with detailed case studies
included of large-scale CHW programs in 12 countries)
Orientation Gives considerable attention to Oriented exclusively to large-scale, public sector
programs that use volunteer CHWs CHW programs
and also addresses issues of
smaller-scale programs and those
that rely heavily on external donor
support and external technical
assistance

vii
Summary of Key Messages
CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION
• The current enthusiasm for large-scale CHWs needs to be tempered with a sobering reflection
on the disappointments that followed a similar wave of enthusiasm in the 1970s and 1980s,
noting challenges in scaling up and sustaining large-scale public sector CHW programs.
• Large-scale public sector CHW programs are complex entities that require adapting a systems
perspective to the national and local contexts.
• CHWs are a diverse group of community-level workers. This guide distinguishes between two
levels of CHWs: (1) full-time, paid, with formal pre-service training and (2) volunteer, part-time
workers.
• The guide attempts to avoid categorical recommendations, but rather offers suggested issues
and principles to consider and, when possible, brings in relevant program experience.

CHAPTER 2. CHW HISTORY

• The first CHWs were “farmer scholars’’ who were trained in China in the 1930s and were the
forerunners of the Barefoot Doctors, of whom there were more than one million from the 1950s
to the 1970s.
• In the 1960s and 1970s, small CHW programs began to emerge in various countries,
particularly in Latin America.
• The experience from CHW programs predating the 1970s provided the inspiration for much
larger CHW programs in many low-income countries in the 1980s.
• Following the failure of many of the programs in the 1980s and 1990s, new highly successful
programs have emerged. As a result of research findings demonstrating the effectiveness of
community-based programs in improving child health in particular, there is now a resurgence of
interest and growth of CHW programs around the world.

CHAPTER 3. NATIONAL PLANNING FOR CHW PROGRAMS

• The planning process defines many of the other topics in this manual (e.g., supervision, training,
roles and responsibilities of CHWs) using an informed and methodical process.
• The most effective planning mechanism is a feedback loop, where community-level information
is fed through the multiple sublevels (e.g., district, regional) to the national level, where policy,
funding, and evaluation can be continually revised.
• Careful planning during the design and implementation of a national CHW program results in a
context-appropriate program that successfully trains, supervises, and retains CHWs, while
simultaneously improving health service delivery on the community level.

CHAPTER 4. GOVERNING LARGE-SCALE CHW PROGRAMS

• Improving how CHW programs, and health systems more broadly, are governed is increasingly
recognized as important in achieving universal access to health care and other health-related
goals. Governing comprises the processes and structures through which individuals and groups
exercise rights, resolve differences, and express interests.

viii
• The process of governing involves ongoing interactions among actors, such as health care
decision-makers, community representatives, and agencies, and structures, with regard to the
laws, resources, and beliefs within which these actors operate.
• Because CHW programs are located between the formal health system and communities and
involve a wide range of stakeholders at local, national, and international levels, their
governance is complex and relational.
• In addition, CHW programs frequently fall outside of the governance structures of the formal
health system or are poorly integrated with it—making governing these programs more
challenging.
• In the past, poor governance has undermined the planning and management of programs and
the delivery of services.

CHAPTER 5. FINANCING LARGE-SCALE CHW PROGRAMS

• Proper costing of a CHW program and assurance that those costs can be paid for on a
sustainable basis are essential for an effective large-scale CHW program. Failure to carry out
those processes led to the demise of large-scale CHW programs in the 1980s.
• Direct and indirect costs of CHW programs need to be estimated along with investment and
recurring costs in order to adequately plan for the sustainable financing of a CHW program.
• CHW program costs vary widely from country to country as a result of contextual factors, such
as local labor costs, whether CHWs are paid or voluntary, and the degree to which the program
is well-supervised with a strong logistics system.
• Governments, local communities, and external donors are the main sources of financing for
CHW programs.

CHAPTER 6. COORDINATION AND PARTNERSHIPS FOR CHW

INITIATIVES
• CHWs, unlike other formal human resources for health (HRH) cadres, have diverse links with
the formal health system in many countries. They are also positioned within a complex array of
relationships in the social setting of the communities where they work.
• The complex and diverse challenges of CHW initiatives that emerge in a number of countries
are invariably beyond the power of a single actor to address and require coordination and
collaboration among different players and actors at all levels.
• The multisectoral coordination of HRH, including CHWs, is not an objective in its own right; it
is a means to an end, while the end objective is universal health coverage (UHC), achievement
of Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), and elimination of health disparities within the
country.
• The multisectoral dimensions of CHW initiatives demand a multisectoral policy process and a
coordination mechanism that can provide an environment and a platform where the related
sectors can work together to harmonize and synchronize their efforts.
• There are several national multipartner coordination mechanisms for health; however, the
coordination process for CHW initiatives, as well as for other aspects of HRH, should be able to
meet the country’s needs, and should be aligned with other coordination mechanisms as a part
of the overall health agenda.

ix
• Synergy and harmonization of financial and technical support from international actors in
response to the national needs is vital for CHW initiatives to contribute to UHC and ensure
equitable access to the essential health services within that country. A framework for
harmonized actions and a joint commitment on CHWs provide appropriate opportunities to
synchronize partners’ actions in support of CHW initiatives.

CHAPTER 7. CHW ROLES AND TASKS

• A number of health care services exist that can make a significant difference to mother and
child health in poor settings. Because CHWs are close to communities, both geographically and
socially, they could potentially be responsible for a number of these services.
• When planning new CHW roles or expanding the roles of existing CHWs, program planners
need to analyze current research evidence and evidence-based guidelines on the effectiveness
and safety of relevant tasks performed by CHWs. Planners need to assess whether the
recommended CHW roles and tasks are considered acceptable and appropriate by their target
population, by the CHWs themselves, and by those who support them. Finally, planners need to
think about the practical and organizational implications of each task for their particular setting
regarding training requirements, health systems support, work location, workload, and program
costs.
• This chapter provides a list of questions that may help program planners think about important
issues when determining CHW roles and tasks.

CHAPTER 8. RECRUITMENT OF CHWS

• Developing appropriate recruitment policies and processes is a critical feature of an effective
large-scale CHW program.
• Community engagement in recruitment is highly desirable, but managing this in a way that is
productive requires careful planning and adaptation.
• An effective recruitment program can help reduce attrition, which is a major challenge for many
large-scale CHW programs.

CHAPTER 9. TRAINING CHWS FOR LARGE-SCALE COMMUNITY-BASED

HEALTH CARE PROGRAMS
• CHW training needs to be carefully adapted to the needs of the trainees, the job, the tasks
CHWs are expected to perform, and the context in which they will be working.
• Current training approaches and techniques that are effective for training CHWs should be
employed.
• Examples of training programs and their structures from a variety of CHW programs are
provided.

CHAPTER 10. SUPERVISION OF CHWS

• Supervision for CHWs is one of the most challenging program elements to implement; yet, it is
considered one of the most important elements to successful programs.

x
• Supervisory responsibilities have changed over time from providing administrative and clinical
oversight to the inclusion of psychosocial support to frontline CHWs who face a wide range of
challenges on their own.
• Supervision is generally considered to be oversight from a health worker at a peripheral facility;
however, this model is costly and difficult to implement. Alternative approaches might include
group supervision, peer supervision, and community supervision to distribute the supervision
tasks and increase support to CHWs in some contexts.

CHAPTER 11. WHAT MOTIVATES CHWS? DESIGNING PROGRAMS THAT

INCENTIVIZE CHW PERFORMANCE AND RETENTION
• Financial compensation is one—but only one—of many influences on the motivations of CHWs
to perform their responsibilities.
• Nonmaterial incentives need to be given careful consideration along with financial incentives.
• Indirect nonmaterial incentives, such as the degree to which the environment is supportive of
CHWs and the degree to which the health system functions effectively, are also motivating
influences for CHWs.
• Lack of appropriate incentives, with resulting high rates of turnover, are common in large-scale
CHW programs and costly in terms of actual cost to replace CHWs and also in terms of the
performance of the CHW program.

CHAPTER 12. CHW RELATIONSHIPS WITH OTHER PARTS OF THE

HEALTH SYSTEM
• Well-designed, functional support and interaction between CHWs and health systems are
essential for effective community health services.
• Large-scale community health services often are delivered by health systems that are inherently
weak, posing considerable design challenges. In general, for community health services to
function well, adequately strong support systems are needed.
• Community-based health services should be seen as the foundational first tier of the health
system.

CHAPTER 13. COMMUNITY PARTICIPATION IN LARGE-SCALE CHW

PROGRAMS
• Balancing the inherent tensions of a large-scale CHW program, where the CHW is the lowest-
tier worker of a national health system while also acting on behalf of the always-changing local
world of a community, will be an ongoing challenge requiring decentralized flexibility in
program policy, design, and implementation.
• A successful CHW program requires the support and ownership of the community, as well as a
supportive social and policy environment for community participation at national, district, and
local levels.
• The development and support of community networks, linkages, partners, and coordination is
necessary to enable a comprehensive community-participation approach for better health.

xi
• Village health committees and other local governance structures can be effective mechanisms to
ensure local leadership, legitimacy, participation, and governance, but these committees require
continued training and investment.

CHAPTER 14. SCALING UP AND MAINTAINING EFFECTIVE CHW

PROGRAMS AT SCALE
• Effective programming at scale requires having a viable, scalable program that works on a
small scale under routine field conditions. This is then followed by careful planning (appropriate
to the national context) that assures long-term sustainability at scale.
• Ongoing M&E, with adjustments to the program based on these findings, is essential both for
effective scale-up and long-term program effectiveness at scale.
• Scaling up is a political process, so leadership and proper engagement with the political system,
national-level stakeholders, and the Ministry of Health (MOH) is essential.

CHAPTER 15. MEASUREMENT AND DATA USE FOR COMMUNITY

HEALTH SERVICES
• Routine measurement and data use for community health services are poorly developed in most
countries.
• Such information systems, if well-developed and used, can strengthen community health
services, including the performance of CHWs.
• Sometimes additional information will need to be collected beyond what is normally reported on
routine monthly report forms.
• Descriptions of some of the findings from M&E of large-scale CHW programs in Pakistan and
India are provided.

CHAPTER 16. WRAP-UP

• The current enthusiasm for large-scale CHW programs needs to be tempered with a sobering
reflection on the disappointments that followed a similar wave of enthusiasm in the 1970s and
1980s and on the challenges that remain in scaling up and sustaining large-scale public sector
CHW programs.
• Large-scale public sector CHW programs are complex entities that require adapting a systems
perspective to the national and local contexts.
• This reference guide has attempted to avoid categorical recommendations, instead suggesting
issues and principles to consider and, when possible, citing relevant program experience.

xii
Guide to the Guide
This guide serves to link themes in CHW program planning, implementation, and evaluation to
the chapters in which discussions on the various themes can be found. Themes from the
knowledge center at the Global Health Workforce Alliance (GHWA) are also included so that
overlapping areas can easily be cross-referenced.

THEMES CHAPTERS
ACCOUNTABILITY 4,6,12,13,15
ACCREDITATION AND CERTIFICATION (GHWA) 4,8,11,13
CATEGORIES OF CHWS 1,7
COMMUNICATION 6,9,10,13
DOWNFALLS 2,7,11,12
EFFICIENCY 4,5
ENTRY IN THE WORKFORCE (GHWA) 7,8,9,11,13
EQUITY 4,11
ETHICS 4,7
EXIT FROM THE WORKFORCE (GHWA) 7,8,11
FINANCING 5,8,11
GOVERNANCE 4,9,12,13
HISTORY 2
IMPLEMENTATION RESEARCH AND PLANNING 3,10,13,14
KNOWLEDGE 9,15
LEVELS OF THE HEALTH SYSTEM INVOLVED 3,4,8,12,13,14
M&E 3,4,9,13,15
mHEALTH 7,9,10
NGO PROGRAMS VERSUS MOH PROGRAMS 1,4,9,12,13
OTHER THEMES (ADVOCACY, GENDER, FINANCING, PRIVATE SECTOR, 4,5,7,9,13
TASK SHIFTING, ETC.) (GHWA)
PARTICIPATION 4,7,8,10,13
PATIENT SAFETY 8
QUALITY 1,2,4,7,9,10,15
RESPONSIVENESS 4,7,12
ROLES 7,9,13
RULE OF LAW 4
SELECTION 8,13
SITUATIONAL ANALYSIS: GAP ANALYSIS 3,8,12,14
SUPERVISION 3,7,8,13,14,15
SYSTEMS PERSPECTIVE 1,3,4,6,7,8,11,12,13,14
TRAINING 2,7,8,9,13,15
TRANSPARENCY 4,8,11,12,13,15

xiii
 THEMES CHAPTERS
WORKFORCE IMBALANCES (GHWA) 1,4,7,8,11,13.14
WORKFORCE MANAGEMENT AND PERFORMANCE (GHWA) 4,7,9,10,11,13
WORKLOAD 7,8

xiv
Executive Summary
This guide presents suggested issues and principles to consider and, when possible, brings in
relevant program experience, noting challenges in scaling up and sustaining large-scale public
sector CHW programs in the 1970s and 1980s. A systems perspective to the national and local
contexts is required to understand the adaptive, dynamic, and complex nature of large-scale
public sector CHW programs. The most effective program planning mechanism is a feedback
loop, where community-level information is fed through the multiple sublevels (e.g., district,
regional) to the national level, where policy, funding, and evaluation can be continually revised.

Section 1 of this guide sets the stage, introducing the concept of CHW programs and presenting
the history of their implementation. It dives into coordination, partnerships, and the process of
governing programs—a complex process involving ongoing interactions among actors, such as
health care decision-makers, community representatives, and agencies, and structures, with
regard to the laws, resources, and beliefs within which these actors operate. CHW programs
often fall outside the governance structures of the formal health system or are poorly integrated
with it; a chapter on governance provides guidance for the laws and regulations needed to
support CHW programs.

In addition to good governance, the success of CHW programs also depends on sustainable
financing mechanisms. The chapter on financing covers proper costing of a CHW program and
how to assure that those costs can be paid for on a sustainable basis. Direct and indirect costs of
CHW programs need to be estimated, along with investment and recurring costs, in order to
adequately plan for the sustainable financing of a CHW program.

Section 2 on human resources covers the roles of CHWs and their recruitment, training, and
supervision. A number of health care services exist that can make a significant difference to
mother and child health in poor settings. Because CHWs are close to communities, both
geographically and socially, they could potentially be responsible for a number of these services.
When planning new CHW roles or expanding the roles of existing CHWs, program planners
need to analyze current research evidence and evidence-based guidelines on the effectiveness
and safety of relevant tasks performed by CHWs. Planners need to assess whether the
recommended CHW roles and tasks are considered acceptable and appropriate by their target
population, by the CHWs themselves, and by those who support them. Finally, planners need to
think about the practical and organizational implications of each task for their particular
setting, regarding training requirements, health systems support, work location, workload, and
program costs.

Supervisory responsibilities have changed over time from providing administrative and clinical
oversight to the inclusion of psychosocial support to frontline CHWs, who face a wide range of
challenges on their own. Supervision is generally considered to be oversight from a health
worker at a peripheral facility; however, this model is costly and difficult to implement.
Alternative approaches might include group supervision, peer supervision, and community
supervision to distribute the supervision tasks and increase support to CHWs in some contexts.

Section 2 also highlights incentives that motivate CHWs and encourage improvements in
service delivery. Financial compensation is one—but only one—of many influences on the
motivations of CHWs to perform their responsibilities. Indirect, nonmaterial incentives, such as
the degree to which the environment is supportive of CHWs and the degree to which the health
system functions effectively, are also motivating influences for CHWs.

xv
Section 3 stresses the importance of engaging the community and participatory democracy.
Community engagement in recruitment is highly desirable, but managing this in a way that is
productive requires careful planning and adaptation. CHW training needs to be carefully
adapted to the needs of the trainees, the job, and the tasks they are expected to perform and the
context in which they will be working. Examples are provided in Chapters 12 and 13.

Not only are partnerships with the community important, but a collaborative environment
within the health system too serves an important purpose in assuring functionality. Well-
designed, functional support and interaction between CHWs and health systems are essential
for effective community health services. A successful CHW program requires the support and
ownership of the community, as well as a supportive social and policy environment for
community participation at national, district, and local levels. Village health committees and
other local governance structures can be effective mechanisms to ensure local leadership,
legitimacy, participation, and governance, but these committees require continued training and
investment.

Section 4 focuses on how all the aforementioned elements come together to achieve impact.
Routine measurement and data use for community health services are poorly developed in most
countries, but are crucial to well-functioning programs.

Ongoing M&E, with adjustments to the program based on findings from these evaluations
(feedback loops), is essential both for effective scale-up and long-term program effectiveness at
scale. Scaling up is a political process, so leadership and proper engagement with the political
system, national-level stakeholders, and the MOH are essential.

The appendixes contain detailed case studies of large-scale CHW programs, a summary of the
findings of a key informant interviews about issues and challenges facing large-scale CHW
programs, and a listing of important resources. The case studies are from Afghanistan,
Bangladesh, Brazil, Ethiopia, India, Indonesia, Iran, Nepal, Pakistan, Rwanda, Zambia, and
Zimbabwe.

xvi
SECTION 1: SETTING THE STAGE
 Chapter 1
Introduction
Steve Hodgins, Lauren Crigler, and Henry Perry
Key Points
• The current enthusiasm for large-scale Community Health Workers (CHWs) needs to be
tempered with a sobering reflection on the disappointments that followed a similar wave of
enthusiasm in the 1970s and 1980s, noting challenges in scaling up and sustaining large-scale
public sector CHW programs.
• Large-scale public sector CHW programs are complex entities that require adapting a systems
perspective to the national and local contexts.
• CHWs are a diverse group of community-level workers. This guide distinguishes between two
levels of CHWs: (1) full-time, paid, with formal pre-service training and (2) volunteer, part-time
workers.
• The guide attempts to avoid categorical recommendations, but rather offers suggested issues
and principles to consider and, when possible, brings in relevant program experience.

1–1
INTRODUCTION
Recently, a renewed interest in CHWs has been seen globally. This renewal provides an
opportune moment to take stock of issues and challenges such CHW programs face and what
can be done to make them as effective as possible. With this in mind, this manual is intended to
be used as a practical guide for policymakers and program managers wishing to develop or
strengthen a CHW program, drawing lessons from other countries that have implemented CHW
programs at scale.

Most of the evidence regarding the effectiveness of CHWs is derived from studies of small-scale
CHW programs. Yet, the large-scale programs currently in existence or those being planned or
scaled up are the programs that are going to make the biggest difference in the health of
populations in the long run. Surprisingly, our organized knowledge of these programs and their
effectiveness is surprisingly limited, although anecdotal information abounds regarding
suboptimal functioning on the ground. Furthermore, the challenges they face in functioning
effectively are daunting due to their scale and scope. This document focuses on large-scale,
mostly public sector, CHW programs and how they might become as effective as possible. We
provide many concrete examples of how large-scale programs have organized themselves, but
more importantly we raise issues that need to be faced by any large-scale program. Our hope is
that this discussion will provide policymakers and program implementers with food for thought
that will strengthen the decisions they take on behalf of large-scale CHW programs in their
country.

Throughout, we discuss major policy and programmatic issues that decision-makers and
planners need to consider when designing, implementing, scaling up or strengthening a
national-level CHW program. We offer an overview of specific challenges CHW programs face,
country lessons, tools, and other resources that may be helpful, while incorporating relevant
programmatic examples as much as possible.

Proceeding from broader, higher-level issues down to the more specific and operational ones,
this manual sets the stage with a section addressing planning, governance and finance. The
next major section considers a range of important issues related to human resources, notably:
roles and tasks of the CHW, recruitment, training, supervision, and motivation. The third
section concerns the context for community health work, looking at both the health system and
the community. The fourth and final section addresses operational issues essential for achieving
program impact, such as scaling up and operating at scale, as well as measurement and data
use. All of these functions have critical inter-relations; therefore, design decisions in one area
have consequences in many others, as Figure 1 depicts. Within the manual, this concept is
reflected in frequent cross-referencing among chapters. Further, the manual includes, as
appendixes, profiles of a number of large-scale CHW programs and insights arising from
interviews with a number of key thought leaders in global CHW work.

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Figure 1. Overview of CHW program sub-systems and their interactions

The contents herein draw particularly upon experiences from large-scale, public sector CHW
programs. We have looked comprehensively across a range of factors determining the
effectiveness of community health services—and taking a pragmatic view and promoting no
single model since CHW programs serve different purposes depending on context. However, we
believe that the experiences of other programs often provide useful lessons that can impact
decisions to be made regarding CHW programs in additional settings. Specifically, we are
interested in the factors that contribute to program effectiveness and performance in
institutionalized programs operating in the public sector at scale.

Although decisions are frequently made to establish or close programs on the basis of
“effectiveness,” in many instances, data available are insufficient to make a solid judgment on
how effective these programs have actually been. As such, in trying to capture important
lessons about what works under which circumstances, wherever possible, we make such
inferences based on the best available evidence (which is often thinner than preferred) and on
experience and expert judgment arising from those experiences.

THE COMMUNITY HEALTH CHALLENGE

For more than 50 years, as leaders in primary health care (PHC) have tried to elaborate
strategies to better meet the health needs of populations, they have gravitated repeatedly to
solutions that involve recruiting and training local people to play roles complementing and
supplementing those of health professionals, encouraging healthier practices and care-seeking
and, in some instances, providing services that otherwise would fall within the responsibility of
health professionals through task-shifting. Such strategies have varied considerably by place
and time, with different names for community-level workers being used. Some notable names
include: Health Auxiliary Worker, Village Health Worker, Community Health Worker and,
most recently, Front-Line Health Worker (albeit, this last designation is used also to cover PHC
professionals and lesser-trained community-level workers).

Established in the 1960s–1980s, the initial wave of CHW programs were for a world that was
very different from the one today. Many of the societies in which we work have become more
prosperous since then: the standard of education and literacy has improved; economies have
evolved in the direction of greater monetization and away from traditional subsistence
economies; in many settings, the private sector now accounts for a large proportion of health
services provided; road networks have expanded; and new technologies (e.g., mobile phones) are

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in widespread use. Perhaps most importantly, the world today is much more urbanized and
unequal.

Nevertheless, many of the issues that face policymakers, program managers, and external
development partners, as they make decisions and design and manage community health
programs, are essentially the same as those faced by their predecessors. Namely, how to
sustainably finance such a program; how to design it so it will function effectively; how to select,
train, motivate, retain, and supervise CHWs; how to ensure consistent supply of needed drugs
and commodities; and how to monitor and ensure performance. Now more than ever, CHW
programs need to be resilient and adaptable, adjusting to new evidence and policies with an
improved capacity to implement newly approved recommendations.

Unfortunately, examples can be found today of decisions being made in the development or
implementation of CHW programs that repeat mistakes made in the past, dooming programs to
the same compromised effectiveness as before. Therefore, the goal of this guide is to enable
policymakers and program implementers to reduce the frequency of such decisions, which often
fail to take into account lessons from past experience.

SMALL-SCALE NONGOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATION PROJECTS

VERSUS LARGE-SCALE MINISTRY OF HEALTH PROGRAMS
Over the past 50 years, there have been a variety of highly influential, small-scale CHW
program experiences, either linked to universities or nongovernmental organizations (NGOs).
These experiences have served as the inspiration for important global initiatives in community
health. For example, the 1978 Declaration of Alma-Ata was inspired in part by such
experiences. Similarly today, recommendations are made to ministries of health and donors,
calling for large-scale, public sector CHW programs, based on experiences with much smaller,
more intensively supported programs. Though attractive, large-scale CHW programs are not a
one-size-fits-all solution, and context-specific considerations must be made at scale. The value of
these small-scale experiences is found in the sensitization of national- and global-level decision-
makers to the power of CHW programs in achieving population-level health gains. However,
these small pilot projects are often not replicable at scale, although they can provide the
indispensable seed from which large-scale national programs can emerge.

An example of this discontinuity among successes observed in a small-scale, intensively

supported program versus efforts in a large-scale program is the intensive postnatal, home-visit
approach pioneered by Bang and colleagues in Maharashtra, India. Based on this approach and
a few other small-scale, intensively supported community randomized controlled trials (RCTs)
and demonstration projects, the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and the World
Health Organization (WHO) jointly issued a call to ministries of health to introduce such
programs at scale. These programs have since been widely introduced, though none have yet
achieved high rates of effective coverage (and therefore population-level health impact). The
translation from small-scale demonstration projects to large-scale programs is not
straightforward and takes time and continued nurturing. It is crucial to understand the
conditions necessary for successful implementation of a particular approach and what it would
take to meet and sustain these conditions at scale. The need to develop robust organizational
support systems in large-scale CHW programs for information systems, logistics of the supply
system, management, supervision, and quality oversight are obvious, but lack of attention to
these issues has been the downfall of many programs and leads to lost opportunities for
program impact in many current programs.

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ARE CHWS NECESSARILY THE ANSWER, OR PART OF THE ANSWER, TO
YOUR SPECIFIC PROBLEM?
They may or may not be. The appropriateness or adequacy of the local health system can be
judged by its results. What population coverage is currently achieved for key health services
(e.g., immunizations, family planning [FP], tuberculosis detection, and treatment)? Depending
on the setting, an approach involving some kind of outreach may be essential to reach high
coverage. In some settings, however, such coverage may be achievable using services based
entirely on health professionals. In fact, in some settings, CHWs are not the appropriate
answer, and program decisions-makers need to consider feasibility before scaling up any given
CHW program. This guide details all the necessary considerations that would feed into a
judgment of appropriateness and feasibility of any particular plan for use of CHWs.

A SYSTEMS PERSPECTIVE
Although much of this guide focuses on CHWs, we are more fundamentally concerned about
community health services, including efforts to influence health-related household practices and
care-seeking. There are various strategies or approaches available to ensure adequate delivery
of such services to a population. The use of a particular cadre of worker—whether volunteer or
paid and whether a fully trained professional or a lesser-trained community-level worker—is
one among a set of choices that, together, constitute the arrangements for community health
services in a particular locality.

The CHW works within the context of a program, a community, and a health system. How
effectively he or she contributes to improved health in the community depends on the
effectiveness of a system. By nature, systems are interconnected, nonlinear, self-organizing, and
dynamic. Although there may be some utility in categorizing components of the system as
building blocks, to understand the functioning of the system requires that we acknowledge the
dynamic interactions among the various system elements. Throughout this manual, we will look
at CHWs within this larger systems context. With such a perspective, there is considerable
cross-referencing among sections. Furthermore, we will focus not only on CHWs but also on
community health services and the organization of care.

The organization of services—the system provisions to ensure effective delivery and linkages
with the beneficiary population—consists of elements and relationships within a dynamic
system. Overall performance of the system (i.e., how well it actually meets the needs of the
population it is meant to serve) depends on the effective functioning of all of its parts, as they
interact. As a result, design choices or the performance of particular elements can have very
important consequences. Both at the design stage and during ongoing implementation, the
needs and performance of the system as a whole need to be kept in view. This may seem to
unnecessarily complicate things. However, if we are interested in effective programs, we do
need to grapple with this complexity.

The important take-home message is that any decision we make about a particular detail
within a program potentially has ramifications or consequences for other parts of the
system. One should be wary, therefore, of categorical statements; for example, “to have CHWs
who can safely do case management of sick children, an absolute criterion of selection needs to
be high school graduation.” In a given setting, making such a decision may narrow the choice to
men in their early 20s, who may, in turn, not be considered acceptable by the community for a
role in caring for sick children, which, in turn, could result in quite low coverage. If that is the
case, it may be appropriate to revisit the initial assumption. At the end of the day, we need
programs that work—ones that effectively contribute to improving population health status.

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Often, in a single location there are multiple programs making use of different types of CHWs. All
of these may be officially under ministry of health (MOH) auspices. Yet, with different external
partners supporting the programs, there may be little harmonization, with some more generously
endowed programs providing more attractive training allowances or other incentives, with
significant differences in how supervision is done, and without any provision for coordination
across programs or across the different types of CHWs. Adding new CHW programs, or new
functions to existing CHW cadres, needs to be understood as not happening within a vacuum, but
within a local service delivery context that may, in some ways, be a bit of a mess.

CONTEXT
Any particular CHW cadre works in a setting along with other health workers, CHWs,
managers, and actors—each with their own roles and each, potentially, interacting with others.
This set of relationships and interactions resembles an ecosystem. In that, these interactions, in
turn, can affect the performance of particular actors, the emergence of competing interests, and
the evolution of these dynamics over time (Figure 2).

Because different CHW programs are trying to do different things, and they operate in a wide
range of settings, specific choices that work well or are essential in one particular setting are
not necessarily helpful in another. Ray Pawson et al. have made helpful contributions to our
thinking on the need to consider performance for particular types of programs looking closely at
how they are implemented and the characteristics of the specific settings in which they
are implanted, seeing how that plays out with regard to program performance.1 From multiple
such cases, one can then progressively build a “midlevel theory” that begins to draw fruitful, if
contingent, lessons across settings.

Drawing on Pawson et al., we do not want to be overly prescriptive, but rather to try to raise a
range of options and possibilities that need to be considered. Ideally, we would like to make
specific suggestions in the form of, “under X conditions or type of context, if you are trying to do
A, you should consider L, M, and N.” However, appreciating the complex interactions among the
various systems dimensions underlying CHW programs, the diversity of what CHW programs
are trying to do, and the conditions in which they are implemented, such advice would be very
difficult to give. Nevertheless, in this guide, we will try to avoid making categorical
recommendations, and instead offer suggestions for consideration, making explicit, when
possible, the particular program experiences from which the lessons are drawn.

Figure 2. CHWs within the health sector

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WHO ARE COMMUNITY HEALTH WORKERS?
The term Community Health Worker is currently used to cover a wide variety of cadres and
programs. As such, it can be a source of confusion. For this reason, in this manual, we use the
terminology shown in Table 1. Auxiliary Health Workers (AHWs) are, in some settings,
considered to be CHWs. They are paid, generally full-time workers with pre-service training
usually of at least 18–24 months, who may or may not be recruited from the localities where
they serve. In most settings, however, such workers are not considered CHWs.* The next grade
down is what we will call health extension workers (HEWs), who are also usually paid, full-time
employees but normally have less than a year of initial training (in some cases, just a few
weeks) and are generally recruited from the localities where they work. In some cases,
compensation is mixed, with a fixed monthly amount plus incentives related to specific
activities (e.g., the Accredited Social Health Activist Program in India).

On the spectrum from more to less formalized/professionalized CHWs, below the HEW, we have
what will refer to in this guide as Community Health Volunteers-Regular (CHVs-R). These
CHVs-R may have a role that can involve not only health promotion but also some limited
elements of service delivery. They normally work at least several hours a week, generally not on
a salaried basis, but may receive some material incentives. These CHVs-R, in turn, grade into
various types of what we refer to as Community Health Volunteers-Intermittent (CHVs-I),
whose duties normally involve only health promotion or community mobilization and who, in
any given week, may not be involved in any such activity.

We recognize that this list is not fully exhaustive. There are other types that do not closely
correspond to any of these categories, and there are cadres that stand in an intermediate
position with respect to these types. For example, Ethiopia’s HEWs have more training than our
category of HEWs, but less than our category of AHWs. However, we will use this vocabulary
consistently and will use this typology to anchor our discussion. This clarity can avoid
considerable confusion, when we might otherwise make generalizations about CHWs that, in
fact, only validly apply to one of these categories.

Table 1. Categories of CHWs

TERMS OF SERVICE, FUNCTIONS
TRAINING, RECRUITMENT (and further notes)
Auxiliary Health Salaried and full-time; pre-service These workers often provide routine clinical
Workers (AHWs) training lasting one or more years (in preventive services (e.g., immunizations, FP), as
a specialized training institution); well as case management, for a limited range of
not necessarily recruited from the conditions (e.g., childhood illness). These
area. May be hired through some functions may be provided from a very
unit of local government or through peripheral health unit (e.g., a health post) or, at
national civil service structure. least in part, from outreach sites.
Health Extension Salaried and expected to work more This is the highest level of cadre that is
Workers (HEWs) or less full-time; initial training commonly referred to as a CHW, though they
generally at least several months may also be considered a type of AHW. Their
(usually provided after recruitment); functions may be very similar to those described
in some cases, this can be for up to above for AHWs.
a year. Usually recruited from the
area, but may or may not originate in
the community where they are
serving.

*Note that in the 1960s and early 1970s, this term was used more broadly than how we are using it, and included health-
facility-based support staff, as well as what we are describing as Health Extension Workers.

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 TERMS OF SERVICE, FUNCTIONS
TRAINING, RECRUITMENT (and further notes)
Community Volunteer with certain regular duties May be involved in case management of
Health (usually with at least some activity childhood illness and in dispensing (e.g., birth
Volunteers- every week); possibly with regular control pills, condoms, and antenatal iron). In
Regular (CHVs-R) episodes of short training (up to rare cases, may give injectable contraceptives,
several days at a time) and may such as Depo-Provera or other injections. In
have some initial training lasting some programs, duties and terms of service of
several weeks. They are from and CHVs-R start to approach those of HEWs (see
live within their local communities. above), with significant part-time involvement
(e.g., 10–20 hours/week) and financial
incentives representing an important source of
revenue. These may be performance- or
commission-based. In other programs, though
these CHVs perform regular functions, they
normally put in less time (e.g., 5 hours/week or
less) and financial incentives may be minimal or
not used at all.
Community Volunteer, relatively light, Typically have functions limited to health
Health intermittent commitment; minimal promotion, though they may also support
Volunteers- orientation/training; may be periodic campaign activities (e.g., distribution of
Intermittent numerous; local. insecticide-treated bed nets, ivermectin, or
(CHVs-I) vitamin A) and support for immunization
campaigns.

VARIATION IN COMMUNITY HEALTH WORKER PROGRAMS

There is a multitude of differing CHW programs. At one end of the spectrum, we have national
CHW programs or cadres, under MOHs. These are generally paid, full-time workers belonging
to the first two categories above (i.e., AHWs or HEWs). There are, however, examples of
programs with CHWs in the third category of CHV-R (e.g., Female Community Health
Volunteers in Nepal) and the fourth category of CHV-I (e.g., CHWs in large community-directed
intervention programs). National public sector programs may also make intermittent use of
CHVs. All of these programs are typically tied closely to peripheral public sector health services
(e.g., supported and supervised from health centers or health posts). But there are certainly
many exceptions, such as national programs that make use of CHWs not having strong links
with a particular health facility. The BRAC Shasthya Shebika CHW program is an example of
such an exception.

At the other end of the spectrum, there are many NGOs and community-based organizations
(CBOs) that have their own CHWs, who are not formally linked with public sector programs.
There are also many examples of CHW cadres that are formally recognized by government but
have strong links with NGOs (including donor-funded NGOs). Additionally, there are a few
examples of large CHW programs operated by major NGOs, a prime example again being BRAC
in Bangladesh.

Because our principal interest in this document is on efforts expected to contribute to

population health impact at scale, our focus is primarily on large (generally national) programs
and cadres operating under the MOH. In addition to varieties in institutional characteristics
across CHW programs, programs differ markedly by technical content. On one hand, we have
CHWs who are generalists that are responsible for a wide range of primary health care services
(e.g., acute illness care, maternal and child health, immunizations, FP, and environmental
health). But there are also many examples of cadres of CHWs working for specific technical
programs (e.g., HIV/AIDS, malaria, or tuberculosis). In many countries, there are several

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different types of CHWs working at the community level, with responsibilities falling under
different programs.

CONCLUSIONS
The effective functioning of large-scale CHW programs offers one of the most important
opportunities for improving the health of impoverished populations in low-income countries.
This guide presents principles and programmatic suggestions that we hope will be useful as
decision-makers and program implementers consider the initiation, expansion, or strengthening
of CHW programs in their country.

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References
1. Pawson R, Greenhalgh T, Harvey G, Walshe K. Realist review: a new method of systematic
review designed for complex policy interventions. J Health Serv Res Policy 2005; 10 Suppl
1: 21–34.

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 Chapter 2
A Brief History of
Community Health Worker Programs
Henry Perry
Key Points
• The first Community Health Workers (CHWs) were “Farmer Scholars’’ who were trained in
China in the 1930s and were the forerunners of the Barefoot Doctors, of whom there were more
than one million from the 1950s to the 1970s.
• In the 1960s and 1970s, small CHW programs began to emerge in various countries,
particularly in Latin America.
• The experience from CHW programs predating the 1970s provided the inspiration for much
larger CHW programs in many low-income countries in the 1980s.
• Following the failure of many of the programs in the 1980s and 1990s, new highly successful
programs have emerged. As a result of research findings demonstrating the effectiveness of
community-based programs in improving child health in particular, there is now a resurgence of
interest in and growth of CHW programs around the world.

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ORIGINS AND EARLY HISTORY OF COMMUNITY HEALTH WORKER
PROGRAMS
The first example of formally well-trained nonphysicians to carry out duties that were normally
given to physicians is Russia’s Feldshers who, in the late 1800s, were trained as paramedics to
assist physicians and to function in their stead in rural areas where physicians were not
present. In contrast to the Barefoot Doctors in China and their forerunners at Ding Xian in the
1920s, Feldshers were literate and had three years of formal training. Large numbers of
Feldshers also obtained training in midwifery.1, 2 Further, Feldshers were local people with
limited training (and were therefore not formally trained medical doctors) who were authorized
by the state to provide primary health care (PHC) services in rural villages. In this sense, they
constitute an important forerunner of the CHW movement.

The first example of a large-scale CHW program was in Ding Xian, China, in the 1920s. At that
time, Dr. John B. Grant, of the Rockefeller Foundation assigned to Peking Medical University,
and Jimmy Yen, a Chinese community development specialist with a background in teaching
literacy to adults, trained illiterate farmers to record births and deaths, vaccinate against
smallpox and other diseases, give first aid and health education talks, and help communities
keep their wells clean.3, 4 These services were delivered by what were originally known as
Farmer Scholars, who later became known as Barefoot Doctors, in communities where the
infant mortality was more than 200 deaths per 1,000 live births and life expectancy was only 35
years.5 This CHW program grew rapidly, parallel to and in close coordination with the people’s
commune movement. By 1972, there were an estimated one million Barefoot Doctors serving a
rural population of 800 million people in the People’s Republic of China (or roughly one per 800
people).

These Barefoot Doctors were peasants who were given three months of training (which would
correspond to our category of health extension worker [HEW]). They were expected to work half-
time performing their health-related duties—which included environmental sanitation, health
education, immunization, first aid, and basic primary medical care—and half-time doing
agricultural work.6 Central to the role of the Barefoot Doctors was their expected contribution
serving as change agents, engaging their fellow community members in addressing and taking
responsibility for their health problems.3

In the 1960s, the inability of the modern Western medical model of trained physicians to serve
the needs of rural and poor populations throughout the developing world was becoming
progressively more apparent. The need for new approaches was obvious, and the Barefoot
Doctor concept gained attention around the world as a type of alternative health worker who
could complement more highly trained staff who did not have university-type training as
medical doctors or graduate nurses, such as auxiliaries and paramedics.7 During this period, the
Barefoot Doctor approach served as a guiding concept for early CHW programs in many
countries, including Honduras, India, Indonesia, Tanzania, and Venezuela.

With these pioneering experiences and with a growing awareness of the failure of the Western
“missionary model,” the Christian Medical Commission (CMC), a unit of the World Council of
Churches, based in Geneva, began to envision a new approach to providing health services in
developing countries. This approach was based on principles of social justice, equity, community
participation, prevention, multisectoral collaboration, decentralization of services to the
periphery as close as possible to the people, appropriate technology, and provision of services by
a team of workers, including community-based workers. Leaders of the World Health
Organization (WHO), just down the street from the CMC, began to interact with the CMC and
be influenced by them.8

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These new ideas were reflected in a WHO book published in 1975 entitled Health by the People,
which consisted of a series of case studies from different countries where CHWs were the
foundation of innovative (generally small-scale) community health programs.9 The book served
as part of an intellectual foundation for the International Conference on Primary Health Care
at Alma-Ata, USSR (now Kazakhstan) in 1978, sponsored by WHO and the United Nations
Children’s Fund (UNICEF). This conference was attended by official government
representatives from virtually all WHO and UNICEF member countries, making it the first
truly global health conference. Ultimately, the conference resulted in the Declaration of Alma-
Ata, which called for the achievement of “Health for All” by the year 2000 through PHC. The
Declaration was explicit in defining a role for CHWs. Article VII.7 of the Declaration states:

Primary health care … relies, at local and referral levels, on health workers,
including physicians, nurses, midwives, auxiliaries, and community workers as
applicable, as well as traditional practitioners as needed, suitably trained socially
and technically to work as a health team and to respond to the expressed health
needs of the community.10

Thus, the Declaration explicitly defined CHWs as one of the important providers of PHC in
certain circumstances.

During this early period of experience with CHWs, the movement incorporated two agendas: the
first was a service-oriented agenda of extension of preventive and curative services within the
existing health system, while the second was a transformative agenda concerned with
engagement of communities in the process of taking responsibility for their health, and
addressing the environmental, social, and cultural factors that produce ill health, including
inequity and deep poverty.11–14 This latter orientation was particularly strong in Latin America.

New approaches to health service delivery were particularly important in postcolonial countries
in Africa in the 1960s and 1970s, as well as in newly established centrally planned economies.14
In the 1970s and 1980s, there was a proliferation of government CHW programs at national
scale in countries such as Indonesia,15 India,16 Nepal,16 Zimbabwe,17 Tanzania,18 Malawi,
Mozambique, Nicaragua,19 and Honduras,20 as well as in other Latin American countries.
During the same period, there was also the beginning of smaller CHW programs operated by
nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in many low-income countries around the world.

In the 1980s, it was becoming apparent that a number of large-scale programs were
encountering serious difficulties due to inadequate training and insufficient remuneration or
incentives, along with insufficient continuing education, supervisory support, integration with
the health system, logistical support for supplies and medicines, and acceptance by higher-level
health care providers. Furthermore, in many CHW programs, political favoritism led to the
selection and training of individuals who were not well-motivated or suited for the role of
CHW.3 A series of publications in the late 1980s brought attention to these issues, but they
expressed optimism that these problems could be overcome without a major setback to the
global PHC and CHW movements.21–23

WHY COMMUNITY HEALTH WORKER PROGRAMS FAILED IN THE 1980S

AND 1990S
Further issues arose in the 1980s. The rising prominence of selective approaches that did not
require CHWs, as well as the loss of momentum of the nascent PHC movement as envisioned at
Alma-Ata, led to the demise of a number of large-scale CHW programs. Additional factors also
contributed to this faltering. The global oil crisis of the 1970s led to a global recession and a

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debt crisis for many developing countries in the 1980s. Governments were forced by
international donors, most notably the World Bank, to embrace free market reforms and to
reduce their public sector financing, including financing for health services. Thus, financial
resources needed to support new health initiatives, including large-scale CHW programs, were
not available.14, 24 The cumulative effect of these shocks led to loss of financial and political
support for comprehensive PHC generally,24 and many CHW programs fell by the wayside.14

Political commitment for PHC and for strong and effective CHW programs was often lacking.
There was a sense that these programs represented “second class care” and that CHWs were a
temporary solution. Returning to strategies prevalent before Alma-Ata, priority was again given
to investments in secondary and tertiary levels of care, often benefitting primarily urban and
elite populations whose influence on government decision-making for health services was
notable.25 Furthermore, monitoring and evaluation systems for PHC programs and for large-
scale CHW programs were weak, and evidence of their effectiveness and cost-effectiveness was
limited.25 In a publication released in 1992, when there were more than two million CHWs
throughout the world, one knowledgeable observer remarked:

It is striking how little is known about what CHWs actually do in relation to the
tasks assigned to them, the impact of these activities upon health status, how
much time they actually spend doing these various tasks, the response they find
among the communities they serve, attrition rates, and costs of CHW programs.13

Another reason for the loss of momentum among large-scale CHW programs in the 1980s was
that these programs required more financial and supervisory inputs than had been originally
envisioned.21 Consequently, many governments reduced or discontinued their CHW programs in
the late 1980s and early 1990s, as efforts at selective PHC and vertical programs with strong
international donor and technical support gained prominence.3, 26

EVOLUTION OF COMMUNITY HEALTH WORKER PROGRAMS THAT

EMERGED DURING THE MID-1980S
Successful examples of CHW programs at scale began to emerge during the mid-1980s. Among
the most notable was the Brazil national health care program (i.e., Special Service for Public
Health—Serviço Especial de Saúde Pública, or SESP), which started in 1987. Since then, the
program has been able to gradually achieve universal coverage of PHC services and marked
improvement of population health status. Of note, the program employs health teams that
include one of the largest CHW networks in the world, consisting of 222,280 CHWs called
Visitadoras, who provide home visits and services to 110 million people.27–29 (See Box 1.)

Box 1. The Brazilian CHW Program

The Brazilian public health system dates back to large vaccination and other campaigns that were
implemented by sanitary police in the late 1800s and early 1900s. The history of the health
system is well-characterized by Paim and colleagues in a recent Lancet series on Brazil.30 Briefly,
the health system was shaped by the country’s tumultuous history. Public health was
institutionalized under the Vargas dictatorship, and Brazil’s first Ministry of Health was later
formed in 1953. A strong private health care system also developed during this time and
continued to expand with the support of the federal government, as did PHC programs. The
country transitioned from dictatorship to democracy, and 1985 marked the start of the New
Republic. The 1986 8th National Health Conference established the principle that health is “a
citizen’s right and the state’s duty.”31

2–4
 The Sistema Único de Saúde (SUS) (Unified System of Health) was instituted as part of the
constitution in 1988. The system has its origins in the struggle for democracy within the country,
and health is defined broadly as encompassing social and political dimensions beyond the scope
of traditional medical services.31 This development was associated with a movement to provide
social protection, social mobilization, and expansion of social rights32 to facilitate “community
participation, integration, shared financing among the different levels of government, and
complementary participation by the private sector”33 and to provide free access to services.34
States and municipalities were given taxation authority, and federal guidelines mandated that
10% of this revenue be allocated to health.35

CHW programs have been implemented in Brazil for decades, including the successful Visitadora
Sanitaria program in which these workers provided immunizations, information, and various other
maternal and child health interventions.27 The Community Health Agent (CHA) Program (CHAP)
developed as a pilot in Ceará and influenced subsequent PHC programs.36 The program started in
the late 1980s during a drought, after initial pilot projects, including a project that trained 6,000
women in 112 municipalities. The women received two weeks of training to promote
breastfeeding, the use of oral rehydration salts, and immunization.35 In 1989, 1,500 of the
original 6,000 CHWs were incorporated with a new CHA system, supervised by local nurses.
These CHAs provided mostly health promotion and health education services to clearly defined
geographic areas near their homes. The program was highly successful and served as a model for
subsequent CHA programs.35 It did, however, face formal resistance from nurses for a variety of
reasons, including unclear roles and overlap of CHA work with that of auxiliary nurses.37 The first
national CHAP was developed in 1991 and implemented as a first national PHC effort, later
becoming integrated with the Programa Saúde da Família.38

The Programa Saúde da Família (PSF) (Family Health Program, now called the Family Health
Strategy)—was launched in 1994 to expand health care access to the poorest Brazilians.34 CHAs
in programs such as the one in Ceará have been integrated with the PSF.35 In 1996 the federal
government transferred control of the management and financing of health care services to the
states39 and in 2002 CHAs were officially recognized as professionals by Law No. 10.507/2002.
CHAs originally provided vertical maternal and child health services, but have evolved into the
cornerstone of PHC services.31

In the mid-1970s, Bangladesh had started a community-based family planning (FP) program
with an initial cadre of Family Welfare Assistants that expanded in the mid-1980s and was
complemented by NGO CHWs working in FP. By 1997, Bangladesh had 30,000 female CHWs
providing home-based FP services.40 This program became what has been widely regarded as
one of the world’s most successful FP programs in a developing country not undergoing rapid
socioeconomic development. In the mid-1980s, BRAC, a national Bangladeshi NGO, initiated a
CHW program composed of women who were members of a BRAC microcredit savings group.
Each group had women who obtained special training in an area of personal interest, including
various types of income-generating activities or health. The CHWs were called Shasthya
Shebikas. This program expanded gradually such that, at present, this national NGO cadre
consists of 100,000 CHWs who reach more than 110 million people with comprehensive
services.14, 40

Another notable program that emerged in the late 1980s is Nepal’s Female Community Health
Volunteer (FCHV) Program, established in 1988. This program arose out of an earlier CHW
program that had begun in Nepal following the 1978 Alma-Ata Conference and failed to receive
continued funding from the government in the early 1980s. The resurrected program engaged
female volunteers, many of whom had been trained under the initial CHW program, but were
abandoned in the earlier 1980s. Initially, their role consisted of FP promotion, first aid, and

2–5
some dispensing functions. But, beginning in 1993, the government of Nepal progressively
introduced twice-annual distribution of vitamin A capsules to children, delivered by FCHVs.
Over the following decade, the National Vitamin A Program gradually scaled up to cover the
whole country. Over the past decade, these 40,000 FCHVs have taken on expanded
responsibilities that include detection and treatment of common childhood diseases (including
pneumonia), distribution of oral contraceptives, and promotion of available health services for
first aid, antenatal care, FP, and immunization.41, 42

Bangladesh, Brazil, and Nepal are noteworthy because they have had some of the most rapid
achievements in reducing under-5 mortality in the world since 1990.43 The strong CHW
programs in each of these countries have all made vital contributions to this important
achievement.

COMMUNITY HEALTH WORKER PROGRAMS THAT HAVE EMERGED

SINCE 1990
More recently, multiple countries have begun to invest again in large-scale CHW programs. The
Lady Health Worker (LHW) Program in Pakistan was launched in 1992 and has gradually
scaled up to serve 70% of the rural population, with around 100,000 workers at present.44 (See
Box 2.) Uganda introduced its Village Health Team Strategy in 2003.44 In 2004, Ethiopia began
to train Health Extension Workers (HEWs), who now number more than 30,000.44 India
initiated a Rural Health Mission in 2005 that involves support for more than 800,000 workers
called Accredited Social Health Activists (ASHAs).44

Over the past decade, as evidence has continued to accrue on the effectiveness of interventions
delivered by CHWs, enthusiasm has grown for a stronger investment in CHW programs as a
strategy for accelerating progress to reach the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) for PHC.

Box 2. The Pakistan CHW Program

Pakistan’s formal support for PHC dates back to the country’s signing of the 1978 Declaration of
Alma-Ata.45 In 1993, Pakistan established the Prime Minister’s Program for Family Planning and
Primary Health Care, which employed CHWs to provide PHC services in their communities. The
program subsequently only employed female CHWs. The LHW Program was developed in 1994.46
The goal of the program is to reach rural areas and urban slums with a set of essential PHC
services, including promotive, preventive, and curative,47 to improve patient-provider interactions,
to facilitate timely access to services,48 to increase contraceptive uptake, and ultimately to reduce
poverty.45 In 2000, the program was renamed the National Program for Family Planning and
Primary Health Care, but it is still commonly called the Lady Health Worker Program.49

The 2003–2011 Strategic Plan set the two goals of improving quality of services and expanding
coverage of the LHW Program. Key determinants of LHW provision of high-quality service were
described as selection based on merit; provision of professional knowledge and skills; supply with
necessary medicines and other supplies; and adequate remuneration, performance
management, and supervision. A management information system was also understood to be
essential to assess and encourage high-quality performance and facilitate informed
programmatic decision-making.50 The 2001–2011 National Health Policy described “investment
in the health sector as a cornerstone of the government’s poverty reduction plan.”47 At present,
there are approximately 100,000 LHWs.

The LHW Program has evolved over time, and LHWs’ scope of services has grown from its initial
focus on maternal and child health. It now also includes participation in large health campaigns,
newborn care, community management of tuberculosis, and health education on HIV/AIDS. There

2–6
 are concerns, though, that the expansion in the LHWs’ role and tasks has increased their job-
related stress.51 LHW programs have also been advertised in a series of mass-media campaigns
that promote community uptake of and respect for LHW services.52

In spite of growing enthusiasm for expanding CHW programs, as evidenced by a recent high-
level call by a global task force to train one million CHWs in Africa,53 it remains the case, as
Frankel noted two decades ago,13 that our knowledge of the effectiveness of large-scale CHW
programs remains limited, and the challenges faced by early large-scale CHW programs appear
to still be present.

RENEWED INTEREST AND NEW PROGRAMS IN THE 2000S

A renewed interest in CHW programs has been sparked by a sense of urgency in achieving the
MDGs, particularly MDGs 4 and 5 for reducing child and maternal mortality, and from a
growing base of evidence on the potential contributions of CHW programs to the health status of
populations.53 This revitalized interest also arose from a commitment to (or financial demand
for) decentralization of health services and expansion of services to the poorest segments of the
population, who were being left behind by economic progress of the better-off segments of the
population.

In Africa, the lack of progress in many countries fueled interest among government leaders and
donors in either establishing new cadres of CHWs or, as in the case of South Africa, in
reactivating a dormant CHW program that had been previously abandoned. Thus, Ethiopia
established its HEW Program in 2004 (see Box 3), while similar initiatives began in Malawi (see
Box 4) and Kenya at around the same time. The emergence of the HIV/AIDS pandemic played
an important role in the revitalization of CHW programs as many NGOs in Africa, especially in
South Africa, turned to this cadre of health workers to deliver specific care to those with AIDS.

Box 3. The HEW Program in Ethiopia

CHWs have an extensive history in Ethiopia dating back to the Alma-Ata Conference. One program
during the 1980s civil war employed 3,000 CHWs in Tigray. These workers were selected by their
communities to receive training in maternal, child, and environmental health and in malaria
diagnosis and treatment. This program was suspended in 1991, at the end of the war, but various
CHW programs continued throughout the country.54

In 1997–1998, the Ethiopian Federal Ministry of Health launched the National Health Sector
Development Program (HSDP). This program shifted the focus of the health system from
predominantly curative to more preventive and promotive care and prioritized the needs of the
rural inhabitants55 who account for 83% of the Ethiopian population.56 A review of the first five
years of the HSDP found that challenges remained in achieving universal PHC coverage.57 In
response to these identified needs, in 2003 the government of Ethiopia launched the Accelerated
Expansion of Primary Health Care Coverage and the Health Extension Program (HEP).58 Multiple
stakeholders, including the Federal Ministries of Health, Education, Labor, Finance, and Capacity
Building were involved in development of the HEW model.59 The program was designed to expand
health service coverage, particularly in rural areas, using locally available human resources.
These included community-based human resources such as HEWs, voluntary community health
workers (vCHWs)58 and Community Health Promoters (CHPs). The first group of HEWs were
trained in 2004–2005.60 At present, there are 34,000 HEWs working out of 15,000 health posts.

2–7
Box 4. The Malawi CHW Program
The current CHW program in Malawi dates back to the 1950s, when Health Surveillance
Assistants (HSAs) were recruited and salaried by the MOH to provide immunizations. In the 1960s
and 1970s, the HSAs played a prominent role in the smallpox eradication campaign. They were at
the frontline for managing cholera epidemics in the 1970s and 1980s and were engaged in
environmental health education in the 1990s. With financial support from the Global Fund to
Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria, in 2008, the government was able to double the size of the
HSA workforce to 10,000, so that there would be one HSA for every 1,000 people. Today, HSAs
continue to provide health education, promote sanitation and hygiene, and conduct outreach
clinics, including immunizations. However, they have, in addition, recently received training in
integrated community case management (iCCM) and the diagnosis and treatment at the
community level of childhood pneumonia, diarrhea, and malaria.61

CONCLUSIONS
The history of the many and varied approaches to expanding health services through the
training and deployment of community-level workers provides a meaningful window through
which to consider the explosion of interest and expansion of CHW programs throughout the
world. The lack of financial and technical support for these programs and the lack of
commitment to improving them over time during the 1980s serve as a critically important
lesson for today. Developing programs that are financially sustainable and that have strong
periodic evaluations leading to ongoing improvements will be essential if today’s and tomorrow’s
programs are to achieve long-term viability and their potential impact on population health.

2–8
Acknowledgments
The author thanks Shelly Amieva for helpful support with the literature review for this chapter.

2–9
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2–13
2–14
 Chapter 3
National Planning for Community Health
Worker Programs
Jessica Gergen, Lauren Crigler, and Henry Perry
Key Points
• The planning process defines many of the other topics in this manual (e.g., supervision, training,
roles and responsibilities of Community Health Workers [CHWs]) using an informed and
methodical process.
• The most effective planning mechanism is a feedback loop, where community-level information
is fed through the multiple sublevels (e.g., district, subnational, or provincial) to the national
level, where policy, funding, and evaluation can be continually revised.
• Careful planning during the design and implementation of a national CHW program results in a
context-appropriate program that successfully trains, supervises, and retains CHWs, while
simultaneously improving health service delivery on the community level.

3–1
INTRODUCTION
Expansion or development of a Community Health Worker (CHW) program on a national level
requires a planning strategy that coordinates many of the topics covered in the other chapters,
such as Chapters 9 (training), 10 (supervision), and 13 (community relations). Further,
incorporating or expanding use of CHWs into existing health system infrastructures—which are
often complex and operate differently across countries—is a difficult task that requires careful
planning. Planning for such an expansion demands the involvement of multiple stakeholders
from the national to the village level. The direct result of careful planning during the design and
implementation of a national CHW program is a context-appropriate program that successfully
trains, supervises, and retains CHWs, while simultaneously improving the health service
delivery at the community level. This chapter addresses the planning process in a very general
way, recognizing that most of the specifics of how to go about doing this will vary from country
to country and context to context. Since our overall goal in this guide is to not be overly
prescriptive and to raise issues that need to be considered when initiating or expanding large-
scale CHW programs, we hope that the ideas and concepts presented here will at least provide a
framework for beginning the planning process.

PHASES OF THE COMMUNITY HEALTH WORKER PROGRAM PLANNING

PROCESS
A national-level plan should coordinate planning committees and stakeholders from multiple
governmental and community levels, as well as nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and
relevant implementing actors, to create an informed strategic plan for the CHW program that
includes:
• A situational analysis
• An operational model
• Integration of the program with policy
• CHW training
• CHW supervision
• A deployment strategy
• Routine and systematic monitoring and evaluation (M&E)

Clear and carefully chosen strategies across each of these areas, taking into account their inter-
relationships, contribute to the success and sustainability of the program at scale. The group
charged with planning and developing this effort must give careful attention to ensure that the
program will continue to be adequately supported by the multiple levels of government
involved, national level down to community level, and that this support includes appropriate
provision for long-term financial sustainability (see Chapter 5 for more detail on financing).
Table 1 summarizes the key considerations for planning CHW-delivered services, phase by
phase. These key steps were informed by the One Million Health Workers document and
developed using best practices shared across international organizations and national
governments.1

3–2
Table 1. Phases of planning a CHW program
PHASE 1 POLICY-LEVEL PLANNING
Situational analysis Documents the current state of the local health system, informing
planners on the overlap or differing needs of communities.
Development of an Provides a framework illustrating how all of the working parts of the
operational model health system are expected to function.
Coordinated planning Decision-makers meet with stakeholders to determine timeline,
indicators, objectives, evaluation tools, and internal communication
strategy, and to establish regular planning meetings.
Policy planning and Decision-makers communicate a draft of these policies to all
formalization stakeholders and then, once feedback has been obtained, formalize
the policies.
PHASE 2 TRANSLATION OF POLICIES INTO A PLAN
Development of the Planners translate the CHW program policies into an operational
key ideas for the national-level plan.
program
PHASE 3 PREPARATION OF A DETAILED IMPLEMENTATION PLAN
Development of Program implementers develop detailed plans for
details for the specific governance/management, selection, training, supervision,
subsystems of the engagement with communities, relationship with the health system,
program scaling up, and monitoring and evaluation (covered in other
chapters).
Adapted from: CHW Task Force. 2011. One Million Community Health Workers: Technical Task Force Report. The Earth
Institute at Columbia University. New York City, New York.
http://www.millenniumvillages.org/uploads/ReportPaper/1mCHW_TechnicalTaskForceReport.pdf

CHW cadres should be selected, trained, and deployed in accordance with local norms and with
context-specific constraints in mind. This chapter helps to define clear processes to develop and
implement a national plan for community health services. Such a plan must be responsive to
local norms, context-specific constraints, and the results of the situational analysis, and the
planning process needs to be continuous and ongoing. BRAC’s Shasthya Shebika CHW Program
(Box 1) provides an example of a stable and sustainable national CHW program. This chapter
takes a rather top-down approach to how a country might plan a large-scale community health
services program. The BRAC example from Bangladesh in Box 1 links top-down strategies with
frequent interactions at the grassroots level, and this approach is certainly an option to be
considered. Our intention is not to prescribe a unilateral way of planning, but to provide a
useful starting point for developing an appropriate planning process.

Box 1. A sustainable large-scale CHW program in Bangladesh2, 3

BRAC has recently become the largest NGO in the world. Throughout Bangladesh, BRAC has
trained and actively supports 100,000 CHWs known as Shasthya Shebikas.

Key Features: This is a public-private partnership successfully deploying a sustainable CHW

program at scale without financial support from the government. Over the past two decades,
BRAC has scaled up its Shasthya Shebikas Program using a sustainable, local financing model
whereby Shasthya Shebikas earn a modest income by selling medicines and commodities at a
competitive market price through a highly efficient supply system managed by BRAC. Shasthya
Shebikas are responsible for 150–250 households that they visit on a regular basis (every one to
two months). They provide general health education and promotion about nutrition, family
planning (FP), immunizations, and other priority topics. They treat common diseases, such as

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 fever, cold, scabies, and diarrhea. They also provide community case management for childhood
pneumonia and collect sputum specimens for patients with chronic cough; for those diagnosed
with tuberculosis, they dispense directly observed therapy for them. Notably, there are no literacy
requirements for Shasthya Shebikas.

Shasthya Shebikas are supervised by Shasthya Kormis, who are also recruited from their
communities. Shasthya Kormis are paid a sum equivalent to about US$40 per month to
supervise the Shasthya Shebikas and perform antenatal care in villages. The Shasthya Kormis, all
of whom are women, have a minimum of 10 years of schooling and work between four and five
hours per day. They accompany each of the Shasthya Shebikas in their charge on community
visits at least twice per month and meet monthly with their group of Shasthya Shebikas to discuss
problems, gather information, and provide supplies and medicines.

Shasthya Shebikas earn an income by selling supplies, such as oral contraceptives, birthing kits,
iodized salt, condoms, essential medications, sanitary napkins, and vegetable seeds, at cost plus
a small profit margin. They receive incentives for good performance that are based on achieving
specific objectives during that month, such as identifying pregnant women during their first
trimester. Supervisors verify and monitor performance during their visits to communities, where
they have the chance to talk with village women.

The development of the Shasthya Shebikas Program is an example of a planning process that
was deliberate but slow and organic. There was no preconceived national blueprint that was
scaled up rapidly. Rather, a viable role was established for these CHWs, appropriate for the
Bangladesh context, and a way was found to provide sufficient locally generated financing to
motivate these women to carry out their responsibilities. Then, as BRAC was able to provide
appropriate training and supervision, the program began to grow over the following two decades.

BRAC is one of the most business-like NGOs in the world, because the profits generated by their
various social enterprises are fed back to support program operations—making BRAC nearly 80%
self-funded.

PHASE ONE: POLICY-LEVEL PLANNING

Situational Analysis
To ensure effectiveness when designing community health services, it is necessary to begin with
a clear understanding of the local environment. A situational analysis can both identify context-
specific needs and challenges and guide design decisions about key program elements. To
ensure meeting the needs of a diverse population, a national program may use a variety of
implementation strategies depending on the local situation. In BRAC’s case, it was already
operating community development programs and had a “built-in” situational analysis based on
its own programmatic experience, since it had been functioning for a decade before beginning to
plan and scale up its CHW program.

A situational analysis also documents the current state of the health system and may include
information on health services offered by the formal and informal sectors, care-seeking
behaviors by priority groups such as women and young children, supply chain management,
utilization and coverage of care provided by the health system, and human resources
challenges. The social and environmental determinants of health are also critical to include. The
situational analysis should provide decision-makers with a comprehensive understanding of the
stakeholders and how they, along with their inter-relationships, affect people’s access to health
services.

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Sources of information for a situational analysis can include the following:
• A review of the peer-reviewed and gray literature (e.g., programmatic publications and reports)
and NGO projects
• Documentation from meetings with stakeholders (e.g., local leaders, women’s groups, church
leaders, representatives of the Ministry of Health [MOH], local NGOs)
• Documentation from visits to local communities by small teams to gain a better understanding
of the environment, the social and economic context, and the needs expressed by the people
living there
• Identification of gaps and existing assets on which to build (e.g., collaborating with current NGO
programs, using existing human resources in the health and nonhealth sectors, and engaging
with the existing health system infrastructure)
• Formative research on issues that the program is to address and on the communities the
program is meant to serve

To expand on the third point listed above, some countries have diverse geographic and
sociocultural populations. Oftentimes, a situational analysis needs to be completed at the
provincial or subnational levels, as well as on a national level. A good example is India, where
rural people, lower-caste people, religious minorities, tribal ethnic groups, women, and the poor
in particular suffer gross health inequalities and lack access to good-quality care because of
social, geographic, and economic barriers.4–6 This is one reason why it is important that district
and provincial authorities play a strong role in the planning and design processes. Provincial
and district leadership involvement in the planning is just the beginning, since their
participation is needed across all the areas discussed in this manual—supervision, training,
support, supplies, and incentives. Participation by local authorities also plays a key role in
governance and accountability, as explained in Chapter 4; therefore, by including key players,
their roles, and their interactions in a situational analysis, the most effective manner to involve
local leaders can be made clearer.

Specific questions to address in the situational analysis include the following:

• What are the main health problems and who experiences them? Which of these persons can be
identified and referred or directly managed by the types of CHWs you expect to deploy? What
are the direct, indirect, and underlying causes of these health problems? (This latter question
will help frame the operational model as well.)
• Are there specific subgroup(s) of the population that will be a particular focus for the type(s) of
CHWs deployed? Who are those most affected by the priority health problems? Who will be the
easiest to reach and who will be the hardest? What strategies will be used to reach them?
• What are the social and environmental determinants of health? What are the current
interactions across sectors? Who are key actors and what are the power dynamics? Are there
significant barriers to health services in terms of gender, ethnicity, religious affiliation,
disability, or age?

Development of an Operational Model of the Current Health System

An operational model, as we use the term here, is a representation of how the current health
system operates. Development of an operational model provides an opportunity to visualize how
the health system functions, including service provision, human resources, technology and
information management systems, and the supply and distribution of commodities. Specifically,
using an operational model to map the dynamics of the current health system helps those
involved in planning to characterize where further development of community health services

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fits into the broader health system. For example, if a health system currently has only one clinic
for every 10,000 people that offers voluntary HIV counseling and testing (VCT) along with anti-
retroviral drug treatment for patients with HIV/AIDS, then an outreach program may need
CHWs to provide VCT services and help ensure follow-up appointments for patients who test
positive. Further, an operational model can be used to define CHW roles in order to address
identified gaps in the local health care system, such as defining who CHWs are, what they do,
how they get their supplies, how the system intends to retain them, and what training and
supervision will be required.

During the design or scale-up of new community health services, CHW interaction with
providers of the health system and their potential impact on the health system itself must also
be carefully considered and planned. To aid this endeavor, the World Health Organization
(WHO) has produced useful tools for examining the interaction and impact of CHWs on the
formal health system, including the WHO Health Systems Building Block Framework, which
highlights the inter-relationships of the six major components of a health system (i.e., service
delivery, human health workforce, health information system, access to commodities, financing,
and governance) and offers a conceptual model of how CHWs may interact with the health
system.7 Additionally, WHO has developed monitoring tools and indicators to assess these
health system building blocks. These tools can be used to examine the impact of CHWs on the
health system. Using these measurement strategies to track progress of health system
indicators ensures that continued improvement in health care and accountability at country and
global levels is sustained. (See Chapter 15 on monitoring and evaluation).

Some tools that can be used at this stage include SWOT (strengths, weaknesses, opportunities,
and threats) analysis, flow charts, feedback loops, constraints analysis (through the framework
of the six WHO health systems building blocks), stakeholder analysis, develop-distort-dilemma
(exploring changes—both positive and negative—that could be brought on by introducing a new
cadre of workers, for example), power relationships, and cost-effectiveness scenarios.

Coordination of Planning
National-scale implementation of community health services has implications for health care
governance from the MOH down to village leaders. Before any implementation of program
development or expansion, determining how the multiple levels of government will
communicate and interact during the planning, funding, and implementation stages will ease
the tensions and challenges that often accompany systematic program scale-up (See Chapter 14,
on scale-up, for a more detailed description of these challenges). The level of coordination will
depend on the country, the current degree of decentralization, and what responsibilities have
been delegated. However, many countries have not succeeded in decentralizing health care, and
in these cases, the mechanisms that exist to support health programs at the district and
provincial levels should be utilized. Depending on the situation, it may be appropriate to
consider, and, if necessary, incorporate NGOs and/or the private sector as part of a national
CHW program. Regardless of who will be included in the planning process, coordinated
communication is key. For example, in Zambia where multiple NGOs cover the country, it may
not be possible for the government to take over all at once, so coordination with and among the
NGOs is an important first step.

Health system planning and ongoing monitoring of performance must begin at the community
level and provide feedback through various levels to the national level, where policy, funding,
and evaluation can be periodically revised. The most effective planning mechanism is a
feedback loop, where the community level feeds back information about their program through
the multiple levels (e.g., district, provincial) to the national level. Additionally, each level should
have a defined set of responsibilities during each stage of program development (i.e., planning,
implementation, activity coordination, resource security and dispersion, continual monitoring,

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and program improvements). The establishment of responsible bodies at each level, with
oversight from central level, helps to ensure clear roles and responsibilities are determined
through the process of conducting the situational analysis and building the operational model
(two stages of Phase 1).

National-Level Roles and Responsibilities

A planning body at the national level should be established, and this body may comprise high-
level leaders, such as members of the relevant government ministries and departments, as well
as leaders of NGOs and private partners. The national-level planning body is responsible for
providing leadership for the development of community health services. Support and
engagement from the finance ministry, national planning commissions, and other sector leaders
are useful, if not essential, since the MOH in many countries may not have sufficient political
influence on decisions involving significant commitment of new resources. A national committee
can provide high-level leadership, make decisions on resource allocation, oversee the
development of implementation guidance, monitor implementation, oversee national monitoring
and evaluation (M&E), and adapt the program based on M&E findings.

Some questions to consider when forming the CHW national-level planning committee:
• What national governing bodies need to be on the committee?
• Who are the high-level leaders and advocates for CHW programming?
• How often does the committee need to meet?
• What specific planning documents will be needed, and when will they be needed in order to
guide the provincial- and district-level planning committees?
• How and how often will the national and subnational committees communicate?
• How will the national-level committee document its meetings and share this information with
subcommittees?
• What policy changes are needed to support or integrate a CHW program with the national
health sector policy?
• How will data from the district and provincial levels be collected and managed?
• How will the M&E data be used to revise the program? How will this data be shared?

Provincial-Level Roles and Responsibilities

Provincial leaders may include provincial or district supervisors, program implementers, NGO
managers, and private sector representatives. Their responsibilities may include planning for
the engagement and coordination of key partners in training and for the oversight of
supervision activities and the supply chain.

District-Level Roles and Responsibilities

District health committees, when they are present, can help coordination among health
facilities, CHW program supervisors, and local NGO partners within the district. District- and
municipal-level stakeholders, health care providers and their professional organizations, local
NGO leaders, and community-led groups are examples of district-level actors who can be
involved in developing and overseeing community health services. Potential responsibilities of a
district-level planning committee include ensuring supervisor support and evaluation,
overseeing the supply chain, and supporting CHWs from facility-based providers and
communities. Relevant questions for district committees include: Are there particular
subgroup(s) of the population who will be a particular focus for the type(s) of CHWs deployed?

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Who are those most affected by the priority health problems? Who will be the easiest to reach
and who will be the hardest? What strategies will be used to reach them?

Health Center Roles and Responsibilities

Further development or expansion of community health services, if not adequately planned and
resourced, can overburden an already overstretched health facility staff due to new supervisory
and mentoring responsibilities and additional paperwork, meetings, and field visits. (See
Chapter 12 on relationship with health systems.) Therefore, effectiveness of any new services
will depend, in part, on appropriately engaging health facility staff early in the planning
process. As part of the situational analysis, the typical functional state and human resources
capacity of health facilities that are expected to be involved in the provision of community
health services will be documented. This documentation will help planners determine what
additional resources are needed to ensure that health facility staff can take on the functions
associated with these new community health services.

The capacity of facility-based staff to take on new supervisory or support roles for community-
based cadres will vary by setting. Brazil has mandated that Community Health Agents (CHAs)
be supervised by nurses and physicians from the local clinics. In many settings in Brazil, nurses
have half of their work time reserved to serve as CHA supervisors. In Ethiopia, by contrast, the
supervision of Health Extension Workers (HEWs) falls to a designated supervisory team
composed of a Health Officer, a Public Health Nurse, an Environmental/Hygiene Specialist, and
a Health Education Specialist.8

Community-Level Roles and Responsibilities

A community-based health committee can assume a planning function as well. It may include
members from village-level government (e.g., a village development committee), traditional or
other local leaders, and representatives from other committees concerned with community
development. These committees potentially have the ability to take certain responsibilities for
CHW oversight. (See Chapter 13 on community participation.) They can coordinate with the
CHW’s supervisor, assist the CHW in mobilizing the community, and generate support for
CHWs by advocating their importance for the community’s improved health. A strong
community commitment helps ensure more effective community health services and can
mitigate stress points on the system. Planning for this from the outset is important.

PHASE TWO: TRANSLATION OF POLICIES INTO A GENERAL PLAN

The principal ideas that emerge from the planning process need to be converted into CHW
program policies, and these, in turn, need to be translated into a general operational national-
level plan. In response to political pressures, political leaders often promise to devote resources
and enact legislation that will improve coverage, access, and service provision within their
country’s health system. Yet, too often these promises are inadequately funded, lack proper
legislative authorization, and are not integrated with the existing health system. For example,
national and provincial initiatives and goals are adopted and supported by political figures
throughout sub-Saharan Africa to end preventable maternal and child death by 2030.
Implementation research can help in ensuring that the analyses done in Phase 1 can be
appropriately translated to the rollout of policies. Adopting evidence-based policies is a
prerequisite to effective implementation, and focusing on continuous improvement to better
understand challenges that arise in implementation is key in yielding sustainable programs. A
critical component of ending preventable maternal and child death is to deliver health services
at the household level and ensure referral networks begin at the household. CHWs could aid in
achieving this goal. However, without proper legislation to define the role of CHWs within the
health system and adequate financing to support this cadre of workers, such a system cannot be
developed.

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PHASE THREE: PREPARATION OF A DETAILED NATIONAL
IMPLEMENTATION PLAN
Once a general operational national-level plan has been created, the next step is to prepare a
detailed national implementation plan. Among other things, this preparation requires
development of details for the specific subsystems of the program, including governance,
financing, selection and recruitment, training, supervision, relationship with the health system
engagement with communities, scaling up, and M&E. These implementation components are
covered in detail in other chapters. Here, we will briefly focus on planning for training and
deployment, supervision, and M&E. (See Chapters 4 and 5, 8–10, and 12–15 for further
discussion on these and other issues.)

Training and Deployment

The information collected by the situational analysis, the operational model developed, and the
analysis arising from formative research will inform the design of new community health
services. Specifically, this information can help direct decisions about selection criteria for
CHWs and their training needs. Further, information arising from the situational analysis on
spatial distribution of facility-based services can inform the deployment strategy of CHWs.

Questions to consider:
• Who will train CHWs? Will trainers be compensated? What are the incentives?
• What training models will be used? How often will CHWs receive additional training? If there is
a hierarchy among CHWs, how are those who receive extra training selected?
• How are CHWs allocated to their posts? Is gender a consideration? Is burden of disease
considered?
• What types of activities will CHWs be trained for? Will training be general or will CHWs learn
how to carry out specific tasks? Are these tasks for treatment, promotion, or support?

Supervision, Monitoring, and Evaluation

Countries vary considerably in their approaches to supervision. For instance in Brazil, as
previously mentioned, national policy mandates that nurses who are selected to supervise CHAs
spend 50% of their paid time providing clinical care and the other 50% of time fulfilling their
role as supervisors of CHAs. However, this approach would not be appropriate in places where
there are massive human resources shortages, such as Sierra Leone, where there are only 1.9
health care providers per 10,000 people. In many instances, clinics have only one or two
providers and are bombarded with lines of clients starting at sunrise. Planning for supervision
has to take into account the capacity of existing staff to take on additional time-consuming
responsibilities. For instance, if a program requires that supervisors accompany and evaluate
all CHW work at the household level at least quarterly, fill out reports on CHW commodity use,
manage their supply of commodities, and ensure that CHWs have a proper monthly work plan,
then the supervisors must have sufficient time for these duties. Inadequate planning for the
time and human resources required for CHW supervision has been a common contributor to
failed CHW programs.

Ultimately, adequate ongoing monitoring is necessary for sound community health services.
M&E is an integral part of any CHW program, particularly since services provided are far away
with limited personal contact among CHWs and other members of the health team. As such,
M&E tools and mechanisms for their use for feedback into modifying program operations are
important when developing a detailed implementation plan.

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Questions to consider:
• Who are the supervisors? Are they compensated? What are the incentives? What is their time
commitment? Are there gender implications? What are the power implications?
• How many CHWs are supervised by one person? What kinds of information are supervisors
noting for their reports?
• Is quality being measured by supervisors in a systematic way? Are the data entered regularly?
Who is responsible for collating data related to quality of CHW services from supervisors?
• How are data from supervisors used in impact evaluation projects?

Data Use for Continuous Improvement

Developing an initial plan based on these three phases is just the beginning of national CHW
program planning. As a program is implemented, scaled up, or modified, an ongoing replanning
process is required. Based on M&E feedback, certain program components may be working very
well, while others may not be functioning as intended. To know what is actually occurring
requires adequate tracking of intervention coverage and its impact/effectiveness (e.g., whether
the CHWs are actually functioning, whether the supply chain is working). Based on information
from a variety of sources (e.g., routine monitoring, field visits, special studies), almost
invariably certain aspects of program performance will not meet expected standards. Based on
such findings, redesign of some program features may be needed to address performance
problems.

In short, planning is an iterative process that requires many revisions, improvements, and
modifications in order to have an effective CHW program that responds to local needs and that
improves the health of the population (Figure 1). Regardless of whether a CHW program is new
or old, replanning of program components must happen on a continual basis and be informed by
evidence arising from M&E and current recommendations from the global health community.
Replanning at least once every 10 years and preferably every five years would seem reasonable.
Table 2 contains some of the key components of selected CHW programs that might be useful as
one thinks about the content of a plan for a large-scale CHW program.

Figure 1. The P-Process of CHW program planning

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Table 2. Examples of key components of selected CHW programs
BRAZIL9–11 POLICY
 The Programa Saúde da Família (Family Health Program) was launched in 1994.
 CHAs were officially recognized by law in 2002.
MANAGEMENT
 CHAs are managed by local nurses who spend half their time working in the local clinic
and the other half fulfilling their supervisory role.
 The CHAs have a strong referral system in which they report any ill person within their
catchment.
 Upon discharge, the CHA is expected to maintain the continuum of care and follow up
with the patient.
COMMUNITY INVOLVEMENT
 One of the goals of the Family Health Program is to “promote the organization of the
community” and analyze community needs.
 Some communities are involved in the organization and budget of health system. At
times, the public is able to vote on the proportion of the overall budget devoted to
health.
QUALITY ASSURANCE
 Data is collected by CHAs, which provides municipal-level data on implementation.
 CHAs in the program keep records that allow for population-based monitoring of local
health conditions and help to identify problems are they arise.
 CHAs’ role in the community is expected to increase the accountability of the health
system.
PAKISTAN12, POLICY
13
 In 1993, Pakistan established the Program for Family Planning and Primary Health Care,
which employed only female CHWs to deliver health services to communities and was
informally called the Lady Health Worker (LHW) Program.
 In 2003–2011, the strategic plan set the two goals of improving quality of services and
expanding coverage nationwide.
MANAGEMENT
 Supervision is highly organized and tiered, with several levels of supervision (i.e.,
supervision of the supervisors).
 LHWs are supervised monthly by the LHW supervisors, who are in turn supervised by the
District Coordinator and Assistant Coordinator.
 Once a month, LHW supervisors should meet with LHWs’ clients and make a work plan
for the next month.
COMMUNITY INVOLVEMENT
 There is a community member on each LHW selection committee and each LHW
supervisor selection committee.
 The community is involved in programmatic decision-making, planning, and M&E. LHWs
provide a range of community development services and participate in community
meetings.
QUALITY ASSURANCE
 For the LHW Program, high-quality service is described as selection based on merit;
provision of professional knowledge and skills to the LHW; supply with necessary
medicines and other supplies; and adequate remuneration, performance management,
and supervision.
 A management information system is also essential to assess and encourage quality
performance and facilitate informed programmatic decision-making.

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 ETHIOPIA8 POLICY
 In response to unmet needs, the government of Ethiopia launched the expansion of
primary health care (PHC) and the Health Extension Program (HEP), targeted at rural
areas, which included community-based HEWs, vCHWs, and health promoters.
MANAGEMENT
 There are multiple levels of HEW supervision, including the woreda (district) supervisory
team, comprising a Health Officer, Public Health Nurse, Hygiene Expert, and a Health
Education Expert.
 In 2005, HEWs reported an average of three supervisory visits over the course of nine
months. HEWs supervise a lower cadre of vCHWs.
COMMUNITY INVOLVEMENT
 There are active health committees involved in the selection and oversight of HEWs.
 The committee is supposed to be involved in every step of the HEP from program
planning through to evaluation.
QUALITY ASSURANCE
 The program has extensive M&E systems that include routine reports and monitoring of
indicators for maternal, neonatal, and child health; disease prevention and control;
nutrition; hygiene; and environmental health.
 Indicators include maternal, neonatal, and child health; contraceptive acceptance rate;
and number of deliveries attended by skilled birth attendants and/or by HEWs.
NEPAL14, 15 POLICY
 The first Nepal Health Sector Program (NHSP) was developed for implementation from
2004 to 2009 to increase equality of access and to improve health outcomes.
 A second NHSP from 2010 to 2015 aims to increase access/utilization of high-quality
services, and reduce cultural and economic barriers to accessing care.
MANAGEMENT
 Voluntary Health Workers (VHWs) and Maternal and Child Health Workers (MCHWs)
supervise the Female Community Health Volunteers (FCHVs) in their catchment areas.
 They are responsible for providing support, advice, and feedback during monthly
supervision visits. FCHVs meet with village groups every four months to review progress.
COMMUNITY INVOLVEMENT
 Women’s groups and local Village Development Committees (VDCs) are highly involved
in the selection and oversight of FCHVs.
 A national evaluation demonstrated that mothers groups’ functioning improved and they
were more supportive of FCHVs.
QUALITY ASSURANCE
 A recent qualitative study highlighted the need for “context-specific incentives” for
FCHVs. Despite serving as volunteers, FCHVs have very low attrition rates in the program
with less than 5% turnover each year.
 Data, particularly program evaluations and research in the field, are highly influential in
programmatic policy development and implementation.

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INDIA4, 16 POLICY
 In early 2000, the government of India developed the National Rural Health Mission
(NRHM) to improve rural PHC, accountability, and community engagement in the public
health sector, including a provision for a national CHW cadre that focused on FP and
maternal and child health.
 In 2005, the NRHM launch an Accredited Social Health Activist (ASHA) program.
MANAGEMENT
 According to national guidelines, there is one ASHA Facilitator (supervisor) for every 20
ASHA workers. The Facilitator is to help with the selection of the ASHAs, run monthly
ASHA meetings, establish a grievance redress system, accompany ASHAs on home
visits, maintain records of ASHA activities, attend Village Health and Nutrition Days with
the ASHAs, and attend monthly block PHC meetings.
 The ASHA Facilitator is supervised at the block level by the Block Community Mobilizer,
who is in turn supervised by the District Mobilization/Coordination Unit, which liaises
with the state-level ASHA resource center.
COMMUNITY INVOLVEMENT
 ASHAs are to be selected by and accountable to the local village-level government,
called the Gram Panchayat, through a participatory process involving the whole village.
 After selection, ASHAs are to work closely with the Village Health and Sanitation
Committee (VHSC), comprising key stakeholders in the village including the ASHA
workers, Anganwadi Workers, and self-help group members (women’s groups).
QUALITY ASSURANCE
 Several states have introduced ASHA motivation and recognition initiatives, such as
cash awards for the best-performing ASHAs, newsletter and radio programs, bicycles for
all ASHAs, and career development opportunities through scholarships to study nursing.
 The main source of performance monitoring data is generated by the ASHA Facilitator
based on monthly meetings with the 20 ASHAs she or he oversees.
 The ASHA Facilitator is responsible for developing health reports on ASHA functionality,
as well as consolidating information about pregnancies, births, deliveries, newborn care,
and deaths.
IRAN17 POLICY
 Shortly after 1978, the West Azerbaijan Project, developed in one province, aimed to
expand health services through the establishment of a comprehensive health delivery
system and training of CHWs (Behvarzs).
 In other parts of Iran, the use of CHWs expanded to deliver services beyond maternal
and child health to include care for the elders and management of non-communicable
diseases.
MANAGEMENT
 Regular supervisory visits to Health Houses, where CHWs are based, are planned and
performed by staff members at rural health centers and by provincial and national
teams to evaluate program effectiveness and to increase the quality of care.
 A unique practice for CHWs in Iran is the “Behvarz council,” established in 2006, with
the aim of engaging Behvarzs in problem identification, problem-solving, knowledge
transfer, and policymaking.
COMMUNITY INVOLVEMENT
 Promotion of community participation and other social sectors in health programs is part
of the role of Behvarzs.
 Behvarz council meetings are held on a regular basis to discuss a broad range of issues
concerning the Behvarzs’ work, work-related problems, and recommendations to
overcome any problems. Meeting minutes and the final report are submitted to the
higher-level council for further follow-up.
 Behvarzs’ representatives are responsible for transferring ideas and solutions to other
team members and for following up on issues raised in the meeting.

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 QUALITY ASSURANCE
 Provincial and national teams use checklists to assess data recording, Behvarzs’
knowledge, drug supplies and equipment, review of work-related problems, and
suggestions from each Behvarz.

CONCLUSION
Although health systems are varied and complex, careful planning during the design and early
implementation of a national-level CHW program is essential for a context-appropriate program
that successfully trains, supervises, and retains CHWs, while simultaneously improving the
health service delivery on the community level. The methodology of planning a program at scale
is somewhat flexible, but each of the phases outlined in this chapter should be included to
ensure that the program design and implementation is both feasible and appropriate. Phase 1
includes a situational analysis, operational model, coordinated planning effort, and supportive
policy changes. Phases 2 and 3 are processes meant to ensure that the implementation steps are
carefully planned and that information is continually fed back about how well the program is
being implemented and how it can be improved. Replanning a program should happen
periodically—at least every 10 years—and be informed by evidence arising from M&E and
recommendations from those engaged in program implementation. Policymakers and program
planners should note that the biggest challenge in planning a national CHW program is the
capacity of each level to adequately complete the tasks assigned.

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Key Resources
Palazuelos D, Ellis K, Im DD, Peckarsky M, Schwarz D, Farmer DB, et al. 2013. 5-SPICE: the
application of an original framework for community health worker program design, quality
improvement and research agenda setting. Global Health Action; 6: 19658.

Tulenko K, Mogedal S, Afzal MM, Frymus D, Oshin A, Pate M, et al. 2013. Community health
workers for universal health-care coverage: from fragmentation to synergy. Bull World Health
Organ; 91(11): 847–852.

REFERENCES RELATED TO PROGRAM DESIGN

Ellis AA, Winch P, Daou Z, Gilroy KE, Swedberg E. 2007. Home management of childhood
diarrhoea in southern Mali—implications for the introduction of zinc treatment. Social Science
& Medicine; 64(3):701–712.

Fisher AA, Foreit JR. 2002. Designing HIV/AIDS Intervention Studies: An Operations Research
Handbook.

Gabrysch S et al. 2009. Cultural adaptation of birthing services in rural Ayacucho, Peru.
Bulletin of the World Health Organization; 87(9):724–729.

Ministry of Healthcare and Nutrition, Sri Lanka. 2009. Human Resources for Health Strategic
Plan. Situational Analysis.

Piwoz EG. 2004. What are the options? Using formative research to adapt global
recommendations on HIV and infant feeding to the local context. Department of Child and
Adolescent Health and Development; WHO, Geneva.

Taylor H. 2009. Situation Analysis: Village Health Teams in Uganda 2009. Ministry of Health,
Uganda.

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References
1. CHW Task Force. 2011. One Million Community Health Workers: Technical Task Force
Report. The Earth Institute at Columbia University. New York City, New York.
http://www.millenniumvillages.org/uploads/ReportPaper/1mCHW_TechnicalTaskForceRepo
rt.pdf
2. 2010. BRAC in business: Fazle Hasan Abed has built one of the world's most commercially
minded and successful NGOs. The Economist. http://www.economist.com/node/15546464
(accessed 15 August 2013).
3. Ahmed SM. 2008. Taking healthcare where the community is: the story of the Shasthya
Sebikas of BRAC in Bangladesh. BRAC University Journal; V(1): 39–45.
4. MOHFW/India. 2006. National Family Health Survey.
http://www.nfhsindia.org/pdf/Uttar%20Pradesh.pdf (Accessed 25 June 2011).
5. Banerji D. 2005. Politics of rural health in India. Int J Health Serv; 35(4): 783–96.
6. Bang AT, Bang RA, Reddy HM. 2005. Home-based neonatal care: summary and applications
of the field trial in rural Gadchiroli, India (1993 to 2003). J Perinatol; 25 Suppl 1: S108–22.
7. World Health Organization. 2010. Monitoring the building blocks of health systems: a
handbook of indicators and their measurement strategies. Geneva, Switzerland: World
Health Organization.
http://www.who.int/healthinfo/systems/WHO_MBHSS_2010_full_web.pdf
8. Health Extension and Education Center. 2007. Health Extension Program in Ethiopia:
Profile Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Health Extension and Education Center, Federal Ministry of
Health.
http://www.moh.gov.et/english/Resources/Documents/HEW%20profile%20Final%2008%2007
.pdf
9. Svitone CE, Garfield R, Vasconcelos MI, Araujo Craveiro V. 2000. Primary health care
lessons from the northeast of Brazil: the Agentes de Saude Program. Rev Panam Salud
Publica; 7(5): 293–302.
10. Rocha R, Soares RR. 2010. Evaluating the impact of community-based health interventions:
evidence from Brazil's Family Health Program. Health Economics; 19(Supplement 1): 126–
58.
11. Kluthcovsky AC, Takayanagui AM. 2006. Community health agent: a literature review.
Revista latino-americana de enfermagem; 14(6): 957–63.
12. Bhutta ZA, Lassi ZS, Pariyo G, Huicho L. 2010. Global Experience of Community Health
Workers for Delivery of Health Related Millennium Development Goals: A Systematic Review,
Country Case Studies, and Recommendation for Integration into National Health Systems.
Geneva: World Health Organization and the Global Health Workforce Alliance.
http://www.who.int/workforcealliance/knowledge/publications/alliance/Global_CHW_web.pdf
13. Oxford Policy Management. 2009. External Evaluation of the National Programme for
Family Planning and Primary Health Care: Lady Health Worker Programme. Summary of
Results. Oxford, U.K.: Canadian International Development Agency.
http://www.opml.co.uk/sites/opml/files/Lady%20Health%20Worker%20Programme%20-
%204th%20Evaluation%20-%20Summary%20of%20Results_0.pdf
14. Government of Nepal, Ministry of Health and Population (MoHP). 2010. Nepal Health
Sector Programme-2 Implementation Plan (2010–2015). In: (MoHP) MoHaP, editor.
Kathmandu, Nepal: Government of Nepal; p. 267.
http://www.nhssp.org.np/health_policy/Consolidated%20NHSP-
2%20IP%20092812%20QA.pdf

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15. Glenton C, Scheel IB, Pradhan S, Lewin S, Hodgins S, Shrestha V. 2010. The female
community health volunteer programme in Nepal: decision makers' perceptions of
volunteerism, payment and other incentives. Soc Sci Med; 70(12): 1920–7.
16. Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, Government of India. 2011. Rural Health Care
System in India: The Structure and Current Scenario. Ministry of Health and Family
Welfare, Government of India. http://mohfw.nic.in/WriteReadData/l892s/file35-33319850.pdf
17. Javanparast S, Baum F, Labonte R, Sanders D, Heidari G, Rezaie S. 2011. A policy review
of the community health worker programme in Iran. J Public Health Policy; 32(2): 263–76.

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3–18
 Chapter 4
Governing Large-Scale
Community Health Worker Programs
Simon Lewin and Uta Lehmann
Key Points
Improving how community health worker (CHW) programs, and health systems more broadly,
are governed is increasingly recognized as important in achieving universal access to health
care and other health-related goals. Governing comprises the processes and structures through
which individuals and groups exercise rights, resolve differences, and express interests. The
process of governing involves ongoing interactions among actors, such as health care decision-
makers, community representatives, and agencies, and structures, including the laws,
resources, and beliefs within which these actors operate. Because CHW programs are usually
located between the formal health system and communities and involve a wide range of
stakeholders at local, national, and international levels, their governance is often complex and
relational. In addition, CHW programs frequently fall outside of the governance structures of
the formal health system or are poorly integrated with these structures—making governing the
programs more challenging. In the past, poor governance has undermined the planning and
management of programs and the delivery of services. This chapter discusses the following key
questions that decision-makers need to consider in relation to governing CHW programs:
• How, and where within political structures, are policies made for CHW programs?
• Who, and at what levels of government, implements decisions regarding CHW programs?
• What laws and regulations are needed to support the program?
• How should the program be adapted across different settings or groups within the country or
region?

4–1
INTRODUCTION
In this chapter, we consider and discuss a number of relevant questions regarding the
governance of community health worker (CHW) programs. This chapter is intended to be read
alongside Chapter 13 on community participation in CHW programs, which addresses
governance issues at the community level in more detail.

WHAT IS MEANT BY “GOVERNING” IN THE CONTEXT OF HEALTH

SYSTEMS?
Governing in the context of health systems can be seen as being concerned with “political,
economic, and administrative authority in the management of health systems.”1 Governing
comprises “the complex mechanisms, processes, and institutions through which citizens and
groups articulate their interests, mediate their differences, and exercise their legal rights and
obligations.”2 As this definition suggests, governing involves ongoing interactions and
relationships between actors, such as health care decision-makers, community representatives,
associations, and agencies, and structures, including the laws, policies, resources, and beliefs
within which these actors work.3 Governing is therefore a process rather than a static set of
policies and structures. Consequently, this process is closely linked to context and may change
over time as societies, health systems, and CHW programs change and evolve. Moreover,
governing in the context of health systems may often overlap with management, which is
sometimes seen to be more concerned with running or implementing programs.4

Governing health services can also be conceptualized in terms of inputs, processes, and
outputs.5 Governance inputs include how and by whom the institutions governing the health
system are constructed and managed. This includes “participation,” or the stakeholders
involved in defining and designing health policies; and “consensus orientation,” or the extent to
which government officials collaborate with or involve other stakeholders in setting goals and
formulating policies for health. The processes of governance concern how administrative
procedures and rules governing the health sector are implemented on a day-to-day basis. This
includes transparency, accountability, monitoring, and control of corruption. Finally,
governance outputs can be seen as the benefits that should result from the implementation of
governance rules and processes within a health system. Different political systems may
emphasize different governance outputs; these may include measures of how well the health
system responds to population needs, equity of access to health services, efficient use of health
resources, and responsive and accountable services.

WHY IS GOVERNING AN IMPORTANT ISSUE FOR CHW PROGRAMS?

Decisions on the type of structures established for governing CHW programs, who will be
involved in governing (i.e., the actors), and how these will relate to the wider health and
political systems are political. These decisions are important, as they will affect a range of other
processes in these programs, including day-to-day accountability, and will ultimately impact on
performance and sustainability. Some important decision parameters include the following:
• Extent to which the CHW program is part of the formal health system
• Extent to which CHWs are formally recognized as a cadre within the health system
• Extent of decentralization of authority for governing CHW programs and for their management
• Scale of the program
• Roles that key stakeholders, including communities and/or service users, have in governing the
programs

4–2
• How, and by whom, resources are obtained and administered

Also important is the extent to which CHWs are organized, for example, through a union or
health provider organization. Different decisions on these parameters, in response to specific
contexts and needs, may result in different models for governing CHW programs, for example,
in relation to the health system:
• Some programs are not part of the formal facility-based health system, but have structures that
provide good links to this system (e.g., the Accredited Social Health Activist [ASHA] CHW
program in India and the BRAC CHW program in Bangladesh).
• Some programs are integrated with the formal health system and are well-supported within it
(e.g., the Family Health Teams in Brazil, the Health Extension Worker [HEW] program in
Ethiopia, and the CHW program in Venezuela).
• Some programs are centrally driven with national guidance, but implemented through separate
structures (e.g., CHW programs in South Africa, which are currently largely implemented
through NGOs, but within parameters established at the national level).

These varied models for governing CHW programs have implications, in turn, for how programs
are financed and funded; how and by whom CHWs are selected and trained; how CHWs are
supported and supervised; how CHWs are paid; and how communities are involved; among
many other issues. We discuss the implications of these differing configurations in more detail
below.

Improving how CHW programs, and health systems more broadly, are governed is increasingly
recognized as important in achieving universal access to health care and other health-related
goals. The concept of “good governance” is now used widely and can be understood as the
interactions between relevant stakeholders and processes that enable monitoring, transparency,
and accountability and that lead to public value and the common good.6 Improving on how CHW
and other health system programs are governed requires a range of enabling factors. For
example, clear goals and priorities for the CHW program; appropriate structures for
implementing, coordinating, and integrating the program; standards regarding the selection
and training of CHWs; data on how well these programs are performing; mechanisms for
motivating CHWs and their supervisors; and meaningful involvement of, and accountability to,
the range of stakeholders linked to these programs, including local communities and recipients
of CHW care. Governing CHW programs, therefore, requires financial and other resources, and
how these resources are managed will, in turn, impact the extent to which good governance can
be achieved.7,4 Table 1 provides a summary of governance principles within health care.

Table 1: Health systems governance principles2

GOVERNANCE
EXPLANATION
PRINCIPLE
Strategic vision Leaders have a broad and long-term perspective on health and human
development, along with a sense of strategic directions for such development. There
is also an understanding of the historical, cultural, and social complexities on which
that perspective is grounded.
Participation and All men and women should have a voice in decision-making for health, either directly
consensus or through legitimate intermediate institutions that represent their interests. Such
orientation broad participation is built on freedom of association and speech, as well as
capacities to participate constructively. Good governance of the health system
mediates differing interests to reach a broad consensus on what is in the best
interests of the group and, where possible, on health policies and procedures.

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 GOVERNANCE
EXPLANATION
PRINCIPLE
Rule of law Legal frameworks pertaining to health should be fair and enforced impartially,
particularly the laws on human rights related to health.
Transparency Transparency is built on the free flow of information for all health matters.
Processes, institutions, and information should be directly accessible to those
concerned with them, and enough information is provided to understand and
monitor health matters.
Responsiveness Institutions and processes should try to serve all stakeholders to ensure that the
policies and programs are responsive to the health and non-health needs of its
users.
Equity and All men and women should have opportunities to improve or maintain their health
inclusiveness and well-being.
Effectiveness and Processes and institutions should produce results that meet population needs and
efficiency influence health outcomes while making the best use of resources.
Accountability Decision-makers in government, the private sector, and civil society organizations
involved in health are accountable to the public, as well as to institutional
stakeholders. This accountability differs depending on the organization and whether
the decision is internal or external to an organization.
Intelligence and Intelligence and information are essential for a good understanding of health
information system, without which it is not possible to provide evidence for informed decisions
that influences the behavior of different interest groups that support, or at least do
not conflict with, the strategic vision for health.
Ethics The commonly accepted principles of health care ethics include respect for
autonomy, non-maleficence (a principle of bioethics that asserts an obligation not to
inflict harm intentionally), beneficence (actions to benefit others), and justice. Health
care ethics, which includes ethics in health research, is important to safeguard the
interest and the rights of the patients.

WHAT KEY QUESTIONS DO DECISION-MAKERS NEED TO CONSIDER

REGARDING GOVERNING CHW PROGRAMS?
Because CHW programs, to varying degrees, are located between the formal health system and
communities, and can involve a wide range of stakeholders at local, national, and international
levels, their governance is often complex and relational. CHW programs frequently fall outside
of the governance structures of the formal health system or are poorly integrated with these
structures, making governing the programs more challenging. In addition to the previously
discussed topics, this chapter outlines key questions that decision-makers need to consider for
governing CHW programs and illustrates the options for governing with examples and case
studies from programs in the field. The key questions:
• How, and where within political structures, are policies made for CHW programs?
• Who, and at what levels of government, implements decisions regarding CHW programs?
• What laws and regulations are needed to support the program?
• How should the program be adapted across different settings or groups within the country or
region?

Table 2 summarizes the sub-questions for each of the main questions above. Tables 3 and 4
provide a cross-country comparison of issues in the governing of CHW programs and policies
and how these may impact on the work of individual CHWs. These are based on case studies of
Brazil, Ethiopia, India, Pakistan, and South Africa. We refer in the main text to examples from

4–4
these tables, located in the conclusion of this chapter. These tables also include additional
material that complements and illustrates the issues raised in the main body of the chapter.

How, and Where within Political Structures, Are Policies Made for CHW
Programs?
CHW programs experience a number of challenges in relation to policy processes. Examples:
• Policies to govern these programs may be lacking if the program is seen to be peripheral to, or
outside of, the formal health system or if it has developed out of programs initiated by
nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), community-based organizations (CBOs), or civil society
organizations (CSOs).
• Existing policies may not be “fit for purpose.” For instance, CHW program functioning may be
hampered if a national Ministry of Health (MOH) or national health department decentralizes
primary health care (PHC) management to the regional or district level, but does not put in
place policies that allow managers at those levels to manage and disburse funds to the CHW
program itself and its staff.
• It may be difficult to ensure program consistency, for example, in terms of tasks and
responsibilities, across a region or country where there are multiple players involved, including
local and international NGOs and agencies and government health services. A national CHW
policy framework may be needed to achieve this consistency.

It is therefore important to consider how and where policies for CHW programs are made, and
the implications of this for developing and running the program. These policy decisions (such as
whether to develop a volunteer-based or fully remunerated CHW program) need to be
distinguished from implementation decisions (such as the timetable for continuing education of
CHWs within a particular district or province).

Key issues to consider for CHW programs include the following:

• Where are policy decisions made?
• Who are the stakeholders involved in defining and designing these policies (participation), and
to what extent is this done in a collaborative manner (consensus orientation)?
• Are there important historical legacies that may shape CHW-related policymaking?
• How might wider health and political systems goals in a particular context influence how CHW
programs are governed?

Where Are Policy Decisions Made?

Authority to make policy and operational decisions regarding CHW programs is located at
different levels of government within different countries, depending on the country’s
constitutional or legislative arrangements or historical policy legacies (see below). In some
countries, such authority may be located with the national ministry or department of health. In
other countries, regional or provincial departments of health or legislatures may have authority
to develop health policies, or such authority may have been delegated by the legislature or the
MOH to an independent body, such as a CHW Commission. Each of these scenarios has
different benefits and drawbacks, as follows:
• When policy authority is located at the national level, it may be easier to achieve consistency of
approach for CHW programs across a country. However, policymaking may be very removed
from the day-to-day running of CHW programs and may therefore not be very responsive to
challenges as they are experienced.

4–5
• When policy authority is delegated to an independent body, it may facilitate more rapid and
responsive policy development since these decision-makers have a clear focus on the CHW
program. However, policies made by this body may not be well-aligned with other policies
developed by the MOH or other government ministries.

Those wishing to develop or change policies governing CHW programs need to consider the
following:2
• Where are laws and regulations relevant to health initiated?
• Do laws need to be initiated by cabinet or parliament? Can other stakeholders initiate laws or
regulations through other mechanisms?
• Who can initiate such laws and regulations? Do laws need to be initiated by a government
minister or a ministerial permanent secretary?

In addition, consideration needs to be given to what provisions there are locally for
accountability and support. For example, what recourse do citizens have if they feel that they
have not been treated respectfully, or if CHWs are not carrying out their duties adequately?
This is addressed in more detail in Chapter 13.

Box 1: Governance, and where policy decisions are made, within the Brazilian Family Health Program8
In Brazil, the new constitution adopted in 1988 reinforced the role of state (provincial) and
municipal governments in implementing public policies, while the central government had the role
of issuing the main guidelines for implementing public policies. Later legal provisions shifted
more responsibility for the management and organization of health services over to municipal
governments. At the same time, these legal provisions emphasized the technical and financial
role of the central government and the states. Municipalities have the authority to decide whether
to implement the Family Health Program. Once a decision to implement is made, the local
government determines the organization of the program in its municipality, for example,
specifying the number of family health teams it wants to establish and selecting the areas to
which these teams will be assigned.

The positive effects on the program resulting from such a process of implementation appear to be
more local ownership of implementation and improved local management of the program. On the
other hand, the process could lead to unprepared and uncommitted local management, as well
as heterogeneity of implementation.

Box 2: Governance of programs supported by the National Rural Health Missions in India8
The three tiers of governance (i.e., government, state, and panchayats) in India pose challenges
for a range of government programs, including for carrying out certain functions of the National
Rural Health Mission (an initiative of the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare to strengthen rural
health services). An evaluation from 2009 reported that transfers of funds to lower levels of
governance were being held up at the state levels. The evaluation proposed direct disbursement
of funds from the central government to the panchayats as a solution to this problem. However, it
was noted that this change may be difficult, given that health is defined as a state responsibility
in the constitution of India. The evaluation suggests that individual states would like to gain more
autonomy from the center. However, states are reluctant to devolve the necessary powers to
govern CHW programs to the panchayat level, where primary health centers and sub-centers are
located. Similar tensions were reported between the central government and the states in
relation to program financing.

4–6
Who Are the Stakeholders Involved in Defining and Designing These Policies and to What
Extent Is This Done in a Collaborative Manner?
A range of stakeholders may have roles in defining and designing CHW policies. The extent to
which there is wide participation in this process may depend on the orientation of the political
system within a particular context, the formal and informal power stakeholders are able to
exert, and the attitudes of those driving a particular policy process.

Which stakeholders are involved in CHW policymaking, and how these stakeholders are
involved, have important benefits and drawbacks for programs:
• When it is not clear who has final responsibility for policymaking, decisions may not be made or
may be much delayed.
• When policy decision-making is dispersed across a range of stakeholders, important
inconsistencies may develop across program policies. For example, CHWs may have authority to
deliver antibiotics for neonatal sepsis in one region of a country but not in another; or they may
be compensated differently among regions, as is the case with India’s ASHA Program.
• Involving a wide range of relevant stakeholders in CHW program policymaking may help to
build consensus, consistency, and buy-in regarding these policies. This, in turn, may facilitate
implementation of CHW policies. However, it may be difficult to achieve such consensus, and
decision-making may, as a result, be very prolonged, or may fail to keep pace with changes
encountered by the programs on the ground.

Questions that need to be considered in relation to stakeholder involvement include:*

• Who are the key stakeholders for policies related to community health services?

In addition to the national Ministry or Department of Health, stakeholders may often

include other ministries or departments, such as Finance, Education and Training,
Employment, Public Works; provincial or regional ministries or departments of health;
CSOs; professional organizations, such as doctors’ or nurses’ unions; regulatory authorities,
such as bodies that register health care professionals; private sector organizations, such as
private clinics; national and international NGOs, who may employ or manage CHWs or
other elements of the health system; CHWs themselves; communities where CHWs are
working; and donors, including bilateral and multilateral organizations and private
foundations.
• To what extent are these key stakeholders consulted and involved in policymaking for community
health services? To what extent is there a consensus orientation, in which state authorities
cooperate with other stakeholders in policy development?

There may be a trade-off between involving a very wide range of stakeholders and involving
a narrower group of stakeholders. The former approach may maximize input and buy-in to a
policy but may result in no one stakeholder having overall responsibility for policy
development, leading to delays and indecision. The latter approach may make the policy
process more manageable, but may reduce buy-in or may result in policies that are not
aligned with related policies in other government departments or sectors.

* Adapted in part from Siddiqi S, Masud TI, Nishtar S, et al. Framework for assessing governance of the health system in

developing countries: gateway to good governance. Health Policy 2009; 90(1): 13-25.

4–7
• How are inputs solicited from stakeholders?

There are a range of ways in which this may be done, including convening a national or
regional policy dialogue,9-11 requesting written inputs, and holding public consultations.
Important challenges include the following:
• Having a leader or champion who has motivation, the necessary experience with CHW
programs, and the credibility with stakeholders to take forward a consultation process. The
leader also needs to have the authority to adapt the policy based on the inputs received.
• Having resources for and commitment to a consultation process.
• Having skills to synthesize inputs received in ways that advance the policy process.

• How are the varied objectives, motivations, and views of different stakeholders reconciled within
the policy process?

Stakeholders may have very different views in relation to a particular policy question, based
on their constituencies. For example, an international donor may lobby for a “vertical” CHW
program for a particular health problem, such as providing treatment support for people
living with HIV/AIDS. However, the national department of health may favor a more
integrated model, in which CHWs are part of the PHC team in each primary care facility,
and may see this as more useful and appropriate in the setting. At the same time, a
professional association for nurses may be concerned to limit the range of tasks that CHWs
are permitted by policy to undertake because the association wants to protect their
profession’s scope of practice.

Those leading and managing the policy process need to decide if the views of stakeholders
will be made available publicly, the extent to which consensus is desirable or possible, and
what mechanisms will be used to address the different views and objectives of different
stakeholders. Mechanisms that may be used include involving key stakeholders in drafting
a policy and facilitating dialogue on a draft policy.

Are there Important Historical Legacies that May Shape CHW-Related Policymaking?
In addition to being constrained by existing laws and regulations, policymaking for CHW
programs may also be shaped by historical legacies. These legacies may include previous and
current policies, experiences, and practices. For example, a CHW program may have been
established with the specific purpose of improving equity of access to health care for historically
marginalized groups, such as populations living in geographically remote areas of the country.
The Brazilian Family Health Program, for instance, has its antecedents in a regional program,
established to respond to a severe drought (see “historical legacies” row in Table 3). The model
developed in this setting has shaped the program across the country.

Programs may also be shaped by specific health system legacies: for instance, CHW policies may
need to take into account an existing nurse auxiliary cadre or a program based on salaried
CHWs, or may need to absorb an existing network of community health volunteers. Efforts to
establish a national CHW policy framework in South Africa, for example, were influenced by the
absence of a national CHW program and the presence of a large number of small-to-medium-
sized programs, largely managed by NGOs, in which CHWs had different scopes of practice and
levels of training (see “size of the program” and “historical legacies” rows in Table 3).

Historical legacies are important, as they may determine stakeholders’ views of and reactions to
policies. These legacies may also constrain what is possible; for instance, it may be difficult to
make substantial changes to CHWs’ existing scopes of practices, such as introducing curative

4–8
tasks to a program focusing on health promotion, or to the types of recipients targeted, for
example, from women and children to everyone in the household or from rural to urban
households.

Questions that need to be considered here include:

• Are there important health system legacies, in relation to governance, financial, or delivery
arrangements,† that may shape CHW-related policymaking?

It may be very challenging to establish community-led systems for governing CHW

programs in a health system in which governance and financial management are highly
centralized and in which there is little experience with more decentralized forms of
governing. Similarly, it may be difficult to put in place policies to expand the roles of CHWs
if these roles are likely to be seen to overlap with those of another cadre.

• Are there important political system legacies, in relation to institutions, interests, or ideas‡ that
may shape CHW-related policymaking?

Issues to be considered here include whether there is a constitutional mandate to

decentralize the management of programs to district level; whether important funders of a
CHW program, such as the ministry of finance or international donors, will support a policy
change; and whether there is a body of research that may provide support for shifting the
way in which a health service is delivered.

• To what extent are these historical legacies in alignment with the planned policy? What scope is
there for reshaping the policy or bypassing these legacies?

Decision-makers involved in governing CHW programs need to consider how these historical
legacies may impact a planned policy. A number of tools are available, such as a SWOT
(strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats) analysis, which may be useful in
approaching this assessment in a systematic way.12-14

How might Wider Health and Political System Goals in a Particular Context Influence How
CHW Programs Are Governed?
How CHW programs are governed may be influenced by the particular goals or benefits
(sometimes called governance outputs) that have been prioritized within a specific health or
political system. CHW and other health policies may be assessed by decision-makers in relation
to the extent to which they help to achieve these goals or outputs. Such goals may include
improved equity, improved responsiveness to population needs, greater efficiency in the delivery
of services, more decentralized services, increased employment, and greater involvement of the
private sector in the delivery of services.

† Governance arrangements are concerned with political, economic, and administrative authority in the management of

health systems, as noted above. Financial arrangements include funding and incentive systems, while delivery
arrangements include human resources for health, as well as service delivery.
‡ Drawing on political science theory, the term “institutions” is used here to refer to both the formal and informal structures

and processes of policymaking (constitutional rules, structures through which decisions are made, and features of the
policy process, such as the level of transparency). The term “interests” concerns the stakeholders who shape a policy and
their views on whether the policy will have benefits or drawbacks for them or others. The term “ideas” refers to the values
and knowledge held by stakeholders, including those in government and civil society, and comprises information from both
research and experience.12–14

4–9
There are a number of ways in which wider health and political system goals may influence how
CHW programs are governed. Firstly, it may be difficult to develop CHW program policies and
governance processes where these do not align with wider goals. For instance, developing
structures to allow CHWs to work more closely with private sector providers, such as drug
dispensers, may not be feasible if such arrangements are not seen as legitimate or important
within the wider health system. Similarly, the governance of CHW programs may be neglected
if there is a shift in goals in the political system toward increasing the number of providers with
higher levels of training, such as nurses and doctors. In contrast, ways of governing CHW
programs that align closely with political system goals, such as the decentralization of services,
may be easier to develop and implement.

Secondly, health and political system goals may drive the development, or indeed the demise, of
a CHW program. In many settings, programs have been developed or scaled up to help achieve
the goal of improved equity in access to health services. In Ethiopia, the HEW program aims to
improve access to care for rural populations particularly (see “historical legacies” row in Table
3). In South Africa, efforts by the first democratic government to improve equity and quality in
PHC prioritized nurses as the lead cadre and viewed CHWs as providing second-rate care.
Consequently, funding and support for CHW programs declined and many programs ceased to
function15 (see “historical legacies” row in Table 3).

Questions that need to be considered in relation to health and political system goals include:
• What goals are emphasized currently within the health and political system in a particular
context?
• To what extent will CHW-related policies help to achieve these goals, and how can this be
demonstrated within the policy process?
• What changes need to be made to proposed CHW policies to better align them with relevant
governance goals?
• Where CHW-related policies diverge from prioritized governance goals, how can this be justified
and advocated for within the policy process?
• Are there role players with political influence who can advocate for CHW programs?

There are a number of ways, both formal and informal, in which these questions may be
considered. Those governing CHW programs can reflect on the goals of the program and those of
the wider health and political system, and the extent to which CHW policies will help to achieve
these wider goals. Wider consultations, such as deliberative dialogue processes,10 may be useful
in identifying current and future health and political system goals, in considering how CHW
policies align with these, and in assessing how the governing of CHW programs may need to
shift in order to support important health and political system goals. A number of policy
analysis tools are available that may be useful in this process.16-19

Who, and at What Levels of Government, Implements Decisions Regarding CHW

Programs?
After a policy decision has been made, the next key challenge is transforming this policy into
practical actions. Policy implementation is challenging in most settings for a range of reasons,
including the complexity of the health system. The process of implementing policy decisions
may involve multiple levels of government, as well as other stakeholders, and the coordination
and management of complex processes. Such complex processes may include (1) limited
financial resources or difficulties in disbursing resources to the levels where they are needed; (2)
deficits of other resources, including human resources for health care delivery and management;
(3) competing priorities within and beyond the health system; and (4) challenging physical

4–10
environments, such as very remote communities. The implementation of decisions regarding
CHW programs may, therefore, take place in an unsystematic way or be slowed by a range of
obstacles. Careful and systematic planning is needed to ensure that CHW program policies are
implemented as intended.

Questions that can be considered by policymakers when planning the implementation of policies
for CHW programs include the following:§
• What factors might affect the successful implementation of the policy? In what ways can potential
barriers be overcome or minimized and facilitators harnessed?
• Is there a clear implementation plan for the policy that includes the objectives to be achieved,
adequate resources, and a timeframe, and that addresses important barriers and facilitators?
Additional issues to be considered here include:
• What is the extent of decentralization for the implementation of CHW policies? Which
stakeholder(s) will lead and which level(s) of government and other agencies need to be
involved?
• What strategies should be considered in planning implementation of the policy in order to
facilitate the necessary changes among health care recipients, health care professionals,
organizations, and the health system?
• How will implementation of this policy affect the day-to-day running of ongoing CHW (and
other) programs?
• To what extent will communities and CSOs be involved, and how will this be
operationalized? (See Box 3 below and Chapter 13 on relationships with communities.)
• How will implementation ensure that key governance goals, such as equity, participation, and
accountability, are maximized?
• How will implementation of policies be monitored and evaluated to ensure that their objectives
are met? (Also see Chapter 3 on planning for CHW programs.)

Box 3. Community involvement in CHW program implementation in Zimbabwe8

Studies analyzing the implementation of the Village Health Worker (VHW) program in Zimbabwe
provide in-depth analysis of why such local citizen bodies may have failed to stimulate meaningful
community involvement. These studies suggest that the government, while attempting to redirect
resources to the village level, developed an increasingly large bureaucracy that reinforced
centralization of power. Local citizen bodies, in turn, became extensions of the central
government structures. People’s representation was supposed to be mediated through village
and district committees. However, these structures were regarded by communities as remote and
as a part of civil service structures that were accountable to the government, and not to poor
people within communities. Effective popular mobilization in the planning and development of the
VHW program was seen to have declined in inverse relation to the bureaucratization of the
program.

§Adapted from Siddiqi S, Masud TI, Nishtar S, et al. Framework for assessing governance of the health system in
developing countries: gateway to good governance. Health Policy 2009; 90(1): 13-25 and Fretheim A, Munabi-Babigumira
S, Oxman AD, Lavis JN, Lewin S. SUPPORT tools for evidence-informed policymaking in health 6: Using research evidence to
address how an option will be implemented. Health research policy and systems / BioMed Central 2009; 7 Suppl 1: S6.

4–11
What laws and regulations are needed to support the program?
The governing and implementation of CHW programs may be shaped or constrained by existing
laws or regulations** in relation to, for instance, the organization of health services, human
resources, drugs, technologies, and financing. As noted above, these “policy legacies”20 may
include regulations regarding the kinds of health care providers who can prescribe and dispense
different types of medications. These legacies may also include laws regarding the disbursement
of funds from health departments to community structures that may be responsible for
supporting CHWs.

Further, CHW programs may experience challenges if laws and regulations that are needed to
enable effective program functioning are not put in place in a timely manner or if existing laws
and regulations are not amended as needed. For example, regulations in Brazil regarding the
need to advertise civil service posts nationally were changed to help ensure that CHWs
employed by the Family Health Program came from the community in which they were to
work.21 In South Africa, it has been argued that the functioning of CHW programs was
hampered by poor regulation that limited the rights of CHWs and contributed to low pay
levels.22

Appropriate legal and regulatory frameworks are, therefore, needed for large-scale programs to
function effectively.23 These need to address issues related to CHWs, such as selection and
remuneration, as well as issues related to the wider health system, such as governance
structures for PHC. As such, those developing and scaling up CHW programs need to consider
which existing laws and regulations need to be taken into account and whether changes to them
are needed to ensure the effective governing of the program and its implementation as intended.

Questions that should be considered in relation to laws and regulations:

• Which laws and regulations are relevant to the governing and scale-up of CHW programs?
• How are these laws and regulations translated into rules and procedures that may affect
program implementation in the field, and who has responsibility for this?
• Will any changes be required to these laws and regulations to allow the program to be scaled-up
as intended? Will any new laws and regulations be needed?
• Where laws or regulations need to be promulgated or amended, which government bodies would
be responsible for leading this process? Which other bodies would need to be involved in this
process? Are there key laws or regulations that may act as critical barriers or bottlenecks to policy
implementation and that should be priorities for promulgation or amendment?
• What is the likely timeframe for these legislative or regulatory processes?
• Can scale-up be implemented in parallel to changes in laws and regulations?

How should the program be adapted across different settings or groups within the
country or region?
For CHW programs operating at scale, there may be tension between, on one hand, adopting a
fairly standard approach to the governing of programs and to their implementation and, on the
other hand, trying to ensure that the program is tailored to the needs of different settings or
groups. The former approach may allow for more rapid scale up and may require fewer

** A law can be defined as “a rule of conduct or action prescribed or formally recognized as binding or enforced by a

controlling authority” (From: www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/law Accessed 26 June 2013). A regulation can be

described as “A law on some point of detail, supported by an enabling statute, and issued not by a legislative body but by
an executive branch of government” (From: www.duhaime.org/LegalDictionary/R/Regulation.aspx, accessed 26 June
2013).

4–12
resources. The latter approach, while more resource intensive and more difficult to implement,
may help to ensure that the program is seen as useful by local communities and health services,
may be more sustainable,24, 25 and may have a greater impact in the medium to long term.

There are a number of reasons why programs may need to be adaptable. Firstly, different
population groups within a country may have very different health and therefore program
needs. Secondly, programs may need to be adapted for particular local contexts, such as remote
areas with poor physical access where operational challenges differ dramatically from more
densely populated urban areas. Thirdly, CHW programs may need to be adapted to local or
regional health system arrangements, such the availability of other health care providers in the
area, the presence of private drug sellers or other sources of drugs, or the extent of private
sector health care provision.
Questions that need to be considered:
• Is the program targeted toward specific groups or settings in the country or region?
• Are there important differences across groups or settings in the country or region that may affect
the roll-out of the program and that may require its adaptation?
• If the program is to be adapted:
• What are the specific needs of these groups or settings; what barriers do these groups
experience in accessing the program; and what challenges might be encountered in adapting
the program to their needs or setting?
• Which are the core elements of the program that should be retained across settings or
groups and which elements can be adapted to address specific needs?
• To what extent does adaptability need to be built into the program policy?
• Which entities will have responsibility for adapting the program in response to local needs?
• Will the adapted program need to be piloted before it is scaled up?

ADDITIONAL CONSIDERATIONS
Other issues that may be important to consider in relation to governing CHW programs at scale
include the requirements that scale-up of the program might impose on the health system
(including managers, health care providers, and users) and on other sectors. Factors affecting
the sustainability of the program, and ways in which national, regional, and international
stakeholders can be mobilized to support a national CHW program, are also important. These
issues are discussed further in the chapters on relations with the health system (Chapter 12),
on financing (Chapter 5), and on planning (Chapter 3).

CONCLUSIONS
Governing CHW programs can be complex because of the location of these programs between
the formal health system and communities, and the involvement of a wide range of stakeholders
at local, national, and international levels. CHW programs frequently fall outside of the
governance structures of the formal health system or are poorly integrated with it.

The most appropriate and acceptable model(s) for governing CHW programs depends on the
community, on local health systems, and on the political context of the program. Policymakers
and other stakeholders in each setting need to consider what systems are currently in place and
what might work in their context, and develop a locally tailored governance approach.

4–13
Where community or local participation is well-established, models of community governance
and accountability may be appropriate and useful for CHW programs. Where local participation
in governance is not well-established (e.g., because governance of the health and political
systems are highly centralized) or is weak, stakeholders need to explore other mechanisms for
accountability.

It is challenging to include a very local participatory structure for governing a CHW program
within a large-scale program, and there are few sustained examples of this. For large-scale
programs, formal local governance structures, such as elected local government councils, may
need to be relied on. Stakeholders need to consider how to organize CHW program governance
in such contexts.

Ultimately, local participation in governing CHW programs is difficult to achieve at scale

without substantial resources, adequate planning, and sustained attention to maintaining these
local structures. Stakeholders must consider what resources are needed and how these can be
made available.

Table 2: Governing CHW programs—key questions and sub-questions

KEY QUESTIONS SUBQUESTIONS
How, and where Where are policy decisions made?
within political  Where are laws and regulations relevant to health initiated? Do laws need to be
structures, are initiated by cabinet or parliament? Can other stakeholders initiate laws or
policies made for regulations through other mechanisms?
CHW programs?  Who can initiate such laws and regulations? Do laws need to be initiated by a
government minister or a ministerial permanent secretary?

Who are the stakeholders involved in defining and designing these policies
(participation), and to what extent is this done in a collaborative manner (consensus
orientation)?
 Who are the key stakeholders for policies related to community health services?
 To what extent are these key stakeholders consulted and involved in policy
making for community health services? To what extent is there a consensus
orientation in which government authorities cooperate with other stakeholders in
policy development?
 How are inputs solicited from stakeholders?
 How are the varied objectives, motivations and views of different stakeholders
reconciled within the policy process?

Are there important historical legacies that may shape CHW-related policy making?
 Are there important health system legacies in relation to governance, finance or
service delivery that may shape CHW-related policy making?
 Are there important political system legacies in relation to institutions, interests
or ideas that may shape CHW-related policy making?
 To what extent are these historical legacies in alignment with the planned policy?
What scope is there for re-shaping the policy or bypassing these legacies?

How might wider health and political systems goals in a particular context influence
how CHW programs are governed?
 What goals are emphasized currently within the health and political system in a
particular context?
 To what extent will CHW-related policies help to achieve these goals, and how
can this be demonstrated within the policy process?
 What changes need to be made to proposed CHW policies to better align them
with relevant governance goals?
 Where CHW-related policies diverge from prioritized governance goals, how can
this be justified and advocated for within the policy process?

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 KEY QUESTIONS SUBQUESTIONS
 Are there role players with political influence who can advocate for CHW
programs?
Who implements  What factors might affect the successful implementation of the policy? In what
decisions regarding ways can potential barriers be overcome or minimized and facilitators
CHW programs, and harnessed?
at what levels of  Is there a clear plan for implementation of policy decisions that includes the
government? objectives to be achieved, adequate resources, and a timeframe, and that
addresses important barriers and facilitators?
 How will implementation ensure that key governance goals, such as equity,
participation and accountability, are maximized?
 How will implementation of policies be monitored and evaluated to ensure that
their objectives are met?
What laws and  Which laws and regulations are relevant to the governing and scale up of CHW
regulations are programs?
needed to support  How are these laws and regulations translated into rules and procedures that
the program? may affect program implementation in the field, and who has responsibility for
this?
 Will any changes be required to these laws and regulations to allow the program
to be scaled up as intended? Will any new laws and regulations be needed?
 Where laws or regulations need to be promulgated or amended, which
government bodies would be responsible for leading this process? Which other
bodies would need to be involved in this process? Are there key laws or
regulations that may act as critical barriers or bottlenecks to policy
implementation and that should therefore be priorities for promulgation or
amendment?
 What is the likely timeframe for these legislative or regulatory processes?
 Can scale-up be implemented in parallel to changes in laws and regulations?
How should the  Is the program targeted toward specific groups or settings in the country or
program be region?
adapted across  Are there important differences across groups or settings in the country or region
different settings or that may affect roll out of the program and that may require its adaptation?
groups within the  How will the program be adapted, if this is needed?
country or region?

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Table 3: Cross-country comparison of CHW program governance6
COUNTRY
KEY RELEVANCE AND SOUTH AFRICA
PAKISTAN
GOVERNANCE IMPORTANCE OF BRAZIL WARD-BASED ETHIOPIA
LADY HEALTH INDIA
CONSIDERATIONS THE ISSUE FAMILY HEALTH PRIMARY HEALTH HEALTH EXTENSION
WORKER ASHA PROGRAM
PROGRAM CARE (PHC) PROGRAM
PROGRAM
OUTREACH TEAMS
Inception year (as a national program) 1994 1994 2005 2011 2003
Cadres Is there one or are Historical Community Lady Health Accredited Social Community Health Health Extension
there several experiences, both Health Agent Worker (LHW) Health Activist Worker (CHW) Workers (HEWs)
cadres? negative and (CHA) (ASHA) Health Development
positive, may Army (HDA, formerly
shape views and called Community
responses. Health Promoters, or
Diversity and CHPs )
unclear Various other CHW
boundaries can cadres including
lead to conflict Community-Based
among cadres Reproductive Health
and/or gaps in Agents (CBRHAs)
provision and HIV lay
counselors
Size of the Is this a national Size and scope of 236,000 working 100,000 820,000 ASHAs Prior to project >34,000 HEWs;
program or small-scale program impacts in 33,000 family have been initiation there >100,000 CHPs in
local program? on the complexity health care selected (across were around 15,000 kebeles
of governing the teams 31 States and 72,000 CHWs, (communities)
program Union Territories) attached to
various NGOs and
programs

6 The information in this table is drawn from the case studies in Appendix A at the end of this guide.

4–16
 COUNTRY
KEY RELEVANCE AND SOUTH AFRICA
PAKISTAN
GOVERNANCE IMPORTANCE OF BRAZIL WARD-BASED ETHIOPIA
LADY HEALTH INDIA
CONSIDERATIONS THE ISSUE FAMILY HEALTH PRIMARY HEALTH HEALTH EXTENSION
WORKER ASHA PROGRAM
PROGRAM CARE (PHC) PROGRAM
PROGRAM
OUTREACH TEAMS
Inception year (as a national program) 1994 1994 2005 2011 2003
Historical Are there Historical legacies The program has In 1993 Pakistan ASHAs are the South Africa has In the 1997/8 fiscal
legacies important health may define, its antecedents established the most recent never had a large- year the Ethiopian
system legacies in constrain or in a regional Prime Minister’s incarnation of scale, national Federal Ministry of
relation to how facilitate CHW program in Ceará Program for Family community health CHW program, but Health launched the
programs are policies. Policy State, where it Planning and workers (CHWs) in has had numerous National Health
governed, and in may be shaped by emerged from an Primary Health a long history of smaller and larger Sector Development
terms of key previous emergency Care that national and state- CHW projects Program (HSDP).
players and experience or response to a employed CHWs to level CHW since the 1980s. This program shifted
specific existing practices. severe draught.26 provide primary programs in India. In the 1990s and the health system’s
institutions, Legacies will health care In many states, the early 2000s these focus from
financial or determine what services in their ASHA program CHWs often predominantly
delivery actors think of communities. The built upon pre- worked as curative to more
arrangements that policy and how program existing CHW volunteers and preventive and
may shape CHW they will enact subsequently only programs. single-purpose promotive care and
policy-making? and react to it employed female The Chhattisgarh workers, with prioritized the needs
To what extent are CHWs and the Mitanin CHW insecure funding. of the rural
these historical Lady Health program, launched The present inhabitants who
legacies in Worker (LHW) in 2003 as a emerging national constitute 83% of
alignment with the program was precursor to the program builds on the Ethiopian
planned policy? developed in ASHA program, this “stock” of population. The
What scope is 1994. has retained the CHWs and their “Accelerated
there for building name “Mitanin” for experience. Expansion of
on or re-shaping their health Primary Health Care
the policy or workers but has Coverage” and the
bypassing these otherwise been Health Extension
legacies? encompassed by Program (HEP) was
the ASHA program. launched in 2003.

4–17
 COUNTRY
KEY RELEVANCE AND SOUTH AFRICA
PAKISTAN
GOVERNANCE IMPORTANCE OF BRAZIL WARD-BASED ETHIOPIA
LADY HEALTH INDIA
CONSIDERATIONS THE ISSUE FAMILY HEALTH PRIMARY HEALTH HEALTH EXTENSION
WORKER ASHA PROGRAM
PROGRAM CARE (PHC) PROGRAM
PROGRAM
OUTREACH TEAMS
Inception year (as a national program) 1994 1994 2005 2011 2003
Health system How does CHW CHW programs in There are three There are three The rural public South Africa The Ethiopian health
structure policy fit into many settings levels of health tiers of governance health system is introduced a system is
wider health remain peripheral care provided in in the Pakistani designed from the district health decentralized and
governance to the rest of the Brazil with strong public health village to the state system shortly has been
structures? health system. emphasis on system: federal, level. In addition to after its first reorganized into
This undermines basic (primary) provincial and an ASHA worker, democratic three tiers: (1)
their legitimacy, health care. This district. each village should election in 1994. primary healthcare
hampers care is the entry Responsibility for have an Angan- The most recent units comprised of a
alignment of point to more health services wadi Worker health sector health center and
tasks and advanced care, rests with (AWW). A multi- reforms, aiming at five satellite health
responsibilities, but also has provinces, with the purpose worker revitalizing PHC, posts along with
and may cut them promotive and exception of a (MPW) and an have introduced district/woreda
off from preventive national Ministry of auxiliary nurse community health hospitals; (2)
mainstream components. Regulation. midwife (ANM) are services consisting zonal/general
funding sources. Family Health The district level is employed to of clinics, school hospitals; and (3)
Care Teams are responsible for conduct outreach health teams, specialized/referral
the main service allocation and to villages on a specialist teams, hospitals.
providers and are supervision of monthly basis. The and PHC outreach
comprised of one LHWs. All tiers of MPW works out of teams at
doctor, one government are the sub-center, a community and
nurse, one involved in the clinic that serves household levels.
auxiliary LHW program, and several villages. First- level hospital
(assistant) nurse, LHWs are integral The ANM is based care is rendered
and a minimum to service delivery in the primary through district
of four of most community health center hospitals, and
community health initiatives in (PHC), a larger referrals take
health workers. the country. clinic that is to be place from these
open 24/7 and to secondary and
includes a doctor. tertiary hospitals.
Referrals can be
made from there
to the community
health center
(CHC) and district
hospital.

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 COUNTRY
KEY RELEVANCE AND SOUTH AFRICA
PAKISTAN
GOVERNANCE IMPORTANCE OF BRAZIL WARD-BASED ETHIOPIA
LADY HEALTH INDIA
CONSIDERATIONS THE ISSUE FAMILY HEALTH PRIMARY HEALTH HEALTH EXTENSION
WORKER ASHA PROGRAM
PROGRAM CARE (PHC) PROGRAM
PROGRAM
OUTREACH TEAMS
Inception year (as a national program) 1994 1994 2005 2011 2003
Structure of How is the Signals how the CHAs operate as LHWs are attached ASHAs are based The new system The aim of the HEP
the program program program is members of the to a local health in their villages but for the first time is to “provide
integrated/aligned located in the family health facility, but they refer people to sees CHW as part equitable access to
with the formal governance care teams are primarily their local CHC and of the system of promotive,
health system? structures of (Equipo de Saúde community-based, PHC. Village Health service delivery. preventive and
health system. Familiar) that are working from their and Sanitation Similar to the select curative
managed by homes. The homes Committees Brazilian model, health interventions
municipalities. of LHWs are (VHSCs), PHC outreach through 30,000
These teams are named Health composed of teams consist of 5- government-salaried
based within the Houses, and village residents 6 CHWs Health Extension
Family Health emergency including the supervised by a Workers (HEWs),
Program clinics treatment and care ASHA, also provide nurse. They render two per kebele
and provide are provided from support for the services in (neighborhood),
services to 600- these houses. ASHA’s activities households and located at a health
1,000 families or (see: “Local communities, and post. The HEWs,
a maximum of (community) refer patients to young local women
4,500 people. governance” row). clinics as needed. with grade 10
Although service education, are
delivery varies by recruited by Kebele
state, in general, and Woreda
ASHAs are Councils and given
expected to attend one year of training
weekly meetings at prior to employment
their local PHC and with the Woreda
make home visits Health Office.
in the community
as needed. They
work
approximately 2
hours a day, four
days per week.

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 COUNTRY
KEY RELEVANCE AND SOUTH AFRICA
PAKISTAN
GOVERNANCE IMPORTANCE OF BRAZIL WARD-BASED ETHIOPIA
LADY HEALTH INDIA
CONSIDERATIONS THE ISSUE FAMILY HEALTH PRIMARY HEALTH HEALTH EXTENSION
WORKER ASHA PROGRAM
PROGRAM CARE (PHC) PROGRAM
PROGRAM
OUTREACH TEAMS
Inception year (as a national program) 1994 1994 2005 2011 2003
Employment Are CHWs Signals who State employees State employees Considered Employed by NGOs State employees
status of CHWs employees of the CHWs are volunteers but who in turn have
state and/or accountable to, receive a service contracts
appointed by and how firmly government with state health
communities? embedded they stipend. services at district
are in structures level.
of the health
system.
Program How are CHW How CHW The Family The Pakistani In 2006, the In the past, Financed by a mix of
financing programs programs are Health Program government is the Ministry of Health programs were national and sub-
financed? financed reflects is co-funded by largest funder of and Family Welfare largely funded national government
both national and states and LHW services, (MoHFW) from external entities, bilateral
local priorities municipalities, although the stipulated that the grants. The new and multilateral
and is also a key but regulated by program has been program would program will donors, non-
governance the national underfunded since cost US$185 per increasingly be governmental
mechanism. government. The its inception. The ASHA. This funded through organizations,
CHW program is vast majority included the costs the health budget. private
an integral part of (around 70%) of of selection, social contributions, along
Family Health the costs are mobilization, with user fee
Program and comprised of LHW training, drug kits, revenues.
thus funded as stipends, drugs identity cards and At the local level,
part of it. and support for ASHAs financing and
contraceptives. 4% through the PHCs planning are
of overall costs are and supervisors. It decentralized and
for training. did not include the the woredas receive
ASHAs’ stipends, block grants to
which were to cover HEP
come from the expenses.
budgets of other
MoHFW initiatives.

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 COUNTRY
KEY RELEVANCE AND SOUTH AFRICA
PAKISTAN
GOVERNANCE IMPORTANCE OF BRAZIL WARD-BASED ETHIOPIA
LADY HEALTH INDIA
CONSIDERATIONS THE ISSUE FAMILY HEALTH PRIMARY HEALTH HEALTH EXTENSION
WORKER ASHA PROGRAM
PROGRAM CARE (PHC) PROGRAM
PROGRAM
OUTREACH TEAMS
Inception year (as a national program) 1994 1994 2005 2011 2003
Program scale- Will the program CHW programs In 1990 there A 2000 evaluation Initially (2005- The intention is to There have been
up be taken to scale generally aim to were 78,805 estimated that 2008) the ASHA roll the program four HSDPs since its
and, if so, how will improve access to CHAs and there 150,000 LHWs program was a out nationally. inception in 1997.
this occur? and quality of are now over were needed to component of the Numerous pilot Rollout has occurred
health care for 236,000 CHAs obtain optimal National Rural sites are in a step-wise
remote and poor that provide coverage in the Health Mission operational at this manner, in which
communities. services to 98 country. Since then only in 18 “High stage and are the speed was
million people there has been a Focus States” and being carefully influenced by
within 85% of consistent scale- in the tribal monitored and available resources
Brazil’s up, to 90,074 in districts of other evaluated. for health posts and
municipalities. 2008. This states. In 2009 the presence of eligible
increased LHW program was women to become
coverage in more extended to cover HEWs.
rural and poorer the entire country.
areas, but the The target number
program still does of ASHAs is
not reach the most 888,650; 94%
disadvantaged have now been
areas. selected.

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 COUNTRY
KEY RELEVANCE AND SOUTH AFRICA
PAKISTAN
GOVERNANCE IMPORTANCE OF BRAZIL WARD-BASED ETHIOPIA
LADY HEALTH INDIA
CONSIDERATIONS THE ISSUE FAMILY HEALTH PRIMARY HEALTH HEALTH EXTENSION
WORKER ASHA PROGRAM
PROGRAM CARE (PHC) PROGRAM
PROGRAM
OUTREACH TEAMS
Inception year (as a national program) 1994 1994 2005 2011 2003
Local How are Community Community The selection ASHAs are to be All health districts There are active
(community) communities acceptance and governance committee for selected by and have district health committees
governance involved in therefore functions through LHWs includes a accountable to the health councils involved in the
decision-making community national, state person nominated local village level who have selection and
about CHW participation is and municipal by the local government, called representation oversight of HEWs
activities at local considered health councils, community, and the Gram from civil society. and they are
level? Are they central to any over 5,500 potential LHWs are Panchayat, Implementation is involved in these
involved in CHW program, but municipal identified through through a at an early stage activities with CHPs
selection? Can mechanisms of councils local community participatory and uneven in some
they hold CHWs to community participating. structures were process involving throughout the geographical areas.
account? Can they participation in Councils are possible. Program the whole village. country. Additionally, the
influence governing comprised of planning, After selection, Furthermore, kebele council is
decision-making programs are 50% users, 25% implementation ASHAs are to work community health supposed to be
about funding, often poorly health workers and monitoring closely with the committees are involved in every
support, etc.? developed and and 25% health and evaluation Village Health and supposed to step of the HEP from
dysfunctional. managers and also should include Sanitation oversee the program planning
service providers. community Committee (VHSC). functioning of through to
Health participation. This committee is service delivery in evaluation.
conferences are However, the comprised of key communities and
also held every extent to which stakeholders in the facilities.
four years to this occurs varies. village.
propose
directives for
health policies.

4–22
 COUNTRY
KEY RELEVANCE AND SOUTH AFRICA
PAKISTAN
GOVERNANCE IMPORTANCE OF BRAZIL WARD-BASED ETHIOPIA
LADY HEALTH INDIA
CONSIDERATIONS THE ISSUE FAMILY HEALTH PRIMARY HEALTH HEALTH EXTENSION
WORKER ASHA PROGRAM
PROGRAM CARE (PHC) PROGRAM
PROGRAM
OUTREACH TEAMS
Inception year (as a national program) 1994 1994 2005 2011 2003
Relationship What are lines of In many CHW CHAs are All LHWs are Although ASHAs CHWs are HEWs are full
with the formal reporting and programs, links managed by local attached to a First are supposed to managed by members of the
health services accountability? with the formal nurses who Level Health be representatives nurses and formal health
What is the level health services spend half their Facility in the form of and structurally linked workforce. They
of integration? are tentative and time working in of either a rural accountable to the to the formal staff health posts
not well thought the local clinic. health center or a people, they health services. and are responsible
through. Thus, CHAs are basic health unit. receive their Prior practices and for CHPs and model
Professionals at closely integrated LHWs generally payments through experiences were families. Many
the first formal into formal health receive their the ANM at the very mixed and HEWs work in hard-
level of service services. They supplies from PHC and are often dependent on to-reach and
delivery (health also have strong these facilities, treated as links between isolated areas,
centers, etc.) referral systems although there are extensions of the NGOs and health where supervision,
often resist in which they challenges with health system. services. They supplies and
engagement with report any ill insufficient staff were often referrals remain a
and support for person within and stock outs at dependent on challenge.
CHWs. their catchment local clinics. personal
area to a nurse. relationships as
well.

4–23
Table 4. Governance structures and mechanisms in relation to the definition, selection, training, support and remuneration of individual CHWs7
GOVERNANCE ISSUE BRAZIL PAKISTAN INDIA SOUTH AFRICA ETHIOPIA
CHW Criteria CHAs are adults who work in LHWs are females who ASHAs are to have class Criteria for selection HEWs are adult females
the community where they have a minimum of eight eight education or higher vary, but in most who have completed
are from/ permanently years of education. They and preferably be between cases, cadres who 10th grade. HEWs are
reside. The only other also must be between 18 the ages of 25 and 45. were active through supposed to work in or
selection criterion is and 45-50 years old, ASHAs are to be “daughter- NGOs prior to the close to their native
completion of primary reside in and be in-law” of the village, i.e., introduction of a community/ permanent
school. acceptable to/ married women (or widowed national program are residence.
recommended by their or divorced) so that they are being drawn on to
community, and preferably likely to live in the village for continue rendering
be married with children. the foreseeable future. services.

Selection Process CHAs are hired by their LHW are selected using a Local governance structures Selection processes There are active health
municipalities based on their clearly delineated process. and the wider community vary widely, committees that are
demonstrated abilities while LHW posts are advertised should be involved in ASHA depending on the involved in the selection
addressing simulated and applicants are then selection. However, these NGOs who contract of HEWs from the local
community problems during interviewed and selected selection processes are not with the CHWs. community.
the selection process. based on pre-set criteria always adhered to. CHPs are nominated and
by a selection committee. elected by the
community or selected
by HEWs and approved
by the community.
Scope of Work One of the goals of the LHWs are expected to link The government of India A PHC outreach team HEWs are full-time
Family Health Program is to the community to formal describes the ASHA’s role as will initially be employees who are
promote community health services and to be having three key responsible for: supposed to split their
engagement and to analyze members of the components. First, ASHAs  Identifying and time between health
the community’s needs. community where they are to play an important role capturing details posts and the
Thus, CHAs are expected to work. They also provide a in achieving national health of people who community. HEWs
serve as the link between range of community and population policy goals. live in the should spend at least
the Family Health Care development services and Second, they are to act link households in 80% of their time in
Teams and the surrounding participate in community rural people with the health the catchment these community-based
community. meetings. system. Third, they are to area and activities, although
Family Health Care Teams The LHW program has serve as social change assessing those considerable anecdotal
provide comprehensive care evolved over time. LHWs’ agents who will create who are most at evidence suggests this is
through promotive, scope of services has awareness on health and its risk; not the case.
preventive, recuperative, and grown from an initial focus social determinants and  Providing health HEWs’ main role is in
rehabilitative services. on mostly maternal and mobilize the community promotion and health promotion,
Central services provided by child health; it now also towards local health prevention; disease prevention, and
CHAs include the promotion includes participation in planning and increased  Testing for HIV treatment of
of breastfeeding, the large health campaigns, utilization and accountability and screening for uncomplicated and non-

7 The information in this table is drawn from the case studies developed for this series of chapters (see Appendix A).

4–24
 GOVERNANCE ISSUE BRAZIL PAKISTAN INDIA SOUTH AFRICA ETHIOPIA
provision of prenatal, newborn care, community of the existing health TB; severe cases of malaria,
neonatal and child care, the management of services.  Checking pneumonia, diarrhea,
provision of immunizations, tuberculosis and health Anganwadi Workers (AWWs) immunization malnutrition and
and the clinical management education on HIV/AIDS. provide basic child health status of measles in the
of infectious diseases, information, medicine and children; community. HEWs
including screening for and nutritional supplementation  Facilitating use of provide a range of
providing treatment for to children younger than 6 antenatal care services including:
HIV/AIDs and tuberculosis. years of age, pregnant and early in prevention/health
CHAs register the lactating women, and pregnancy and promotion/health
households in the areas adolescent girls. use of education role; support
where they work and are contraception; role for outreach work by
also are expected to and health services;
empower their communities  Responding to community-based
and link them to the formal the local burden distribution role that
health system. of disease. does not involve clinical
judgment; clinical case-
management role that
involves exercising
clinical judgment;
ongoing care or support
role to assist people with
a chronic illness (e.g.,
HIV/AIDS); and
participation or support
role in campaign-type
activities. They also
provide immunizations,
injectable
contraceptives, basic
first aid, as well as
diagnosis and treatment
of malaria, diarrhea and
intestinal parasites.

Training The national Ministry of LHWs are trained for three ASHAs are to receive 23 The training existing HEWs have more than
Health –with Ministry of months on PHC in days of training over their CHWs have received one year of pre-service
Education approval – is classrooms and then have first year, based on five varies widely, and has training conducted by
responsible for the training one year of on-the-job training manuals. They are been provided by a trainers that were
of CHAs in Brazil and trains training. This should then to receive 12 additional wide range of NGOs capacitated using a
them in regional health include one week of days of training each year and training train-the-trainer
schools. CHAs receive eight training per a month for a thereafter. Two additional providers. The MOH is approach. HEW training
weeks of training from local period of 12 months and training modules have just now aiming to is a collaboration of the
nurses, followed by four 15 days of refresher been added to the training standardize training, Ministry of Health and

4–25
 GOVERNANCE ISSUE BRAZIL PAKISTAN INDIA SOUTH AFRICA ETHIOPIA
weeks of supervised field training each year, regimen. ASHA training has although this process the Ministry of Education
work. This includes training although there is in some states been is still awaiting and occurs at 40
on home visits, how to substantial variation in outsourced to NGOs, and in finalization. Technical and Vocational
conduct a family census, and training patterns across other states is being Education Training
then on specific priority provinces. The Federal conducted by health Schools.
health care interventions. Project Implementation professionals within the CHPs have a brief initial
CHAs receive monthly and Unit is responsible for public system. Training training that is
quarterly ongoing education approval of all LHW generally takes place in a conducted by the HEWs
training during meetings. training and, with the cascading manner, by which that is less than 3 weeks
CHAs are also trained by Ministry of Health, state teams are trained and in length.
nurses and state health develops training then pass on their training
secretariat staff in their local curriculum, organizes and knowledge to district training Women from model
clinics; these trainers coordinates training, and teams. These district teams families are given 96
undergo an 80-hour training trains master trainers then pass on their training to hours of training on
module. while Provincial and block-level ASHA trainers. prevention of
District Project ASHAs are then to be trained communicable diseases,
Implementation Units are at the block or sub-block family health,
responsible for the local level. environmental and
trainings. household sanitation,
and health education.

Feedback and CHAs are supervised by Supervision is highly According to national Feedback and HEW supervision
Supervision nurses and physicians from organized and tiered in the guidelines, there is to be one supervision is appears to vary across
the local health centers. Pakistani LHW program. ASHA Facilitator for every 20 presently provided the history of the
Supervisory nurses spend LHWs are each attached to ASHAs. The Facilitator is to through NGOs but will program and
50% of their time in these a public health clinic and help with the selection of the in future be provided geographical contexts. In
supervisory roles and the are supervised on a ASHA, run monthly ASHA through the nurse 2005 HEWs had
rest of the time staffing the monthly basis by a LHW meetings, establish a system supervisor attached relatively high levels of
local health center, a factor supervisor (LHS). There are to respond to ASHA to every outreach supervision with an
that has been identified as a two layers of supervision grievances, accompany team. average of three
critical component to the above the LHS. LHWs ASHAs on home visits, supervisory visits over
program’s success. should have community- maintain records of ASHA the course of nine
based supervision at least activities, attend Village months. There are
once a month in which Health and Nutrition Days supposed to be multiple
supervisors meet with with the ASHAs, and attend levels of HEW
clients and with the LHWs monthly Block PHC supervision, including
in the community where meetings. The ASHA the woreda supervisory
the LHW works, review the facilitator is supervised at team that is comprised
LHW’s work, and jointly the Block level by the Block of a health officer, public
make a work plan for the Community Mobiliser, who is health nurse,
next month. in turn supervised by the environmental/ hygiene
District Mobilization / expert, and a health
Coordination Unit, which education expert.
liaises with the state-level

4–26
 GOVERNANCE ISSUE BRAZIL PAKISTAN INDIA SOUTH AFRICA ETHIOPIA
ASHA resource center. HEWs supervise other
cadres such as CHPs,
traditional birth
attendants, and
Community-based
Reproductive Health
Agents.

Compensation/ CHAs are salaried, full-time LHWs receive a salary of Although ASHAs are In most provinces in HEWs are regular
incentives workers, but there is a large about $343 per year and considered volunteers, they South Africa, NGOs employees with a regular
variation throughout the are not supposed to receive outcome-based receive funding from salary and benefits. A
country in their salary. CHAs engage in any other paid remuneration for facilitating the MOH to contract range of non-financial
are supposed to earn at activity, although some do. institutional deliveries, with and pay CHWs. incentives have been
least the national minimum The LHW stipend is often immunization, family More recently, at effective with CHPs,
wage of ~US$112 each the only source of family planning (surgical least one province including formal
month. income and is a critical sterilization) and toilet has decided to recognition, ongoing
family support. construction. More recently, contract with CHWs mentorship, certification,
an incentive of US$4.60 directly and put them and community
(Rs.250) has been onto the government celebrations.
established for providing payroll. Salaries are
home- based newborn care. approximately at the
Facilitating institutional national minimum
deliveries is the most wage.
common activity for which
ASHAs receive payments.
ASHAs are also
compensated for training
days, attending meetings,
and additional health-related
activities. The amounts vary
from state to state.
Career opportunities No structured opportunities The LHW Program offers Career advancement within The issue of career HEWs who enroll in
for career advancement for professional advancement the program for ASHAs is development is not additional training can
CHAs exist. opportunities for LHWs. limited. addressed in the new qualify as registered
LHWs can receive policy, but in several nurses.
additional training to serve provinces pilots are
as a LHS, which is an underway to provide
incentive for good career paths into
performance. professions such as
nursing and social
work.

4–27
Acknowledgments
Our thanks to Lauren Crigler, Steve Hodgins, Claire Glenton, Henry Perry, and Sharon Tsui for
their thoughtful comments on earlier versions of this chapter.

4–28
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 Chapter 5
Financing Large-Scale
Community Health Worker Programs
Henry Perry, Francisco Sierra-Esteban, and Peter Berman
Key Points
• Proper costing of a community health worker (CHW) program and assurance that those costs
can be paid for on a sustainable basis are essential for an effective large-scale CHW program.
Failure to do so has led to the demise of large-scale CHW programs in the 1980s.
• Direct and indirect costs of CHW programs need to be estimated, along with investment and
recurring costs, in order to adequate plan for the sustainable financing of a CHW program.
• CHW program costs vary widely from country to country as a result of contextual factors, such
as local labor costs, whether CHWs are paid or voluntary, and the degree to which the program
is well-supervised with a strong logistics systems.
• Governments, local communities, and external donors are the main sources of financing for
CHW programs.

5–1
INTRODUCTION
Community health worker (CHW) and related programs have been promoted over the last half
century as a principal means to extend basic health services to large populations of underserved
people at low and sustainable cost. However, experiences with the last wave of major CHW
development, during the 1980s, showed that the tendency to see CHWs as low-cost health care
could be misleading. The relatively low cost of training and supplying individual CHWs—
compared to more highly trained health workers—distracted attention from the large number of
workers needed and the importance of financing a full range of costs that such programs might
require to be successful. Insufficient funding was likely one reason why CHW programs in the
1980s were not sustained.

Financing mechanisms for CHW programs are more than just a means of generating resources.
They can be means for incentivizing good performance, generating community ownership,
assuring sustainability, and fairly distributing the burden of health care costs. In low-income
countries, governments have often under-invested in health, typically in the range of 5% of the
national budget. Often, ministries of health have had little clout in the decisions of government
finance. Political pressure from elite groups has emphasized support for curative care and
urban hospitals. Political support for primary health care (PHC) has been limited, leading to
limited political support for CHW programs. Often, financial resources for CHW programs are
cut during time of budget shortfalls, thereby increasing pressures on these efforts.1

Failure to Consider the Real Costs of CHW Programs

One of the lessons learned from the 1980s was that the planning of large-scale CHW programs
failed to consider the real costs of the programs.2 As one observer noted:

…in the decade following Alma-Ata, CHW programs had both low cost and low
effectiveness. What the programs needed to improve was the combination of more
adequate support, and that implied more resources.”3

The cost of supervision was an area frequently overlooked in those programs, and it was later
determined that supervision costs can amount to as much as 40% of the salary cost of one
CHW.4 Furthermore, costing a CHW program can be a complex exercise since, in contrast to
vertical disease control programs that have distinct budgets from regular governmental
operations, CHW programs are more horizontal, and costs are allocated to multiple budgeting
authorities. Finally, it was often assumed at the outset that communities would pick up most of
the costs of these programs, but this hope was never realized. The Bamako Initiative was an
initiative to foster community contributions to support PHC services, including those of CHWs;
yet, in spite of great initial enthusiasm, the initiatives were not financially sustainable.

Insufficient attention to the full resources needed for successful and sustained implementation
is another reason why CHW programs from the 1980s faltered. The absence of fully defined
costs and unrealistic plans exacerbated this problem. Particularly troublesome was the basic
idea that once CHWs were trained, they could be sent back to their communities and the
communities would somehow pay the costs required to support them, with no additional
budgetary commitment from government beyond the training. One expert panel convened by
the World Health Organization (WHO) reported in 1989 that “… experience now shows,
however, that the costs of training, supervision, personnel, and transport can be very high, and
that these require careful planning and make considerable demands on government
expenditure.”5

5–2
Lehmann and Sanders, in their 2007 review of CHW programs for WHO, concluded that CHW
programs are:

“… neither the panacea for weak health systems nor a cheap option to provide
access to health care for underserved populations. Numerous programmes have
failed in the past because of unrealistic expectations, poor planning, and an
underestimation of the effort and input required to make them work. This has
unnecessarily undermined and damaged the credibility of the CHW concept.”6

Although CHW programs are neither cheap nor easy to implement, the emerging consensus is
that these programs are nonetheless a good investment to promote equity because as Lehmann
and Sanders say, “… the alternative in reality is no care at all for the poor living in
geographically peripheral areas.”6 Information in the public domain regarding the costs of CHW
programs is scarce. In this chapter, we will attempt to share some of this information and link it
to other information about financing and costing of health programs more generally.

Key questions to consider in financing large-scale CHW programs, which are discussed in detail
below, are:
• What are the elements of CHW programs that need to be included in cost calculations?
• What are the full costs of CHW programs?
• What are the different options for the financing of CHW programs and the strengths and
limitations of each option?
• What are some examples of how CHW programs have been financed?
• What guidance can be given to assure that financing becomes a sustainable positive element in
CHW program development?

WHAT ARE THE ELEMENTS OF CHW PROGRAMS THAT NEED TO BE

INCLUDED IN COST CALCULATIONS?
Total costing for any program activity can be complex. One has to consider all relevant costs,
both investment and recurring costs, direct and indirect costs, and not only financial costs but
social costs, as well. In making decisions about investments, one should compare the costs of
alternative programs along with their relative efficiency and effectiveness. However, such a
formal analysis is rarely possible because of its complexity.

A typical cost framework will distinguish between investment costs (i.e., those one-time costs
needed for program start-up) and recurrent costs (i.e., the costs that must be met annually to
sustain programs). Table 1 provides a typology of CHW program costs that need to be
considered during the planning stage of a CHW program.

5–3
Table 1. A typology of costs for CHW programs
TYPE OF
INVESTMENT COSTS RECURRING COSTS
COST
DIRECT Initial planning, management, and Ongoing planning, management, and administration
administration
Establishing governance and Ongoing costs of governance and stewardship
stewardship (including certification, (including certification, accreditation, and quality
accreditation, and quality control) control)
Developing training institutions, and Costs of continuing education of CHWs and
initial training of CHWs and supervisors supervisors
Initial recruitment and training of CHW Costs of recruitment and training of new CHW and
and supervisors supervisors
Initial orientation of health staff
Initial community engagement, Ongoing costs of maintaining community
engagement with community leaders, engagement, engagement with community leaders,
and community mobilization (including and community mobilization
publicity)

Initial costs of determining Salaries and benefits for CHWs and their
remuneration, setting up the payment supervisors, accessories for identification of CHWs
system, producing the first set of (uniforms, badges, etc.), other incentives (e.g., costs
uniforms, identification badges, etc. of community appreciation days)
Initial purchase, materials, supplies and Annual purchase of materials, supplies, medicines
medicines, drug kits and drug kits including contracting and procurement
costs as well as distribution costs
Initial purchase of equipment, furniture, Maintenance or rent of vehicles, furniture, and
and vehicles equipment; fuel
Costs of buying or building new Utility bills, maintenance and repairs
operational facilities for CHW program
management and for training CHWs
(CHWs are not based in facilities)
Planning of monitoring and evaluation Ongoing monitoring and evaluation
INDIRECT Costs incurred by CHWs themselves (out-of-pocket
expenses they have to make to carry out their work,
opportunity costs)

Costs to the health system of additional health care

generated by CHW referrals

Costs to patients and their families for services

provided by CHWs

Costs of high CHW turnover (disruption of services,

low staff morale, poor quality, recruitment of
replacements)

Costing of specific activities in large-scale CHW programs are shown in Table 1. Investment
costs (including capital expenditures) involve, of course, planning at the outset, which requires
budgeting for time and money. Then, there are important issues related to certification,
accreditation, and quality control that need to be budgeted at the outset, as well as the
development of training institutions for the CHWs and their supervisors. Orientation of health
staff to the role of CHWs is an important activity to carry out up front before program

5–4
implementation, as well as publicity, community engagement, and community mobilization.
Other investment costs include the initial costs of vehicles, equipment, materials, supplies and
medicines, and drug kits. Capital expenses for vehicles and equipment will need to be made on
an ongoing basis, as well.

Recurrent costs are those costs required to fund the operational expenses year to year. Direct
costs are those that are obvious and budgeted for, while indirect costs refer to the support
provided to the CHW program from other parts of the health system through administration,
training, supervision, and supplies. Indirect costs also include costs incurred by patients or their
relatives in obtain services from CHWs.

Table 1 outlines the types of direct annual operational expenses that need to be budgeted for.
These include the costs of recruitment and training, compensation, supervision, supplies and
equipment, community engagement, and monitoring and evaluation (M&E). Even when CHWs
work as volunteers, there are costs incurred by the CHW that need to considered, whether they
are opportunity costs (what a CHW could have earned if she had not been working as a CHW)
or actual expenses that CHWs may incur in their work that they are not reimbursed for (such
as paying for transport to attend meetings or pick up supplies when these are not reimbursed).
The value of non-monetary compensation also needs to be considered. For examples, sometimes
CHWs receive free health care from the government health system as a form of compensation.
This would probably be considered an indirect expense. Salaries or incentives for supervisors
need to be included, as well.

In contrast to holding training at the national level in a centralized location (e.g., in the capital),
local training cuts down on the costs of transport, lodging, and per diem expenses needed for
trainees, but it can also reduce standardization and control over quality of training. In
Tanzania, the cost of local-level training was 20% of the cost of regional-level training.9 There
are other costs to be considered. The length of training, of course, has a great impact on the cost
of training. When supervisors need transport to visit CHWs at some distance, these costs can be
significant. In addition to costs of recruitment and training are the costs (both financial and in
terms of reduced health benefits) of CHW turnover, including disruption of services, poor
quality of services, and low staff morale by being short-staffed as the remaining workers may
have a greater workload.10

Maintaining a reliable supply chain for medicines, supplies, and equipment needed by CHWs
may involve contracting and procurement costs, distribution costs, and monitoring and auditing
costs. These costs are often substantial and if funds are not available to maintain a reliable
supply chain, the entire CHW program falters. Accessories for identification of CHWs in the
community (e.g., uniforms, T-shirts, dresses, badges, and so forth), as well as costs for
recognition of good performance and so forth need to be take into account. M&E activities
require personnel, equipment, development, and utilization of health management information
systems and evaluation surveys. Travel allowances are sometimes needed for CHWs and
usually for supervisors.

If CHW programs work well, they will place additional demands on other routine services,
which should be anticipated. For example, beneficiaries may demand additional health services
because of improved access to PHC. The costs of providing these additional health care services
will need to be considered.

WHAT ARE THE FULL COSTS OF CHW PROGRAMS?

CHW program costs can be considered from a variety of vantage points. This includes costs that
need direct funding, as well as in-kind costs. These costs can be calculated as total program

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costs, costs per program beneficiary or cost per CHW. Cost per program beneficiary may not be
the same as the cost per capita (of the total population) if the CHWs are serving a targeted
population, such as mothers and children. Thus, it is important to be clear which cost definition
is being used and why it is preferable.

Table 2 lists costs reported by the large-scale CHW programs described in detail in Appendix A.
These costs are only roughly comparable because they have not been adjusted for the same year,
since the data have been obtained from reports prepared mostly during the past decade. Also,
the purchasing value of a U.S. dollar varies substantially from country to country. Finally, the
level of training provided, as well as the duties and time commitments of the CHW, vary
substantially from one country to another. Further, monthly salaries vary from free local
medical care for female community health volunteers (FCHVs) in Nepal to US$25-50 in India
and Pakistan to US$84 in Ethiopia to US$100–$200 in Brazil. The annual cost per CHW is in
the range of US$170 in India (not including performance incentive payments) to US$745 in
Pakistan.

Berman11 was able to assemble some costs for several large-scale CHW programs in the 1980s.
These costs were a small fraction of what is now being proposed for future CHWs in Africa. At
that time, for large-scale CHW programs from India, Indonesia, Peru, and Thailand, where
CHWs were working as volunteers (except in India, where they were receiving a modest
honorarium), the cost per CHW (for training, supervision, supplies, and drugs) was in the range
of US$38 per year per CHW in Indonesia to US$725 per year per CHW in Peru. The main
expenditures required to support these programs were for training, supplies and equipment,
drugs, and the time required for monitoring and supervision.

A very different approach to costing of CHWs was undertaken by McCord and colleagues, as
part of their proposal to train one million CHWs for Africa.12, 13 They carried out a costing
exercise to estimate the cost of a modern “professionalized” generalist multipurpose CHW in
Africa. These “professionalized” CHWs would be able to: diagnose and treat childhood
pneumonia, malaria, tuberculosis, and neglected tropical diseases; screen for childhood and
maternal malnutrition. They would receive also one year of training (three months didactic and
nine months of supervised field experience) and a monthly salary of US$80. There would be one
CHW manager for each 30 CHWs. Services provided would include screening for tuberculosis,
deworming, and screening pregnant women for HIV infection. Ultimately, McCord et al.
estimated that the total cost of training, equipping, and supporting such a CHW would be
US$3,750 per year.

Providing one generalist CHW for every 650 inhabitants and one childbirth specialist for every
3,500 inhabitants in rural Africa would cost US$2.6 billion, or US$6.86 per person covered by
CHW services. These authors further suggest that a well-funded CHW program would cost only
a small fraction of PHC services overall, which cost in a low-income country in the range of
US$50–55 per person.

Another approach to considering the costs of a CHW program is to include not only the cost to
provide the program but also the cost to use it. For medical services, these costs include
transport and opportunity costs for patients and their families, which for poor people in isolated
rural areas, can be significant when obtaining care at distant facilities. As such, the cost savings
provided by CHWs, when they can reduce costs for patients, is significant, particularly for those
with the lowest incomes.9 This whole approach to costing—comparing the costs of the CHW
program and the benefits it provides to the cost of providing the same services and benefits
through facility-based services—is an important exercise, albeit one that can be resource-
intensive. Notably, this approach can provide important leverage for justifying the cost of a

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CHW program to decision-makers. Further work on developing practical strategies for cost-
benefit analyses of large-scale CHW programs is urgently needed.

Finally, program unit costs, as we alluded to earlier, may be affected by the scale of the
program. There is some evidence that, in general, health program costs may increase as the
program goes to scale, as the coverage of services increases, and as the density of the population
served by the program decreases. In general, as health program coverage expands into remote
areas, the marginal cost of reaching each additional person increases. In their paper, Johns and
Torres14 describe four mechanism that may explain this situation:
1. Geography and infrastructure: Costs of transporting, training, supplying, and monitoring
may be higher in areas of difficult access and undeveloped infrastructure.
2. Human resources: Higher incentives may be required to locate health personnel in remote
areas.
3. The extent of fixed costs: Increasing coverage can exceed the productivity function of some
goods. For example, a vehicle may be needed to transport only one person or small number
of vaccines to areas of remote access or low population density.
4. Managing the process of scale-up.

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Table 2. Costs for Selected Large-Scale CHW Programs
MONTHLY
COUNTRY/CHW SALARY/COMPENSATION/ ANNUAL COST PER CAPITA ANNUAL COST PER CHW SOURCE OF FUNDING
INCENTIVE FOR EACH CHW
Brazil/ Community Health $100-200 US$41-50 (for the entire Mostly, the states and
Agent (CHA) primary health care team, municipalities (states are
including the CHAs). According required to allocate 12% of
to one estimate, CHA salaries their total budgets to health,
constitute 22% of the primary and municipalities are required
health care team salaries, and to allocate 15%). Health
the cost for a CHW to serve an Councils exist in some
individual is $9-11 per year. municipalities. These councils
help to guide health spending
at the local level and mobilize
community engagement.
However, there are some
employer health insurance
payments made.
Ethiopia/Health Extension For HEWs, regular monthly National and sub-national
Workers (HEWs) and Health salary of $84 with benefits entities, bilateral and
Development Army Volunteers multilateral donors, user fees;
For volunteers, formal districts (woredas) receive
recognition, certificates, and grants to cover CHW program
community celebration expenses.
India/Auxiliary Nurse-Midwives Salaried government From national government
employees, those working at
sub-centers, are given living
accommodations.
India/Anganwadi Workers Approximately $25. They also 90% from the national
qualify for a government life government and 10% from the
insurance scheme. The basic state budget
salary (paid with funds from
the central government) is
often supplemented with
additional payments from the
state government to additional
activities beyond those
expected by the central
government.

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 MONTHLY
COUNTRY/CHW SALARY/COMPENSATION/ ANNUAL COST PER CAPITA ANNUAL COST PER CHW SOURCE OF FUNDING
INCENTIVE FOR EACH CHW
India/ASHA Workers Outcome-based remuneration The program is supposed to
related to facilitation of cost approximately $170 per
institutional deliveries, AHSA worker per year for all
provision of home-based expenses except the outcome-
neonatal care, immunizations, based incentives. This cost
facilitation of family planning includes the selection process,
(sterilizations), and toilet social mobilization, training
construction. They are also drug kits, identity cards, and
compensated for attending supervision. But because of a
trainings and meetings. They lack of absorptive capacity,
receive approximately $10 for only half of the allocated
facilitating an institutional budget was spent between
delivery and $3 for each child 2005 and 2011.
they facilitate to attend an
immunization session.
Nepal/Female Community They receive a dress
Health Volunteers (FCHVs) allowance, an incentive for
timely retirement, and free
local health services. They are
also given a badge, an ID card
and an annual day of honor
recognizing their work. Local
endowment funds exist that
are controlled by Village
Development Committees
which FCHVs can draw from to
support income-generation
activities. The endowment fund
is approximately $500 per
FCHV.
Pakistan/Lady Health Workers $30 per month (paid directly $0.75 per person served per Approximately $745 per year. 89% from the government and
(LHWs) into personal bank accounts). year This is mostly for salary, drugs 11% from donors during the
Payments are frequently and supervision. 4% was for first 8 years (1995-2003)
delayed. training.
Note: These are all CHW programs included in the case studies section: Appendix A. References can be located there. The dollar amounts cited here are not directly
comparable since they year of the report varies as does the country of origin, so purchasing power parity has not been accounted for.

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Box 1. Example of a Cost Analysis of a CHW Program in South Africa
In 1997, Bupendra Makan and Max Bachmann carried out an economic analysis of six NGO CHW
programs in the Western Cape Province of South Africa.15 The categories of costs are similar to
what we have described here. The analysis found that annualized capital (investment) costs
ranged from 5–12% of total costs. It also found that there appeared to be economies of scale,
with larger programs having smaller per capita expenses for training, supervision, and support. In
addition, it found that programs that had been started more recently had higher costs than those
that had been operating for some time.

WHAT ARE THE DIFFERENT OPTIONS FOR FINANCING CHW

PROGRAMS AND THE STRENGTHS AND LIMITATIONS OF EACH
OPTION?
As shown in Table 1, sources of funding range from the central national government to a
combination of revenue from the central national government, state government, and local
municipalities, to local contributions from communities (via user fees, volunteer donation of
time by CHWs to general community contributions), to funding from international donors.
When CHWs are volunteers, they are in fact a major source of the funding for the program. We
will consider briefly some of the advantages and drawbacks of each of these sources of financing.
Key considerations here are who bears the burden of financing, whether the financing
mechanism has incentives for efficiency and quality and how sustainable it is, and what the
risks to sustainability are.

The Government as Funder

Funding from government has important advantages, most notably job security for the
individual CHW and stability (of a sort) for the program. It also helps the CHW program to
achieve a higher degree of equity than would be possible with local community financing.
General revenue tax financing is generally more equitable than user-financed services.
Programs that rely primarily on community financing, such as fees for services, place greater
burdens on poor communities and the sick.

The ASHA Program in India represents an interesting case in which the available government
funding actually exceeded the amount spent by the program. Beginning in 2006, the
government budgeted approximately US$167 for each ASHA worker per year, but actual
expenditures were substantially less than this, particularly in the poorest states such as Bihar.
According to a program evaluation:

“The primary reason for this low expenditure is the inability or unwillingness to
invest in management and support structures at state, district and block levels…
Expenditure rates are also reflective of the quality of political and administrative
support the programme as the willingness to put money where it matters.”16

One of the inherent problems with government funding, particularly from the central level, has
been the vulnerability of CHW programs to cutbacks in funding when government shortfalls
occur. Even though government funding has a certain degree of sustainability built into it, it
has its own instability, as well. The lack of strong political support to continue funding levels for
CHW programs in the face of competing demands has been a recurrent problem for large-scale
public sector CHW programs.

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The Community as the Funder
The concept of community financing is an attractive one, but unfortunately has proved to have
serious limitations. Numerous examples exist of failures of sustainable community funding
support for CHW activities.17 Frankel concludes that virtually no examples exist in which
community financing led to consistent and regular payment of CHWs.18

It is not uncommon for communities to provide labor and pay for the construction of a
community health post from which the CHW will work. Profits from revolving drug funds might
be used to pay for maintenance of a health post, purchasing supplies, or providing payment to
the CHW. Fee for service by CHWs is generally considered to be open to abuse (by placing the
profit motive and private practice over the real needs of villagers) and for this reason is not
recommended by UNICEF and WHO.18

The Chinese Barefoot Doctors were funded with locally generated resources. This was a unique
experience since all community assets were controlled by the Communist Party and local Party
officials could decide how to use them. Once the collective cooperative economy gave way to
private ownership of land, this funding was no longer available and so the program began to be
largely financed by fee for service, and the number of Barefoot Doctors gradually declined and
now the program is virtually non-existent.

It is possible that too much reliance on community financing can exacerbate inequities since the
poorest communities will likely have the greatest health problems but have also the least
capacity to pay for services. However, in the case of BRAC Shasthya Shebikas, they earn most
of their income by selling drugs and health-related products at a small markup. Since they are
closely supervised, it does not appear that the sale of commodities is distorting their activities
and the communities, even though they are quite poor, are capable of providing this financing.
The incomes of Shasthya Shebikas is quite modest, usually only $10–20 per months (see Box 1).

The CHW as a Volunteer (and therefore the “donor” of his/her time)

This form of community financing, although attractive on paper when making budgets, has
serious limitations when a program is expecting a significant amount of work from the CHW.
There is a general consensus that this approach can be unjust, inequitable, and unsustainable
in the long term, although exceptions do exist. Frankel, in his landmark overview of CHW
programs published in 1992, concluded that “there is little evidence that the mobilization of
volunteers in national CHW programmes is an effective policy.”18 At the Yaoundé Conference,
sponsored by WHO, the participants concluded that “it may be unreasonable, if not unfair, to
expect individual CHWs themselves to contribute to the labour costs of the scheme.”15 This
conclusion applied to situations in which CHWs have no other source of income and a significant
portion of the day is needed to meet the job requirements.

Frankel goes on to say, however, “It is difficult to generalize on this issue, for there are clearly
major differences in the time commitment of a CHW whose task it is to offer information on
health issues to ten households, compared to the time required for a CHW to offer a curative
and preventive service to a population of over one thousand.”18

Governments face formidable challenges by giving formal recognition and salaries to CHWs
because in virtually all countries, CHW programs are not well established nor are their benefits
for population health widely recognized. Therefore, CHW programs are commonly one of the
first budget items to be cut when budget pressures arise. The provision of a salary carries with
it the inherent risk of CHWs unionizing and demanding higher salaries and more benefits. Even
though individual salaries are low, the financial implications of these pressures are
considerable given the large number of workers involved. Serving in a voluntary role can have
certain benefits that are not commonly appreciated. In some settings, government workers are

5–11
seen as unmotivated and unproductive or local hostility toward the government exists. In these
settings, not linking CHWs to government salary support can be beneficial for a CHW program.

A further challenge in many countries is that the entry-level nurse cadre salary is the country’s
minimum wage. That prevents the country from hiring CHWs as full-time employees because it
would require that entry-level nurses—and perhaps several lower-level nurse cadres as well—
be given a raise. Thus, there is a potential ripple effect up the entire health worker pyramid
(Kate Tulenko, personal communication).

There are surprisingly positive experiences of NGOs recruiting and effectively using volunteer
CHWs. One of these approaches involve Care Groups, in which a paid low-level promoter meets
with a group of 10 or so volunteers for two hours every two weeks, and then the volunteer visits
with women in 10 adjacent households to convey a key health message. Such engagement
requires perhaps four to five hours per week per volunteer. These experiences have been highly
empowering and satisfying for the CHWs, and low rates of attrition have been experienced
during the four to five year cycle of project funding.19-21 These programs still require training
and supervision, support, incentives (such as T-shirts, skirts), annual community recognition
days, and so forth.

One of the world’s pioneer CHW programs, the Jamkhed Comprehensive Rural Health Project,
has had a highly stable group of volunteer CHWs, with many serving in this capacity for 20 or
even 30 years. This has been possible by giving the CHWs training in income-generating skills
so they can earn funds on the side in addition to their activities as a CHW. But in general,
volunteerism has been associated with a high attrition rate, leading to increased costs of
recruitment and training.

External Donors
External donors are most likely to pay for certain start-up costs, such as planning, policy
advocacy, technical support, initial training, and procuring an initial drug stock or an initial set
of supplies and equipment. They are unlikely, however, to pay for long-term recurring expenses.

WHAT ARE SOME EXAMPLES OF HOW CHW PROGRAMS HAVE BEEN

FINANCED?
Boxes 2 and 3 provide examples of very different forms of financing of two large-scale CHW
programs: BRAC’s CHW Program in Bangladesh and the Community Health Agent Program in
Brazil.

Box 2. Financing of the BRAC CHW Program

The BRAC CHW Program is of significance for multiple reasons: 1) its scale, with some 80,000
workers, 2) its innovative financing scheme, and 3) it is an example of an NGO working at large
scale (serving 110 million people in Bangladesh). Shasthya Shebikas, as the CHWs are called, are
first and foremost a member of a BRAC women’s micro-credit savings group. They then qualify for
training in one of a number of multisectoral programs, including health. After four weeks of initial
training, they begin to function within the BRAC community health system that functions
alongside the formal government health system and the system of informal providers (of which
there are many in Bangladesh). Shasthya Shebikas receive their income from a variety of sources.
First of all, they sell commodities such as drugs for minor illnesses, contraceptives, feminine
hygiene supplies, iodized salt, oral rehydration solution, safe delivery kits, sanitary latrines, and
vegetable seeds. These supplies are obtained from the local BRAC office. She procures these
supplies there by paying a wholesale price (with an initial start-up loan) and then from the markup

5–12
 at the time of sale (according to a price fixed by BRAC), she is able to make a small profit. On
average, the income from these sales amount to US$10–20 per month. In addition, she receives
a small performance-based incentive, such as for identifying a pregnant woman during her first
trimester, completing the prescribed treatment of a TB patient, and so forth. The typical monthly
income from these incentives is US$8–10 per month. The Shasthya Shebika’s role is much
broader than the services for which she receives compensation, including health promotion and
assistance with referrals for health services.22, 23

BRAC supports the organizational and managerial system within which Shasthya Shebikas work,
including the cost of the supervisor (one for every 10 Shasthya Shebikas) and the system for
providing the drugs and supplies that they use each month.

One of the great attractions of this approach is that through a primary community-based financing
scheme, if successful and well-managed, as this one is, there can be a gradual and sustainable
scale-up of program activities, with increasing speed. The number of Shasthya Shebikas has
grown from a few hundred in 1990 to 15,000 in 2000 to 30,000 in 2004 to 100,000 at present.

Note: Akram Islam contributed to this information.

Box 3. Financing of the Brazil CHW program

The Brazil CHW program is an integral part of its PHC program, which has been growing in
strength and stature for well over a half-century now. Its 236,000 CHWs, called Community
Health Agents, are financed as an integral part of the PHC program. After serious political
struggles, the country embraced in the 1980s a strong commitment to social protection, including
health, through shared financing by different levels of government, strong community
participation, and complementary participation by the private sector. Since CHWs are an integral
part of a Family Health Care Team and formally recognized as part of the national health system,
the financing for the entire team comes from the same sources. The central government requires
that 12% of tax revenues raised by states and 15% of those raised by municipalities be devoted
to health. Civic participation is made possible not only through democratic elections but through
the formation of Councils at the federal, state and municipal levels which address health system
issues, and health conferences are held periodically as well. There are over 5,500 municipal
councils in Brazil, and 50% of the members are users of health services, 25% are health
managers, and 25% are managers and service providers. They play a strong role in the allocation
of financial resources for health. Every four years, health conferences are convened to propose a
strategic direction for health services.

The cost of the CHW program is hard to determine because it is so integrated with Brazil’s primary
health care system. The member of the Family Health Care Team together take joint responsibility
for 600–1,000 families (with 4-6 CHAs on each team along with one doctor, one nurse, one
auxiliary nurse, and some dental staff).

Funding comes from a combination of sources: national, state and municipal governments,
employer health insurance purchases, and out-of-pocket expenditures. The CHWs are employed
by the municipality and paid a salary in the range of $100–200 per month. The cost of the Family
Health Care Team program is in the range of $41–$50 per individual covered per year, and the
salary costs of the CHAs constitute, according to one study, 22% of the total Family Health Care
Team salaries. Thus, an approximation of the cost of the CHA program is in the range of $9–11
per person served per year.

The Brazil CHW program is an example of a program in which CHWs have become an essential

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 and foundational member of the primary health care team and therefore the funding to support
CHWs does not come as a separate package but as a part of the overall governmental and
societal support for PHC.

Note: See the Brazil Case Study in Appendix A for further details and references.

WHAT GUIDANCE CAN BE GIVEN TO ASSURE THAT FINANCING

BECOMES A SUSTAINABLE POSITIVE ELEMENT IN CHW PROGRAM
DEVELOPMENT?
General principles regarding costing and financing: First of all, careful planning which takes
into account the full costs of the program is essential, and the establishment of a plan for
adequate, fair, and sustainable financing must follow. Secondly, establishing a strong a base of
political support for long-term financing is critical if government funding is required. Early
success can build long-term success—an ineffective program is hard to fund in the long term.
Therefore, documenting early program quality and impact can generate political support that
will be invaluable in securing governmental financial support. Strong evidence of effectiveness
can help to secure political support for funding, and this can be achieved by having a strong
monitoring and evaluation program.

Also, developing strong linkages to local sources of revenue can, in the long term, produce
gradually increasingly revenue since these sources of support are likely to grow more quickly
than will funding from the central government. Finally, if CHWs are adequately remunerated
(and have career advancement opportunities), attrition will be low, which can reduce the costs
and poor quality associated with high rates of attrition.

CONCLUSIONS
Accumulating evidence on the effectiveness of CHWs in low-, middle-, and even in high-income
countries provides strong indications that, for the foreseeable future, CHW programs are not
merely a stopgap solution. Investments in these CHW programs are, in fact, investments in
strengthening the health system. However, to reach their full potential, CHW programs need
adequate financing just as do all essential programs. Whether emerging large-scale CHW
programs can garner the financial resources they need to achieve their full potential is a
question that is too early to answer at present.

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Acknowledgments
We are grateful to Kate Tulenko for her comments on an earlier version of this chapter.

5–15
Additional Resources
The Joint UN Tool for Modeling the Cost and Impact Needed to Reach the Health-Related MDGs
was designed to support the costing and modeling of national strategies from a systems-wide or
a program-specific intervention. Information about this can be obtained at:
http://www.who.int/pmnch/topics/economics/20090407_joint_UN_tool_ha.pdf.

Another useful resource for estimating costs is a questionnaire used in Brazil by its primary
health care program, developed to estimate the potential costs of scaling up the Program Sauda
e Familia in Brazil. This is available (in Portuguese) at:
http://189.28.128.100/dab/docs/geral/determinacao_%20sintese.pdf.

Prinja S, Mazumder S, Taneja S, Bahuguna P, Bhandari N, Mohan P, et al. Cost of delivering

child health care through community level health workers: how much extra does IMNCI
program cost? J Trop Pediatr. 2013; 59(6): 489-95.

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15. Makan B, Bachmann MO. An economic analysis of community health worker programmes in the
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18. Frankel S. Overview. In: Frankel S, ed. The Community Health Worker: Effective Programmes
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 Chapter 6
Coordination and Partnerships for
Community Health Worker Initiatives
Muhammad Mahmood Afzal and Henry Perry
Key Points
• Community health workers (CHWs), unlike other formal human resources for health (HRH)
cadres, have diverse links with the formal health system in many countries. They are also
positioned within a complex array of relationships in the social setting of the communities
where they work.
• The complex and diverse challenges of CHW initiatives that emerge in a number of countries
are invariably beyond the power of a single actor to address and require coordination and
collaboration among different players and actors at all levels.
• The multisectoral coordination of HRH, including CHWs, is not an objective in its own right; it
is a means to an end, while the end objective is universal health coverage (UHC), achievement
of Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), and elimination of health disparities within the
country.
• The multisectoral dimensions of CHW initiatives demand a multisectoral policy process and a
coordination mechanism that can provide an environment and a platform where the related
sectors can work together to harmonize and synchronize their efforts.
• There are several national multipartner coordination mechanisms for health; however, the
coordination process for CHW initiatives, as well as for other aspects of HRH, should be able to
meet the country’s needs, and should be aligned with other coordination mechanisms as part of
the overall health agenda.
• Synergy and harmonization of financial and technical support from international actors in
response to the national needs is vital for CHW initiatives to contribute to UHC and ensure
equitable access to the essential health services within that country. A framework for
harmonized actions and a joint commitment on CHWs provide appropriate opportunities to
synchronize partners’ actions in support of CHWs initiatives.

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INTRODUCTION
While the world is moving toward the post-MDG era, the World Health Organization (WHO) is
focusing on UHC. The critical shortages within the essential health workforce in virtually all
low- and middle-income countries still pose a serious obstacle in attaining health goals. In
addition, challenges like geographic misdistribution of HRH, limited capacities of many health
workers, inadequate retention strategies, weak management systems, and poor working
conditions contribute to an inadequate capacity of HRH to provide essential health services at
local levels that are readily accessible and appropriate in quality. With this backdrop, CHW
initiatives as a part of community-based health systems are absolutely vital and have
manifested their value in improving health access and population-level health improvement in
many settings. Nevertheless, the underlying challenges are multifaceted and multicontextual. It
is globally acknowledged that no single actor or organization can improve the health workforce
situation in any given country and, therefore, multidimensional interventions and multisectoral
partnerships are essential. The challenge is how to safeguard multisectoral and
multistakeholder coordination and ensure synchronization among the partners’ and
stakeholders’ actions. This chapter addresses the following questions: (1) Why are partners and
coordination needed for CHW initiatives? (2) What are the challenges of collaboration and
coordination for CHW initiatives? (3) What are the policy options for collaboration and
coordination for CHW initiatives? (4) What are approaches to national-level multistakeholder
coordination? (5) How can initiatives for CHWs and other frontline health workers (FLHWs)
best be coordinated?

Why are partners and coordination needed for CHW initiatives?

Based on a rapidly growing evidence base, CHWs are now globally recognized as a key resource
for strengthening local health systems and attaining the health-related MDGs. CHWs have
expanded access to essential health services in many low-resource environments by filling
critical gaps in health promotion and service delivery and enabling progress in a broad range of
health outcomes in settings with high disease burdens and limited resources.1 As countries
continue to strengthen their health systems and make efforts to ensure access to essential
services, CHWs are becoming ever more important to reach the MDGs, achieve UHC, and
reduce health disparities.

Evidence has shown that engaging CHWs not only promotes better access to health services but
also saves lives—particularly in the most remote areas.1 Despite the growing role of CHWs,
improvements are needed in the process for developing and managing CHW programs. In many
countries, this process has been piecemeal and often centered on individual projects—
frequently, vertical programs with separate funding mechanisms—leading to gaps in services as
well as lack of integration and synchronization with the local health systems and local health
needs.

Within this landscape, national governments along with partners, including supporting donors
and technical advisors, can make important contributions toward developing approaches that
can strengthen relationships between the CHWs and the formal health system. Principally,
CHWs should be an integral component of community-based health programs and the local
health subsystem, where they may contribute toward the national and local health goals. CHW
roles, responsibilities, and activities need to be integrated with local health plans. Supportive
supervision, monitoring, and guidance need to be adequately provided from the related health
facilities. By incorporating individual CHW programs and integrating their services into
community-based subsystems, countries will be able to accelerate the achievement of the health
MDGs and UHC.

6–2
The multisectoral dimension of HRH is at the core of the global agenda. The many complex and
diverse HRH challenges are invariably beyond the power of a single actor to address and require
coordination and collaboration among different players and actors at all levels. Like the other
health workforce cadres, CHWs have multisectoral dimensions and implications. The planning,
financing, management, implementation, and monitoring of CHW initiatives require actions
from and interaction among various sectors and stakeholders, including the ministry of health
(MOH), other government ministries (education, labor, finance, local government), regional and
local governments and municipalities, regulatory bodies, professional associations, the private
sector, civil society organizations, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and local
communities, not to mention international development partners and United Nations (UN)
organizations supporting such programs. Therefore, coordination and synchronization among the
various sectors and stakeholders is essential, particularly for policy development, planning,
implementation, management, and monitoring and evaluation. To do this effectively demands a
robust coordination process and a suitable mechanism that can bring related allies and
stakeholders together on a common platform and agenda.

What are the challenges of collaboration and coordination for CHW initiatives?
CHW initiatives face a complex set of challenges that are multidimensional and multisectoral.
The most prominent ones are as follows:
• Health systems are usually weak and do not have the capacity to adequately support the
delivery of essential health services to the target population. This also constrains the capacity of
health workers to operate effectively in these settings.
• There is an inequitable distribution of health workforce, resulting in evident geographical and
professional disparities. Geographic areas where the health needs are the greatest have the
fewest health care providers, particularly among those with higher levels of specialization.
• The broad political commitment to CHW initiatives is usually limited. Thus, governments do not
make CHW initiatives a national priority, nor do implementing partners and stakeholders.
Usually, CHW initiatives are seen as the sole responsibility of the MOH, and other related
sectors and partners do not become meaningful stakeholders.
• Policies and plans for CHW initiatives are usually deficient. This—combined with limitations of
health system capacity, political instability, transparency issues, and other competing priorities
in the MOH and government—leads to a highly suboptimal rollout of the program.
• Financial resources to support the CHW initiative are usually inadequate.
• Non-engagement of related stakeholders leads to a vast untapped potential and loss of
opportunities for public-private partnerships. The technical and financial inputs of civil society
organizations, NGOs, professional associations and networks, and other interested entities and
partners are limited and could be much better if stronger collaborative mechanisms were
present.
• There is a lack of effective coordination mechanisms and harmonization of actions, leading to
fragmentation of the CHW initiative. In many countries, the coordination mechanisms are
either deficient or ineffective. This is coupled with weak linkages to existing national
coordination mechanisms.
• There is no single typology for CHWs internationally or within countries. Rather, there exists a
broad array of types of CHWs with a diverse set of labels and categories describing them and
with widely different training, tasks, and management systems.

6–3
• There are diverse models of career and incentive structures. Programs with special donor
support and a particular disease focus are often able to provide more generous incentives to
CHWs, while in some settings CHWs are expected to volunteer their time and, in others, they
are compensated by different means.2
• Training of CHWs has rarely been integrated into the established health professional schools.
In-service and continuous training systems are usually insufficient.

What are the policy options for collaboration and coordination for CHW
initiatives?
The complexity underpinning the CHW initiatives calls for multisectoral policy options that pay
adequate attention to every critical step: planning, development, recruitment, retention, and
management. Multisectoral ownership, political commitment, and coordinated actions by the
government sector and related stakeholders are fundamental. Jointly developed solutions
endorsed by formal government forums have a better chance of adoption by the different
constituencies and stakeholders. Such solutions call for multistakeholder coordination and
require collaboration among stakeholders and partners from different constituencies and sectors
for developing joint policies and plans in addressing the CHW-related challenges within the
overall HRH system and health agenda. In this respect, creating an environment that is
conducive for multisectoral coordination and action is the primary responsibility of the
government. This requires inclusive engagement and wider consultation with relevant
stakeholders from various public sectors, academia, professional and staff associations,
governing bodies, NGOs, civil society, and the private sector. The role of the local communities
in shaping the CHW agenda is of great significance, particularly in identifying local health
needs, setting priorities for CHW roles and responsibilities, identifying CHWs, providing local
support, and engaging in CHWs’ supervision and performance evaluation.

Though a multisectoral approach is an important theme in the current discourse on addressing

HRH challenges, successful multistakeholder coordination is, by its very nature, difficult to
achieve. A basic condition of success that is the first step in such coordination is the
establishment of a sufficiently competent coordination process to offer a workable platform that
will engage all partners and stakeholders, with their resources and competencies, to yield
tangible results. National coordination processes should be institutionalized and should bring a
suitable national perspective to the policies and plans that emerge, thereby increasing the
likelihood that mutual accountability will be fostered and that proposed solutions will be
sustainable.

A policy dialogue among the stakeholders is helpful to agree on a joint policy and priority
interventions. In many settings, the MOH, as the principal stakeholder, is in the best position
to provide stewardship of the coordination process and facilitate the alignment of related sectors
by bringing them on board during the key phases of planning, mobilizing the necessary
resources, carrying out the strategic interventions, and monitoring the progress and
effectiveness of implementation. In this effort, sharing information and insights requires a
formal mechanism for continuous policy dialogue and also formal communication channels for
sharing the results of the policy dialogue. The MOH, as the lead agency, is also expected to
support other sectors in effectively performing their roles related to the CHW initiative, through
orientation and building their capacities in policy development, planning, implementation, and
monitoring and evaluation.

Building an effective and inclusive partnership network also provides a platform to coordinate
and collaborate with development partners and UN agencies for harmonizing their efforts in
support of national goals, priorities, and plans and systematically addressing the needs for
financial and technical support required for effective CHW programs.

6–4
What are approaches to national-level multistakeholder coordination?
It is evident that the multisectoral dimension of HRH issues in general and CHW initiatives in
particular demand a multisectoral policy process and a coordination mechanism that can
provide an environment and a platform where the related sectors can work together to
harmonize and synchronize their efforts. There are several national multipartner coordination
mechanisms for health, such as sector-wide approaches (SWAps), country coordinating
mechanisms (CCMs), the International Health Partnership (IHP+), national HRH
observatories, and country coordination and facilitation (CCF) approaches. However, it is
critical to adapt the coordination process to the country’s needs.

SWAps call for a partnership in which government and development agencies (under
government leadership) interact together in the formulation of policy.3 Under the SWAp, project
funds contribute directly to a sector-specific “umbrella” and are tied to a defined sector policy
under a government authority.

The CCM is central to the commitment of the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and
Malaria to local ownership and participatory decision-making. CCMs involve representatives
from both the public and private sectors, including governments, multilateral or bilateral
agencies, NGOs, academic institutions, private businesses, and people living with the targeted
diseases. These country-level multistakeholder partnerships develop and submit grant
proposals to the Global Fund based on priority needs at the national level. After grant approval,
they oversee progress during implementation. For each grant, the CCM nominates one or more
public or private organizations to serve as principal recipients who receive and distribute the
funds.4

IHP+ is a group of partners committed to improving health in developing countries. Partners

include international organizations, bilateral agencies, and country governments, and they all
sign the IHP+ Global Compact for achieving the health-related MDGs. IHP+ partners work
together to put into practice internationally agreed principles for effective aid and development
cooperation in the health sector. IHP+ achieves results by mobilizing national governments,
development agencies, civil society, and others to support a single, country-led national health
strategy or plan; a single monitoring and evaluation framework; and a strong emphasis on
accountability.5

Establishment of national HRH observatories within MOHs at the country level is supported by
the WHO. A national HRH observatory is a national resource for producing, sharing, and
utilizing health workforce information and evidence to support HRH policy implementation. It
involves a network of all resources and stakeholders in health workforce development in the
country. The network monitors and documents implementation of HRH policy and strategies.6

The CCF approach was conceived by the Global Health Workforce Alliance in 2009. The
document, entitled Country Coordination and Facilitation (CCF): Principles and Process,
provides necessary guidance to the countries in establishing and/or strengthening
multistakeholder coordination processes around the HRH agenda.7 This approach brings key
stakeholder constituencies to a single table to address HRH agenda items. Implementing the
CCF approach in a country orients and sensitizes stakeholders to track and support HRH
development; to conduct a process for identifying and analyzing stakeholders; to establish HRH
committees and technical working groups for developing evidence-based, comprehensive, and
costed HRH plans; and to engage stakeholders in resource mobilization, implementation, and
monitoring and evaluation of the approach’s implementation. Figure 1 illustrates this process.
With catalytic support from the Global Health Workforce Alliance, a number of countries have
implemented this approach, and they have developed and are now implementing their HRH
plans for engaging related stakeholders.

6–5
Figure 1. The CCF approach to addressing the HRH crisis at the country level8

The CCF
PROCESS
HRH COMMITTEE

Stakeholders analysis and identification

Other HSS coordination mechanisms

Evaluate
Ministry of Health

Develop
Ministry of Ministry of
Education Labour
Ministry of Ministry of
Finance Local Govt.

Academia Researchers

Regulatory Professional
bodies associations

Monitor
Finance
NGOs and Private
civil society sector
UN agencies and
International organizations
Other HRH related
stakeholders

Implement

HRH PLAN
Compressive, Costed, Evidence-based

REDUCED HRH CRISIS

The key principles of this approach include

• reliance on existing coordination mechanisms when possible,
• inclusive representation of HRH stakeholder constituencies,
• coordinated leadership and stewardship,
• defined roles for stakeholders,
• coherent strategies linked with national health policies,
• joint efforts and actions arising from increased investments in HRH, and
• linkages with other coordination mechanisms.

With this paradigm, CCF enables governments to take the necessary leadership in the
planning, coordination, implementation, and management of HRH development at the country
level and to work with partners aligned to support this priority pillar of the health system.
High-level transparency and accountability are also generated through this process by
introducing shared monitoring and evaluation oversight of the different components of the HRH
planning, implementation, and related managerial processes.

The CCF approach promotes the HRH strategy and its plan as integral components of the
national agenda for developing social and human capital and as valid instruments for the
attainment of the health-related MDGs and UHC. Likewise, the CCF process is linked with
other coordination mechanisms for health system strengthening (HSS) as well as those set for
key national health programs. Such an approach captures the cross-cutting nature of HRH
development and enables the HRH development process to directly interface with and benefit
from mutual synergies and operational complementarities that these coordination forums offer.
The CCF approach also provides a suitable process and milieu for undertaking resource
mobilization actions to address the HRH investment gaps at the national level, as this
component is a major determinant of success. The creation of HRH “baskets” initiated by some
countries for supporting the resource mobilization process constitutes an encouraging endeavor.

6–6
How can initiatives for CHWs and other FLHWs best be coordinated?
Although some countries have been able to implement CHW programs within their national
health systems by exercising national leadership, still a number of countries require support
from donors and international development partners. Many partners are engaged in supporting
CHW programs in various countries but find fragmentation of policies and programs to be a big
challenge. This calls for harmonized and synchronized actions that support national needs.
Particularly, in order to deliver on UHC at the country level, the global health community needs
to work together to address critical gaps and inefficiencies at all levels.

In 2012, four separate consultations* highlighted the significance of CHWs and other FLHWs in
achieving health goals in low- middle-income countries. The Global Health Workforce Alliance
has noted the need for a common set of messages around CHWs and for a joint framework to
guide efforts to scale up CHW initiatives within health and development programs. In this
context, a synthesis paper9 derived from the outcomes of these consultations was developed
together with an action agenda, presenting the key messages for common actions on the
following domains:
• There is an urgent need for alignment and synergies among partners’ initiatives.
• Current evidence needs to be put into practice.
• Research is needed on knowledge gaps.
• National-level multistakeholder collaborations are needed.
• There is a need for recognition of the importance of a stronger role for CHWs and FLHWs and
their integration into health systems.
• There is a need for national-level consultations and advocacy.
• There is a need for stronger monitoring and assessment of CHW and FLHW programs and for
shared accountability.

Moving onward, the key partners of the Global Health Workforce Alliance, based on a shared
understanding, jointly developed three working papers that together have become a framework
for harmonized partners’ actions, also known as the CHW Framework for Partner Action. The
papers that make up the CHW Framework:
• A Framework for Partners’ Harmonised Support: Community Health Workers and Universal
Health Coverage10
• Monitoring and Accountability Platform: For National Governments and Global Partners in
Developing, Implementing, and Managing CHW Programs; Community Health Workers and
Universal Health Coverage11
• Knowledge Gaps and a Need Based Global Research Agenda by 2015: Community Health
Workers and Universal Health Coverage12

*Four consultations on CHWs and FLHWs in 2012:

1. Technical consultation on the role of community based providers in improving Maternal and Newborn Health (30–31
May 2012;- organized by Royal Tropical Institute, Netherlands).
2. Evidence Summit on Community and Formal System Support for Enhanced Community Health Worker Performance
(May 31 and June 1; convened by USAID Global Health Bureau in Washington, DC)
3. Community Health Worker Regional Meeting (19–21 June; convened by USAID-funded Health Care Improvement
Project at Addis Ababa, Ethiopia)
4. Health workers at the Frontline—Acting on what we know: Consultation on how to improve front line access to
evidence-based interventions by skilled health care providers (25–27 June; convened by NORAD and coordinated by
EQUINET at Nairobi, Kenya).

6–7
These papers propose a set of guiding principles to support countries and their partners in their
efforts to
• harmonize donor support, based on commitments by all partners to collaborate at the global and
national levels;
• build greater synergies across CHW programs —within countries and between countries—
guided by national leadership, national strategies, and nationally agreed systems for monitoring
and evaluation; and
• improve efforts to integrate CHWs into the broader health system, with a particular focus on
effective linkages between community-based and facility-based health workers at the frontlines
of service delivery, so that all persons and communities receive the health services they need.

The CHW Framework is structured around a “Three-Ones” approach,* with three overriding
principles for harmonization:
• One national strategy as the shared basis for CHW program investment and alignment of all
partners
• One authority respected by all partners and clearly identified at the national level that also has
delegated its authority to an appropriate entity at the district level
• One monitoring and accountability (M&A) framework as the basis for reporting and
accountability to all partners

Convened by the Global Health Workforce Alliance and other key partners, a global
consultation during a side session at the Third Global Forum on Human Resources for Health at
Recife, Brazil, in 2013, endorsed the CHW Framework for Partner Action and concurred on a
joint commitment13 to work together to adapt, apply, and implement the CHW Framework,
fostering harmonization and synergies, accountability, and joint action on critical knowledge
gaps, and reaching out to all stakeholders engaged with CHW programs.

The commitment promotes alignments with and implementation by partners working toward
scaling up CHW programs through their efforts at global, regional, and national levels. In this
respect, the key actions derived from the CHW Framework and the joint commitment together
provide guiding principles toward harmonizing of support for CHW initiatives. Succinct
descriptions of the key actions in three domains are provided below.

1. KEY ACTIONS FOR HARMONIZATION AND ALIGNMENT

At the global level, all actors need to contribute together to a comprehensive systems approach
in advocacy, programming, funding, implementation, monitoring, and expansion of the
knowledge base for CHW programs. At the national level, principles for alignment and
harmonization for CHW programs and initiatives need to be established and made compatible
with broader national health system development frameworks. The principles need to be
acceptable to and applied by governmental and nonstate actors.

In order to be workable, principles agreed to at the global and national levels need to be applied
at the operational level and translated into responsibilities for all involved in CHW field
programs. Public and nonstate health managers, providers, trainers, and health programmers
need to be involved in this process.

*The Three-Ones approach derives from an approach used in the AIDS response where countries had one National AIDS
Committee, one National Plan, and one National M&E Framework.

6–8
2. KEY ACTIONS FOR M&A
Accountability for harmonization of CHW initiatives will be achieved by public reporting. The
M&A framework calls for scheduled reporting and mechanisms for transparency and public
information sharing at national and international levels. It is proposed that the Global Health
Workforce Alliance, WHO, or another global coordinating body, through a global convening role,
should provide a platform through which national and international partners can disseminate
and evaluate their contributions toward the development and support of effective and
sustainable CHW programs that are aligned with national policies. A central reporting
mechanism may be identified to provide an appropriate global stage through which indicators
describing CHW program coverage and effectiveness may be publicly disseminated on a regular
basis, at least every two years. In addition, existing reports from WHO and from national HRH
observatories will be effective for further dissemination of information at least annually.

3. KEY ACTIONS, KNOWLEDGE GAPS, AND RESEARCH PRIORITIES

The organization and prioritization of a global CHW research agenda need further discussion to
build global consensus on the way forward. Particularly, mechanisms that foster collaboration
and knowledge sharing of CHW research efforts, and that establish a process for identifying
future research priorities, will ensure continued expansion of the evidence base for CHWs. In
light of the diversity of stakeholders engaged with CHW programming and the need to align
programming with greatest needs at the country level, such mechanisms will be extremely
valuable.

Web-based platforms and annual global forums are mechanisms for fostering collaboration and
sharing knowledge of CHW research efforts. These platforms may also serve as a global
repository for CHW research. At the country level, national forums such as CCF and the
national HRH observatories should be used for sharing information and identifying
opportunities for collaboration.

Research should also be conducted in partnership with local institutions and emphasis should
be placed on building the research capacity of local investigators. Future priorities in research
will ultimately be identified through increased collaboration, knowledge sharing, and continued
dialogue among stakeholders and partners.

CONCLUSIONS
Considering the significant contributions that CHW programs are now making to the delivery of
local health services and the potential of expanded and improved CHW programs to contribute
to the achievement of the MDGs for health, UHC, and reductions in health disparities, it is
imperative to integrate CHW initiatives into formal health systems. Additionally, the
multisectoral dimensions of CHW policy and programming can be better addressed through
establishing and strengthening the HRH coordination mechanisms. This will enable related
stakeholders to provide their input by sharing their visions, engaging in policy dialogue,
exchanging information, participating in joint decision-making, and mobilizing resources, as
well as cooperating in implementation and M&A for CHW initiatives. This policy process can
further extend its scope to harmonize and synchronize the support actions by the partners and
actors toward achieving the MDGs and UHC and, ultimately, eliminating health disparities and
ensuring that everyone has equitable access to quality health services. In this respect, various
multistakeholder coordination mechanisms as well as the framework for harmonized actions
and the joint commitment on CHWs provide appropriate opportunities to synchronize partners’
actions in support of CHW initiatives.

6–9
Additional Resources
Foster AA, Tulenko K, Broughton E. Monitoring and Accountability Platform: For National
Governments and Global Partners in Developing, Implementing, and Managing CHW Programs;
Community Health Workers and Universal Health Coverage. Global Health Workforce Alliance;
2013. Available at:
http://www.who.int/workforcealliance/knowledge/resources/monitoring_account_platform/en/.
Frymus D, Kok M, de Koning K, Quain E. Knowledge Gaps and a Need Based Global Research
Agenda by 2015: Community Health Workers and Universal Health Coverage. Global Health
Workforce Alliance; 2013. Available at:
http://www.who.int/workforcealliance/knowledge/resources/knowledge_gaps/en/.
Global Health Workforce Alliance, World Health Organization. Global Experience of Community
Health Workers for Delivery of Health Related Millennium Development Goals: A Systematic
Review, Country Case Studies, and Recommendations for Integration into National Health
Systems. 2010. Available at:
http://www.who.int/workforcealliance/knowledge/resources/chwreport/en/.
Global Health Workforce Alliance. 2010. Community Health Workers: Key Messages. Geneva,
Switzerland: Global Health Workforce Alliance, World Health Organization; 2010. Available at:
http://www.who.int/workforcealliance/knowledge/resources/chwkeymessages/en/.
Global Health Workforce Alliance, WHO, IFRC, UNICEF, UNHCR. Joint Statement: Scaling
Up the Community-Based Health Workforce for Emergencies. 2011. Available at:
http://www.who.int/workforcealliance/knowledge/resources/chwstatement/en/.
Global Health Workforce Alliance. Country Coordination and Facilitation (CCF): Principles and
Process. Geneva, Switzerland; Global Health Workforce Alliance. Available at:
http://www.who.int/workforcealliance/knowledge/resources/CCF_Principles_Processes_web.pdf.
Global Health Workforce Alliance. Addressing the Human Resource Challenges through Multi-
Sectoral Approach: The Country Coordination and Facilitation Process; Side Session at the
Second Global Forum on HRH, 25 January 2011, Bangkok, Thailand. 2014. Available at:
http://www.who.int/workforcealliance/forum/2011/ccfsidesession/en/.
Global Health Workforce Alliance. CCF Phases’ Description and Recommendations. 2012.
Available at: http://www.who.int/workforcealliance/countries/ccf/cffphases/en/.
Global Health Workforce Alliance. The Alliance’s Country Coordination and Facilitation
Approach Receives Top Marks in Recent Evaluations. 2012. Available at:
http://www.who.int/workforcealliance/media/news/2012/ccfeval2012/en/.
Global Health Workforce Alliance. Synthesis Paper: Developed out of the Outcomes of Four
Consultations on Community Health Workers and Other Frontline Health Workers Held in
May/June 2012. Global Health Workforce Alliance; 2013. Available at:
http://www.who.int/workforcealliance/knowledge/resources/synthesis_paper/en/.
Global Health Workforce Alliance. Joint Commitment to Harmonized Partner Action for
Community Health Workers and Frontline Health Workers [outcome of a side session at the
Third Global Forum on Human Resources for Health]. 2013. Available at:
http://www.who.int/workforcealliance/knowledge/resources/chw_outcomedocument/en/.
Møgedal S, Wynd S, Afzal MM. A Framework for Partners’ Harmonised Support: Community
Health Workers and Universal Health Coverage. Global Health Workforce Alliance; 2013.
Available at:
http://www.who.int/workforcealliance/knowledge/resources/frame_partner_support/en/.

6–10
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Governments and Global Partners in Developing, Implementing, and Managing CHW
Programs; Community Health Workers and Universal Health Coverage. Global Health
Workforce Alliance; 2013. Available at:
http://www.who.int/workforcealliance/knowledge/resources/monitoring_account_platform/en/.
12. Frymus D, Kok M, de Koning K, Quain E. Knowledge Gaps and a Need Based Global
Research Agenda by 2015: Community Health Workers and Universal Health Coverage.
Global Health Workforce Alliance; 2013. Available at:
http://www.who.int/workforcealliance/knowledge/resources/knowledge_gaps/en/.
13. Global Health Workforce Alliance. Joint Commitment to Harmonized Partner Action for
Community Health Workers and Frontline Health Workers [outcome of a side session at the
Third Global Forum on Human Resources for Health]. 2013. Available at:
http://www.who.int/workforcealliance/knowledge/resources/chw_outcomedocument/en/.

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6–12
SECTION 2: HUMAN RESOURCES
 Chapter 7
Community Health Worker Roles and Tasks
Claire Glenton and Dena Javadi
Key Points
• A number of health care services exist that can make a significant difference to maternal and
child health (MCH) in poor settings. Because community health workers (CHWs) are close to
communities, both geographically and socially, they could potentially be responsible for a
number of these services.
• When planning new CHW roles or expanding the roles of existing CHWs, program planners
need to analyze current research evidence and evidence-based guidelines on the effectiveness
and safety of relevant tasks performed by CHWs. Planners need to assess whether the
recommended CHW roles and tasks are considered acceptable and appropriate by their target
population, by the CHWs themselves and by those who support them. Finally, planners need to
think about the practical and organizational implications of each task for their particular setting
with regard to training requirements, health systems support, work location, workload, and
program costs.
• This chapter provides a list of questions that may help program planners think about important
issues when determining CHW roles and tasks.

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INTRODUCTION
This chapter will focus on a number of considerations program planners need to make when
determining the roles and tasks of CHWs. We will discuss the specific roles and tasks that
CHWs could potentially have and present a list of questions that can help planners when
making these choices.

What Kind of Roles and Tasks Do CHWs Have Already?

Although there are examples of CHWs having a wide range of roles, most CHW programs
within the area of MCH and primary health care tend to focus on a few main areas that fall
under three broad categories of health promotion, community mobilization, and treatment (see
also Table 1):
• Health Promotion and Preventive Care

Perhaps the most common role taken on by CHWs is that of health promoter, where the
CHW primarily provides information and counseling with the aim of encouraging particular
behaviors. CHWs in this role are typically used to promote breastfeeding and child
nutrition, family planning, immunization, and other behaviors linked to mother and child
health. In addition, CHWs are sometimes also used to promote awareness about social
welfare issues, such as domestic violence or alcohol and drug abuse.

In a second role, the CHW provides preventive health care services by distributing
commodities such as bed nets, iron folate supplements and other micronutrients, condoms,
contraceptives, and certain vaccines, for example, to all pregnant women or children of a
certain age. Although this role usually includes promotional activities, the provision of
commodities has logistical implications, as well as implications for how the CHW is
perceived by the community, making this role different from that of health promoter.

• Community Mobilization

In a third role, CHWs act as community mobilizers, initiating activities such as the digging
of latrines, the identification of clean water sources, and the organization of nutrition and
sanitation days.

• Treatment

Another role involves the provision of curative health care. Tasks for this role commonly
include the diagnosis and management of common childhood illnesses, such as malnutrition,
diarrhea, and pneumonia, as well as timely referral to health facilities, when needed.

Another aspect of treatment is assistance to women during labor and birth. In some cases,
this role may be limited to providing support to the mother in the presence of a skilled birth
attendant. In other cases, CHWs are trained to manage uncomplicated labor and to detect
high-risk pregnancies and labor complications so that timely referral can be made. This role
is often taken on by traditional birth attendants (TBAs) who have received additional
training and have been incorporated into a formal health care program.

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Table 1. CHW Roles within MCH
EXAMPLES OF TASKS AND
ROLE PROGRAM EXAMPLE
ACTIVITIES
Promoter of Provision of information In Malawi, local women are selected to work as peer
Health and counseling with the counselors and to provide support to childbearing women in
Behaviors and aim of encouraging their community. The peer counselors identify pregnant
Social Welfare particular health behaviors women, make home visits, and provide health education
and use of health care, regarding exclusive breastfeeding, infant care,
including promotion of immunizations, prevention of mother-to-child transmission
breastfeeding, child of HIV infection, and family planning. They also provide
nutrition patterns, family support to women experiencing breastfeeding problems.
planning, HIV testing, and The peer counselors receive five days of training, as well as
immunization. Provision of annual refresher training. In addition to this intervention,
information about social other local women are also trained to facilitate women’s
welfare issues, such as groups, where group members are encouraged to identify
domestic violence and and prioritize problems related to maternal and newborn
alcohol and drug abuse. health, and to identify, implement, and assess strategies to
address these problems.1
Provider of Distribution of In rural Kenya, a community-based delivery system
Preventive interventions, such as bed operationalized by CHWs and vendors serves to distribute
Health Care nets, micronutrients, Sprinkles (fortified nutrients) to remote households. To be
Services condoms, contraceptives, cost-effective, multiple services and products are distributed
and certain vaccines, in one visit, increasing the acceptability of the products
through community-based through previously established trust. The distribution system
distribution programs and is run by the Safe Water and AIDS Project. It supports
social marketing programs. community vendor groups with distribution of health
products including water storage and disinfectant products,
bed nets, contraceptives, deworming tablets, and (as a trial
during implementation of the Nyando Integrated Health and
Education Project), Sprinkles nutritional products. The Safe
Water and AIDS Project trains vendors and health workers
so they will be qualified to distribute Sprinkles packets.
Vendors purchase Sprinkles and distribute them according
to the Safe Water and AIDS Project model. Social
mobilization events are then organized to introduce vendors
to community members. Promotional songs and peer-to-
peer communication are used to promote use of Sprinkles
and to establish trust. These events also allow for
households to follow up with health workers and vendors
should they have any questions or concerns regarding the
products. Incentives, such as T-shirts and stickers, are given
to providers, while incentives of extra free sachets or
calendars are given to consumers to participate in the
program.2
Community Organization of community In Rwanda, each village (i.e., umudugudu) has pairs of
Mobilizer health events, such as the CHWs who are trained in community-based integrated
digging of latrines, management of childhood illness and are responsible for
identification of clean promoting the use of bed nets for malaria prevention and
water sources, and kitchen gardens to address widespread nutritional
organization of nutrition deficiencies, as well as providing messages on family
and sanitation days planning and enrollment in a community health insurance
scheme (mutuelle de santé). As part of their community
mobilization role, the CHW pairs participate in monthly
community work meetings (i.e., umuganda), during which
they have a few minutes to discuss a health topic. In these
discussions, the CHWs identify any serious health issues
that require door-to-door follow-up with community

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 EXAMPLES OF TASKS AND
ROLE PROGRAM EXAMPLE
ACTIVITIES
members. They also play a big role in health promotion
during organized campaigns, such as the national MCH
week when they help bring the maximum number of people
and provide some services as part of the campaign.
Provider of Diagnosis and In Nepal, female community health volunteers (FCHVs)
Curative management of common perform a number of tasks, including the detection and
Health Care childhood illnesses, for treatment of common childhood illnesses, provision of
Services example, diagnosis of directly observed treatment short-course (DOTS) for TB,
malnutrition, diarrhea, and distribution of oral rehydration solution and zinc for
pneumonia. Provision of diarrhea, and provision of pediatric cotrimoxazole tablets for
timely referral when children with symptoms of pneumonia. FCHVs are also
needed. trained to identify and resuscitate infants with birth
asphyxia. They play an important role in maternal health as
well with the provision of family planning supplies and
medication for reduction of postpartum hemorrhage.3-6
Assistant to Provision of continuous In Ethiopia, TBAs are trained as home-based lifesaving skills
Women during support during labor. (HBLSS) guides. Trainers use a combination of teaching
Labor and Management of methods, including discussion, demonstration/ drama,
Birth uncomplicated labor. pictorial “Take Action Cards,” and practice to teach TBAs
Detection of high-risk how to manage normal deliveries and how to recognize and
pregnancies and labor deal with obstetric and newborn emergencies, including
complications so that when to make referrals. TBAs also pass this knowledge on
timely referral can be to mothers and members of the community during
made. community meetings, women’s association meetings,
antenatal outreach sessions, and when fetching water or
firewood.7

WHAT KEY QUESTIONS DO PROGRAM PLANNERS NEED TO CONSIDER

WHEN SELECTING CHW ROLES AND TASKS?
When planning new CHW roles or expanding the roles of existing CHWs, program planners
need to think about several key questions, including:
• How effective and safe will it be to use CHWs to perform a specific task?
• Are CHWs’ roles and tasks likely to be regarded as acceptable and appropriate by CHWs and
their target population?
• How many tasks and activities should each CHW take on?
• When and where will each task be performed and how much workload will it require?
• What kinds of skills and training will the CHW require when performing specific tasks?
• What type of health system support will the CHW require when performing the task?
• How much will it cost to use CHWs to perform the task?

Each of these questions will be discussed in greater detail in this chapter. Decisions regarding
these issues are highly contextual, and our goal is not to offer a prescriptive method for
assigning roles and tasks. Instead, this chapter seeks to explore key areas of consideration when
selecting roles and tasks and how decision-makers could consider these issues when assigning
tasks.

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HOW EFFECTIVE AND SAFE WILL IT BE TO USE CHWS TO PERFORM A
SPECIFIC TASK?
Several health care interventions exist to have a positive impact on some of the most common
causes of serious illness and death among mothers and children in low- and middle-income
countries. Some of these interventions are already commonly provided by CHWs, such as
breastfeeding support and certain childhood immunizations. Other services that are not
frequently provided by CHWs but are also known to have an important impact on the health of
mothers and children include kangaroo mother care, newborn resuscitation, and the provision of
oxytocin and misoprostol for postpartum hemorrhage, magnesium sulfate for eclampsia, and
antibiotics for neonatal sepsis. Although we know these interventions can save lives and
improve health, how do we decide which services should be delivered by CHWs?

When making these decisions, program planners should explore what current research evidence
and evidence-based guidelines says about the effectiveness and safety of tasks when performed
by CHWs. The World Health Organization (WHO) has recently published guidance about the
types of tasks for mother and newborn health that CHWs and other health worker cadres can
perform.8 This guidance is based on a thorough examination of the available evidence regarding
the effectiveness, acceptability, and feasibility of these options, and was created by a panel of
global stakeholders. The WHO has also developed similar guidance concerning the use of CHWs
and other health worker cadres for the care of people with HIV/AIDs.9

For maternal and newborn health programs, the WHO primarily recommends the use of CHWs
for promotional tasks (Box 2). These recommendations are supported by a growing body of
evidence that concludes that the promotion of certain health care behaviors and services by
CHWs, such as the promotion and support of breastfeeding and childhood immunization,
probably leads to significant improvements in MCH.10 Far fewer studies have, however,
explored whether CHWs can effectively perform more curative or invasive tasks.10-12 For this
reason, the WHO has recommended that a number of tasks should be performed by CHWs only
in the context of either monitoring and evaluation or rigorous research (Table 2). In other
words, policymakers and program planners are encouraged to pilot the intervention and to
conduct a rigorous assessment of its effectiveness, acceptability, and feasibility in their setting
so that more evidence is available regarding the effectiveness, safety, and feasibility of CHWs
performing these interventions.

Table 2. Current WHO Recommendations Concerning the Use of CHWs for Maternal and Newborn Health8
RECOMMENDED INTERVENTIONS TO BE PROVIDED BY CHWS FOR MATERNAL AND NEWBORN HEALTH:
Promotion of the uptake of health-related behaviors and health care services for maternal, HIV, family
planning and neonatal health, including:
 Promotion of appropriate care-seeking behavior and antenatal care during pregnancy
 Promotion of companionship during labor
 Promotion of sleeping under insecticide-treated bed nets during pregnancy
 Promotion of birth preparedness
 Promotion of skilled care for childbirth
 Promotion of adequate nutrition and iron and folate supplements during pregnancy
 Promotion of reproductive health and family planning
 Promotion of HIV testing during pregnancy
 Promotion of exclusive breastfeeding
 Promotion of postpartum care
 Promotion of immunization according to national guidelines
 Promotion of kangaroo mother care for low birth weight infants
 Promotion of basic newborn care and care of low birth weight infants
 Administration of misoprostol to prevent postpartum hemorrhage
 Provision of continuous support for women during labor in the presence of a skilled birth attendant

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 RECOMMENDED INTERVENTIONS TO BE PROVIDED BY CHWS FOR MATERNAL AND NEWBORN HEALTH:
Intervention recommended only in the context of monitoring and evaluation:
 Distribution of oral supplements to pregnant women (e.g., calcium supplementation for women living in
areas with known low levels of calcium intake; routine iron and folate supplementation; vitamin A
supplementation for pregnant women living in areas where severe vitamin A deficiency is a serious
public health problem)
 Intermittent presumptive therapy for malaria for pregnant women living in endemic areas
 Provision of injectable contraceptives
Interventions recommended only in the context of rigorous research:
 Oxytocin administration to prevent postpartum hemorrhage - standard syringe
 Oxytocin administration to treat postpartum hemorrhage - standard syringe
 Oxytocin administration to prevent postpartum hemorrhage – CPAD*
 Oxytocin administration to treat postpartum hemorrhage – CPAD*
 Misoprostol administration to treat postpartum hemorrhage
 Low-dose aspirin distribution to pregnant women at high-risk of pre-eclampsia/eclampsia
 Puerperal sepsis management with intramuscular antibiotics – standard syringe
 Puerperal sepsis management with oral antibiotics
 Puerperal sepsis management with intramuscular antibiotics – CPAD*
 Initiation of kangaroo mother care for low birth weight infants
 Maintenance of kangaroo mother care for low birth weight infants
 Injectable antibiotics for neonatal sepsis – standard syringe
 Antibiotics for neonatal sepsis –CPAD*
 Neonatal resuscitation
 Insertion and removal of contraceptive implants
The WHO does not recommend using CHWs for the insertion and removal of intrauterine devices.
*CPAD: compact, prefilled auto-disabled, injection device

ARE CHWS’ ROLES AND TASKS LIKELY TO BE REGARDED AS

ACCEPTABLE BY CHWS AND THEIR TARGET POPULATION?
Program planners also need to assess whether potential CHW roles and tasks are considered
acceptable and appropriate by the CHWs, their target population, and the wider community,
including community leaders, husbands, mothers-in-law, and other community members.
Attempts to introduce roles and tasks that do not find support among these groups are likely to
be unsuccessful. In instances where task shifting takes place, acceptance and support from the
health system and its representatives, particularly health professionals working alongside the
CHWs, are also important for program success, and is discussed later in the chapter.

Is the Community Satisfied with CHW Roles and Tasks?

Although all stakeholders may agree that issues targeted by the program are important, they
may disagree about the chosen solutions. For example, community members may agree that
maternal deaths are unacceptably high but may disagree with having CHWs who are instructed
to accompany all women in labor to facilities. In other cases, problems can occur when CHWs
are continuously confronted with issues that are considered more important than the issues
that they have been trained to address. For example, in communities where members suffer
from a number of health problems not addressed by the program and where they have poor
access to other health care services, CHWs may frequently be approached about issues that are
outside their scope of training. CHWs may also be confronted with non-health related problems,
such as lack of housing, food insecurity, alcohol abuse, and social and domestic violence. This
issue is a particular challenge for CHWs whose scope of practice is defined as health-related
only. These sorts of problems are likely to influence recipient satisfaction and uptake of services
(see Box 1).

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Box 1. Recipients’ views of CHW roles and tasks in a Brazilian program
In a CHW program in Brazil, CHW tasks included assessing children’s nutritional status, enrolling
malnourished children into a milk program, and sharing information about nutrition,
immunization, hygiene, respiratory infections, breastfeeding, and prenatal care.13 According to
study authors, the program emphasized education as the key to improving MCH, and program
administrators “[assumed that] once people learn how to correctly manage their environment and
care for their children, health will improve.” Community members disagreed with this assumption,
arguing that they knew how to care for their children, but that their income and living conditions
prevented them from doing so. Although they accepted those services they perceived to be of
use, such as enrollment in the milk program, they regarded most of the services offered as
ineffectual, patronizing, and intrusive. As a result, many CHWs who received “less than warm
welcomes during home visits” became frustrated and eventually stopped performing their duties.

Are the CHWs Satisfied with their Roles and Tasks?

A mismatch between the needs and wishes of the community and the services CHWs have to
offer can also lead to feelings of frustration and impotence among the CHWs themselves.14 Some
CHWs may find it particularly frustrating to deliver promotional services only, and may want to
offer “real health care,” such as medicines and immunizations.14

Has the Community Been Involved In Determining CHW Tasks and Roles?
The involvement of community members and CHWs in program planning is critical to ensure
that tasks are seen as relevant and useful (See Chapter 13 on relationship with communities).
The delivery of services that are valued by the community and by the CHWs themselves can
increase uptake of these services and the CHW’s legitimacy and motivation.

Past experience suggests that community involvement can lead to an increase in the
distribution of commodities or in the number of curative tasks that CHWs perform. In
Nicaragua, the tasks of the CHW were extended to include curative health care, which led to an
increase in CHW motivation and community respect and satisfaction.15 However, it is important
to note that any transition from promotional to curative tasks can also represent a double-edged
sword, as it could leave CHWs vulnerable to blame if things go wrong or if logistical support
fails. CHWs offering services that can be perceived as harmful may be in particular need of
visible support from community structures and health facilities (see Box 2).

Box 2. CHWs’ concerns regarding social blame in Nepal and Papua New Guinea
In Nepal, a study of CHWs offering gentamicin, an antibiotic, through the Uniject device found that
CHWs “were afraid that the injection would be given in the wrong location or would result in a
wound or local infection; that the full treatment could not be given to the newborn because the
birth did not occur at the home or the CHW was not available to provide the injection; that the
baby’s health would not improve after the first injection; that the family of the sick newborn would
be unhappy or dissatisfied if the health of the newborn did not improve; or that giving seven
injections would harm the newborn.”16 CHWs were also concerned about their liability if the baby
they were treating died. One CHW said: “’I was worried because if something goes wrong, then
what the community will say.’”16

In Papua New Guinea, CHWs’ concerns about potential social blame when delivering Hepatitis B
vaccines to newborns were met by providing them, and village leaders, with a copy of a letter of
formal authorization from the National Department of Health.11

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Community involvement may also lead to a broader scope of practice for the CHW, with more
attention given to activities that may be outside the health sector, such as awareness raising
and prevention of domestic violence or the establishment of microcredit systems or gardening
projects. This more holistic approach may be regarded as more satisfying and relevant to the
CHW and the community, but may also require a more complex support system because of the
needs for training, supervision, and supplies from sources outside the health sector.

Have the Right CHWs Been Selected?

The acceptability to the community of particular tasks performed by CHWs is also likely to be
influenced by the type of CHW who performs them. In many societies, recipients may prefer to
receive MCH care from female CHWs. However, the age and life experience of the CHW may
also be important. For example, some communities may promote the selection of young
unmarried women to work with women of reproductive age, only to find that the young women
need to be accompanied by older women as they do their home visits to provide credibility. In
addition, the closeness of the CHW to recipients may increase or decrease recipients’
acceptance. Recipients may prefer to receive services from people they know well and trust. On
the other hand, they may not want to accept services from close neighbors if these services are
regarded as particularly sensitive, such as the promotion of sexual and reproductive health.
When selecting CHWs, program planners need to consider the nature of the tasks they will be
expected to deliver. (See also Chapter 8 on recruitment).

Gender considerations can also go beyond patient preference. Traditional gender roles may
affect CHW mobility, workload, hours of work, and incentives. For example, female CHWs may
face varying degrees of time constraint because of traditional family duties and roles. Their
level of mobility is also likely to depend on permission from spouses or other family members.
Families may not be comfortable with female CHWs undertaking certain roles. Furthermore,
providing women with a title and career can lead to female empowerment, potentially causing a
ripple effect in terms of education and equality. These considerations are context-specific and
culture-dependent; a general understanding of gender roles and expectations in the community
is critical to program sustainability. Program planners and managers should approach this
issue with care in order to ensure that empowerment and change happens in a way that can be
effectively integrated into the society rather than quickly rejected, leading to dissolution of
CHW programs.

HOW MANY TASKS AND ACTIVITIES SHOULD EACH CHW HAVE?

Program planners will also need to think about the scope of the CHW’s role, whether he or she
should have a few but specific tasks and activities or have a broad repertoire of responsibilities.
A related issue is whether each community should be offered different types of CHWs, each with
his or her own specialty or whether they should have access to one “generalist” CHW.

Do Recipients and CHWs Prefer “Specialist” or “Generalist” Roles?

From the recipient’s point of view, the “generalist” CHW may make more sense. Having a
system in which community members have to relate to several CHWs, each with his or her own
“specialty,” can lead to confusion about who is offering which task. It can also lead to frustration
when CHWs are only able to respond to very specific health issues, for example, when tasks are
split between health care for the mother and health care for the newborn or the child.
Communities may therefore prefer “generalist” CHWs who can offer a continuity of care,
including basic health promotion, preventive care, and the management of common health
problems. For MCH, this care could include services tied to family planning, antenatal care,
birth preparedness, labor companionship, and postnatal and routine newborn care. The
generalist approach may also be more satisfying for the CHWs themselves as it may be

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perceived as more meaningful and allows them to achieve a better understanding of the
recipient and his or her health and social circumstances.

Despite these advantages, CHWs may find it more manageable to split work between them and
to focus on and become skilled at a small number of tasks or to have tasks introduced gradually.
In some cases, it may also make more sense to split some tasks between male and female CHWs
according to what is most appropriate from a gender perspective. The establishment of male-
female pairs of CHWs may also be helpful in settings where it is not safe or socially acceptable
for women to travel alone. This system is now being implemented in Rwanda.

Both CHWs and target populations need to be involved in these decisions. Community
involvement in program planning may help ensure that the correct balance has been achieved
(see Box 3).

Box 3. Community involvement in CHW roles and tasks

In a community-directed intervention strategy, the role of the community is to design an approach
to implementing an intervention using the resources available in that community. The logistics,
including who will be responsible for implementation, supervision, and monitoring, will also be
decided by the community in a way that is perceived as fair and evenly distributed among health
workers. This approach has been used for the delivery of ivermectin, an anti-parasitic used for
treatment and prevention of onchocerciasis (river blindness), as CHWs and the selection of new
CHWs when needed may make decisions more balanced and realistic.17

What Is Most Practical for the Health System?

In addition to the recipients’ and CHWs’ views about the breadth of tasks, program planners
also need to consider the practical implications of this decision for the health system. For
example, CHWs who are expected to deliver a wide range of tasks will require more training
and supervision than CHWs with fewer tasks. This decision also has implications for CHW
payment and other incentives, as more tasks may lead to longer working hours and CHWs can
reasonably expect some form of acknowledgement for additional training and skills. In contrast,
it may be more efficient to train, supervise, and support a fewer number of “generalist” CHWs
than to have the same number of tasks delivered by a greater number of “specialist” CHWs.
Decisions regarding the number of tasks a CHW should have are also closely related to
decisions regarding when and where each task will be performed and the workload each task
entails, as discussed below.

WHEN AND WHERE WILL EACH TASK BE PERFORMED AND HOW

MUCH WORKLOAD WILL IT IMPLY?
Program planners also need to think about when and where each task can or should be
delivered by the CHW and the amount of work anticipated for the CHWs and their supervisors.
These factors will have important implications, including the amount of flexibility and influence
a CHW has over his or her work day, the appropriate catchment area, suitable incentives, and
the opportunity to keep skills up-to-date. Program planners will need to consider the need for
transportation, safety measures, and the CHW’s freedom of movement.

The level of influence and flexibility a CHW has regarding when and where a task is performed
can vary considerably. Some tasks, such as certain promotional tasks, can often be done in
between a CHW’s other tasks, at his or her own convenience, and the CHW may also have a lot
of flexibility regarding where the task can be done. For example, some CHWs may choose to use
ad hoc opportunities and chance meetings, such as social or community events, to deliver

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certain promotional services. For other tasks, the CHW may have little influence on when and
where they perform the task or how long it will take to complete the task. These include tasks
such as continuous support during labor or other childbirth-related tasks. It may also be
necessary or preferable to perform other tasks inside the recipient’s home, while some tasks
may need to be performed in clinics where CHWs can access supplies or need to be supervised
by health professionals.

If the task requires the CHW to move around the catchment area, then the program planners
will need to consider the need for transportation. In some settings, CHWs traveling around the
community or making home visits may be exposed to violence, so safety issues need to be
carefully considered. This may include an examination of whether it is appropriate for female
CHWs to travel unaccompanied or to enter strangers’ homes (see Box 4). Suggested solutions
include being accompanied by another individual, working in pairs, and having access to mobile
phones. All of these considerations are particularly important if the task requires the CHW to
travel at night or for long distances.

Box 4. Problems encountered when CHWs move around the community

A qualitative study of CHWs in South Africa18 graphically portrays the challenges of working in
violence-prone communities:

As a reflection of the South African context in which the intervention was implemented, one of the
tasks for supervisors was to ensure that their peer counselors remained safe. This issue was
particularly important because peer counselors travelled on foot to visit mothers who lived in poor
socio-economic areas prone to violence and drug abuse. One CHW reported the following:

The areas are not safe for peer supporters.... We had a peer supporter who went
visiting the house and somebody was shot... in her presence.... When you live in
the community there's no way we can separate these things. We live with this
kind of life in townships and you just need to be very careful when you there.... I
said maybe you should avoid that visit, phone her and ask if you can meet
somewhere, or just avoid going there because if you get assaulted we will not
be able to handle that, it might just be difficult for us.

A qualitative study of CHWs in Bangladesh speaks of the cultural barriers female CHWs face:19

Women volunteers are required to go on household visits against the norms of

pardah. As a result, comments such as “How can be-pardah (immodest,
shameless) women go house-to-house and roam around?” and “What work do
these types of women do?” were commonly expressed by religious leaders and
other elders in the village.”

When determining where tasks are delivered, it is also important to assess what the target
population regards as appropriate. For example, the extent to which home visits are socially
acceptable will vary across settings and tasks.

Different tasks also imply different workloads and catchment areas. Some tasks need to be
performed frequently or to large numbers of people, therefore, the size of the CHW’s catchment
area may need to be relatively small. Some tasks occur infrequently, such as annual
immunization campaigns, or they target health conditions that are relatively rare. In these
situations, it may seem reasonable to give CHWs a larger catchment area. However, large

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catchment areas imply that the CHW will need to cover longer distances, which has
implications for transportation needs. In addition, when catchment areas are too large, CHWs
may spend too much time getting to the client or spending time on travel only to find that the
client is absent20. Another challenge for tasks targeting health conditions that are relatively
rare is the issue of quality of care. Although it may seem sensible to train CHWs to deliver
antibiotics to treat neonatal sepsis, because he or she may see relatively few cases each year,
the CHW has little opportunity to keep his or her skills up-to-date and, therefore, may threaten
the quality of care.

CHWs with large workloads are likely to need more incentives than CHWs with lighter
workloads. Demands for incentives may also be influenced by the amount of influence the CHW
has over his or her working day (see Box 5). Tasks that can be performed within ordinary
working hours may require fewer incentives than tasks that need to be performed in response to
immediate needs, such as childbirth-related tasks. Tasks that can be done at a time of the
CHW’s choosing may be particularly appropriate for volunteer CHWs, as this flexibility makes
it easier to combine with family and other responsibilities. (See Chapter 11 on incentives.) From
a program planner’s point of view, however, it is reasonable to expect less from volunteers that
work within the constraints of their own daily lives than from salaried CHWs.

Box 5. CHW opinions about the connection between incentives and the tasks delivered in a Nepalese
program
In one qualitative study of FCHVs in Nepal,21 one FCHV stated the following:

I provide services to the community in my free time, and that’s ok. But besides
that there are specific days [like when] I need to collect all mothers or kids in
my catchment area and [take them] to the health facility. And there are FCHV
meetings on specific days at the health facility. So it’s not in my free time. I am
[tied] to working that day. So for these days, if an allowance is there, that would
be good. Jobs like counseling mothers, informing them that tomorrow is
immunization day, household visits to pregnant women and the recently
delivered, counseling them about nutrition, iron intake, tetanus toxoid
vaccinations, and deworming: for these activities remuneration is not needed
because we are doing them in our spare time. For Vitamin A distribution, for
misoprostol distribution, for all these activities, remuneration is not necessary.
I am only saying that for FCHV meetings, for specified days, [and for] support to
the outreach clinics, they need to provide (remuneration).

WHAT KINDS OF SKILLS AND TRAINING WILL THE CHW NEED TO

PERFORM SPECIFIC TASKS?
Program planners also need to think about the type of skills and training that CHWs will need
to perform these tasks. When assessing these issues, program planners may want to think
about the following aspects:
• Is the task complex to perform?
• Does the CHW need to tailor the task to the needs and circumstances of the individual recipient
and the local context?

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• Does the CHW need to make a complex diagnosis before performing the task?
• Does the CHW need to know how to deal with adverse effects or complications?

If the answer is “yes” to any of these questions, the task is likely to require more skills and
training. Some tasks, such as the routine distribution of iron folate supplements to pregnant
women, are simple to perform, require little or no tailoring or diagnosis, and little knowledge
about associated complications. Training may therefore be relatively short. Other tasks, such as
training caregivers in the use of kangaroo mother care, are also relatively simple procedures to
teach with few components. But, because in this case, CHWs also need to have the skills to
detect which infants need additional care and referral, training may be longer. Having well-
developed algorithms can, to a certain extent, ease the requirements made of the CHW by
providing the CHW with an additional form of support during decision-making. (See Chapter 9
on training).

Promotional tasks are often regarded as simpler to perform than curative tasks. However, in a
number of studies, CHWs have particularly emphasized the importance of training in
promotional and counseling skills and have viewed health care communication as a complex
task for which they often feel unprepared.14 For example, when promoting family planning
methods or HIV testing, CHWs may need to respond to a number of complex questions and
concerns and may also experience socially challenging situations (See Box 6). The role of
community organizer can also be a challenging one as it is likely to involve complex tasks that
need high degrees of tailoring, including the ability to organize and mobilize groups of people
and lead them in problem-solving activities. (See also Chapter 9 on training and Chapter 13 on
community participation.)

Box 6. CHW opinions regarding training needs in a Pakistani program

A qualitative study of CHWs in Pakistan22 had the following finding:

The respondents suggested refresher training sessions that include role plays
on common difficult scenarios as a way to improve communication skills of the
workers. They proposed that appropriate information and skills to deal with
people who were fixed on strong negative feelings, such as ‘we are poor, we
can't do anything’ or ‘a woman's only role is to serve the husband, kids and the
family’ or ‘the life or death of the mother or newborn is the will of God, in which
the mortals cannot intervene’ would be really helpful. The workers also
suggested that information, education, and communication (IEC) materials
should be provided to them that could be carried to the households and used
for talking about specific health issues.

WHAT TYPE OF HEALTH SYSTEM SUPPORT WILL THE CHW REQUIRE

WHEN PERFORMING THE TASK?
Another practical implication that needs to be determined involves the level of health care
system support required for each task. Some tasks can be performed by the CHW alone and
with very little support from the rest of the health care system. For other tasks, however,
successful delivery depends on a well-functioning and responsive health system.

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Health system support may primarily involve supervision, typically from facility-based health
workers. For example, Nepalese CHWs who identified infants with symptoms of severe bacterial
infections were trained to administer gentamicin, but only if they were receiving regular
supervision and observation from facility-based staff.16 For this to work, CHWs need efficient
ways of communicating with other health workers, such as through access to transport or
mobile phones (see Box 7). (See also Chapter 10 on supervision.)

Box 7. Use of mobile phone systems in Rwanda

In Rwanda, a text messaging system through mobile phones (Rapid SMS-MCH) was implemented
to allow CHWs to communicate with the mother-infant pairs they followed in their communities.23
Rapid SMS-MCH is a free, open-source software that can be customized to allow CHWs to connect
to a national centralized database, the health facility, and an ambulance driver for emergencies.
This system allows CHWs to keep better track of pregnancies and MCH outcomes in limited
resource settings. It also allows for faster response in case of emergencies and improved
involvement of CHWs during the critical moments of their patients’ pregnancies.

CHWs can also receive supervision through peer support, such as by working together in teams
or in pairs. CHWs in some studies have called for the opportunity to meet regularly with other
lay health workers to share experiences and give each other support14 (see Box 8). (See also
Chapter 10 on supervision).

Box 8: CHWs working in primary health care teams in Brazil

In Brazil, primary health care is offered through teams of health workers. The Equipo de Saúde
Familiar health worker teams provide services to 600-1000 families and have four to six CHWs
on each team. 24 In addition to CHWs, doctors, and nurses, teams also sometimes include
dentists, dental assistants, technicians, and social workers. The CHWs focus on promotional
activities and particularly on family behaviors essential for child health through the community
component of integrated management for childhood illness (IMCI). Although most CHWs feel that
they have good communication and respect within their teams, some feel undermined by team
physicians. Furthermore, CHWs have little opportunities for career advancement. The mutual
support that CHWs are able to provide to each other as a result of their close interactions on a
daily basis is important to them.24

Health system support may be required to ensure a well-functioning referral chain. A number of
tasks, particularly related to pregnancy and childbirth care, are given to CHWs on the condition
that they are trained to recognize symptoms or danger signs and refer patients to the
appropriate health facilities. Referral tasks require that the nearest health facility to be
sufficiently staffed and equipped, that CHWs have practical ways of contacting facility staff
(e.g., by mobile phone, a runner), that a trustful and collaborative relationship exists between
the CHWs and the facility staff, and that the beneficiaries themselves are willing to travel to
these facilities for health care and have the funds and the means of transport to do so. However,
these factors are not always in place.14 Both CHWs and recipients may have poor relationships
with facility staff or may lack the funds or practical means to contact them (see Box 9). In
addition, facilities are often under-resourced and under-staffed, and facility staff may feel that
CHW programs will increase their workload as a result of supervision requirements or an
increase in referrals, or facility staff may fear a loss of authority.14 Health professionals may be
more likely to accept CHW tasks if boundaries are clear and if they feel that the CHWs make
sense in their setting (e.g., by easing some of their own busy workload). For these reasons,
health professionals and their organizations need to be involved when deciding on the roles and
tasks of the CHW.

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Box 9. Problems facing CHW referral in a Zimbabwean program
The excerpt below is from a qualitative study of CHWs in Zimbabwe25 that identified the following
set of issues that highlights issues in the referral of sick patients:

Apart from the women’s perceptions of arrogant and rude clinic staff, mistrust, and fear of
cesarean delivery, women themselves were said to use strategies, for example, coming or
calling for the TBA when labor was too advanced to be referred, especially also given the
prevailing logistical constraints in the villages. The TBAs do not have any means of
transport for such emergency cases nor access to a telephone to call for an ambulance.
One TBA explained,
There are some women who come to you or call you to their homes when they
are already in labor. So what do you do? I do not have an ambulance to take
them to the clinic. The woman is in advanced labor. How do I walk with her to
the clinic? You cannot run away from a woman and leave her groaning; you just
have to assist.

Health system support may also involve access to supplies. Unreliable access to necessary
supplies can threaten the implementation of relatively simple interventions and lead to loss of
respect in the community for the CHW and the health system (see Box 10).20 Important
considerations include the extent to which certain supplies, such as condoms, can be stored over
long periods of time and whether supplies, such as vaccines, require specific storage conditions.

Box 10. Problems facing CHWs in Bangladesh and Pakistan due to a lack of supplies
A study of CHWs in Bangladesh25 and another study from Pakistan 26 identified problems in
obtaining needed medicines. The Bangladesh study reported the following: “While the worker is
capable of identifying a most basic medical need – iron for anemia – she must rely on hospital
referral, not because she is incompetent, but because there is currently no provision for field
distribution of iron tablets or any other medical supplies in the government program.” In Pakistan,
lady health workers were expected to provide drugs and contraceptives. However, due to poor
supply, they faced a lot of embarrassments and accusations by the community of selling drugs
and contraceptives in the market.26

Finally, health system support may be of a regulatory nature. Regulations may need to be
changed to reflect CHWs’ scope of practice to allow CHWs to perform certain tasks and to
receive legal protection should interventions cause harm. A recent study on task shifting among
nurses and midwives in 13 African countries suggested that many of the countries had not
revised their national regulations to incorporate additional professional roles and
responsibilities that negatively impacted the long-term sustainability of their roles.27 Similarly,
a lack of regulatory support may impede institutionalization of changes, which may also be an
issue for CHW programs.

HOW MUCH WILL IT COST TO USE CHWS TO PERFORM THE TASK?

Finally, program planners need to consider how much it will cost for CHWs to perform specific
tasks. There may be an assumption that the use of CHWs is cheaper than the use of other
health worker cadres, but this is not necessarily true. For instance, some interventions require
well-functioning supply chains, referral systems, and supervision. If these supportive elements
do not exist, they will have to be developed (which requires start-up costs) so the CHW will be
able to perform the task on an ongoing basis. (See also Chapter 12 on relationship with the

7–14
health system.) Program planners need to consider a number of potential costs, including the
costs of:
• Training: These costs include both initial and refresher training and can include the costs of
trainer salaries, training materials, and travel and refreshments for both trainers and
participants.
• Supervision: These costs can include salaries for supervisors and the cost of transport and
refreshments for supervisors making field visits. If health workers are being moved from other
tasks to provide supervision, then program planners will also need to calculate any costs
associated with replacing these health workers.
• Transport: These costs can include the cost of travel and refreshments for CHWs visiting
clients, accompanying clients to health facilities, and traveling to health facilities to receive
supervision and deliver reports.
• Wages and other incentives: The type of incentives that CHWs receive varies across
programs, but should reflect the type of tasks that CHWs are asked to deliver and the amount of
time they spend performing their duties (see also Chapter 11 on incentives). Costs can include
salaries and other monetary incentives, such as lunch money, health insurance, and educational
stipends. Many programs also make use of non-monetary incentives, such as bicycles and T-
shirts. Formal recognition from the community and the health system may also be an important
incentive to the CHW and may incur costs. For example, the Nepal government has attempted
to incentivize volunteer CHWs through the production of CHW stamps and postcards, an
annual CHW celebration, and the production of a TV drama about the valuable contributions of
CHWs.
• Equipment and supplies: These costs can include medical supplies and promotional
materials, and also bicycles, uniforms, telephones, bags, and signboards. These may not all be
necessary items for the provision of specific tasks, but may serve as important motivating
incentives to the CHW and may increase their social status and visibility in the community.
• Referral systems: These costs include any additional costs to the health system to enable
CHW referral, including transportation systems, communication systems, and staffing of
facilities. Deployment of CHWs may increase the number of referrals arising from communities,
which also will have cost implications. (See Chapter 12 on relationship with health systems.)

CONCLUSIONS
Decisions regarding CHW roles and tasks are complex, and each decision has implications for
the effectiveness, acceptability, feasibility, and costs of a CHW program. Decision makers
should draw from global guidance and research evidence, but they also need to engage with and
understand the experiences, needs, and concerns of local communities and health workers.

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Key Resources
Baker BK, Denton D, Friedman E, Russell A. Systems Support for Task-Shifting to Community
Health Workers. Geneva, Switzerland: Global Health Workforce Alliance; 2007. Available at:
http://www.healthworkforce.info/advocacy/Task_Shifting.pdf.

CORE Group. 2010. Community Case Management Essentials: Treating Common Childhood
Illnesses in the Community. A Guide for Program Managers. CORE Group, Save the Children,
BASICS and MCHIP: Washington, DC. Available online at:
http://www.coregroup.org/storage/documents/CCM/CCMbook-internet2.pdf.

Crigler L, Hill K, Furth R, and Bjerregaard D. 2011. Community Health Worker Assessment and
Improvement Matrix (CHW AIM): A Toolkit for Improving CHW Programs and Services.
Initiatives, Inc. and University Research Co., LLC with support from USAID: Washington, DC.
Available online at:
http://www.hciproject.org/sites/default/files/CHW%20AIM%20Toolkit_March2011.pdf.

FHI 360. Rwanda: Adding Re-Supply of Hormonal Contraceptive Methods to Community

Health Worker Tasks Does Not Increase Their Workload. Research Triangle Park, NC: FHI 360;
2013. Available at: http://www.fhi360.org/resource/rwanda-adding-re-supply-hormonal-
contraceptive-methods-community-health-worker-tasks-does.

World Health Organization (WHO). 2012. Optimizing health worker roles to improve access to
key maternal and newborn health interventions through task shifting (OPTIMIZEMNH).
Available online at: http://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/10665/77764/1/9789241504843_eng.pdf.

WHO. 2008. Task shifting: rational redistribution of tasks among health workforce teams: global
recommendations and guidelines. Available online at: http://www.who.int/healthsystems/TTR-
TaskShifting.pdf.

WHO. 2006. Treat, Train, Retain: The AIDS and Health Workforce Plan. Report on the
Consultation on AIDS and Human Resources for Health, WHO, Geneva, 11-12 May, 2006. World
Health Organization: Geneva. Available online at:
http://www.who.int/hiv/pub/meetingreports/TTRmeetingreport2.pdf.

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Acknowledgments
We would like to thank Henry Perry, Lauren Crigler, Rose Zulliger, Karen LeBan, Steve
Hodgins, and Simon Lewin for their comments on earlier drafts of this chapter.

7–17
References
1. Lewycka S et al. 2013. Effect of women's groups and volunteer peer counselling on rates of
mortality, morbidity, and health behaviours in mothers and children in rural Malawi
(MaiMwana): a factorial, cluster-randomised controlled trial. Lancet 381(9879): 1721-1735.
2. Suchdev PS et al. 2010. Monitoring the marketing, distribution, and use of Sprinkles
micronutrient powders in rural western Kenya. Food Nutr Bull 31(2 Suppl): S168-S178.
3. Fiedler JL. 2000. The Nepal National Vitamin A Program: prototype to emulate or donor
enclave? Health Policy Plan 15(2): 145-156.
4. Curtale F et al. 1995. Improving skills and utilization of community health volunteers in
Nepal. Soc Sci Med 40(8): 1117-1125.
5. Gottlieb J. 2007. Reducing child mortality with vitamin A in Nepal. In: Levine R, ed. Case
Studies in Global Health: Millions Saved. Center for Global Development: Washington, DC.
25-31.
6. Nepal Ministry of Health and Population. 2010. Nepal Health Sector Programme -
Implementation Plan II (NHSP -IP 2) 2010 – 2015.
7. Sibley L, Buffington ST, Tedessa L, Sr., McNatt K. 2006. Home-Based Life Saving Skills in
Ethiopia: an update on the second phase of field testing. J Midwifery Womens Health 51(4):
284-291.
8. World Health Organization (WHO). 2012. Optimizing health worker roles to improve access
to key maternal and newborn health interventions through task shifting (OPTIMIZEMNH).
WHO: Geneva. Accessed online at:
http://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/10665/77764/1/9789241504843_eng.pdf.
9. WHO. 2008. Task shifting: rational redistribution of tasks among health workforce teams:
global recommendations and guidelines. WHO: Geneva. Accessed online at:
http://www.who.int/healthsystems/TTR-TaskShifting.pdf.
10. Lewin S et al. 2010. Lay health workers in primary and community health care for maternal
and child health and the management of infectious diseases. Cochrane Database of Syst Rev
17(3): CD004015.
11. Glenton C, Morgan C, Nilsen ES. 2013. The effects, safety and acceptability of compact,
prefilled, autodisable injection devices when delivered by lay health workers. Trop Med Int
Health. In Press.
12. Sibley LM, Sipe TA, Barry D. 2012. Traditional birth attendant training for improving
health behaviours and pregnancy outcomes. Cochrane Database Syst Rev 8: CD005460.
13. Wayland C. 2002. Acceptable and appropriate: program priorities vs. felt needs in a CHW
program. Critical Public Health 12(4): 335-350.
14. Glenton C et al. 2013. Barriers and facilitators to the implementation of lay health worker
programmes to improve access to maternal and child health: qualitative evidence synthesis.
Cochrane Database of Syst Rev 2013; Submitted for publication.
15. George A et al. 2009. Community case management of childhood illness in Nicaragua:
transforming health systems in underserved rural areas. J Health Care Poor Underserved
20(4 Suppl): 99-115.
16. Sharma J et al. 2010. Design-Stage Trial of Gentamicin in the Uniject® Device: A Feasibility
Study, Morang District Nepal. Nepal Family Health Program II and PATH/ HealthTech:
Kathmandu.

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17. Kisinza WN et al. 2008. Community directed interventions for malaria, tuberculosis and
vitamin A in onchocerciasis endemic districts of Tanzania. Tanzan J Health Res 10(4): 232-
239.
18. Daniels K et al. 2010. Supervision of community peer counsellors for infant feeding in South
Africa: an exploratory qualitative study. Hum Resour Health 8: 6.
19. Rashid SF, Hadi A, Afsana K, Begum SA. 2001. Acute respiratory infections in rural
Bangladesh: cultural understandings, practices and the role of mothers and community
health volunteers. Trop Med Int Health 6(4): 249-255.
20. Jaskiewicz W, Tulenko K. 2012. Increasing community health worker productivity and
effectiveness: a review of the influence of the work environment. Hum Resour Health 10(1):
38.
21. Glenton C et al. 2010. The female community health volunteer programme in Nepal:
decision makers' perceptions of volunteerism, payment and other incentives. Soc Sci Med
70(12): 1920-1927.
22. Haq Z, Hafeez A. 2009. Knowledge and communication needs assessment of community
health workers in a developing country: a qualitative study. Hum Resour Health 7: 59.
23. Ngabo F et al. 2012. Designing and Implementing an Innovative SMS-based alert system
(RapidSMS-MCH) to monitor pregnancy and reduce maternal and child deaths in Rwanda.
Pan Afr Med J 13: 31.
24. Traverso-Yepez M, Bernardino J, Gomes L. 2006. [People do not know what the PSF Family
Health Program is. Clashes in communication between professionals and the Family Health
Program's clients]. 11th World Congress on Public Health and 8th Brazilian Congress on
Collective Health. Brazilian Association of Collective Health: Rio de Janeiro. [Portuguese.]
25. Mathole T, Lindmark G, Ahlberg BM. 2005. Competing knowledge claims in the provision of
antenatal care: a qualitative study of traditional birth attendants in rural Zimbabwe. Health
Care Women Int 26(10): 937-956.
26. Afsar HA, Younus M. 2005. Recommendations to strengthen the role of lady health workers
in the national program for family planning and primary health care in Pakistan: the health
workers perspective. J Ayub Med Coll Abbottabad 17(1): 48-53.
27. McCarthy CF et al. 2013. Nursing and midwifery regulatory reform in east, central, and
southern Africa: a survey of key stakeholders. Hum Resour Health 11(1): 29.

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7–20
 Chapter 8
Recruitment of Community Health Workers
Wanda Jaskiewicz and Rachel Deussom
Key Points
• Developing appropriate recruitment policies and processes is a critical feature of an effective
large-scale community health worker (CHW) program.
• Community engagement in recruitment is highly desirable, but managing this in a way that is
productive requires careful planning and adaptation.
• An effective recruitment program can help reduce attrition, which is a major challenge for many
large-scale CHW programs.

8–1
INTRODUCTION
Recruiting and selecting the most appropriate individual to fill the role of a CHW is among the
most essential elements that contribute to a well-functioning community health strategy.
Recruitment is defined as “how and from where a CHW is identified, selected and assigned to a
community, including selection criteria and processes.”1 As suggested in the CHW Assessment
and Improvement (AIM) Toolkit’s CHW Program Functionality Matrix, a best practice for
recruitment is to recruit a CHW from within the community through community participation,
meeting all selection criteria when possible. In special cases where a CHW may need to be
recruited from outside the community, a second best practice is to ensure not only that the
community participates in and agrees with the recruitment process, but is also consulted on the
final selection of the CHWs.

Ensuring a “citizen voice” through the meaningful participation of civil society groups and
communities has contributed to greater accountability for service delivery and improved
program quality, as the program can be better tailored to local needs with community input.2, 3
In addition, community participation in CHW recruitment and selection is more likely to use
existing social structures and result in selection of CHWs that understand local issues and can
deliver community health messages in a linguistically and culturally appropriate manner.4, 5
Effective CHW recruitment and selection are key to increasing CHW retention.6 Although there
are many factors that contribute to CHW attrition, careful attention to CHW recruitment and
ensuring the “right” person is selected for the job will go a long way to reducing turnover,
protecting investments, and obtaining results in CHW programs.

This chapter will help readers to consider key questions, recommendations, and challenges for
CHW recruitment planning and implementation, including selection, resource availability, and
addressing CHW retention.

KEY QUESTIONS PROGRAM PLANNERS NEED TO CONSIDER WHEN

RECRUITING CHWS
Following a systematic approach for CHW recruitment through development and
implementation of a recruitment strategy with clear recruitment guidelines will help structure
the process and ensure that program planners, managers, community members, and health
worker teams are familiar with their respective roles in the recruitment process. To develop an
effective and actionable recruitment strategy, stakeholders should consider the following
questions and issues:
• What are the specific recruitment needs for the CHW program?
• What are the CHW selection criteria?
• What is the CHW recruitment process?
• How do available resources influence CHW recruitment?
• How can CHW retention be improved?

WHAT ARE THE SPECIFIC RECRUITMENT NEEDS FOR THE CHW

PROGRAM?
The scope and intention of the health program as well as the needs of the community should
always drive the recruitment process.7 Before initiating the recruitment phase of any program,
it is essential to understand the specific needs and context of the CHW program in which the
CHWs will work. In particular, this process relates to having a clear description of the roles,

8–2
responsibilities, and tasks the CHW will undertake, the catchment area population in terms of
the number of households to be served, as well as the geographic distance they will need to
cover. (See Chapter 7 on roles and tasks for more details). This information will enable program
designers to define the selection criteria, qualifications, and requirements that specifically
correspond to the job that the CHWs will undertake. It also provides a clear scope of work for
the CHW so that CHW candidates can determine if they are the right fit for the job.

CHWs that are from the communities that they serve are more likely to be invested in their
catchment population’s health outcomes and generally more likely to stay. Many CHWs also
thrive in positions where there is opportunity for employment promotion. For example, a CHW
may initially be recruited and trained, and after some good performance feedback, decide to
train as an auxiliary nurse and be promoted. However, it is also important to recruit and select
CHW candidates that understand what the job will entail, including the expected performance,
conditions, management support, and remuneration (if any). The clear communication and
agreement about CHW recruitment, including a defined scope of work, remuneration, and
selection based on a transparent process, should drive CHW recruitment strategy and will help
improve CHW retention in the long term.

Box 1. The Community’s Role in Transparency

Ideally, CHWs are chosen by the community. Yet, the persons selected have an influence on the
acceptability and sustainability of the CHW program within the local context. In some cases, CHWs
are chosen by chiefs or appointed by government officials who award CHW positions to friends
and relatives, or use the appointments as favors, for which they can go back and ask for
something in return. The inappropriate selection of CHWs within communities was identified as a
disincentive for CHWs. An evaluation survey of CHWs performed by UNICEF in 1989 reported that
45% of the CHWs surveyed were related by blood to their village chief or the sub-chief.8 In
Swaziland, an evaluation found that local chiefs preferred to select CHWs based on their own
interests rather than the candidates’ qualifications.8

Extensive experience and long-standing relationships with communities has helped many
nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and other international organizations to find ways to
ensure that the selection process for CHWs is based on each candidate’s interest and
qualifications.

A more complete list of the factors that must be carefully considered before undertaking CHW
recruitment is provided below. Many of these CHW program needs are covered in detail in other
chapters of this manual.
• How many CHWs in total need to be recruited? Is recruiting managed at the national, regional,
provincial, district or other lower level? Which level or organization will provide the resources
for recruitment? What is the timeline for recruitment? (See Chapters 4, on governance, and 5,
on financing.)
• What primary care services are included in the CHW strategy? What specific tasks are CHWs
expected to carry out? What will be their workload? Are CHWs clear on their role, their
responsibilities, and other job expectations? This may include meeting coverage or service
delivery targets and reporting on the achievement of program objectives, tasks or activity
outputs. (See Chapter 7 on roles and tasks.)
• How many days per month or hours per week are CHWs expected to dedicate to completing the
tasks? Is their commitment full-time or part-time?

8–3
• What is the catchment population and geographic area for which CHWs are responsible? Will
they receive transport support to reach their assigned catchment populations (e.g., bicycles,
motorcycles, bus vouchers)?
• Are the CHWs compensated or are they working on a volunteer basis? Is compensation a salary,
an hourly wage, or a stipend? What types of incentives, whether financial or non-financial, will
be provided? If the CHW has been performing similar types of tasks previously, how were they
remunerated, if at all? (See Chapter 11 on incentives.)
• What training will the CHWs receive to ensure their ability to complete assigned tasks (e.g.,
pre-service training or in-service training)? Are there criteria for certification or other
qualification criteria related to CHW training that must be met for CHWs to work? (See
Chapter 9 on training.)
• What supervisory and other management support, including resources (e.g., medicines, supplies,
job aids, communication stipends) will they receive to enable them to perform well? (See
Chapter 10 on supervision.)

WHAT ARE THE CRITERIA OF SELECTION OF CHWS?

Before recruiting CHWs for a community-based program, the criteria or qualifications that each
individual CHW should meet to be considered for the program should be pre-defined. The
selection criteria may include demographic elements, such as gender, age, marital status, and
usual place of residence, as well as education level and ability to successfully complete training
on standard competencies, which will be heavily dependent on the specific community-based
health strategy that the CHWs will support, as well as the roles and responsibilities they will
undertake. Residency is more often an important criterion in the selection of CHWs; recruiting
CHWs from within the communities that they serve is considered a best practice9 although this
can cause challenges for large-scale programs that need to systematize the recruitment process.
Nonetheless, even for large-scale programs, communities are often involved in the selection
process and are consulted on the final selection of the CHW, as she or he needs to be welcomed
to serve in their community.

Several persons with knowledge about and experience with large-scale CHW programs
interviewed informally for this paper emphasized the importance of community trust and
acceptance over other criteria, such as literacy and gender. More than the level of education, it
is far more important that the person selected is engaged with his or her work, responsive,
accountable, respected, and trusted by the community. These attributes are often associated
with age and children. CHWs do not necessarily need high qualifications, but they must be able
to and open to learn.

Table 1 presents the main criteria for CHWs in several countries with well-established
community-based programs. Each program develops criteria taking into account the service
content, cultural attitudes towards married or single women, and the requirements of basic
literacy. For example, females should be required for family planning counseling, and, in
countries, such as Afghanistan, where women cannot travel alone, females and males are
selected to form pairs. Successful examples of programs using illiterate or low-literacy CHWs do
exist, such as the Female Community Health Volunteers in Nepal, but in these cases,
supervision, training, and appropriate forms using pictorial diagrams are adapted to the
situation.

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Table 1. Selection Criteria for CHWs in Selected Countries10-15
INDIA: ACCREDITED BRAZIL: COMMUNITY PAKISTAN: LADY HEALTH ETHIOPIA: HEALTH
SOCIAL HEALTH HEALTH AGENTS WORKERS (LHWS) EXTENSION WORKERS
ACTIVISTS (ASHAS) (CHAS) (HEWS)
 Female  Adult  Female  Female
 ≥ 8th grade  Work in  ≥ 8th grade education  ≥ 10th grade
education community where  18-50 years of age education
 25-45 years of age they are from/  Reside in  ≥ 18 years of age
 Married (or permanently community/be  Reside in community
widowed or reside there recommended by their
divorced)  Be literate community
 Married with children
 Experience in
community
development preferred

Another important criterion for CHW selection is language skills.16 Although it can be assumed
that originating or residing in the community in which a CHW serves would ensure that s/he
thus speaks the local language, the linguistic diversity of the catchment population could be
such that multiple languages are spoken. Language differences may distinguish socioeconomic
or ethnic groups, and efforts should be made whenever possible to recruit CHWs that can
communicate with as many subgroups of the catchment population. Alternatively, recruiting
several CHWs with complementary language skills to serve the same catchment population is a
recommended option.

Selection criteria for CHWs may also be influenced by cultural, gender-based, and social norms
that could determine CHWs’ effectiveness. For example, if a community health program
objective is to increase male involvement in reproductive health and maternal heath, then it
may be important that the CHWs be recruited as married couples or at least that some of the
CHWs in a specific catchment area be male. However, in India, Pakistan, and Ethiopia, where
the community health programs focus on family planning, maternal and child health services
and requires the CHW to enter the home or compound of a mother, it was determined that the
CHW would be required to be female because it would not be culturally acceptable for a mother
to allow an unknown man into the home.

If there were only male CHWs in these contexts, then the programs would be rendered much
less effective. Likewise, if it is known that Pakistani LHWs are married with children, then the
community members that they reach with family planning messages will be more trusting and
receptive to their messages because the LHWs are exemplifying the family values that the
communities also support. When a more advanced level of preventive and curative care is
required, the selection criteria may include higher-level qualifications or a stricter age range. In
India, for example, auxiliary nurse midwives (ANMs) must have finished 12 years of schooling
and be between 17 and 35 years of age to be granted admission to the 18-month ANM training
programs in nursing schools.17

Determining which stakeholders are the decision-makers for setting the criteria for CHW
recruitment and selection is another important aspect to consider. In some community-based
programs, ministries of health establish the criteria, whether from the central, provincial, or
district level. In some countries’ CHW programs, the selection criteria are standardized, and all
CHWs are recruited against the same list of requirements, regardless of where they will serve.
For example, in Mozambique, the agente polivalente elementar, or CHW, has been nationally
recognized as a health worker cadre, for which training, qualifications, and selection criteria
have been standardized nationally as well.18 Further, it is recommended that any selection
criteria concerning CHW competencies should be standardized if there is a common training.19

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In other contexts, selection criteria may be localized to account for regional or other context-
specific variations. Communities may independently determine the type and qualifications of
the CHWs that they recruit through community health committees or other local entities. In
Mali’s decentralized health system, associations de santé communautaire determine the criteria,
including remuneration, for CHWs that are to serve their catchment populations and
subsequently fund and supervise their CHWs, often with municipal support.20 In India,
different states have defined their own criteria for the selection, training, and incentives,
according to context. The way that community health needs and cultural context are reflected in
a health program in Rajasthan state differ from West Bengal state, for example.21

Once CHW selection criteria are defined, the extent to which they are fully met is also variable.
For example, in very rural communities where the general level of education is low, it may be
difficult to meet defined education criteria. The functionality and governance mechanisms of
decision-making entities that ensure that CHW selection criteria are met are also variable, as
was noted in India and Ethiopia by Gopinathan et al.22

WHAT IS THE CHW RECRUITMENT PROCESS?

The ideal CHW recruitment process entails: establishing criteria, communicating CHW
opportunities to identify candidates, interviewing and selecting CHWs from candidates, and
hiring selected CHWs.16 Although in the real world of program implementation many of these
steps are full of challenges, we define these ideal steps so that countries can modify them where
and when they require.

Developing CHW Recruitment Criteria

Policymakers and program planners at the central level often make decisions regarding the
basic criteria for CHW selection. These decisions draw from an analysis in which many factors
are considered, including the maturity of the program and its needs, the health and social needs
of communities and clients, the size and health service scope of the program, and the
organizational and financial capability of regional, district, and local management systems.
Where it is feasible, various actors are involved in implementing the process: district health
managers, the health facility team to which the CHW may report, other local authorities
(including municipalities or traditional chiefs), and communities within the catchment
population (whether through village health committees or other civil society representation).
The pros and cons of various levels of stakeholder involvement and of the importance of
community participation are further discussed later in this chapter.

Communicate CHW Position Opportunities and Selection Criteria

Once the selection criteria have been defined and a job description has been developed, the
process of communicating the CHW job position(s) to communities and possible candidates can
occur in a variety of ways depending on context and resources. Some methods that have been
tried in the United States include:
• Announcing positions at community meetings, churches, and other social group gatherings;
• Conducting face-to-face or internal recruitment;
• Obtaining ideas from well-established and well-connected community-based organizations to
help identify applicants;
• Receiving referrals from current CHWs;
• Posting fliers at shared community spaces, local recreational centers, municipalities, and health
facilities;

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• Placing newspaper advertisements; and
• Announcing positions on the radio.7, 16

During the CHW recruitment process, if there is not a clear understanding and acceptance of
the proposed tasks for the CHW and how the work will be compensated, then community health
workers may fail to perform. For example, in Dhaka, Bangladesh, CHW performance decreased
because the expectations regarding workload and remuneration were not fully met.23 In
addition, the stakeholders involved in recruitment should encourage transparency when
possible. For example, if the village health committee selects the chief’s son due to social
pressure from the chief, this could discourage other, more qualified candidates from applying.
Even for the chief’s son, his recruitment should be discussed openly in the community so that
his credibility is not undermined. Transparency is not always readily achieved, but programs
should be aware that not communicating clearly might present problems in the long run. Often,
local leaders or mother groups are the most qualified to negotiate these types of issues.

Identify, Review, and Select CHWs Based On Agreed-Upon Criteria and Decision-
Making Responsibility
How the recruitment process will continue toward selection of CHWs will in part depend on who
is driving the recruitment: the community, the health facility, the village health committee, or
some combination. In some countries in which the CHW program has reached a mature state,
the selection process may include observations of the CHW in a simulated home visit or dealing
with a common issue that would be encountered in the field. Also, in rare instances, CHWs may
be selected on a trial basis to give the CHW, the community, and the program managers or
supervising health facility staff the opportunity to determine if the CHW is right for the job.
CHAs in Brazil are hired by their municipalities based on their “aptitude, posture, and
attitudes, during simulated community problems” during the selection process.24, 25

As stated earlier, it is most ideal when the community can participate in the process of CHW
selection and/or approval. Although this process may cause challenges in large-scale programs,
it is nonetheless important to engage the community in the process to help ensure that their
needs are taken into account. In Eastern and Southern Africa, community participation in
health program planning improved program outcomes because facility-centered decision-making
did not always favor underserved populations due to the differences in socioeconomic status
between more elite, educated mid- and high-level health workers and the rural communities
that they served.26

In a health center-driven recruitment process, CHWs may be selected with little or no input by
community members. In Partners for Health CHW programs in Africa and Haiti, the clinical
team interviews CHW candidates to determine if they meet the established selection criteria.27
Clinical team members include doctors, nurses, social workers, or program managers to ensure
that the CHW candidate has the capacity to acquire the clinical competencies expected for the
CHW role. Depending on the complexity of tasks that the CHW is expected to perform,
community members may not have the knowledge and skills to make this assessment.

Given the skill level for most CHWs in community health programs, recruitment should remain
as local as possible. However, in many cases where CHWs require higher-level skills or skills
that cannot be found within the community, then external recruitment may need to take place
for this underserved area. In India, ANMs, who are very highly trained CHWs, are posted to
sub-centers and primary health centers with no input from the communities in which they
work.28 In many cases, the ANM is not from the community. However, once in place, ANMs are
expected to serve on the local village health committee so that they can better integrate with
the community and participate in community decision-making.29 Trained CHWs should have

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already had exposure to the health issues faced by the community to which they are assigned or
by similar communities.30

Another important consideration of CHW qualifications during recruitment are the expressed
interest and motivation of the candidates. Are they “natural helpers”? Do they have a genuine
investment in the health of their community? Do they treat all people with care and respect? Do
they demonstrate problem-solving and leadership skills? Directly asking candidates why they
are interested in working as a CHW is recommended.16 A study among rural health workers in
Papua New Guinea indicated that social factors and the community play an important role in
health worker motivation.31 Motivational factors will be further discussed in the section on
CHW turnover.

Box 2. Examples of various processes for selecting CHWs

ASHAs in India are selected by and accountable to the local village level government through a
participatory process that involves the whole village.32 In Ethiopia, active health committees are
involved in the selection of HEWs from the local community. The voluntary CHWs (Health
Development Army) who work with the HEWs are nominated and elected by the community or the
HEWs, but the community must approve.33 In Nepal, women’s groups and local village
development committees (VDCs) are involved in the selection and oversight of female community
health volunteers (FCHVs). In Mali, village health committees not only provide oversight for the
recruitment process, but additionally compensate and supervise the volunteers working in the
villages of that catchment area.

In Pakistan, a community member serves on each of the LHW selection committees, as well as on
each of the lady health supervisor selection committees.25 LHWs are recruited and selected using
a clearly delineated process. LHW posts are advertised and applicants are then interviewed and
selected based on specific criteria by a selection committee. The committee is comprised of a
medical officer-in-charge, who is the chairman, a female medical officer, a lady health
visitor/female medical technician, a male health technician/dispenser, and a community
member. Selected LHW candidates are verified through documentation, and then formally
appointed by the appropriate local health official (Office of the Executive District Officer of Health
or the district health officer).34 They also must be recommended by the councilor, who is a local
elected official.35

In Table 2, the CHW Program Functionality Matrix from the CHW AIM Toolkit36 can aid in
determining how to assess and strengthen a recruitment process. The CHW AIM proposes 15
programmatic components that have been found to contribute to an effective CHW program;
recruitment is considered to be a key component of the tool.

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Table 2. Grading of Functionality of Recruitment Processes for CHWs36
3 = HIGHLY
1 = PARTIALLY
0 = NON-FUNCTIONAL 2 = FUNCTIONAL FUNCTIONAL
FUNCTIONAL
(BEST PRACTICE)
CHW not from CHW is not recruited CHW is recruited from CHW is recruited from
community, and the from the community, the community, and the the community with
community plays no role and the community is community is consulted community participation.
in recruitment. not involved in the on the final selection.
recruitment process but If, because of special If, because of special
No or only a few approves of final circumstances, the CHW circumstances, the CHW
selection criteria exist selection. must be recruited from is recruited from outside
and are not well known outside the community, the community, the
or commonly applied. Some selection criteria the community is community participates
exist and are well known consulted on the final in and agrees with the
and applied, but are selection. recruitment process and
general and/or do not Some selection criteria is consulted on the final
address specific issues exist and are specific selection.
such as gender and about literacy levels, but
marital status. do not address gender, All selection criteria –
marital status, or literacy, gender, marital
whether the CHW should status, local residence –
come from the local are met when possible.
community or not.

Hiring Preferred CHW Candidates

Once stakeholders agree on their preferred candidates, CHWs should be hired and integrated
into the community health program. If a standard training is a requirement for deployment, the
hired CHW should be enrolled in the appropriate orientation or training program (see Chapter 9
on CHW training).

The next section will discuss the availability of resources and how it can influence the CHW
recruitment process and further the general availability of resources for retaining CHWs over
time.

HOW DO AVAILABLE RESOURCES INFLUENCE CHW RECRUITMENT?

Resource availability for CHW recruitment can have an important effect on how the process is
handled. Since the Alma Ata Declaration, many decision-makers not familiar with
programming realities on the ground have historically and incorrectly considered community-
based health programs to be a low-cost approach to primary health care delivery. As such, the
sustainability of adequate financing for CHW programs is too often imperiled by competing
priorities in health or other sectors.37, 38 According to several key stakeholders interviewed for
this manual, the number one cause of failure of CHW programs is that decision-makers do not
factor in the high cost associated with the support functions required for CHW programs to
function effectively. There is a mistaken idea that once CHWs are trained, it is a free program.

The resources allocated for the management and support of this cadre, whether volunteer or
compensated, may be further limited or sporadic. Recruitment costs, although often considered
only as an initial cost in setting up a program, can become considerable, especially when
programs have high turnover of CHWs. This section will discuss resource-related considerations
for CHW recruitment: who controls and who contributes toward resources and how additional or
existing resources could be used.

8–9
It should be noted that how community-based health programs are financed will affect how
recruitment takes place and who participates in the process. For example, mutuelle health
committees, community- and employment-based groupings for resource mobilization,
throughout West and Central Africa (Benin, Côte d’Ivoire, Ghana, Mali, Nigeria and Senegal)
are tasked with mobilizing local funds for human resources within the health sector.39 However,
in Zimbabwe, the limited local control over available financial resources made it challenging for
local health center committees to influence the way that community health programs were run.3

What are the resource requirements for successful CHW recruitment? They may include, but
are not limited to:
• Time and effort to convene stakeholders to develop and standardize criteria (e.g., developing the
recruitment process; CHW selection criteria, tasks, and responsibilities; and other aspects of the
community health program as relates to human resources management);
• Costs related to communicating the availability of CHW positions (e.g., printing fliers, paying
for newspaper or radio advertisements, and investigating CHW candidates within
communities); and,
• Costs related to reviewing and selecting CHW candidates (e.g., obtaining a venue for conducting
interviews, reimbursing of any transport or other expenses incurred by the CHW candidate, and
announcement of selected CHWs via traditional communication channels).

Consideration of resources should be discussed by the stakeholders involved in CHW

recruitment. For a given community health program and any CHW cohorts that are recruited
during its implementation, resource investments should be generally standardized. One
exception to this may be in a preliminary or pilot phase of program implementation, when
modifications may be made prior to scale-up. Ideally, all stakeholders involved in CHW
recruitment should make some resource contribution to the process, whether monetary or in-
kind. For example, a village health committee could contribute the use of their meeting space. A
district health office could provide in-kind transport to CHW candidates using their own vehicle.
(See Chapters 4, on governance, and 5, on finance.)

Ensuring effective recruitment and retention of CHWs through the adequate mobilization of
resources should be guided by the World Health Organization’s (WHO) global policy
recommendations for increasing access to rural health workers. These recommendations call for
rural health workers (including CHWs) to be provided with an adequate combination of
financial and/or non-financial incentives to remain motivated to stay there.30 The quality of
logistical support and supervision provided to CHWs, including promotion of their safety and
well-being, will ensure greater CHW motivation and performance.40

The following section will further discuss key investments to ensure recruitment of high-quality
CHW candidates and their retention.

HOW CAN CHW RETENTION BE FOSTERED?

After attention and care is spent to recruit and select CHWs that meet the job criteria, it is
hoped that they will continue to serve their communities for as long as they are able. However,
high CHW turnover is not only a common challenge for community health programs but also a
red flag pointing to problems of design or execution. Carefully planning and executing a realistic
and appropriate CHW recruitment strategy can help to reduce high turnover.16

Because many CHWs are recruited from their villages, the challenge of retaining them is not so
much one of retaining them geographically at a post, although in some cases, CHWs may move
out of their community. In fact, particularly when young, unmarried women are chosen to

8–10
become CHWs, moving away is actually a common contributor to attrition. However, in most
cases, the challenge is rather to ensure that CHWs continue to perform their tasks actively and
effectively. Particularly when a community health program has limited resources to supervise
CHWs, and CHWs are working on a volunteer basis, strategies for motivating CHWs are
essential. For this reason, issues of CHW turnover and retention should be considered as part of
the CHW recruitment process within community health programs. This section will discuss
issues and make suggestions for CHWs who move away or retire and those who become inactive
due to decreased motivation.

There are important issues related to selection criteria and process that can influence attrition,
and the consequences of the various choices should be considered. Usually, CHWs are recruited
whenever there is a vacancy, and then trained when there is an opportunity. If there is already
high CHW turnover, then a concern about the phased recruitment approach could be that CHW
posts remain vacant for longer periods of time, until the next recruitment phase commences. If
there is greater control over CHW recruitment at a decentralized level, then recruitment may be
ongoing so as to be more directly responsive to community needs. Recruitment may also be
contingent on available resources and the preferences of stakeholders. If decision-makers in
CHW recruitment are not active or do not have the resources or motivation to recruit, select,
and support a new CHW, then the role may not be filled.

Managers of community health programs should review past experiences with CHWs who are
leaving their roles and should try to estimate future levels of turnover by answering the
following questions:
• How many CHWs are needed?
• How many CHWs are leaving their roles within a given time period (i.e., what is the estimate
annual rate of attrition)?
• Why are the CHWs leaving? Are they moving away from the geographic area? Are they aging
out of the profession? Are they becoming inactive (i.e., are they losing interest)?
• What is the program’s approach for evaluating the recruitment strategy?

If it is determined that there is high CHW turnover (e.g., more than 15% per year), then
stakeholders should consider reviewing the community health program to address issues that
may affect CHW performance and motivation. High turnover could be a concern because of the
additional effort and resources that are required to recruit and train new CHWs and the
potential for communities to be without a CHW during the repeated recruitment, selection, and
training processes.

To address the retention of CHWs who may move out of their community, it would be important
to understand why they are moving. Is it because they are seeking other opportunities for which
there are greater incentives? Are they advancing their careers within the health care system or
increasing their qualifications to become part of a higher-level health worker cadre? Are there
any career path opportunities presented to CHWs to motivate them to advance within the
system? If it seems that CHWs are leaving rural and remote areas and heading to more urban
areas, it would be important to consider how a revised recruitment strategy might alleviate this
problem. Again, the more experience the CHW has in a rural area, especially if they originate
from that area, the more likely they will be to stay.1, 30 A common pitfall is to set the bar fairly
high on level of education and not to make married status a requirement. Thus the result is
such that young, unmarried CHWs are recruited who are much more likely to move away – to
get married, follow a spouse, or get a job in town.

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It is recommended that community health program planners consider recruiting CHWs in an
age range. Younger CHWs may have more energy to complete their tasks, but without further
career and educational opportunities as a CHW, they may be more likely to leave their role to
seek other opportunities. Older CHWs may be more likely to remain in their communities, but
there is also the issue of older CHWs phasing out and retiring from their work. Also, older
CHWs may not be able to cover their assigned geographical area as effectively as younger ones.
In addition, they may require new training and skills acquisition. On the contrary, if the
program values CHWs who are effective local opinion leaders, an older, more established person
is likely to have more credibility than a 20-year old.

Depending on the governance mechanism for CHWs, then older CHWs could be assessed and
phased out as needed. Although many of the FCHVs in Nepal are aging, they are not retiring.
Older FCHVs in Nepal may be somewhat less “active” in the sense of going out and about and
providing services. However, older FCHVs may be considerably more effective than younger
ones in the sense that they are often well-respected and, therefore, can be very effective local
champions for recommended health practices and service utilization. Women’s groups are
technically also able to remove FCHVs.41

Maintaining CHW effectiveness requires ensuring their motivation to remain active and, thus,
productive at their tasks. Supportive supervision is recognized in the literature as a key
approach for maintaining CHW motivation, although experience has taught that this is very
difficult to achieve in large-scale public sector CHW programs. (See Chapter 10 on supervision.)
Supportive supervision should include: regular monitoring of CHWs at their tasks, obtaining
feedback from CHWs to consider potential program improvements, and ensuring the safety and
wellbeing of CHWs at their work.42-44 Unfortunately, it is common for few resources to be
allocated for CHW supervision, even for paid, full-time CHWs. This shortfall may be because
CHWs are widely dispersed from their respective referral primary health care facilities, thus
transportation and communication challenges can be common. A top-down supervisory
approach – where the CHW supervisor would be responsible for visiting each CHW and for
initiating communication – may not be as feasible or effective as a participatory supervision
model where CHWs and their communities are provided with the resources and autonomy to
seek out the support that they need to perform well and stay motivated. In Thailand,
participatory supervision (in which supervisors collaborated with facility-based health staff
members and with communities) helped CHWs to be more effective, and the program was better
tailored to meet the communities’ needs.45

Reimbursing CHW transport, for example, to attend regular meetings among CHWs in a
district or given geographic area at a referral health center can promote problem-solving and
knowledge sharing, encourage peer-to-peer support, and increase CHW accountability and
motivation.40, 46 Or, paying for air time or mobile phone cards could encourage CHWs to
communicate more frequently with referral health centers, which improves feedback
mechanisms with other health professionals and can also improve the quality of care.47 Still
another example concerns promoting CHW occupational safety and health, a significant
contributor to CHW motivation.40 Indeed, “working conditions, part of the broader human
resources management system, are important in terms of creating the conditions for effective
and efficient work, boosting morale, and reducing turnover and attrition.”15, 48 Investments in
CHW occupational safety and health have the potential to present “win-win” situations, where
both the CHWs and their communities benefit.40

CONCLUSIONS
CHW recruitment is an important part of any community health program because the process of
selecting and deploying appropriate and well-qualified CHWs will lay the foundation for the

8–12
program. Ensuring community participation in the planning and execution of the recruitment,
selection, and supervision process is considered a best practice as it can improve program
outcomes. Convening stakeholders, defining standards, and allocating sustainable resources for
CHW recruitment has the potential to further improve the program. Once CHWs have been
selected and are working, it is important to consider what kinds of incentives, whether financial
or non-financial, will support CHWs to perform well and remain motivated on their jobs.

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Key Resources
Karabi Bhattacharyya, Peter Winch, Karen LeBan, and Marie Tien. 2001. Community Health
Worker Incentives and Disincentives: How They Affect Motivation, Retention, and Sustainability.
Basic Support for Institutionalizing Child Survival Project (BASICS II) for the United States
Agency for International Development: Arlington, Virginia. Available online at:
http://pdf.usaid.gov/pdf_docs/PNACQ722.pdf

Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC). 2013. Handbook for Enhancing Community
Health Worker Programs: Guidance for the National Breast and Cervical Cancer Early Detection
Program (Part 1). Available online at:
http://www.cdc.gov/cancer/nbccedp/training/community.htm.

Paraprofessional Healthcare Institute (PHI). 2008. 12 Steps for Creating a Culture of Retention:
A Workbook for Home and Community-Based Long-Term Care Providers. PHI National: Bronx,
New York. Available online at:
http://phinational.org/sites/phinational.org/files/clearinghouse/PHI12StepWorkbook.pdf

World Health Organization (WHO). 2010. Increasing access to health workers in remote and
rural areas through improved retention: Global policy recommendations. WHO: Geneva,
Switzerland. Available online at:
http://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/10665/44369/1/9789241564014_eng.pdf.

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 Review.: Canadian International Development Agency
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15. Teklehaimanot A, Kitaw Y, G/Yohannes A, et al. Study of the Working Conditions of Health
Extension Workers in Ethiopia. Ethiopian Journal of Health Development 2007; 21(3): 246-
59.
16. National Training Center for the Prevention and Early Detection of Cancer. A Handbook for
Enhancing Community Health Worker Programs: Guidance From the National Breast and
Cervical Cancer Early Detection Program; Part 1. Rockville, MD: R.O.W. Sciences, Inc.;
1998. Available at: http://www.cdc.gov/cancer/nbccedp/pdf/trainpdfs/hb-introduction.pdf
17. Nursing Education in India. 2011.
http://currentnursing.com/nursing_education/nursing_education_in_india.html.
18. GHI. The United States Global Health Initiative. Mozambique Strategy 2011. 2011.
http://www.ghi.gov/documents/organization/175133.pdf
19. George A, Young M, Nefdt R, et al. Community health workers providing government
community case management for child survival in sub-Saharan Africa: who are they and
what are they expected to do? Am J Trop Med Hyg 2012; 87(5 Suppl): 85-91.
20. Konate MK, Kante B, Djenepo F. Politique de santé communautaire et viabilité économique
et sociale des centres de santé communautaires au Mali: Etude de cas en milieu urbain et
rural (preliminary document). Geneva, Switzerland: UNRISD,
2003.http://www.unrisd.org/80256B3C005BCCF9/httpNetITFramePDF?ReadForm&parentu
nid=F4478C9C2C2D0794C1256E200039D082&parentdoctype=paper&netitpath=80256B3C
005BCCF9/(httpAuxPages)/F4478C9C2C2D0794C1256E200039D082/$file/konate.pdf
21. National Health Systems Resource Centre. ASHA Which way forward...? Evaluation of
ASHA Programme. New Delhi, India: National Rural Health Mission National Health
Systems Resource Centre,
2011.http://nhsrcindia.org/download.php?downloadname=pdf_files/resources_thematic/Com
munity_Participation/NHSRC_Contribution/ASHA_Which_way_forward_-
_Evalaution_of_ASHA_Programme_Report_NHSRC_417.pdf
22. Gopinathan U, Lewin S, Glenton C. An analysis of large-scale programmes for scaling up
human resources for health in low- and middle-income countries. Geneva, Switzerland
World Health Organization 2012.
23. Alam K, Tasneem S, Oliveras E. Performance of female volunteer community health
workers in Dhaka urban slums. Soc Sci Med 2012; 75(3): 511-5.
24. Celletti F, Wright A, Palen J, et al. Can the deployment of community health workers for
the delivery of HIV services represent an effective and sustainable response to health
workforce shortages? Results of a multicountry study. AIDS 2010; 24 Suppl 1: S45-57.
25. Bhutta ZA, Lassi ZS, Pariyo GW, Huicho L. Global Experience of Community Health
Workers for Delivery of Health Related Millennium Development Goals: A Systematic
Review, Country Case Studies, and Recommendations for Integration into National Health
Systems. In: WHO & global health workforce alliance, editor. Geneva; 2010
26. Baez C, Barron P. Community voice and role in district health systems in east and southern
Africa: a literature review., 2006.www.equinetafrica.org/bibl/docs/DIS39GOVbaez.pdf
27. Partners in Health. Community Health Workers Recruitment 2010.
http://model.pih.org/community_health_workers/chw_recruitment (accessed July 22, 2013
2013).
28. Mavalankar D, Vora K. The Changing Role of Auxiliary Nurse Midwife (ANM) in India:
Implications for Maternal and Child Health (MCH) Ahmedabad: Indian Institute of
Management Ahmedabad, 2008

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29. Singh CM, Jain PK, Nair KS, Kumar P, Dhar N, Nandan D. Assessment of utilization of
untied fund provided under the national rural health mission in Uttar Pradesh. Indian
journal of public health 2009; 53(3): 137-42.
30. World Health Organization. Increasing access to health workers in remote and rural areas
through improved retention: global policy recommendations. Geneva, Switzerland: World
Health Organization
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31. Razee H, Whittaker M, Jayasuriya R, Yap L, Brentnall L. Listening to the rural health
workers in Papua New Guinea - the social factors that influence their motivation to work.
Soc Sci Med 2012; 75(5): 828-35.
32. MoHFW. Update on the ASHA Programme. 2011.
http://nhsrcindia.org/pdf_files/resources_thematic/Community_Participation/NHSRC_Contri
bution/Update%20on%20ASHA%20Programme%20_449.pdf (accessed Nov 15 2012).
33. Amare Y. Study of Implementation of Non-Financial Incentives for Voluntary Community
Health Workers. JSI Research & Training Institute, Inc.; 2010
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National Programme for Family Planning and Primary Health Care- Systems Review,
2009.http://www.opml.co.uk/projects/lady-health-worker-programme-third-party-evaluation-
performance
35. CHW Technical Task Force. One Million Community Health Workers: Technical Task Force
Report. New York: The Earth Institute, 2011
36. Crigler L, K. H, Furth R, Bjerregaard D. Community Health Worker Assessment and
Improvement Matrix (CHW AIM): A Toolkit for Improving CHW Programs and Services.
Washington, DC: Health Care Improvement Project, University Research Corporation, and
USAID,
2011.http://www.hciproject.org/sites/default/files/CHW%20AIM%20Toolkit_March2011.pdf
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start towards health for all? Social science & medicine (1982) 1987; 25(5): 443-59.
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environment: what future for community health workers? Soc Sci Med 2008; 66(10): 2096-
107.
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Health Care. Synthesis of Research in Nine West and Central African Countries. Technical
Report No. 18. Bethesda, Maryland: Partnerships for Health Reform Project, Abt Associates
Inc., 1998.http://pdf.usaid.gov/pdf_docs/PNACH273.pdf
40. Jaskiewicz W, Tulenko K. Increasing community health worker productivity and
effectiveness: a review of the influence of the work environment. Human resources for health
2012; 10(1): 38.
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contribution of community health workers. Lancet 2007; 369(9579): 2121-31.
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Community-based Health Workers in Africa. South Africa: University of Western Cape,
South Africa SEED Trust, South Africa,
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workers in rural Nigeria through supervision Socio-Economic Planning Sciences 1988; 22(1):
29-37.

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45. Sennun P, Suwannapong N, Howteerakul N, Pacheun O. Participatory supervision model:
building health promotion capacity among health officers and the community. Rural and
remote health 2006; 6(2): 440.
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Governance Approaches to Reducing Absenteeism. Washington, D.C.: IntraHealth
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accountable-governance-approaches-to-reducing-absenteeism/holding-health-workers-
accountable-governance-approaches-reducing-absenteeism.pdf
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48. Buchan J. What difference does ("good") HRM make? Human resources for health 2004; 2(1): 6.

8–18
 Chapter 9
Training Community Health Workers for
Large-Scale Community-Based
Health Care Programs
Iain Aitken
Key Points
• CHW training needs to be carefully adapted to the needs of the trainees, the job, and the tasks
they are expected to perform and the context in which they will be working.
• Current training approaches and techniques that are effective for training CHWs should be
employed.
• Examples of training programs and their structures from a variety of CHW programs are
provided.

9–1
INTRODUCTION
There is growing evidence that well-designed community-based programs using well-trained
community health workers (CHWs) can be effective in the context of a wide variety of health
programs. However, it needs to be acknowledged that CHWs currently face more competition for
their services from other formal and informal providers than was the case when CHWs were
first deployed in health programs in the 1970s and 1980s.1 Communities in low-income settings
throughout the world now have ready access not only to traditional healers, but also to a variety
of ‘village doctors’, drug sellers, private doctors, and other health workers. There are also now
many more voices in the community providing health information. In addition to these healers,
there are other opinion leaders and a much greater reach and impact by the media such as
radio, television, mobile phones, and Internet. To survive and improve community health in this
evolving environment, a CHW has to be both competent in technical and communication skills
and confident in using those skills. This expectation is the challenge for those who will design
and implement training programs for CHWs.

In the implementation of a community-based health care (CBHC) program, some new health
workers, such as CHWs and their supervisors, will need the full complement of skills,
knowledge, and attitude training to enable them to fulfill the tasks and responsibilities defined
in the program. The chapters on roles and tasks of CHWs (7) and supervision (10) address the
roles and tasks that need to be carefully defined for these cadres. Some of the health
professionals that are already employed in the health system, such as health facility-based staff,
may need training for new skills to perform their expanded role in part-time support and
supervision of the CHWs. Others, such as facility and district health managers, will not need
new skills, but will need an orientation to the new CBHC program and need to know why it has
been developed to effectively apply existing skills in the implementation and management of the
new program. All of these people will also need be motivated to support the new program, part
of which requires providing appropriate time allocations to fulfill their managerial and
supervisory responsibilities for the CBHC program. Identifying the training or orientation
needs of all such staff involved in the management of the community-based program is
addressed in the chapters on planning (3) and scaling up (14).

Effective training will emphasize the development of specific competencies and skills required
for high-quality job performance. Effective learning and performance of these competencies will
require the trainee to acquire a critical body of knowledge and develop appropriate attitudes.
This chapter discusses how these competencies can best be achieved and the ways training can
be organized.

Key Questions for Planners and Trainers

The key questions to be addressed in this chapter are:
• What sort of CHW and training program is being planned?
• How should the training program be organized?
• Who should be responsible for the governance and management of the training program?
• How can optimal performance be achieved through training?

WHAT SORT OF CHW TRAINING PROGRAM IS BEING PLANNED?

As explained in the introductory chapter, there are two levels of CHWs that are being
considered, and within each level, there are two types of CHWs. In Level 1, there are
community health volunteers-ongoing and community health volunteers-intermittent (although
their names actually vary from country to country and program to program). In Level 2, there

9-2
are auxiliary health workers and health extension workers (again, their names may vary). As
their roles and responsibilities differ, their training needs also differ. The general differences
between these two levels of workers are summarized in Table 1.

Table 1. Typical Training Programs for Different Levels of CHWs

Level 1 CHWs (Intermittent and Ongoing Level 2 CHWs (Auxiliary Health Workers and Health
Community Health Volunteers) Extension Workers)
• Job description usually not extensive • Job description more extensive
• A large total number to be trained • Variable numbers to be trained
• Small numbers trained at one time • Variable numbers in one course
• Non-residential training • Residential training
• Training sessions only a few days at a time, but • Training lasts 6-18 months
may be several sessions • Training may be far from community
• Training close to the community • Usually requires a minimum of 6 years of school
• Literacy may not be necessary • Needs special equipment, practice labs with
• Needs little or no special equipment models, and a clinical training facility
• Uses community setting for practice and a local • Certification required for employment
health facility for clinical practice • Trained by those who are more highly skilled
• No certification usually provided
• Trained by those who are less highly skilled

CHWs in Level 2 generally have a job description with a broad scope, but many CHWs work for
a specific disease control program or in the area of either child health or reproductive health
programs. Typically, these individuals are required to have some secondary education and are
prepared for their careers with a longer, full-time, residential training program. This type of
training program is akin to a conventional professional training as it contains a lot more
knowledge content than a Level 1 CHW training program would have. The next section reviews
the differences between the training programs for these main groups of community workers.

HOW SHOULD THE TRAINING PROGRAM BE ORGANIZED?

Table 2 summarizes the nature of several different types of national CHW programs and the
training programs that have been developed for them. There are a variety of issues that
determine the nature of the training program that we will consider in this section, illustrated by
these programs.

What Is the Scope of the Roles and Tasks of the CHW?

Multipurpose CHWs have become a familiar feature of many country health systems. The desire
to bring essential health services closer to families in their communities means that the range
of services provided by CHWs complements those provided by health professionals in primary
health care facilities. These services generally include maternal, newborn and child health,
family planning, nutrition, and disease control. In Ethiopia, health extension workers (HEWs)
have the most extensive job description of all the examples, including skilled pregnancy and
childbirth care, which are generally not included among the tasks of other CHWs. The HEW’s
one-year training is significantly longer than most other multipurpose CHWs, whose training
generally lasts for three to six months. In Brazil, community health agents (CHAs) are tasked
with less provision of clinical care, but have an extensive health promotion and supportive care
role that also includes elder care, mental health care, and the prevention and management of
non-communicable diseases.

In contrast, there are many CHWs with much narrower scopes of work, and the duration of
their training may be only one to two weeks. For example, at the Community Health Care Site
in the Democratic Republic of Congo, the CHWs who provide integrated community case

9–3
management (iCCM) for childhood illnesses have a typical training of six days. Other CHWs
working on malaria control or in single or combined programs for TB and HIV have similar
lengths of training.

Will This Be a Completely New Program or an Adaptation or Expansion of an

Existing One?
Among the examples in Table 2, the Ethiopian HEWs, the lady health workers of Pakistan, and
the CHWs of Afghanistan have been established as new programs during the last two decades.
The current female community health volunteers (FCHVs) of Nepal and the health surveillance
assistants (HSAs) of Malawi are much older cadres, but their roles have expanded more
recently. The distinction between these types of cadres is not absolute, and even “new”
programs begin to add additional tasks quite quickly after the program begins to function (also
called “diversification” in Chapter 14, on scaling up). Evidence from recent years on the
competence and effectiveness of CHWs in delivering newborn care and providing injectable
contraceptives, for example, means that such tasks are frequently added to CHW roles and
tasks even for more recently established cadres.

The important point is that if there is already a CHW cadre established in communities, there
may be a considerable advantage to expanding the scope of work of that CHW rather than
creating a new cadre. This expansion will likely also involve adjusting the incentives for the
CHW as well. (This process is discussed in greater detail in Chapter 3, on planning.) In a
number of African and Asian countries, iCCM is now being delivered by CHWs that previously
were only involved in malaria or diarrhea control programs.2, 3 Similarly, successful integration
of TB and HIV programs has been achieved by retraining community workers previously
working for only one program.4 For the Nepali FCHV, there was a direct link between the MCH
and family planning promotion work in the original scope and the gradual addition of iCCM,
newborn care, and the provision of contraceptives. For the Malawi HSA, the addition of iCCM
and family planning was a change in focus from the earlier disease control role, but it appears
to have worked. Nevertheless, the enthusiasm to add more tasks to the job description of the
HSAs is creating work pressure for many HSAs and problems for the health system in keeping
up with the training needs of new HSAs.5, 6

What Educational Level Should Be Required for Entry to the Program?

The usual response is “the highest educational level possible.” Indeed, educational level is often
assumed to be a way of identifying the most capable people for the job. This requirement may be
relevant where educational opportunities are equitable and widespread, but less so if
opportunities are restricted. Education should be considered along with other important factors,
such as gender. Nepal, Afghanistan, and Pakistan all want women recruited from their
communities for the CHWs because in their cultures it is only appropriate for women to be
cared for by women. (This topic is discussed further in Chapter 8, on recruitment.) In Nepal and
Afghanistan, 65% to 70% of the women selected are illiterate. In Pakistan, they required eight
years of schooling. In Ethiopia, the entry level for HEW training is 10 years of school. However,
among the pastoralist population, there are very few women with that educational level, so
women and some men with a grade six to eight educational level were accepted into a shorter
training program.

How important is educational level as an entry requirement into a CHW training program?
Broadly speaking, a primary school education provides many skills and experiences unavailable
to an illiterate person.7 However, surveys conducted in Nepal have found little difference in job
performance between literate and illiterate FCHVs.8 Likewise, a secondary school education
usually provides an introduction to scientific concepts that make understanding of the biological
and medical concepts much easier. However, the correlation with problem-solving skills is less

9-4
clear. Many countries have found that a higher educational level for CHWs also brings
disadvantages, including the social barrier it may create between the CHW and less-educated
people in the community and a preference for living and working in urban areas.

How Long Should the Training Be, Where Should It Be, and How Should It Be
Scheduled?
The only programs in Table 2 that include residential training are the Brazil CHAs and the
Ethiopian HEWs. The Ethiopian program makes use of existing Ministry of Education training
facilities. The other training programs all occur in a health facility or other suitable space close
to where the CHWs live to not only avoid the expense of residential training, but also keep the
trainees in a familiar situation and allow them to stay at home, in keeping with family or
cultural requirements. Familial, agricultural, and cultural issues may also mean that certain
times of the year are best avoided for training programs for volunteer CHWs.

The overall length of the training will reflect the size of the curriculum. The Brazil, Pakistan,
and Ethiopian programs all have a longer classroom phase than the others, reflecting the
greater amount of theory included and the requirement of a secondary level of education. All
these programs also have considerable amounts of practical training: 50% for the LHWs, and
70% for the HEWs. Training programs for iCCM generally include clinic sessions on four of the
five training days. Both the Nepali FCHVs and Afghan CHWs have programs with two to three
integrated classroom and practical sessions lasting two to three weeks separated by two to three
months. This schedule intends to focus on learning and practicing one set of skills before moving
on to other and perhaps more complex skills.

How Should Trainers Be Prepared?

The establishment and maintenance of a high-quality training program for CHWs is a
challenge, especially when so many regular health staff members are tasked to conduct the
training. As explained previously, a competency-based training is essential for CHWs to learn
the skills they require. Yet, obtaining and making the most of practical experiences is difficult
for the trainers. The competency-based approach is often very different from the more
traditional training experienced by trainers. There is a need for a core group of master trainers
who can train and mentor provincial- or district-level trainers in competency-based approaches
and be responsible for maintaining a high quality of training. Trainers in almost all of the
programs listed in Table 2 are taught training facilitation/teaching skills and the CHW
curriculum. In some instances, training of trainers is done in a cascade fashion, meaning
trainers at the local training health facility are supported in the training and monitored by
master trainers from the region or district.

When training is being provided in specific training institutions in several locations in different
regions of the country by different organizations (as in Afghanistan), the quality of training can
be maintained through a process of accreditation of the training schools. Accreditation can be
organized directly by the government or by an independent body, but usually the process
functions best when all the key stakeholders are represented and have distinct and significant
roles in school assessments and accreditation program oversight. A standards-based approach,
using a survey instrument with measurable indicators to assess training facilities, clinical
practical facilities, the staff and the school’s organization is a rigorous approach. Afghanistan
developed such an accreditation program for its community midwifery schools with success.9

9–5
Table 2: Training programs for different types of community health workersa
PROGRAM ROLES AND TASKS TRAINING
FULL-TIME, SALARIED, MULTIPURPOSE CHWS
Brazil
Family Health Program (1989).  Annual household registration and assessment of  Curriculum developed by Ministry of Health (MOH)
 Family health team in the basic health unit risk status. with Ministry of Education approval.
serving 3,000 to 4,500 people includes 1 doctor,  Promotion and monitoring of skilled care at the Municipalities may adapt it to local priorities.
1 nurse, 1 assistant nurse and about 6 CHAs. clinic for:  An 8-week residential course is followed by 4
Each CHA cares for about 150 households. − Maternal, newborn, and child health; weeks of supervised fieldwork.
 CHAs are recruited from their communities and − Family planning and female cancers; and  Refresher training is monthly.
need 8 years of schooling.  Training done by nurses, supported by staff from
− Environmental health, adolescent health,
 State employees, on salary. state health secretariat.
elder care, mental illness.
 Now about 236,000 CHAs.  Nurses do an 80-hour teacher training module.
 Infectious disease surveillance and support for
State specialists do 540 hours at technical school
management of TB, HIV, and chronic non-
to become a specialist in professional health
communicable diseases.
education.
Pakistan.
LHW Program (1994).  Register families and do 5-7 home visits each day  Federal Project Implementation Unit of the MOH
 LHWs are community-based, caring for 100-200 to promote facility care for pregnancies and approves the curriculum and trains master
households and are supervised by the health childbirth and immunizations. trainers.
facility.  Growth monitoring, nutrition education, and  LHWs have 3 months classroom training, followed
 Recruited from the community, preferably a distribution of micronutrients. by 1 week of practical training each month in the
married woman with 8 or more years of schooling.  Provide condoms, contraceptive pills, and health facility for a year.
 Now about 100,000 LHWs. injections.  Refresher training is for at least 1 day each
 Full-time salaried workers.  Community case management of childhood month (15 days each year).
illnesses and essential newborn care.  Health facility staff members do the training after
 Supervise directly observed treatment short- 9 days of teacher training and 3 days assessment
course (DOTS) for TB. in a health facility. They receive an additional
 Education on hygiene, sanitation, and prevention 20% salary for the 15 months of the training.
of HIV infection.  District trainers support them.

a Most of the data in Table 2 are taken from World Health Organization and Global Health Workforce Alliance. 2010. Global Experience of Community Health Workers for Delivery of Health

Related Millennium Development Goals: A Systematic Review, Country Case Studies, and Recommendations for Integration in National Health Systems. WHO and Global Health Workforce
Alliance: Geneva, Switzerland.

9-6
 PROGRAM ROLES AND TASKS TRAINING
Ethiopia.
Health Extension Program (2004)  Hygiene and environmental sanitation  Curriculum designed by the MOH, but training is
 Primary Health Care Unit includes 1 health center  Pregnancy, childbirth, and postnatal/newborn provided at 40 technical and vocational training
(for ~25,000 people) with 5 satellite health posts care schools belonging to the Ministry of Education.
(~5,000 people)  Case management of childhood illnesses;  1-year training program
 Each health post has 2 HEWs and 20 community provision of immunizations  30% in classroom, 70% practical, including
health promoters  Counseling and provision of contraceptive pills, attachments to health centers and 3 months in a
 HEWs are recruited from their communities and injections, and condoms community
should be women with 10 years of schooling  Nutrition; adolescent health  Trainers are nurses and environmental workers.
 More than 34,000 HEWs  Disease control for TB, HIV, and malaria They receive 3 months training by MOH
 Salaried civil servants  Health education and training and support of instructors.
CHPs
Malawi
Health Surveillance Assistants (1980) All HSAs  Basic curriculum for 12-week training is from the
 Originally community environmental health and  Immunizations Environmental Health Unit of MOH
disease control workers serving about 1,000  Growth monitoring  Training is supposed to be provided by district
people  Disease outbreak investigation environmental health staff
 Requires 10 years of schooling (recently  Water and sanitation and health education  The iCCM curriculum for the 6-day training is from
increased to 12 years) the Integrated Management of Childhood
 Now about 11,000 HSAs. 60% are male. Some HSAs Illnesses Unit of the MOH
 Since 2008, some HSAs have been selected to  iCCM of childhood illnesses (since 2008)  Training for iCCM has been supported by
provide 3,500 village health clinics to villages  Essential newborn care bilaterally-funded projects and implemented by
more than 5-8 kilometers from a health facility  Family planning special training teams
 Salaried civil servants  Disease control for HIV and TB
VOLUNTEER, PART-TIME MULTIPURPOSE CHWS
Nepal
Female Community Health Volunteer Program  Basic job is to promote use of MCH and family  The Family Health Division of the Department of
(1988) planning services; home and personal hygiene Health Services sets the training curriculum
 At least 9 FCHVs attached to a health facility, and management of diarrhea; and HIV prevention  Basic training consists of 2 9-day training
each caring for about 1,000 people through home visits and working with mothers’ sessions 2 months apart
 Work about 5 hours each week. Some material groups  Most FCHVs receive about 3 refresher sessions
incentives  All now do iCCM of childhood diseases and each year (1-2 days long)
 Recruited from community distribute condoms and contraceptive pills  Training of trainers is a snowball process
 About 60% are literate  Some are now distributing misoprostol for home managed by the National Health Training Institute
 About 50,000 FCHVs births and doing newborn care and resuscitation  Training is done by government and NGO staff

9-7
 PROGRAM ROLES AND TASKS TRAINING
Afghanistan
Community Health Worker Program (2004)  Promotion of home and personal hygiene and  Curriculum is managed by the community-based
 1 male and 1 female CHW for 100-150 sanitation health care section of the MOH
households (about 1,000 people)  Promotion of skilled MCH care at the facility  Basic training is 3 training courses (3 weeks long)
 Selected from community. Literacy not required.  Promotion and provision of birth spacing at 3 monthly intervals
70% of females and 20% of males are illiterate. methods, including injectables  Refresher training courses have included:
 Part-time volunteers  Provision of iCCM of childhood diseases − 8-day course on postpartum family planning
 About 25,500 CHWs  Growth monitoring and essential newborn care. and injectables
 DOTS care for TB − 2 courses on iCCM (each 5-days long)
 Lead and train women’s care groups (Family
− 5-day training and implementation of
Health Action Groups) for health promotion.
community growth monitoring
 Training done by full-time provincial CHW trainers
after 5 days of training on teaching methods and
separate training on modules
VOLUNTEER, PART-TIME CHWS FOR COMMUNITY CASE MANAGEMENT OF CHILDHOOD ILLNESSES
Democratic Republic of Congo
 Up to 3 community health care sites selected in  Management of fever, diarrhea and ARI  The iCCM curriculum set by the MOH
catchment area of health clinic for villages with  Growth monitoring  5 days of training on health topics and 1 day on
poor access  Distribution of iron and deworming tablets site management
 2 part-time male volunteers at each site  Distribution of condoms  3 monthly 1-day follow-up sessions at the health
 Recruited from the community  Promotion of immunizations clinic.
 Should be literate in French  Health education on above topics  Trainers are from health clinics and the district
 Preference given to previous health promoters health office and receive 3 days of training. A
ratio of 1 trainer to 2 CHWs is required.

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WHO SHOULD BE RESPONSIBLE FOR THE GOVERNANCE AND
MANAGEMENT OF THE TRAINING PROGRAM?
When a CHW program is part of a vertical program in a MOH, the oversight of the training
program is usually implemented by the same group. For the HEWs and the general purpose
CHWs, options and practice vary. Oversight of the training for the overall CHW program is
usually the responsibility of a unit within the MOH. The CHW program and the CBHC unit are
frequently part of a health services or primary health care division. Management of the training
implementation may come from that unit or may be delegated to a national training institute
that is responsible for training programs for the MOH. The Nepal National Health Training
Institute is a good example of this arrangement. Involvement of the Ministry of Education is
unusual for this type of program, but the Brazil CHAs’ curriculum had to be approved by that
Ministry of Education, and the HEW training program in Ethiopia made use of Ministry of
Education vocational training facilities.

When a new program is being planned and designed, it is helpful to have both a steering
committee and an ad hoc or formal technical advisory committee(s). The steering committee
should have a broad membership of all the stakeholders of the program to guide and approve
the design of the training. The technical groups will usually represent the key stakeholders and
will ensure that the CHW program and its training program involve the best practices that are
appropriately adapted and applied to the country situation or its different regions. The Malawi
HSA program has long been organized by the environmental health section of the MOH. With
additional roles and tasks being added to the job description, other sections of the MOH are
becoming engaged, such as the section concerned with the Integrated Management of Childhood
Illness. (See Chapter 3, on planning, for more detail.)

HOW CAN OPTIMAL PERFORMANCE BE ACHIEVED THROUGH

TRAINING?
The first thing to recognize is that the performance of CHWs depends upon the impact of many
factors other than training. Evidence suggests that knowledge of correct actions is not sufficient
to ensure that the right thing will be done. Box 1 lists some of the common individual factors
and environments that frequently affect CHW practices. The quality of training and the
regularity of refresher training are important determinants of performance, but the recognition
of other significant factors can lead to the development of appropriate strategies to address
them.

Foremost, proper performance of the required activities and tasks of a CHW requires
competence in the skills to perform those tasks. This is why more emphasis is now being placed
on competency-based training rather than the traditional knowledge-based training. Figure 1
shows the main types of competencies required of a CHW, and it also emphasizes the supportive
role of both knowledge and appropriate attitudes in addition to skills. A detailed description of
activities and tasks—discussed in Chapter 7, on CHW roles and tasks—is required to then do a
detailed task analysis for preparing performance protocols and the training curriculum. This
analysis involves examining each task to be performed by the CHW, identifying any sub-tasks,
and then describing the skills that are required for satisfactory performance. Any particular
task may involve any combination of psychomotor, communication, and decision skills.

Each of these three types of competencies or skills is different and requires different types of
learning experiences. The factor common among all of them is the requirement of active
participation in the learning experience by the trainee CHW to achieve competency.

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Box 1: Factors influencing CHWs’ performance10
 CHW factors: Knowledge, skills, motivation, and job-satisfaction; confidence in work
guidelines and own skills; fear of bad outcomes; perceptions of patients’ demands; and fear
of losing clients to other healers.
 Patient factors: Severity of illness; patient’s demands; patient’s age; sex; and social status.
 Work: Complexity of the work, presence, and clarity of the work guidelines and frequency with
which guidelines are changed.
 Sociocultural environment: Traditions and values of communities.
 Work conditions: Amount of work, access to and quality of support and supervision,
availability of supplies and equipment.
 Educational support: Opportunities for refresher or in-service training.
 Incentives: Existence and regularity of financial and non-financial incentives.
 Economic environment: Cost of living, alternate job opportunities, economic conditions of
country and health system.

Figure 1. A conceptual framework for training of Community Health Workers

Training goals On-the job competencies needed

To nurture among trainees: To have CHWs with:

 Knowledge  Action skills
 Attitudes  Communication skills
 Skills  Decision-making and problem- solving skills

Actions: Psychomotor skills

Psychomotor skills are a wide range of skills that include making observations and doing
things. Table 3 illustrates the range of action skills that might be required of a CHW, depending
upon the roles that he or she is required to play.

Table 3: Action/psychomotor skills

TYPE OF ACTION EXAMPLES
Observation Count breathing rate using a timer or watch, detect rib in-drawing, skin- pinch
test for dehydration, listen for stridor.
Performance of medical Give different types of injection, administer eye ointment, apply chlorhexidine or
procedure gentian violet to a baby’s umbilical cord.
Deliver a baby, tie, and cut a baby’s umbilical cord.
Use of supplies and Take blood, and use a malaria rapid diagnostic tool.
equipment Weigh a baby or measure the mid-upper arm circumference.
Package medicines for a sick child; prepare and give oral rehydration solution.
Recording and reporting Complete a patient record or a monthly report.
Construction Construct a stand for a domestic hand washing basin.
Construct a safe pit latrine.

There are three stages in the learning process for action skills: demonstration, simulation, and
supervised practice in the work place. Verbal or written descriptions alone have little value for
learning. Demonstrations can be done in the work setting, but often suffer from poor visibility
when there is a large group of students. Videos of procedures have the advantage of being
designed to maximize visualization of the key points with a clear commentary and repetitions of

9-10
key points. They can also be viewed anywhere, at any time, and as often as desired. Videos on
laptops are used to demonstrate clinical signs to CHWs in the Democratic Republic of Congo.2

Pictures or photographs can be useful for many clinical signs that can be demonstrated without
video. Some more complex tasks may require the development of a job aid that provides a
checklist for all the steps. Packaged instructions for equipment, such as malaria rapid
diagnostic tests, may need to be supplemented with a more clearly understood version.10 In
Afghanistan, a pictorial version of the algorithms for community case management of sick
children was developed for literate and illiterate CHWs. Full-page versions of the pictures of
selected key clinical signs were prepared as flip charts for demonstrations. (See example in
Figure 2.) However, all the pictures and symbols were first submitted to a thorough process of
pretesting and modification with both literate
and illiterate CHWs. Figure 2. Demonstration Picture

Simulations provide an opportunity for the

students to practice actions in a supervised
“classroom” setting. Students can count each
other’s breathing rates.3 Simply made models
can be used for many procedures and for
practicing use of equipment, such as weighing
and recording the weight of a model child,
resuscitation of a newborn using a doll, or
giving an injection. The more that students
have practiced by simulation, the more
confident they will be when faced with the real-
life action in the work place. Therefore, whenever possible, time should be made available
during periods when the students are in a clinic or field site for practice to ensure that these
basic action skills are learned before attempting any more complex communication or decision
skills that involve those actions.

Communication Skills
Interpersonal communication and counseling skills have received more attention and
programmatic emphasis in recent years. Contraceptive failures and discontinuation of
contraceptive use often highlight communication failures in family planning services. For
counseling in child case management, observation studies have been more helpful than exit
interviews at identifying problems.11, 12 Observations of CHWs in their community work setting
are much more difficult to arrange than in a clinic, but awareness of difficulties and/or
deficiencies in counseling should prompt attention to strengthen the communication skills of
CHWs.

An important point of clarification with health program managers is to agree on the objectives
of CHW communications, in particular, which specific behavioral changes will be sought in the
community. This will have implications for selecting the range of skills for communicating with
both individuals and with groups. Table 4 shows both an illustrative list of communication tasks
of CHWs and the types of communication they represent. The importance of considering the
type of communication objective is to distinguish what can be accomplished through one-to-one

2 Very good examples of professionally made videos on newborn care and other topics are available from the Global Health
Media Project online at http://www.globalhealthmedia.org.
3 One of the consistently weaker skills of CHWs is accurately counting breathing rates. Use of minute timers (separate or on

a mobile phone) is clearly more effective than using a watch second hand. However, rather than trying to count breaths,
less literate and numerate individuals may be more effective comparing the child’s breathing rate with a string and weight
pendulum swing. A 35 cm pendulum swings at 50 per minute, the cutoff point for the rate of breathing that indicates
pneumonia in a child younger than one year of age.

9–11
peer counseling and what needs to be addressed through a group approach. With appropriate
training in interpersonal communication and counseling skills, CHWs are successful in one-on-
one exchange of information, such as teaching home management of sick children or the use of a
contraceptive, as well as persuading women to use preventive care services.13, 14 An approach
that improves both the effectiveness and the efficiency of health promotion is the care group.15
In this approach, the CHW (as in Afghanistan) or another facilitator recruits 10 to 15 respected
women (the care group) who will be trained on a regular basis in a health message or skill and
then share that information with the women in about 10 of her neighboring households.16

Table 4. CHW communication skills

SELECTED CHW COMMUNICATION TASKS TYPES OF COMMUNICATION BY OBJECTIVE
 Asking a mother about her child’s sickness  Collect information
 Counseling a couple on choices of contraceptive  Provide information
 Explaining how to treat the sick child at home  Teach how to do well what the person already
and when to return wants to do
 Persuading a women to go to the clinic for  Encourage someone to do what is acceptable,
antenatal care but not most convenient or affordable
 Advising a couple on the advantages of using a  Address local fears and myths
long-acting contraceptive  Change social norms of behavior
 Persuading an expectant mother to breastfeed
early and to defer washing the newborn
 Changing childbirth management practices at
home births

There are those health-related behaviors that seem to have been particularly resistant to health
education efforts over the years, particularly those concerning pregnancy, home delivery, and
newborn care. The global movement to improve maternal health by training traditional birth
attendants (TBAs) failed because trained TBAs were unable to change these practices. After
being trained, TBAs were sent back to communities where any effort to change birthing
practices was usually met with community resistance. Community beliefs and norms of practice
are socially shared; these were the community’s “authoritative knowledge.”17 Differences in the
cultures of home and facility deliveries also explain the reluctance of many women to go to
facilities for care.18, 19 It has been found, therefore, that where social norms need changing,
community-oriented rather than individual-oriented approaches are needed. In particular,
women’s groups that have practiced participatory learning and action have resulted in
significant improvements in maternal and newborn health.20 However, the “participatory
learning and action” approach requires more sophisticated group facilitation skills than
interpersonal communication and counseling.

Practical learning experiences are essential for the development of communication skills. Where
audiovisual aids are available to assist in communicating messages, these must be available for
practice use during the training. Using these aids is often the easiest way for the student to
learn, understand, and be able to explain the messages. Especially useful is the application of
role play in the training to ensure that the student learns to respond to the questions or
objections of her/his audience. Discussions among the students may bring to light the common
beliefs, practices, and any misunderstandings about scientific health practices. Sometimes, it is
better to conduct formative research to identify the issues that the CHW needs to be prepared to
address when talking with individuals or groups and develop model answers.

Decision-Making Skills
Decision-making in a health care setting follows one of three strategies: pattern-recognition, the
application of rules or algorithms, and hypothetico-deductive reasoning.21 The latter, which is
used for complex diagnostic problems and requires detailed understanding of clinical science to

9-12
propose and then test for alternative diagnoses does not apply to CHWs. Rather, CHW
programs are designed so that almost all the common situations that a CHW may encounter can
be readily recognized and managed.

For example, as with most of the cases of malaria, pneumonia, or diarrhea that a CHW will
manage, each condition in its moderate and severe forms has a pattern of symptoms and signs
that is usually not difficult to recognize. Because of this ease, many CHWs do not routinely
continue to use the iCCM algorithm charts, and they do so without impact on the quality of
their care.22 The iCCM charts are useful in learning the patterns and should be used more
closely in situations when there is little information provided in the caregiver’s story of the
illness. In Afghanistan, the pictorial version of the iCCM charts was produced with all
necessary information on the classification, management, and follow-up conveyed by field-tested
pictures and symbols. It proved as popular with the literate CHWs as with the illiterate. (See
sample chart in Figure 3 at the end of this chapter.)

The work of all health workers is increasingly designed to incorporate evidence-based best
practices. For this reason, guidelines and protocols for most aspects of a CHW’s practice are
being developed and applied. The protocols are incorporated into job aids or patient reporting
forms. (See Figure 4 at the end of this chapter for an example of a CHW report form.) For
example, home-based newborn care programs all involve a series of home visits provided by
CHWs at critical times during the antenatal and postnatal periods, each with a particular set of
tasks designed to prevent or identify early any neonatal health problems.23

The learning approach to decision skills again follows the sequence of demonstration,
simulation, and supervised practice. Simulation involves the use of case-based learning,
including case studies and case-based questions. Most importantly, at each step in the sequence,
trainees must understand and then become more confident in the use of the charts or other job
aids.

The Place of Knowledge and Attitudes

Although the emphasis of CHW training is on the development of skills, there is a need for a
certain level of knowledge and explanation to support the skills. Moreover, attitudes and
motivations are well recognized as key elements in the quality of care that is provided.

Assessing the appropriate amount of knowledge and the types of explanations to provide to
CHWs is not easy. Distinctions from “must know” to “helpful to know” to “nice to know” are
important. The temptation is almost always to provide too much information because it is
interesting to both teacher and student. Increasing amounts of knowledge in proportion to the
level of background education is usually appropriate in response both to their desire for
explanations and to their ability to grasp different concepts. Model curricula tested in similar
settings in other countries may provide useful guidance. The best approach may be to have
some experienced trainers research the amount of information required to assure competence
and motivation in one or two pilot training courses.

Attitudes conveyed by CHWs are important in their relationships with patients of all social
status and ethnic groups, the community and its leaders, and other health workers. Attitudes
are also very much involved with the CHW’s motivation and job satisfaction. The development
of appropriate attitudes, such as concern, respect, and responsibility, should be consciously and
explicitly part of all aspects and stages of the training program. A general discussion of the role
of attitudes and motivations is essential in an introduction to the principles of interpersonal
communication. However, the most effective way for students to learn appropriate attitudes is
to repeatedly ask about the feelings and needs of patients and community members in all the
various learning situations. One of the chief values of a role play is that it gives an opportunity

9–13
for the group watching the role play to observe and discuss the attitudes being conveyed by each
of the participants and discuss how the CHW might have improved his/her performance. Most
importantly, the trainers will be constantly modeling good and bad attitudes in all that they do;
therefore, the issue of good attitude development needs to be an essential part of the selection
and preparation of the trainers.

Evaluation of Student Competencies

Assessment of the CHW student’s ability to perform the activities and tasks required to conform
to an acceptable standard is necessary for all training programs. It is certainly essential for
programs that provide certification at the end of the training. However, because the whole focus
of the program is the development of a range of specific skills or competencies, acquisition of
each skill and competency needs to be explicitly evaluated. Written or oral examinations that
test the student’s knowledge about what needs to be done will not suffice. A valid and relevant
assessment of competency requires observation of the performance of that task and
checking its quality against a checklist of essential components.

Mastery of a skill requires repeated practice, first in simulations and then in the real-life
setting. Supervised learning means that the teacher monitors the student’s performance with a
performance check list to identify those aspects that were done well and those that need
improving. Such a process is referred to as “formative evaluation.” “Summative evaluation” is
the application of the same technique toward the end of the training program to ensure that the
student has reached and maintained a satisfactory standard. One of the simplest and most
widely applied approaches to the development and evaluation of skills is the use of a procedures
logbook. For each student, the logbook specifies the critical skills to be learned and the number
of simulation and real-life experiences to be had and provides space for the instructor to add a
performance score and sign off when the learning exercise has been completed. This book
provides structure and standards to the training program and can be applied to all training
schools.

What Should Be the Role of Follow-Up Monitoring and In-Service Training in the
Overall Training Program?
One of the findings that has emerged from experimentation with different approaches and
lengths of training of health professionals in Integrated Management of Childhood Illness is
that the length of initial training is less critical than assuring follow-up monitoring of
performance and in-service training.24 The same principle almost certainly applies to CHWs.
Because CHWs generally receive less hands-on practice of skills in their initial training, regular
supervision of practice and in-service training is most desirable. The training of CHWs in the
Democratic Republic of Congo includes a schedule of three full days of in-service training every
month at the health center after completion of initial training. The purpose of these monthly
trainings is to observe and correct the practices of CHWs and build their levels of confidence
with newly learned skills. Similarly, the monthly week-long practical training sessions at the
health center for the Pakistan LHWs fulfill the same goal.

Many CHW programs recommend that supervisors arrange for a regular refresher training each
month when the CHWs bring their reports and restock supplies. Frequently, this training does
not happen, for many reasons, especially if CHW supervision has been an add-on to the clinic
health workers’ otherwise full-time job. A more effective approach may be more regular but less
frequent in-service training days at the clinic, but separate from the administration days. A
provincial or district training team could organize these sessions rather than relying on the
existing clinic staff. Such an approach needs to be formally adopted and then budgeted if it is to
work.

9-14
What Is the Place of mHealth Applications?
Evidence on the effectiveness of mHealth applications is still scarce.25 The most common
applications are one-way text messaging and phone reminders for appointments and healthy
behaviors and for data gathering and reporting. Innovative applications with mobile phones for
CHWs include job aids for procedures or health education, clinical algorithm tools, and tools for
data gathering and reporting.26 In a few cases, these may be combined. In Tanzania, an iCCM
application on a hand-held device proved much easier and quicker to use than the paper iCCM
charts, thereby encouraging more regular use.27 One example of the value of mobile phones for
learning and refresher learning is the use of multimedia applications on the mobile phone,
providing easy access whenever and wherever the information is required. For example, the
newborn care series produced by the Global Health Media Project, which was previously
mentioned, is available for download on mobile phones.

FITTING THE TRAINING TO THE SITUATION

Too often, when there is a problem with a health program, it seems to be assumed that the
solution is “more training.” Training is a necessary, but not sufficient, basis for successful CHW
programs. Initially, the design of the program is more important: how the roles and tasks of the
CHWs will fit with and complement the roles and tasks of the health staff of the supervising
health facility; how well they cooperatively meet the health needs of the community and its
socio-cultural setting; and whether the CHWs understand exactly what they should do and have
the time, job-aids, tools, and other resources to do it.

Getting the design right is one of the main tasks of those responsible for the governance and
management of the CHW program and its training program. (These are discussed further in
Chapter 3, on planning, and Chapter 4, on governance.) Membership both on the
oversight/steering committee and on the technical committees should include representatives of
all the relevant stakeholders to ensure that serious considerations do not get overlooked.

The type of CHW training to be adopted will depend upon several factors:
• First, the scope of the roles and tasks to be performed by the CHW. Will it be a multipurpose
worker to extend primary care to populations without access to facilities or will it be a narrower
scope to support a vertical program such as HIV/AIDS or child health?
• Is this training for a new CHW program or will it build on and expand an existing type of CHW?
• Will the CHW be a full-time salaried worker or a part-time volunteer? This factor will depend
very much on the numbers required and the resources to pay for their training and salaries.
• What level of education will be required for entry to the program? This requirement will depend
on:
• The current general levels of education among either the men or women in the communities
from which they are to be selected,
• Whether the CHW is a full-time salaried worker or part-time volunteer.

The characteristics of an effective training program for CHWs are summarized in Table 5.

9–15
Table 5: Different training approaches and their effectiveness
TRAINING EVALUATION OF BENEFIT FOR
DESCRIPTION
APPROACHES LEARNING
Interactive Active educational experience that Interactive techniques that encourage
techniques allows dialogue and interaction that the learner to process and apply the
Educational
techniques

includes simulations, role plays and information have been found to be

case-based learning in preparation for much more effective than didactic
supervised real-life experiences. techniques for knowledge and skills
Didactic Passive educational experience that acquisition.
techniques includes lectures and reading.
One time All the material is presented only Information or learning experiences
once, at one time. that are spaced or repeated over time
Timing

Spaced and Information or learning experiences produce better learning outcomes than
repeated are spaced apart and/or repeated single training interventions.
several times.
At work site Trainees receive training at the facility Most effective skill acquisition and
or in the community where they will performance takes place in an
Location

work (or in a similar community). environment as similar to the work

Away from work Training is in a classroom or other site situation as possible.
site remote from the CHW’s community.
Print Manuals and handouts Manuals may be good guides of content
for the trainers, but are poor methods
of learning for students.
Teaching/learning media

Appropriate for some job aids for fully

literate CHWs.
Pictures Pictures, cartoons, or photos. Much more effective than words. Can
Can be on paper or on electronic be compiled into charts of algorithms
devices. and protocols for job aids. Still useful
as health education aids.
Multimedia Audio and/or video content on Can be used interactively, repeatedly,
computers, mobile and smart phones, and almost anywhere. More effective
DVDs, and radio. than either print or still pictures for
learning.
*Adapted from 28

Because most CHWs lack much formal education, it is very important that the training program
is very explicitly competency-based rather than the more traditional knowledge-based approach.
Learning needs to be active and interactive; didactic methods do not work. For the same reason,
print manuals are not useful to the CHWs, although they may be appropriate as trainers’
guides. Pictorial and multimedia materials are more useful for demonstrating what needs to be
known. Most important is constant practice in the use of pictorial job aids that describe activity
protocols or provide audiovisual support to health promotion. Evaluation of the CHWs in
training should emphasize a process of “formative evaluation” that checks on progress in
performance all the way through the training rather than just at the end.

Furthermore, the learning setting needs to be as similar and close to the work setting as
possible. Clinic settings for practicing clinical skills are not the same as a village home, but they
do ensure that sufficient cases may be available and help the CHW to become comfortable with
the clinic and how things are done there. The lack of formal education and the need to
consolidate competencies also means that there is great advantage in dividing the training into
a series of modules separated by a period of practice in the community. (See examples from
Brazil, Ethiopia, and Pakistan in Table 2.) Dividing the training allows the CHW to implement

9-16
and become confident in some skills before going back to learn new ones. Ideally, this process
then continues through the process of supervision and the process of in-service and refresher
training after initial training is completed.

CONCLUSION
All sub-systems in CHW programs are important, and training is one of them. Careful planning
and utilization of appropriate approaches to the training of CHWs is essential for effective
program functioning. Adapting training to fit the needs and capabilities of trainees with limited
education is one of the great challenges facing CHW programs, but experience and capabilities
in this area are growing rapidly.

Figure 3. Example of pictorial iCCM Chart from Afghanistan

9–17
Figure 4. Patient form incorporating the iCCM Algorithm used by CHWs in Democratic
Republic of Congo

9-18
9–19
Additional Resources
Many training materials and resources are available on the Internet. Many are very good, but it
is important to check the intended audience. Materials that have been prepared especially for
CHWs are not easily found. The following suggestions of Web sites are not complete, but may
lead to some good quality materials.

GENERAL SOURCES
Teaching Aids at Low Cost/TALC: a unique charity dedicated to providing free and low cost
books, DVDs, and other educational materials for health care workers in a variety of languages.
Community health materials include child and newborn health, environmental health,
communicable diseases, including HIV and TB, nutrition and food security, management of
disabilities, and community mobilization (www.talcuk.org).

The World Health Organization Web site (www.who.int) is an essential site to check on agreed
international standards on management protocols, including iCCM, HIV, TB, family planning,
etc. In addition, there are training manuals and/or job aids for CHWs on some topics, such as
iCCM, newborn care, and family planning.

TRAINING METHODS
Abbatt FR. 1992. Teaching for Better Learning: A Guide for Teachers of Primary Health Care
Staff. WHO. Available from TALC (www.talcuk.org).

Werner D and Bower B. Helping Health Workers Learn. Hesperian Foundation. Available from
TALC (www.talcuk.org).

ReproLine plus (reprolineplus.org), a resource of Jhpiego, has several publications on

competency-based learning and teaching methods.

CHILD HEALTH AND NUTRITION

The USAID BASICS project (www.basics.org) has published a set of nine components of the
Toolkit for Community Case Management of Childhood Illnesses. This toolkit was developed in
the Democratic Republic of Congo and is available in French and English.

Training guide for Community-Based Management of Acute Malnutrition (CMAM). 2008. Guide
for trainers and participant handouts. Available from Family Health International. CD–ROM
can be obtained by emailing a request to [email protected].

REPRODUCTIVE HEALTH
Home-Based Life Saving Skills. A four-book set manual and other teaching-learning materials
can be bought from the American College of Nurse-Midwives. Life Saving Skills is a more
advanced training course. See www.midwife.org.

The Global Health Media Project (www.globalhealthmedia.org) has prepared an excellent series
of videos on newborn care in English, Swahili, and Spanish. These videos are available for free
download. A second series on the management of labor and delivery is in preparation.

9-20
ReproLine plus (reprolineplus.org), a resource of Jhpiego, has several publications on
community-based family planning and other aspects of reproductive health.

Family Health International (www.fhi360) has training materials on family planning and HIV.

The K4Health Project (USAID) has a Web site on toolkits (www.k4health.org/toolkits) that has
several useful training resources on family planning and HIV.

9–21
Acknowledgments
The author is grateful for so many learning experiences with colleagues, students, and CHWs
from many countries, but especially from Papua New Guinea and Afghanistan.

9-22
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expansion. Public Health 122(6): 558-67.
10. Harvey SA et al. 2008. Improving community health worker use of malaria rapid diagnostic
tests in Zambia: package instructions, job aid and job aid-plus-training. Malar J 7: 160.
11. Gilroy K et al. 2004. Impact of IMCI training and language used by provider on quality of
counseling provided to parents of sick children in Bougouni District, Mali. Patient Educ
Couns 54(1): 35-44.
12. Onishi J, Gupta S, Peters DH. 2011. Comparative analysis of exit interviews and direct
clinical observations in pediatric ambulatory care services in Afghanistan. Int J Qual Health
Care 23(1): 76-82.
13. Winch PJ et al. 2003. Increases in correct administration of chloroquine in the home and
referral of sick children to health facilities through a community-based intervention in
Bougouni District, Mali. Trans R Soc Trop Med Hyg 97(5): 481-90.
14. Kim YM et al. 1992. Improving the quality of service delivery in Nigeria. Stud Fam Plann
23(2): 118-27.
15. Davis TP et al. 2013. Reducing child global undernutrition at scale in Sofala Province,
Mozambique, using Care Group Volunteers to communicate health messages to mothers.
Global Health: Science and Practice 1: 35-51.
16. Laughlin M. 2004. The Care Group Difference: A Guide to Mobilizing Community-Based
Volunteer Health Educators. World Relief and the Child Survival Collaborations and
Resources (CORE) Group: Baltimore, MD.

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17. Jordan B. 1997. Authoritative Knowledge and its Construction. University of California
Press: Berkeley, CA.
18. Medhanyie A et al. 2012. The role of health extension workers in improving utilization of
maternal health services in rural areas in Ethiopia: a cross sectional study. BMC Health
Serv Res 12: 352.
19. Afsana K. 2005. Disciplining birth. Power, knowledge and childbirth practices in
Bangladesh. The University Press: Dhaka, Bangladesh.
20. Prost A et al. 2013. Women's groups practising participatory learning and action to improve
maternal and newborn health in low-resource settings: a systematic review and meta-
analysis. Lancet 381(9879): 1736-46.
21. Schwarz E. 2007. Making clinical decisions. Emergency Physicians Monthly, September.
Available online at: http://www.epmonthly.com/archives/letters/making-clinical-decisions/.
22. Rowe SY et al. 2007. Effect of multiple interventions on community health workers'
adherence to clinical guidelines in Siaya district, Kenya. Trans R Soc Trop Med Hyg 101(2):
188-202.
23. Gogia S, Sachdev HS. 2010. Home visits by community health workers to prevent neonatal
deaths in developing countries: a systematic review. Bull World Health Organ 88(9): 658-
66B.
24. Rowe AK et al. 2008. Does shortening the training on Integrated Management of Childhood
Illness guidelines reduce effectiveness? Results of a systematic review. Final Report. World
Health Organization: Geneva, Switzerland. Available online at:
http://whqlibdoc.who.int/publications/2008/9789241597210_eng.pdf.
25. Kallander K et al. 2013. Mobile health (mHealth) approaches and lessons for increased
performance and retention of community health workers in low- and middle-income
countries: a review. J Med Internet Res 15(1): e17.
26. Derenzi B et al. 2011. Mobile phone tools for field-based health care workers in low-income
countries. Mt Sinai J Med 78(3): 406-18.
27. Derenzi B et al. 2008. "e-IMCI: Improving Pediatric Health Care in Low-Income Countries."
Paper presented at the SIGCHI Conference on Human Factors in Computing Systems,
Florence, Italy, April 5-10, 2008. p. 753-62. Available online at:
http://homes.cs.washington.edu/~bderenzi/Papers/chi1104-bderenzi.pdf.
28. Jhpiego. 2012. In-service training techniques, timing, setting and media: Findings from a
literature review. Jhpiego: Baltimore, MD.

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 Chapter 10
Supervision of Community Health Workers
Lauren Crigler, Jessica Gergen, and Henry Perry
Key Points
• Supervision for community health workers (CHWs) is one of the most challenging program
elements to implement; yet, it is considered one of the most important elements to successful
programs.
• Supervisory responsibilities have changed over time from providing administrative and clinical
oversight to the inclusion of psychosocial support to frontline CHWs who face a wide range of
challenges on their own.
• Supervision is generally considered to be oversight from a health worker at a peripheral facility;
however, this model is costly and difficult to implement. Alternative approaches might include
group supervision, peer supervision, and community supervision to distribute the supervision
tasks and increase support to CHWs in some contexts.

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INTRODUCTION
Supportive supervision is a process of guiding, monitoring, and coaching workers to promote
compliance with standards of practice and assure the delivery of quality care service. The
supervisory process permits supervisors and supervisees the opportunity to work as a team to
meet common goals and objectives.

Supervision is frequently thought of as the main link between CHWs and the health system.
Facility-based supervisors, whether from the nearest primary care center or the district health
office are important because they have the ability to monitor the quality of services, provide
technical support and refresher training, and collect information, forms, and other data from
the periphery to feed into the national health information system.

The concept of supervision has evolved over the last two decades. Traditionally, supervisors
visited workers to audit performance, their supervisory activities were primarily
administrative, and their attitudes were often punitive and critical of those they supervised.
More recently, the role of the supervisor has become “facilitative or supportive” as supervisors
try to create a more supportive environment for the CHW by helping them to solve problems,
coaching them on skills, and becoming more involved in their activities. In this new role,
supervisors enhance the credibility of CHWs within their communities by clarifying their roles,
ensuring they have the supplies they need to perform their work, and addressing problems
community members might have. Supervisors can offer psychosocial support to CHWs who are
isolated and often deal with very challenging situations such as mental illness, family-based
violence, and infectious and chronic diseases.

Published literature about supervision is replete with statements about how important
supervision is to successful CHW programs. For example, one recent review of community-based
health programs made the following statement:

It is important to note that well-functioning local health facilities are important for
the success of community-based interventions. These facilities are usually the
source of supplies, provide a point of referral for patients with severe or
uncommon illnesses that cannot be satisfactorily managed at the community
level, and a base of operations for field supervisors who provide ongoing
motivation, training and supervision of CHWs. This supportive supervision is
essential in order to maintain the quality of community-based interventions,
including health promotion, which CHWs provide.”1

In a recent review of literature on CHW productivity, the authors suggested that productivity
was based on a combination of three elements: (1) knowledge and skills, (2) motivation, and (3)
the work environment. The work environment encompassed workload, supervision, supplies and
equipment, and level of respect that other health workers had for the CHWs. In their review,
the authors maintained that supportive supervision was a critical factor in creating and
maintaining an enabling work environment.2 In another recent study, the majority of
participants stated that supervision was one of the most important factors for maintaining a
functional cadre of motivated CHWs because supervisors serve as a link between CHWs and the
health system. The support that supervisors can provide CHWs helps them to feel valued and
feel like an important part of a larger organization.3

However, the reality is that most of the time in CHW programs, supervision is virtually non-
existent or of questionable value even when it does occur. According to a recent review of
studies of the effectiveness of supervision of CHW programs, some supervision interventions

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demonstrated only a small positive effect on health worker practices and knowledge, while other
studies showed no benefit or were inconclusive.4, 5

WHAT ARE THE CHALLENGES IN IMPLEMENTING SUPERVISION?

Although very few program managers would take the position that supervision is not important,
many programs fail to design and implement a supervision system that is both functional and
beneficial. In large-scale CHW programs, supervision is rarely implemented successfully.
Providing effective supervision is not easy, and it is expensive. Unless programs have budgeted
and planned appropriately (see Chapters 3 on planning and 5 on financing), the likelihood is
that it will not be implemented well. Poor supervision has been shown to be as ineffective as no
supervision at all.

Box 1. Country examples of ineffective supervision

Although a review of recently published supervision studies and policy briefs describe a
conceptual shift to the supportive supervision approach, which requires the supervisor to actively
problem solve, field reports of actual practices tell a different story.6 In-depth interviews with
health workers in both Kenya and Benin found that half perceived supervision as an act of control
and criticism. These health workers also reported that supervision was infrequent, irregular, and
lacking in feedback.7

In a recent study from Zambia, it was clear that supervision is not always perceived as helpful by
CHWs. Following introduction of CHWs into Zambia’s primary health care system, 78% of the
CHWs interviewed reported regular (monthly) supervision, but 48% mentioned that supervision
did not have any benefit to them. In this example, the supervisor was provided by a rural health
center staff member who did not utilize a standardized method or checklists when conducting
supervisory visits.8

Box 2. Key challenges to supervision

• Travel expense and logistics

• Supervisors are really not “supervisors”
• Supervisors do not have appropriate tools and support to conduct supervision
• Supervision is not a priority
• Supervisors don’t understand the CHW’s role or the context in which they operate
• Gender issues complicate the supervisory process because often supervisors are men and
CHWs are women

The cost and logistics associated with traveling to visit CHWs is perhaps the greatest challenge.
Most supervision systems require that supervisors travel from a peripheral health facility to the
village where the CHW works. The distance requires the use of motorized transportation
(motorbike or vehicle), and one of the following conditions is often present: (a) there is no vehicle
or motorbike assigned to the facility, (b) the source of transport is not in working order, (c) there
is no money to buy fuel, (d) the vehicle is being used for some other purpose. Per diems (a fee
paid when employees such as supervisors carry out some special activity, such as traveling out
into the field for some purpose) often become the real motive for supervisory visits rather than
to provide the support CHWs need. Although visits should happen with relative frequency, such
as at least once every 3 months, in reality, they occur rarely. Furthermore, frequently different

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supervisors conduct supervision visits to the same CHW and may be unfamiliar with both the
CHW and the CHW’s context, thus, detracting greatly from the value of the visit.
The task of CHW supervision is most often handed to the lowest level provider in the primary
care system – generally a nurse or midwife in a rural health center. Sometimes, someone from
the district or regional health office will also conduct supervision visits to CHWs. However, in
both cases, these “supervisors” already have a full-time job, and the task of supervision is rarely
included in their job description. As a consequence, CHW supervision becomes relegated as a
very limited and intermittent activity. Supervision is often the activity that is deferred as other
tasks and crises demand attention from health workers in peripheral primary health care
facilities or in district management offices.

Supervisors are rarely prepared to be supervisors. Whether the CHW supervisors are district
health officers or primary care nurses, they are usually not trained in supervision and,
therefore, they are not prepared to provide the kinds of support CHWs need. Supervisors need
skills in counseling, problem solving, and quality improvement. Supervision tools and
checklists, when they exist, are often overly complex and long, and not practical aids for
supervisors or for CHWs.

Supervisors usually have more years of higher education and come from different social
environments – either from a different geographical area or from a more urbanized setting.
Most commonly, supervisors have never tried to function in the work environment of a CHW,
thus, they lack an inherent understanding of the CHW’s role and the challenges CHWs face in
performing their work.

Not uncommonly, CHWs are women, and their supervisors are men. This gender difference
creates certain barriers that can be difficult to overcome, particularly for the aspects of the
CHWs’ work that involves maternal and child health.

WHAT KEY QUESTIONS DO PROGRAM PLANNERS NEED TO CONSIDER

WHEN DEVELOPING A SUPERVISION SYSTEM?
To design and implement an effective supervision strategy, it is important for decision-makers
to clarify their aims and objectives from the outset. Different countries present different
challenges in supervision, and it is advisable to become aware of what potential pitfalls, as well
as the advantages, that might be present. A basic situation analysis that includes a review of
policies, guidelines, and supervision logs, as well as stakeholder interviews and field visits using
the questions shown in Table 1 can help to determine the strengths and weaknesses of the
current supervisory system.

Table 1. Questions to guide a rapid assessment to inform the design/redesign of the CHW Supervision
System
Policy  What are the objectives of CHW supervision?
 Is there a functioning primary health care (PHC) supervision system and can it be
adapted/expanded to include CHWs?
 What services are CHWs asked to provide?
 Are there supervision standards and guidelines for CHW performance?
 Do the financial resources exist to sustain a CHW supervision system?

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 Management  Are management tasks and clinical tasks clear?
 Are supervisory roles clear and integrated into job descriptions?
 How many supervisors have been trained in supervision?
 Is there a supportive context for supervision (e.g., distances to travel for supervision
that are manageable, suitable transportation that is available)?
 Are there nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and civil society organizations that
are currently conducting supervision?
 Is there a community health management committee? If so, what is its role?
 How are supervisors supervised?
 How are health facilities involved in the delivery of community health services?
 Are supervisors selected with a gender-focus in mind? Are men asked to supervise
young women? Are female supervisors safe and accepted in communities?
Quality  Is there a management information system?
assurance  How do supervisors observe and monitor CHW performance?
 How do supervisors use data for decision-making and supporting CHWs?
 Has the quality of supervision provided been evaluated?
 What mechanisms exist for feedback from the community regarding the services
provided by CHWs or other health system issues?
Community  Do supervisors make visits to communities?
involvement  What other volunteer or paid workers are in the community? Are they supervised?
 Do supervisors (or should they) make household visits with CHWs?
 Do community members provide feedback to the supervisor about their CHW?
 How involved are community groups and leaders in health and other community
issues?

Once the situation analysis is complete, policymakers can make better decisions about what
supervision policies and guidelines are appropriate in their context by asking the following
questions. Some questions, as noted, are also addressed in other chapters of this manual.

1. What are the objectives of CHW supervision?

2. What working strategies should shape the supervision approach?
3. What standards and guidelines are needed to guide CHW performance? (See Chapter 7, on
CHW roles and tasks)
4. Who will perform the supervision? Who will supervise the supervisors?
5. How often should supervision be done?
6. How can you ensure that supervision visits are planned, implemented, and tracked? (See
Chapter 3, on planning)
7. How will information be used to improve performance? (See Chapter 12, on health system
linkages)

WHAT ARE THE OBJECTIVES OF A SUPERVISORY SYSTEM?

Supervisors generally are asked to address three different areas in their supervisory capacity:
(1) quality assurance, (2) communication and information, and (3) a supportive environment
(Figure 1). However, policymakers and program planners will need to define priorities and
develop indicators in each category that will be important to track.

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Figure 1. Objectives of supervision

Quality of Services
In many cases, the supervisor is the only consistent link that the CHW has with the formal
health system and is expected make sure that the CHW understands his/her tasks and can
perform them to an acceptable standard. High-quality services also require the continuous
monitoring and improvement of CHW performance through measurement, feedback, and
learning—tasks that are generally assigned to supervisors. When new tasks are assigned, the
supervisor should train, or reinforce (if refresher training is offered), the CHW in these tasks.
An involved supervisor will perform household visits with the CHW and use this opportunity to
seek feedback from clients, coach the CHW as s/he performs her tasks, and provide feedback to
both the CHW and the household. This level of involvement by a supervisor is best
demonstrated by BRAC’s supervisors, Shasthya Kormis, who visit clients with the CHWs they
supervise (Shasthya Shebikas). They meet with women’s groups to discuss health issues. The
supervisor is also expected to supply the CHW with whatever drugs and other items required to
complete her tasks.

Communication and Information

The supervisor also needs to communicate, gather, and share information with the CHW. The
supervisor gathers data from the CHW to learn where she has gone, how many clients she has
seen, what services she has provided, and other statistics on the overall health and well-being of
her catchment area. Sometimes, if the CHW is not very literate, the supervisor can help her
complete forms and show her how to draw or select pictures to communicate what is happening
within a community. The supervisor also provides the CHW with updates on new guidelines
and other information regarding the health status of a community, a planned event such as a
vaccination campaign, and other key information from the Ministry of Health (MOH).

Supportive Environment
The third area of consequence is that of providing support to the CHW. The supervisor coaches
and helps the CHW solve problems s/he might encounter. Also, as the CHW is often isolated and
asked to provide support and counsel to patients with difficult conditions, s/he sometimes needs
counseling and support herself. A supervisor also often can help the CHW develop or maintain a
respectful relationship with his/her community by positioning himself/herself as an important
and valued member of the health team, and by clarifying and reaffirming to the community the

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importance and the details of the specific expectations the CHW is trained and expected to
meet.

Supervision is one of the 15 key components addressed in the CHW Assessment and
Improvement Matrix (AIM) tool that enables CHW programs to assess the functionality of a
program and to make improvements according to specific criteria 9. For supervision, the CHW
AIM tool suggests the following: “Supervision of CHWs should be carried out regularly to
provide feedback, coaching, problem solving, skill development, and data review. According to
the CHW AIM tool, the indicators for ideal supervision include:

• Encounters every 1–3 months between the supervisor and the CHW that include reviewing
reports and monitoring data collected by the CHW;
• Training of supervisors in supportive supervision and in the technical skills that CHWs need to
have so that they can use supervisory tools (checklists) during encounters (and hopefully during
observation of CHWs at work) to aid their supervisees appropriately;
• Use of locally acquired data for problem-solving and coaching during supervision meetings; and,
• Visitation of CHWs in their communities, carrying out home visits with CHWs, and providing
skills coaching to CHWs.

WHAT WORKING STRATEGIES SHOULD SHAPE THE SUPERVISION

APPROACH?
It is advisable for strategies to be agreed upon by key policymakers, stakeholders, and program
managers that will guide the design of a supervision approach. For example, the following
principles might be considered:

Build upon what exists: Understanding what is already functioning and building upon it is
important. Do not create parallel systems.

Use a bottom-up approach: Engaging CHWs and communities in the design and process of
supervision will encourage participation.

Focus on planning and monitoring the implementation: Plans to supervise are frequently
made but not carried out, and the implementation process itself is not monitored. Therefore,
supervision becomes the lowest priority to program implementers.

Engage all levels for accountability: Supervisors alone (regardless of who is supervising)
should not bear all of the responsibility. Supervisors of supervisors, CHWs, communities, and
even clients can share in both the process and making each other accountable for its completion.

Develop capacity at all levels in data management, teamwork, and problem-solving:

Basic data use, teamwork, and problem identification, prioritization, and resolution are skills
that everyone, including community members and engaged clients, can use to solve problems.

WHAT STANDARDS AND GUIDELINES ARE NEEDED?

It is advisable to develop a set of standards and guidelines that clearly state to all stakeholders,
including CHWs, community members, supervisors, health workers, and ministry officials, what
are the objectives, responsibilities, results, and outcomes of the supervisory system. This
document should include a detailed description of the tasks that supervisors are asked to
perform, as well as the tasks and performance standards for CHWs: what supplies and

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equipment CHWs should have, the content of the supervision visit, its frequency, and the
optimal profile and set of skills needed by supervisors. It should also describe who and how
supervisors themselves are supervised and how to monitor the quality of supervision itself.
Standards and guidelines generally form the basis for supervisor training curricula and are
used in the development of monitoring forms, checklists, and user-friendly tools that can help
supervisors and CHWs prepare for and meet performance expectations. (See this chapter’s
appendix for examples of forms and checklists for supervisors.)

The process to develop the standards and guidelines should involve a wide range of
stakeholders, including MOH officials, regional authorities, community groups, facility
managers, nursing associations (if, in fact, a nurse will supervise), and of course, CHWs
themselves.

WHO WILL PERFORM THE SUPERVISION? WHO WILL SUPERVISE THE

SUPERVISORS?
Although it is most common to see a nurse or other health worker from a peripheral facility
tasked with the supervision of CHWs, it is not necessarily the only option. Alternative
supervision approaches are presented in the next section, but can include group supervision (in
which multiple CHWs gather to meet with the facility health worker in either the health center
or a village); peer supervision (in which peers take on some of the supervision role through peer-
to-peer learning, support, and problem-solving); and community supervision (community
groups, health committees, or community associations take on some of the monitoring and
feedback role in supervision). In many countries, NGOs and multilateral partners also provide
support for supervision and training of CHWs.

HOW OFTEN SHOULD SUPERVISION BE DONE?

As mentioned above, regular encounters between the supervisor and the CHW are
recommended. Monthly visits are best, as regular reinforcement of skills and frequent
communication is important for CHW motivation and performance. However, quarterly visits
are more practical for most programs, and even they may be difficult and costly to maintain.
Other CHWs, community organizations, and peer groups can offer coaching, emotional support,
and feedback to CHWs and should be considered as alternatives, or additions, to the support
that CHWs can receive. Also, mobile technology can provide support to CHWs between visits,
provide answers to immediate questions, and be used by supervisors and facility staff for
distance coaching and skills updates. These approaches are described in more detail in the
following section.

HOW CAN YOU ENSURE THAT SUPERVISION VISITS ARE PLANNED,

IMPLEMENTED, AND TRACKED?
Although yearly planning takes place in MOHs at the central, regional, district, and even
community levels, plans are not always followed. They frequently focus on the achievement of
coverage or health indicators, while management processes (such as supervision) are
overlooked. Supervisors are rarely prepared for their supervisory tasks in advance. Because
supervision is not made a priority, it can be superseded by other events that are viewed as more
critical. A planning process is only as good as its implementation, and action plans require
implementation, monitoring, and evaluation. Tracking and reporting mechanisms should be put
in place that help regional, district, and local officials adhere to their plans, monitor their own
implementation, and report not only on indicators alone, but also on the processes that are
needed to achieve target indicators.

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HOW WILL INFORMATION BE USED TO IMPROVE PERFORMANCE?
Program planners and managers need information gathered from the community level on a
wide range of indicators: coverage, mortality, morbidity, logistics, numbers of households
reached, numbers of clients served, and so on. However, because CHWs are the closest link to
communities, they are often asked to collect more data than is actually used. Frequently,
various programs and donors will require data on specific indicators. CHWs are asked to
provide all of the information requested, regardless of duplication and without an overall
strategy on data collection and management. Moreover, the information flow is usually upward,
with little information flowing back down to the community so that CHWs understand how to
use the data to solve problems. Supervisors can play a critical role in this process by monitoring
the quality of data that is collected and working with CHWs and local leaders to share the
collected data with the CHWs and communities for problem-solving at the community level.

Box 3. Supervision from the health center in the Pakistan Lady Health Worker Program
There is a highly organized and tiered supervision strategy in the Pakistani Lady Health Worker
(LHW) Program. Each LHW is attached to a health clinic and is supervised on a monthly basis by a
LHW supervisor.10 These supervisors are then regularly supervised by a LHW program District
Coordinator and/or an Assistant District Coordinator. Each LHW should have supervision in her
village at least once a month, at which time the supervisor should meet with clients and with the
LHW, review the LHW’s work, and collaboratively prepare a work plan for the subsequent
month.11

The 2008 review of the LHW program found that 80% of LHWs participated in a supervision
meeting in the previous month. Astonishingly, 90% of supervision meetings occurred in the
village, and 59% of these included meetings of the supervisor with the LHWs’ clients. Additionally,
91% of LHWs had meetings in the health facility within the previous 30 days, and 98% had
produced a work plan for the previous month. Supervisors frequently used checklists during the
meetings and scored LHW performance, although LHWs were generally not told their score. On
average, LHW supervisors supervised 23 LHWs and 60% had full-time access to a vehicle,
although not all received their allowance for fuel and related expenses.11

APPROACHES TO CHW SUPERVISION

This section describes the most common approach to CHW supervision and some alternative
approaches that CHW program managers can consider. Each approach has strengths and
limitations, and some are more tried and tested than others. Still, given the generally poor
quality of supervision that has existed in most programs to date, broadening the approach of
who provides supervisory support and how supervisory support is offered might allow for more
practical, less costly supervision that is more effective.

External Supervision from Health Center or District Health Office

In some countries, such as Pakistan, CHW supervision is part of a national supervision strategy
that is already functioning. This model generally assumes that a nurse or midwife from a
peripheral health facility has the responsibility to supervise CHWs, or that district or sub-
district officers make supervision visits to CHWs. In some CHW programs (such as in Ethiopia),
CHWs work at health posts but conduct home visits and supervise volunteers out in the
communities. Supervisory visits are planned quarterly, although some programs attempt this
supervision on a monthly basis depending on the distances, the availability of health staff to
supervise, and the numbers of CHWs to be supervised.

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Box 4. External Supervision in Rwanda’s CHW Program
The Rwandan MOH has established a robust community health structure, in which each district has
a community health supervisor and each health facility in the district has an in-charge of community
health. In each village, there are now three CHWs: two “binômes” (one male and one female CHW)
who address community integrated management of childhood illness, and one CHW for maternal
health. Concern Worldwide implemented a program from 2007 to 2011 in six districts in Rwanda in
which CHW cooperatives—consisting of 150 to 300 CHWs from 40 to 80 villages—each managed by
a cell coordinator, met on a quarterly basis in a health facility. Within each cooperative, peer groups
of 15 to 20 CHWs were formed and met at least monthly for peer support and learning
opportunities. A 2011 evaluation of this approach by Concern Worldwide reached the following
conclusions:
“CHWs found the model to be a motivating factor in their work. Compared to CHWs
working independently, CHWs working as a group provided greater peer support,
developed a stronger commitment to implementing health activities, and found more
creative solutions to problems.”24

Furthermore, the cell coordinator’s aim is to follow up on, supervise, and strengthen CHWs’
activities. Although the cell coordinators have clear roles, there are too few of them to consistently
supervise the 150–300 CHWs that each cell coordinator is responsible for. At each health facility
there is a CHW-in-charge who meets with the cell coordinators and also makes visits to supervise
CHWs. At the district level there is a CHW supervisor who collects and reports on key health
indicators collected by CHWs for the district, and at the central level, the community health desk is
responsible for all community activities.

Although CHWs are volunteers, they do receive performance-based incentives. In addition, CHW
cooperatives are managed and overseen by a community health committee at the sector level. The
cooperatives sign a performance contract with the MOH and are compensated for the achievement
of indicators in the contract. The CHWs receive 30% of the compensation for their contribution, and
70% goes into the collective fund for the CHW cooperative.

These supervisory visits link the CHW services to the formal health system, provide an
opportunity to collect data on a range of issues such as the numbers of patients seen, home
visits made, or pregnant women in the catchment area. Supervisors also distribute drugs or
supplies, sometimes observe CHWs performing services, reinforce important messages, such as
timely and appropriate referral and emergency transport arrangements, and provide coaching
to help CHW address issues faced by the CHW in performing his/her work. This approach, if
funded appropriately and performed consistently, can have the benefits of strong clinical
oversight, coaching, and mentoring of CHWs; integration of new protocols and procedures into
CHW work; and more attention to health system issues that affect the CHW, such as a lack of
drugs or supplies. This approach is also potentially scalable, assuming that it is built onto a
health system with supervisors who are health workers at a peripheral health facility, who are
themselves supervised, and have available time and capacity to carry out the supervision.

Box 5. Supervision in the Ethiopia Health Extension Workers Program (HEP)

The Ethiopian Health Extension Program has been described by the MOH as “our flagship
program, the pillar of our health system.”12 The Health Extension Program was launched in 2003
by the Government of Ethiopia, and at present there are 38,000 health extension workers
(HEWs), including 4,000 working in urban areas. HEWs are full-time employees who receive one
year of training. They divide their time between caring for patients at their health post and
outreach services into the community.

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 HEW supervision appears to vary across the history of the program and geographical contexts, but
in 2005, HEWs had relatively high levels of supervision, with an average of three supervisory visits
over the course of nine months.13 There are multiple levels of HEW supervision, including the
woreda (district) supervisory team that is comprised of a health officer, public health nurse,
environmental/hygiene expert, and a health education expert.14

HEWs themselves supervise lower community-level workers, such as volunteers of the Health
Development Army (who are each responsible for five households), community-based
reproductive health agents, and traditional birth attendants.15 One of the important features of
the HEW Program is that career advancement opportunities are present, so the HEWs can
advance to become HEW Supervisors and eventually nurses, an important feature that is rarely
present in other CHW programs. This feature has major significance for overcoming some of the
important limitations to CHW supervision that exist in many programs, not to mention providing
long-term motivation to CHWs.

A modified approach to health center or district health office supervision is used in Ethiopia
where there are multiple levels of HEW supervision, as well as supervision of the community
volunteers (Health Development Army). In Ethiopia, the district supervisory team supervises
the HEWs, who are a paid cadre and part of the formal system. The HEWs then supervise the
community volunteers. This tiered approach has advantages in that it is potentially more
scalable than asking facility-based health workers to supervise individual CHWs, and HEWs
have the potential to advance in their career path through this supervisory responsibility.

Group Supervision of CHWs

Group supervision involves a group of CHWs meeting together with a supervisor. Meetings
usually include regular supervisory activities (collecting data, discussing problems, and
continuing education) in a group rather than in an individual context. Group supervision
meetings can occur at health centers or in villages, and this approach has been implemented in
many ways.

In Mozambique, the international NGO World Relief pioneered the care group model as part of
its Vurhonga Child Survival Project in Mozambique (1995-2003). A care group consists of 10 to
15 community-based health volunteers who regularly meet with a supervisor once or twice a
month for training, supervision, and support. Care group volunteers, who visit with 10 to 15 of
their neighbors every 2 to 4 weeks, provide peer support, develop a strong commitment to
health activities, and find creative solutions to challenges by working together as a group. Care
groups are the core element in an emerging model for organizing, training, supervising, and
motivating volunteers in a cost-effective, sustainable manner. Care groups achieve broad, deep,
and lasting community change.16-19 The Care group model highlights the motivational benefits
of working in a team and its efficiency in terms of time and logistics. Groups are reported as a
useful arena for problem solving, allowing for both peer support and technical guidance from a
supervisor.3

Box 6. Supervision in the Nepal Female Community Health Volunteer (FCHV) Program
The Nepal FCHV Program has been in existence since 1988. The number of FCHVs and their
scope of work have gradually increased over this period after gaining global recognition for their
outstanding contribution to achieving high levels of coverage of childhood vitamin A
supplementation throughout the country. Community organizations, such as women’s groups,

10–11
 support CHWs in identifying pregnant women, alerting FCHVs to problems, and delivering key
health messages to their villages.

FCHVs meet as a group once per month with their supervisors at the nearest facility; they bring
monitoring reports, discuss problems, and support each other’s work. In interviews conducted
during the development of the CHW AIM tool, FCHVs were generally happy with this system.

Women’s groups and local village development committees are highly involved in the selection
and oversight of FCHVs. Mothers’ groups are also expected to discuss family planning and to
provide information to other mothers. There have been challenges with disempowered women’s
groups, however, so a guideline was developed on how to strengthen mothers’ groups. Following
the development of the guidelines, national government stakeholders developed and evaluated a
pilot program to determine the programmatic impact on health indicators and mothers’ group
functioning. Mothers’ groups’ functioning improved, and they were more supportive of FCHVs.
They also were more aware of their authority to remove FCHVs.

Community Supervision of CHWs

Innovative approaches to supervision include engaging the community and having community
organizations play a greater role in providing feedback and guidance to CHWs and their
supervisors. The role that communities can play in the supervisory process differs by context
and community, but can often involve community members helping to set and clarify
expectations of what kinds of services the CHW will provide, agreeing on how the CHW will
respond to issues within the community, and deciding how the community can support and help
the CHW by participating in the management and care process. A community action cycle,
wherein the community works together to identify and prioritize problems, plan and implement
solutions, and evaluate progress can contribute to the creation of demand for services: “The key
to the success of community empowerment was the moment when the community engaged with
the problem-posing, problem-solving process and recognized that they could collectively change
their circumstances.”20 Although this action cycle might not be considered part of traditional
supervision, these inputs and support mechanisms contribute to the improved supervision of
workers more generally. (See also Chapter 13 on community relationships.)

Box 7. Community supervision with public health care providers in Uganda

A randomized field experiment on community-based monitoring and evaluating of public primary
health care providers found that providers who were monitored and supported by the community
tried harder to serve their clients, resulting in increased utilization and improved health outcomes
for community members.21 The experiment focused on the accountability relationship between
the citizen-clients, and their ability to hold providers accountable for quality service provision.
To test whether community-based monitoring works, local NGOs facilitated village and staff
meetings in which members of the community discussed the baseline status of health service
delivery. These committees also discussed how the primary health care providers working in the
MOH system compared to other providers, and how the public providers could improve health
service provision. The purpose of this open-dialogue discussion was to initiate a process of
community-based monitoring that was then sustained by the community.

This community-based approach successfully increased both quality and quantity of primary care
provision at government health centers. Utilization increased by 20%. Waiting time and staff
absenteeism also improved significantly.

Such an approach could be used to monitor the work of CHWs as well.

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The Community-Directed Interventions (CDI) Program in multiple countries in Africa uses an
approach in which communities are given important responsibilities for the planning and
implementation of highly targeted interventions aimed at priority diseases.22 The approach
encourages communities to take ownership of the clinical intervention process, defining who,
when, and where the intervention will be implemented, how it will be monitored, and what
financial incentives or other support will be provided to CHWs, who are selected by the
community.

An evaluation of the CDI program conducted in 35 health districts in Cameroon, Nigeria, and
Uganda, revealed that community participatory processes were important, and CHWs were
deeply committed to the CDI process. By engaging and empowering communities, the CDI
program has prompted an eagerness on the part of communities to participate in the provision
of multiple interventions, leading to cost savings for the health system, as well as increased
health system impact.23 This experience indicates that communities can become strong and
active partners in CHW programs. Communities can select, motivate, and supervise CHWs if a
linkage is provided to health programs for training, technical support, and technical
supervision.

The effectiveness of supervision by communities depends on the degree to which the community
is able to obtain appropriate information on CHW functioning and access to resources that can
motivate CHWs for outstanding performance and sanction them for sub-standard performance.
This approach is most feasible when community groups, such as community health committees
or mothers’ groups, are already active in other areas of community management, such as
income generation schemes or water and sanitation management. This approach can strengthen
existing community systems, but may not be appropriate when there are weak social
connections, such as in urban settings where the population may be transient. In some cases,
such as Rwanda, community health committees are directly involved in the financial
management of performance-based incentives and provide administrative oversight to CHWs,
but play little role in the supportive supervision of CHWs.

Peer Supervision of CHWs

Using peers, such as other CHWs, to aid in supervision is another model that is being tested
and implemented in a growing number of countries. Peer supervision is focused on CHWs
helping other CHWs learn new skills and assessing the quality of work performed by fellow
CHWs. Examples of this approach are the following:
• Peers observing CHWs performing consultations and providing feedback
• Peers supporting less-experienced colleagues (e.g., through on-the-job training)
• High-performing peers mentoring others who are having more difficulty
• Peers discussing issues and problem-solving with CHWs
• Peers being promoted to a more formal supervisory role

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Table 2. Summary of four approaches to supervision according to the six key questions
SUPERVISION EXTERNAL GROUP COMMUNITY PEER
MODEL SUPERVISION: SUPERVISION: SUPERVISION: SUPERVISION:
Health worker from Health worker Community plays a Peers play a major
health center or supervises group of role in defining role in supervising
supervisor from CHWs (at facility or expectations, each other.
district health in community). providing feedback,
office. tracking CHW
activity.
Objectives Provides (1) a direct Provides (1) a direct Community helps Emphasis is on joint
link between CHWs link between CHWs define and manage problem-solving,
and the health and the health quality. skills development,
system (protocols, system (protocols, and peer support
guidelines, guidelines, Community plays a arising from
monitoring of monitoring of role in providing understanding what
quality), (2) quality), (2) incentives for good the other is
supplies, drugs, and supplies, drugs, and performance, and experiencing.
equipment, (3) equipment, sanctions for poor
collection of (3) collection of performance.
information, and (4) information, and (4)
one-to-one support group support for
for the CHW. the CHWs.
Prerequisites A functioning health A functioning health A culture of Multiple cadres of
center within a center within a community CHWs or villages
reasonable reasonable involvement. that are near each
distance from the distance from the other.
community. community. Agreement on the
role of the CHW. Oversight from the
Travel resources Travel resources health system for
(vehicle, fuel, per (means, fuel, per Strong community supplies, skills, and
diem). diem). leaders (or training.
community health
Adequate numbers Supervision tools. committee). Travel resources
of supervisors. (means, fuel, per
Training in diem).
Supervision tools. supervision, data
use, problem Meeting resources
solving. for CHWs.
Optimal Monthly to quarterly Monthly to quarterly Monthly meetings Quarterly meetings,
Frequency in between if
possible
Key Strength of formal Easiest model to Challenges in Types and numbers
Implementation health system implement. measuring success of CHWs in
Considerations (ability of health PHC staff time to or impact. proximity.
center staff to plan meetings, Community-based Peer-based training
supervise, time, meet CHWs. training, resources, and materials.
training, and Proximity of materials. Facilitation skills.
materials). communities. Strong community-
Travel resources Method to support based
(means, fuel, per and measure organizations.
diem). success of
Proximity of clinics. individual CHWs.
Method to measure
success; evaluate
supervisors and
system.

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 SUPERVISION EXTERNAL GROUP COMMUNITY PEER
MODEL SUPERVISION: SUPERVISION: SUPERVISION: SUPERVISION:
Health worker from Health worker Community plays a Peers play a major
health center or supervises group of role in defining role in supervising
supervisor from CHWs (at facility or expectations, each other.
district health in community). providing feedback,
office. tracking CHW
activity.
Key Scale-Up Success at district Success at district Community by Success at district
Considerations or regional level. or regional level. community; difficult or regional level.
to scale quickly.

A recent review of peer-reviewed published literature related to supervision of peripheral health

workers (including CHWs) in low-income countries tried to identify effective forms of
supervision and innovative approaches to supervision.25 Although supportive supervision makes
intuitive and practical sense, only a few well-documented examples of the beneficial effects of
supervisory support on health worker performance exist in the literature. The review of the
evidence identified three general innovative approaches to supervision:
• Use of peer assessments, group assessments, self-assessments, community-assessments, and
combinations of these;
• Use of checklists; and
• Focus on problem-solving at the supervisor, provider, or community levels.

The authors identified the most promising specific innovations in supervision to be the
following:
• Group supervision focused on goal setting and problem-solving;
• Engaging stronger peers to support weaker peers through on-the-job training and mentoring;
• Community monitoring of health worker performance; and
• In addition to onsite visits from supervisors, include periodic self-assessments (which might be
recorded and shared with a supervisor) and regular phone calls from a supervisor.

Finally, of particular note, the authors concluded that overarching themes among innovative
approaches to supervision included incorporating a review of data into the supervisory process,
focusing on problem-solving, and targeting supervisory efforts to high-priority locations and
high-priority health workers.

THE EMERGING ROLE OF MHEALTH IN SUPERVISION OF CHWS

As mentioned in the opening section, mHealth (the practice of medicine and public health
supported by mobile devices) can provide support to CHWs between visits by providing answers
to immediate questions they may have. It may also be used by supervisors and facility staff to
provide coaching and skills updates for CHWs from afar. The use of mHealth is gaining
increased attention as it provides opportunities to rapidly connect people, thereby reducing
delays in patient care, managerial, and supervisory decisions required for day-to-day health
system functioning. With the continuous growth of mobile network coverage and unprecedented
spread of mobile devices in the developing world, many mHealth initiatives are now being
implemented in developing countries.

10–15
In Uganda, the Rakai Health Sciences Program piloted the use of mobile phones to monitor
patients in a rural HIV/AIDS treatment program in Rakai, Uganda.26 CHWs were given mobile
phones to send real-time text messages containing clinical and drug adherence data to higher-
trained providers for review and triage. Results showed that most clinical workers agreed that
the quality of care had improved, while the overall cost of such a program remained very low.

In Ghana and Zambia, MOHs are using cell technology for data collection and monitoring of
supplies for stock outs of rapid diagnostic tests for malaria and to supplement other information
gathering and verification at facilities. In Rwanda, an innovative technology based on short
message service (RapidSMS) developed by UNICEF establishes a communication and alert
system, supports documentation of pregnancies in the community, and promotes contact
between pregnant patients and health facilities to promote antenatal care utilization and
institutional deliveries. It is used by CHWs to register new pregnancies in their communities
and to monitor the pregnancies through delivery and postpartum. It is especially useful when
danger signs during pregnancy occur and helps to facilitate referrals; it has an emergency alert-
system and provides immediate feedback to the CHW advising on immediate actions and
requesting an ambulance to ensure the timely transfer of the mother and (if delivery has
occurred) her newborn for emergency obstetric and neonatal care.24

Box 8. Supportive supervision and quality improvement using Mobile Technology

Abt Associates, Jhpiego, and Marie Stopes International collaborated on a mobile learning and
performance support pilot called Mobile for Quality Improvement (m4QI) conducted in Uganda
from September 2010 to August 2011.27 The objectives of m4QI were to develop and test a
technology-supported approach to performance improvement, including processes for identifying
performance gaps in adherence to protocols, managing the delivery of text message reminders,
and improving the effectiveness of supportive supervision and follow-up. Thirty-four family
planning outreach health workers received SMS text messages with daily instructions, tips, and
quizzes related to standards, guidelines, and advice for working with clients. This pilot produced a
process and software tool that can be replicated in resource-poor settings to assess delivery and
make data-driven programmatic decisions for supportive supervision and follow-up training.

Another example is from Nigeria, where mHealth was used to strengthen supportive supervision
for detection of patients with TB.28 Supportive supervision visits are performed monthly or
quarterly at TB facilities to provide monitoring of clinical, laboratory, and commodity functions.
Using a mobile smartphone for data entry instead of paper forms has decreased both human
error in data entry and lag time of forms to get to policymakers and managers. To date, more than
50 supervisors have been trained and use the new smartphones and checklists to perform
supervisory activities. The National TB Program is considering using the software platform on the
smartphone that will link the TB supervision data into the District Health Information System
throughout Nigeria. The potential of such systems for supervising CHWs is obvious.

CONCLUSION
Although supervision is one of the most challenging areas to implement in a CHW program, it is
also an area ripe for innovation. By looking at the objectives of supervision as described in this
chapter, it is possible to divide the responsibilities among multiple parties. For example, CHWs
are commonly supervised by health workers based at health facilities who are overcommitted
and not able to perform the role adequately. Designing a program in which groups of CHWs
visit a facility on a quarterly basis to meet with their supervisor might be supplemented by a
peer support structure in which other CHWs receive training in how to support each other
between visits. If community groups are involved in monitoring the CHWs’ activities and in
understanding what indicators are important to look at, they might become more involved in

10–16
the care process overall. Cell phone technology could aid both the CHW and the community in
communicating service needs and supply stock outs in advance, thus preparing the CHW’s
supervisor in the facility what supplies that should be on hand before the CHWs make their
group visit. Cell phones can also be used by supervisors to provide on-the-job skills coaching for
CHWs and by CHWs among themselves to enable them to support each other and ask questions
when they encounter difficulties.

The development of an effective supportive supervision system takes time (at least two years)
and significant financial resources. It is not a quick fix. Decision-making authority must be
decentralized to frontline supervisors. CHW program implementers should first select which of
the range of supportive supervision mechanisms and tools are appropriate for the context, then
adapt and test them, and then use this experience to gradually strengthen the program of
supervision.

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Key Resources
See the appendix to this chapter.

Ministry of Health and Population (Malawi): Integrated Supervision Checklist. Available online
at:
http://gametlibrary.worldbank.org/FILES/595_Guidelines%20for%20Routine%20MOH%20Supe
rvision%20-%20Malawi.pdf.

10–18
Appendix: Examples of Forms and Checklists for Supervisors
ENGENDER’S COPE CLIENT-PROVIDER FLOW CHART1
(Developed for clinics, but could be adapted for CHWs seeing clients in the community)

Site: Sunshine Clinic Date: September 10th, 2004 Session: Morning

CLIENT TIME TOTAL CONTACT TIME WAITING TIME SERVICE TYPE SERVICE TYPE
VISIT TIMING COMMENTS
NUMBER IN–OUT TIME (in minutes) (in minutes) (primary) (secondary)
01 8:00–8:50 50 40 10 B C 2
02 8:10–9:20 70 11 59 C - 2
03 8:15–9:23 68 14 54 C - 2
04 8:15–9:25 70 6 64 G - 2
05 8:15– 9:50 95 17 78 A D 2
06 8:15–11:00 165 57 108 F D 1
07 8:20–1:30 310 74 236 A D 2
08 8:20–11:00 160 17 143 F - 1
09 8:20–10:22 122 8 114 C - 2
10 8:28–12:55 267 193 74 E D 2
Total

Codes: Service Type Codes: Visit Timing

A—Antenatal care 1—First visit
B—Postpartum and newborn care 2—Follow-up visit
C—Family Planning
D—Reproductive Tract infections (RTIs)
Includes sexually transmitted infections (STIs)
E—HIV
F—Gynecological services
G—Men’s reproductive health services
H—Infertility
I—Other (Please Describe)

1 Adapted from: EngenderHealth. 2003. COPE Handbook: A Process for Improving Quality in Health Services. EngenderHealth.

10–19 Draft March 2014

SUPERVISOR CHECKLIST FOR IMMUNIZATION PROGRAM AT
HEALTH CENTER LEVEL2
(Developed for health centers, but could be adapted for CHWs working with immunization outreach sites
in the community)

Name of Supervisor _____________________________________________________________________

Province/Municipality: _____________________ Operational District: _____________________________
Health Center: ________________________________________________________________________
Date of Supervision:…………./………./…………
Date of Previous Supervision: …………/………../…………..

General Situation:
Number of staff: ______ Villages covered _________________________________ Total Population: _____
Target children (< 1 year of age) ___________________________________________________________

I. Questioning to Health Staff and Reports Checking

1. Is the number of immunization days implemented equal with the number planned? *Yes / No
2. Has the graphic of the following up the coverage rate of the vaccination been appropriately done every month?
*Yes / No
3. Has the rate of wastage been checked?
TYPE OF VACCINE IMPLEMENTATION ANNUAL PLAN
BCG ……………% …………%
DTC 3 ……………% …………%
Polio 3 ……………% …………%
Measles ……………% …………%
TT2+ …………%
……………%
(for pregnant women)
TT2+ …………%
……………%
(for others)

4. Check the immunization’s result in the reports and count the number in the immunization log sheet in the previous
month.
IN THE IMMUNIZATION
TYPE OF VACCINE IN THE REPORTS CORRECTION
LOG SHEET
BCG Yes / No
Measles Yes / No
DTC 3 Yes / No
TT2+ (Pregnant Women) Yes / No

5. Are there any appropriate refrigerators to keep the vaccines? Yes / No

6. Has the graphic of monitoring the cold chain been correctly and regularly drawn every month? Yes / No

2 Children's Vaccine Program at PATH. 2003. Guidelines for Implementing Supportive Supervision: A Step-by-Step Guide

with Tools to Support Immunization. PATH: Seattle.

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EXAMPLE OF A SUPERVISORY TRANSPORT BUDGET SHEET
This is a sample tool for planning and calculating the cost of supervision visits. Distances, per diem rates, and
fuel and maintenance costs are normally found in district/regional micro-plans or in national/district budgets.

Table A: Transportation costs per supervision visit

A B C D E F G
TRANSPORTATION NUMBER OF TOTAL
COST OF COST OF SUPERVISION TRANSPORTATION
TOTAL FUEL PER MAINTENANCE SUPERVISION VISIT = VISITS PER COSTS PER YEAR
DISTRICT KMS KM PER KM (C+D) X A YEAR =EXF
District 1 4,460 49 CFA 60 CFA 486,140 CFA 3 1,458,420 CFA
District 2 4,200 49 CFA 60 CFA 457,800 CFA 4 1,831,200 CFA
District 3 22,512 49 CFA 60 CFA 2,453,808 CFA 3 7,361,424 CFA
District 4 4,200 49 CFA 60 CFA 457,800 CFA 3 1,373,400 CFA
District 5 4,620 49 CFA 60 CFA 503,580 CFA 4 2,014,320 CFA

Table B: Per diem cost per supervision visit

A B C D E F
NUMBER OF
PER DIEM NUMBER OF NUMBER OF TOTAL PER DIEM
DAYS PER SUPERVISORS PER SUPERVISORS COSTS PER YEAR
DISTRICT PER DIEM RATE VISIT VISIT PER YEAR =BXCXDXE
District 1 5000 CFA 2 1 3 30,000 CFA
District 2 5000 CFA 2 1 4 40,000 CFA
District 3 5000 CFA 4 2 3 120,000 CFA
District 4 5000 CFA 2 1 3 30,000 CFA
District 5 5000 CFA 2 2 4 80,000 CFA

Table C: Total supervision costs per year

A B C D
TOTAL TRANSPORTATION COST TOTAL PER DIEM COSTS PER TOTAL SUPERVISION
DISTRICT PER YEAR (TABLE A, COLUMN G) YEAR (TABLE B, COLUMN F) COST PER YEAR = B+C
District 1 1,458,420 CFA 30,000 CFA 1,488,420 CFA
District 2 1,831,200 CFA 40,000 CFA 1,871,200 CFA
District 3 7,361,424 CFA 120,000 CFA 7,481,424 CFA
District 4 1,373,400 CFA 30,000 CFA 1,403,400 CFA
District 5 2,014,320 CFA 80,000 CFA 2,094,320 CFA

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DIRECT OBSERVATION SUPERVISION CHECKLIST FOR A
REPRODUCTIVE HEALTH PROGRAM3
Community Reproductive Health (RH) Project
Counseling for RH Services- Supervision Checklists

Name of CHW: _________________________________________________________________________

Date and Location: ______________________________________________________________________

NOT POORLY WELL

ASPECT TO BE ASSESSED
DONE DONE DONE
1. Greeted/welcomed client
2. Introduced her/himself
3. Explained the purpose of visit
4. Asked client about his/her RH problems/needs
5. Asked client what he/she knew about family planning (FP)/sexually
transmitted diseases (STDs)
6. Displayed available FP methods
7. Used relevant information/education/communication (IEC) materials
8. Helped client select a method/plan of action
9. If pill is chosen, did CRW use checklist to screen?
10. If injectable contraceptive is chosen, did CRW use checklist to screen?
11. Explained to the client how to use method
12. Demonstrated to client how to use method
13. Explained possible side effects
14. Emphasized the importance of condoms for STS/HIV prevention
15. Responded correctly to client's questions
16. Gave follow-up appointment
17. Thanked client
18. Demonstrated sensitivity to client’s gender

Overall positive comments:

Suggestions for improvement:
Any follow-up required:

3 K4Health. Supervision Checklist (www.k4health.org/.../Directly-observed%20Supervision%20Checklists)

10–22
Acknowledgments
The authors would like to thank Claire Glenton, Simon Lewin, Karen LeBan, and Steve
Hodgins for their ideas, collaboration, and feedback during the development of this chapter.

10–23
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25. Hill A, Benton L. Supervision: A Review: Innovations at Scale for Community Access and
Lasting Effects (inSCALE), 2010.http://www.malariaconsortium.org/inscale/downloads/lit-
review-supervision-zelee-hill-and-lorna-benton.pdf
26. Chang LW, Kagaayi J, Arem H, et al. Impact of a mHealth intervention for peer health
workers on AIDS care in rural Uganda: a mixed methods evaluation of a cluster-randomized
trial. AIDS and behavior 2011; 15(8): 1776-84.
27. Riley P, Bon Tempo J. Mobiles for Quality Improvement Project in Uganda. Bethesda, MD:
Strengthening Health Outcomes through the Private Sector Project. Abt Associates, Inc.,
2011
28. Dieng A. Using Technology for Supportive Supervision in Nigeria. Bethesda, MD: Health
Systems 20/20, Abt Associates, Inc., 2011

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10–26
 Chapter 11
What Motivates Community Health
Workers? Designing Programs that
Incentivize Community Health Worker
Performance and Retention
Christopher J. Colvin
Key Points
• Financial compensation is one – but only one – of many influences on the motivations of
community health workers (CHWs) to perform their responsibilities.
• Non-material incentives need to be given careful consideration along with financial incentives.
• Indirect non-material incentives, such as the degree to which the environment is supportive of
CHWs and the degree to which the health system functions effectively are also motivating
influences for CHWs.
• Lack of appropriate incentives, with resulting high rates of turnover, are common in large-scale
CHW program and costly in terms of actual cost to replace CHWs and also in terms of the
performance of the CHW program.

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INTRODUCTION
A perennial challenge in CHW programs is the question of how to motivate community
members to engage in community health work as CHWs, to remain in these positions once
trained, and to perform their work effectively over time. Motivation is a complex phenomenon
that is the product of a range of psychological, interpersonal, and contextual factors. Thus, there
is no one right or best way to motivate CHWs in their work, but there are some lessons that can
be gleaned from the experiences of other CHW programs. This chapter reviews the question of
CHW motivation and identifies a range of issues that policymakers and program managers
would need to grapple with as they consider how best to motivate CHWs in their own context.

The most common approach to developing and sustaining motivation in CHW programs
revolves around the use of discrete “incentives.” These incentives are often understood in a
fairly narrow fashion, as specific forms of reward—like payments, promotions, or awards—to
motivate CHWs to perform specific tasks or achieve a certain level of performance. It is in this
sense that many policymakers, program managers, and CHWs themselves understand the term
“incentive.”

However, one can also define CHW incentives as any factor that increases motivation to engage
and perform well in CHW work. In Bhattacharyya’s (2001) seminal review on this issue, the
authors used the concept of “incentives” (and “disincentives”) in just such a broad fashion.1 The
value of this more expansive idea of incentives is the insight that the factors that serve as
incentives for CHWs to perform well are far more numerous and complex than just the explicit
financial or non-financial incentives (in the narrow sense) offered by programs to reward
particular behaviors. Decent salaries and opportunities for advancement may motivate CHWs,
but so too can supportive colleagues, a safe working environment, and the recognition of the
community.

This chapter shares this broad view of incentives and discusses a wide range of factors that can
support or inhibit a CHW’s motivations to engage in CHW programs and perform well in their
tasks. It examines how CHW programs can produce and sustain CHW motivation by paying
attention to the many different factors that act as incentives for their work.

KEY QUESTIONS
• What forms of incentives are there?
• What are decisions related to incentives that must be made?

WHAT FORMS OF INCENTIVES ARE THERE?

Although there are many ways to define and categorize incentives, some common and useful
distinctions can be made. Table 1 presents some illustrative examples of these common
categories of incentives.

Table 1. Common categories and examples of CHW incentives

FINANCIAL INCENTIVES NON-FINANCIAL INCENTIVES
INCENTIVES

Terms and conditions of employment: Job satisfaction/work environment: autonomy,

DIRECT

salary/stipend, pension, insurance, role clarity, supportive/facilitative supervision,

allowances, leave manageable workload
Performance payments: performance- Preferential access to services: health care,
linked bonuses or incentives housing, education

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 Professional development: continuing training,
Other financial support: reimbursement of effective supervision, study leave, career path
costs (travel, airtime), fellowships, loans, that enables promotion and moving into new
ad hoc roles
Formal recognition: by colleagues, health
system, community, wider society
Informal recognition: T-shirts, name tags, access
to supplies/equipment, bicycles, etc.
HEALTH SYSTEM COMMUNITY-LEVEL
INDIRECT INCENTIVES

Well-functioning health systems: effective Community involvement in CHW selection and

management, consistent M&E, prompt training
monthly payments, safe environment,
adequate supplies, and working equipment
Sustainable health systems: sustainable Community organizations that support CHWs
financing, job security
Responsive health systems: trust, CHWs witnessing visible improvements in health
transparency, fairness, consistency of community members
HEALTH SYSTEM COMMUNITY-LEVEL
COMPLEMENTARY/

Health care workers witnessing and Community members witnessing and grateful for
DEMAND-SIDE
INCENTIVES

grateful for visible improvements in health visible improvements in health of its members
of community members
Policies and legislation that support CHWs Successful referrals to health facilities
Funding for CHW activities from state or CHW associations
communities

CHW incentives are most commonly divided into financial and non-financial incentives. Both of
these kinds of incentives might be referred to as “direct” since they are specific incentives
offered directly to individual CHWs as part of a CHW program. Most programs offer some form
of financial incentive. In larger government-run programs, these might be modest but full-time
salaries. In non-governmental organization (NGO)-run or community-supported programs,
these incentives might be small stipends and reimbursements for travel or airtime. Rwanda and
India, for example, have developed performance-based incentive programs that reward CHWs
for better job performance. India also offers a life insurance program to some of its government
CHWs, and some NGO programs in South Africa offer scholarships for further training.
Common non-financial incentives found globally include formal uniforms, T-shirts, and name
tags; access to bicycles and medical supplies; and preferential access to health or housing
resources. See the first set of rows in Table 1 above for common categories and examples of
direct incentives.

The second set of rows in Table 1 lists what can be called “indirect incentives.” Dambisya et al.2
define indirect incentives as incentives “not specific to individuals or groups, but to the system
as a whole.” Dambisya focuses on health systems-related indirect incentives, such as good
management, sustainable financing, fairness, and transparency. In many settings, indirect
incentives have been identified by CHWs and program managers alike as critical success factors
for effective CHW programs.

Bhattacharyya et al.1 also describe “community-level factors that motivate individual CHWs.”
These include community involvement in CHW training and selection, and community support
for the work of CHWs. These forms of community involvement are not intended to directly
incentivize CHWs, but promoting a positive and effective working relationship with the
communities they serve can be a powerful motivating force for CHWs. Therefore, these kinds of
incentives can be considered as community-based forms of indirect incentives and are placed

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alongside the health system-related ones in the second set of rows in Table 1. (Also see Chapter
13 on community relations for more detail.)

Finally, incentives, whether direct or indirect, are generally defined by their impact on the
motivation of individual CHWs. Bhattacharyya et al.1, however, make an useful distinction
between factors that motivate individual CHWs and factors that motivate others to support and
sustain CHWs in general. Here, we have called these “complementary incentives” because they
complement efforts to incentivize CHWs themselves. One example might be the greater support
for CHWs and their work that can emerge when health care workers or community members
witness tangible changes in health outcomes that are the result of CHW initiatives. As with the
indirect incentives, we have divided complementary incentives into health systems and
community-specific ones (see the third set of rows in Table 1).

Because we have taken a broad view of incentives, as all those factors that affect the motivation
of CHWs, many of the incentives we discuss below will overlap with issues raised in the other
chapters in this book (for example, supervision, financing, training, and governance). To try to
reduce duplication, we will consider them here only with respect to their impact on CHW
motivation and performance.

Case study: incentivizing CHW cadres in India

CHW program designers and managers often do not fully understand the complex set of
motivations that lead CHWs to engage in the difficult work that they do. Many programs rely
on a vague notion of altruism to explain why CHWs take on this work and offer small “stipends”
and ad hoc incentives, such as T-shirts, to keep CHWs engaged. Altruism is indeed, for most
CHWs, paid or not, an important source of intrinsic motivation.

Creating and sustaining CHW motivation over time, however, is much more complicated than
relying on altruistic motives or the occasional symbolic or material incentive. To illustrate how
challenging it can be to produce and maintain CHW motivation over time, we present here a
brief case study of three linked CHW cadres in India and the various, and contrasting, ways in
which they have been incentivized in their work.

Auxiliary nurse midwives (ANMs) were established in the 1960s as part of the Indian
government’s effort to offer maternal and child health (MCH) services at a lower level than its
primary health care (PHC) centers. ANMs are paraprofessional, village-level midwives with
several years of MCH and midwifery training, but are not considered fully-qualified health
professionals. Over time, their scope of tasks has expanded considerably beyond midwifery to a
range of preventive and curative services, including family planning and immunizations. They
are not selected by the community and are transferred regularly to different communities. They
are full-time salaried employees and also receive some housing benefits.

The anganwadi worker (AWW) cadre was created in 1975 as the centerpiece of the government’s
Integrated Child Development Service program. The initial focus on children from birth to six
years of age has expanded to include nutritional support and health education for adolescent
girls and lactating women, and in some states, even curative services. They receive 2 to 3
months of training, and are responsible for a wide range of preventive and promotive services.
They are supposed to be selected and managed by the community, and as ‘honorary workers,’
are paid a monthly stipend, which functions as a salary for most AWWs. They work closely with
ANMs and accredited social health activist (ASHA) Workers (see below).

The ASHA initiative began in 2005 as part of the Indian government’s restructuring of its rural
primary healthcare system. ASHA Workers (often called simply ASHAs) live in the communities
where they work and are supposed to raise community awareness around health and the social

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determinants of health. They should also work to enable communities to plan, access, and hold
accountable their local health services. They are selected and managed by the community and
receive one month of training. They are considered unpaid volunteers, but receive outcome-
based payments from some of the activities that fall within their scope of work, including
promoting immunizations, facility deliveries, family planning, and latrine construction. They
are also compensated for time spent in trainings and meetings.

There are some common health system-related challenges shared by all three of these cadres
that affect CHW motivation and performance. Poor training and supervision are frequent
complaints. Also, their overall workloads and their scopes of work seem to increase
continuously. Finally, poor quality health services affect their relationships to the communities
they are supposed to serve and represent.

There are also motivational challenges specific to each type of worker. ANMs struggle with
frequent transfers within the health system that can separate them from their families and
weaken ties to the communities where they work. AWWs also suffer weak links to many
communities in practice, even though they are supposed to be selected and managed by
communities. In reality, the AWW program has been too top-down and inflexible in its
approach, and this has affected program responsiveness and AWW morale. AWWs’ monthly
stipend, and their long-standing presence in communities, however, does bolster their status
and provides many a sense of superiority over the ASHAs with whom they work.

The issues of motivation and incentive are probably most complicated for the ASHAs. Though
classed as volunteers, the outcomes-based payment scheme incentivizes work that produces
income. Therefore, ASHAs often neglect tasks that do not generate funding. ASHAs also receive
their funding from ANMs at the PHC centers, and this funding has led them to be perceived by
many as part of the health system rather than as community-level activists. Nonetheless,
ASHAs are increasingly dissatisfied with the funding they do receive and have lobbied for more
remuneration. States have begun to introduce a range of additional financial and non-financial
incentives, such as cash awards for the best performing ASHAs, newsletter and radio programs,
bicycles, and nursing scholarships.

Although ANMs, AWWs, and ASHAs represent different points on the spectrum between paid
and unpaid CHWs, they are impacted by many of the same health system-wide challenges that
affect motivation. The specific ways in which they are incentivized also have their own unique
impacts, both positive and negative, on their motivation. Well-intentioned attempts to
incentivize the work of the ostensibly volunteer ASHAs toward priority health outcomes, such
as immunizations and facility births, have resulted in several unintended consequences. These
consequences present ongoing challenges to ASHA program managers as they try to strike a
balance between promoting a wide-ranging social health activist role for ASHAs and financially
incentivizing priority health activities.

WHAT ARE DECISIONS RELATED TO INCENTIVES THAT MUST BE

MADE?
Designing effective incentives to increase motivation and performance is clearly a complex task
and requires careful attention to a range of interconnected factors. Like any other aspect of the
health system, incentives need to be 1) properly designed through review of the evidence and
consultation with stakeholders, 2) implemented, managed, and monitored on an ongoing basis,
and finally, 3) evaluated to assess their effectiveness and plan for changes. These three steps
outline the stages of a generic program “planning cycle” that is commonly used to manage
programs over time.

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The decision questions discussed below are designed to help policymakers, program managers
and implementing staff at all levels to think through how various elements of a CHW program
work (or do not work) together to increase CHW motivation and improve recruitment, retention,
and performance. The first decision question explores the issue of how to design direct
incentives, the second examines the design of indirect and complementary incentives, and the
third reviews issues related to sustaining, managing, and evaluating incentives over time.

DECISION 1: WHAT KIND OF DIRECT FINANCIAL AND/OR NON-

FINANCIAL INCENTIVES SHOULD CHWS RECEIVE?
Background
Policymakers and CHW program managers wrestle with this question most directly. It is often
framed as a choice between “paid” and “volunteer” models, but the options and the challenges
involved are actually much more complicated. In fact, there is a spectrum of possible
approaches, from volunteers who cover their own costs and determine their own hours of work
on one end, to salaried CHWs on the other end who have contracts, supervisors, and benefits
similar to the other health care professionals with whom they work. Every program, however,
that we have reviewed provides some kind of direct incentive for participation.

In practice, most CHW programs fall somewhere in the middle and incentivize their CHWs with
some combination of salary or stipends (depending on whether they are considered to be
employed by the government or acting as volunteers from the community) and a range of non-
financial incentives such as uniforms, T-shirts, training opportunities, or community
recognition. CHW salaries are typically less than those of nurses, but are still a substantial
means of support for most CHWs. Stipends for volunteers, by contrast, are often framed as mere
“honoraria” or “token” payments to volunteers, meant to reimburse them for the cost of their
travel or their food during the day.

In most of the economically marginalized communities where one finds CHWs, however, these
stipends and other non-financial incentives can still represent a significant financial or material
benefit. Non-financial incentives, such as training opportunities, preferred access to healthcare
services, or access to uniforms and bicycles can also have substantial material benefit. Even
stipends that are well below the minimum or average wage in a community are often
meaningful enough to keep CHWs, who might otherwise be completely unemployed, engaged in
this work.

Whether or not these stipends can be justified ethically or whether they are legal with respect to
local labor law is a separate but important concern. When CHWs are employed full-time as
members of the formal health system, they typically enjoy many of the same legal protections
and financial benefits as other employees. When framed as volunteers, however, they can
sometimes be paid very little, despite the fact that the services they perform can require
considerable time and energy and look very similar to the work of other paid healthcare staff.

Many of the non-financial incentives can also be quite powerful motivators of CHWs. These
motivations include not only altruism rooted in religious or cultural norms of self-sacrifice for
others, but also the desire for social recognition and status. Being identified as a valued member
of the community and/or a trained member of the health system can be an important source of
social standing and affirmation for CHWs. Successful CHW programs typically offer a mix of
financial and non-financial incentives. There is no general rule for how many of these incentives
should be offered or at what level, but successful incentive strategies do reflect the local
contexts and concerns of the CHWs. This includes not only the country’s cultural or religious
context but also its economic, political, and social contexts.

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Key Issues to Consider
Programs need to consider local precedents and expectations with respect to CHW incentives
(see 1.1 in Table 2 below). Past or present CHW programs, operated either by the state or by
NGOs, may have offered incentive packages that then become the basis for the expectations
around new CHW programs. Local cultural and religious norms also shape the expectations of
CHWs (see 1.2 in the Table 2 below). Religious norms can support the altruistic impulse behind
CHW work, and, in some cases, financial incentives may be perceived as a direct threat to
religious norms of service. Some have argued that this is the case, for example, among the
Female Community Health Volunteers (FCHVs) in Nepal, whose participation in CHW work is
often framed explicitly as part of a religious duty to serve. In other cases, however, social values
may instead highlight the importance for fair and equitable levels of financial incentive.

Program designers and managers should also try to understand the personal motives and
triggers of CHW involvement (see 1.3 in Table 2 below). Some CHWs are motivated to do this
work because of personal experience with a specific health problem. Many of the CHWs in
Southern Africa who work on HIV/AIDS programs, for example, have direct experience
themselves or in the families with the disease. For others, the involvement of people in their
social network can trigger their engagement. No matter how personal these motivations and
triggers for involvement might be, however, they can and should be reinforced through social
recognition of the value of CHWs (see 1.4 in Table 2 below). Programs can support the intrinsic
motivations of CHWs by recognizing them for their contributions and encouraging community
affirmation of their importance and impact. For example, Afghanistan holds an annual “CHW
Day.” Nepal too has a national day of recognition for its FCHVs and also provides them with ID
cards to identify them as representatives of the health system.

Often, CHWs judge the value of incentives in terms of how equitably they are distributed, how
consistently they are provided, and how they relate to the local labor market and economic
contexts. The fairness of incentives matters because incentives are generally perceived to signal
something about how the health system or community values CHWs (see 1.5 in Table 2 below).
Incentives do not have to be equal across all sub-categories of CHWs, but when they are seen to
be inconsistently or inequitably distributed, CHWs express frustration and resentment at both
the implied message this sends, as well as the domino effect it can have on a family’s welfare
and access to resources.

Similarly, the sustainability of incentives is critical, and incentives that are distributed at
inconsistent intervals, or run out at unexpected times can communicate lack of regard for
CHWs as well (see 1.6 in Table 2 below). FCHVs in Nepal, for example, had their small stipends
discontinued when the financing proved unsustainable. CHWs in Pakistan and South Africa
often suffer demotivating delays in their monthly payments.

The messages that these delays and inequities can send about the value of a CHW’s time and
effort are also interpreted against the backdrop of the local labor market and economic contexts
(see 1.7 in Table 2 below). If alternative employment opportunities are relatively plentiful,
CHWs may have higher expectations of how their time is recognized and compensated. On the
other hand, if work is scarce, CHWs may accept lower levels of incentive, both because there are
few alternatives and because CHW training experience can provide a “stepping stone” to hard-
to-reach employment opportunities.

To help policymakers and program managers think about the impact of local context on the
particular mix of incentives that might be most effective, Table 2 reviews each of these issues
and offers some questions to consider when designing incentives for CHWs.

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Table 2. Questions to consider regarding direct incentives
1.1 Local precedents and Are there (or have there been) other CHW programs in the area? What have
expectations they offered as incentives? Do CHWs in your program expect the same? How
will they interpret something less or something different? Are you in
“competition” with these other programs? If so, how will you motivate CHWs
to join and remain in your program, even if your incentives are different?
1.2 Local cultural and What are the cultural or religious values that sustain altruism among CHWs?
religious norms Does the work they do speak to those values? Is there a potential conflict
between the material benefits offered (such as stipends) and these values
about the virtue of self-sacrifice? Are there ways to manage this tension?
How widely shared are values in actual practice or is there diversity in the
value systems that motivate CHWs?
1.3 Personal motives and How many of the CHWs in your program have some personal connection to
triggers of CHW the health problems addressed? What was their trigger for getting involved?
involvement How do the incentives offered relate to (promote or hinder) these personal
motives and triggers for CHW involvement?
1.4 Social recognition of How are CHWs made visible in the health system and the community? How is
the value of CHWs their identity, their status and the value communicated? In what ways are
CHWs formally recognized by the health system and the community?
1.5 Fairness of incentives Are the incentives in your setting distributed fairly among different types of
CHWs? If some CHWs are offered more or different incentives, is there a
good justification for this and do the CHWs involved understand this
justification? Are there inequities with respect to gender, age, type of work,
length of service, religious or ethnic affiliation, or geographic region?
1.6 Sustainability of How sustainable is the incentive package you are offering? Does it rely on
financing overseas or special project funding from the MOH? Are alternative funding
sources available? What do the CHWs understand about the longer-term
sustainability of this financing?
1.7 Local labor market and How bad is poverty or unemployment in the area and how does this shape
economic context the meaning of the incentives offered? What are the other job opportunities
available to CHWs, if any? Do CHWs see their training and experience as a
CHW as a “stepping stone” to other job opportunities?

The seven key issues raised in Table 2 are not exhaustive, but they cover some of the most
frequent kinds of questions that arise when trying to design and implement effective CHW
incentives. Every local context will answer these questions differently, but if they can be
answered well, there is a good chance that the particular mix of incentives offered to CHWs will
be effective and sustainable.

DECISION 2: HOW CAN THE HEALTH SYSTEM AND THE COMMUNITY

CONTRIBUTE TO INDIRECT AND COMPLEMENTARY INCENTIVES FOR
CHWS?
Background
Although most of the attention paid to CHW incentives revolves around direct financial and
non-financial incentives, it is also important to consider indirect and complementary incentives.
Indirect and complementary incentives are those features of the health system and community
context that either support or inhibit CHW motivation for their work (see Table 1 above). We
have outlined a series of questions regarding these kinds of incentives in both the health system
and the community in Table 3 below.

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It should not be surprising that a well-functioning health system is motivating for CHWs and
health care professionals alike. A well-functioning health system that also promotes
recruitment, retention, and performance of CHWs includes: good training and supervision, clear
roles and responsibilities, adequate supplies and equipment, up-to-date health information,
effective referral relationships, and fair and transparent forms of accountability.

Key Issues to Consider

CHW programs operate in contexts where health systems are struggling. Although
strengthening these health systems is a necessary long-term endeavor, there are some small
improvements that can be made in the short-term that have a big impact on CHW motivation.
CHWs can be motivated, for example, by having clear roles and responsibilities and the
opportunity for feedback to and from both their peers and managers (see 2.1 in Table 3 below).
The supervision chapter in this volume (Chapter 10) highlights some practical ideas for how
managers can help CHWs, and those with whom they work, be clear about what CHWs can be
expected to do and, as importantly, what CHWs should not be expected to do. Strong nurse
supervision of community health agents (CHAs) in Brazil has been identified, for example, as a
critical factor in that program’s success.3

CHWs also express a desire for the opportunity for personal growth and professional
development (see 2.2 in Table 3 below), which involves not only the development of personal and
professional skills required to do one’s work, but also opportunities for developing new skills
and promotion. The lack of longer-term planning for a career path is often identified as a critical
reason CHW programs struggle with high turnover and dissatisfaction. Providing CHWs
opportunities to take leadership roles among their peers, as is done in Rwanda and Pakistan,
can have important benefits for motivation.

The day-to-day working relationships among CHWs and between CHWs and other health care
professionals can also have a powerful effect on motivation (see 2.3 in Table 3 below). When
CHWs feel valued by nurses, doctors, and other healthcare staff, their motivation can be greatly
increased. On the other hand, indifference and hostility from these staff can put a serious drain
on the job satisfaction CHWs may be getting from other parts of their work.

The community context also plays an important part in producing and sustaining CHW
motivation. Clear lines of accountability and recognition across the health system and the
community are important, especially if CHWs are seen to represent and work for both the
health system and the community (see 2.4 in Table 3 below). It is important for CHWs to know
whom they are “reporting” to, both for recognition of a job well done and also to manage poor
performance or work conflict. The relationship between CHW, community, and health system
can be complicated, however, as we saw in the India case study presented above, and what
happens in practice is often not what is intended in policy.

In smaller CHW programs, supporting CHW “champions” in the community can also help to
sustain CHW recruitment, retention, and performance (see 2.5 in Table 3 below). Many
programs are started by dedicated local founders and/or sustained by the devotion of the time
and resources of a few or key community champions of CHWs. Many of the NGOs that run
CHW programs in South Africa are sustained by these kinds of champions. Even as programs
scale up, making a place for the involvement of local champions in the community or the health
system can be useful.

Similarly, working effectively with civil society partners is a critical element of a strong CHW
program (see 2.6 in Table 3 below). In some contexts, civil society partners such as NGOs take
direct responsibility for managing and delivering CHW services. In settings where CHW

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services are state run, however, the participation and buy-in of civil society organization can
still provide a valuable source of community energy and legitimacy for CHW programs.

Finally, the relationship between the community and the health system is an important part of
the context as well (see 2.7 in Table 3 below). How CHWs see their work and are valued by their
community and depends on the history of this relationship. In some places, where state-run
health services and/or the state more generally, are perceived with suspicion and even
antagonism, CHWs may need to downplay their relationship to the health system. In others,
where the state is trusted or biomedicine is seen as a source of prestige, CHWs may value
opportunities to be seen as representatives of the health system.

Table 3 below reviews each of these issues and offers some questions to consider when designing
incentives for CHWs.

Table 3: Questions to consider regarding indirect and complementary incentives

2.1 Clear roles,  Do CHWs have clear job descriptions and distinct roles?
responsibilities,  Are the other health care workers aware of these roles? Are there areas of
and feedback ambiguity or overlap?
 Do CHWs have the chance to get and give feedback from other staff or managers
on a regular basis?
2.2 Personal  What elements of the CHW role promote personal growth (e.g., social, emotional,
growth and psychological, intellectual skills, and development)?
professional  How can these elements be strengthened in the program?
development  What elements of the CHW role promote basic professional development (e.g.,
computer, administrative, financial, or logistical skills)? How can these elements
be strengthened in the program?
2.3 Day-to-day  Do CHWs ever get the chance to work with each other in their daily work?
working  Are there CHW associations or networks?
relationships  How do CHWs and healthcare professionals relate to each other? How does the
work environment affect these relationships?
 How are conflicts between CHWs and other health care workers addressed?
2.4 Accountability  Are there multiple or confusing lines of accountability for CHWs (e.g., do they
in the health report to both the health system and the community or civil society managers)?
system and  How are conflicts or issues of poor performance among CHWs handled and by
community whom?
 How can overlapping or confusing lines of accountability be clarified or
reconciled?
2.5 CHW  Are there “champions” behind the CHW programs in your context, whether from
“champions” the community, the health system, or civil society?
 How do they contribute to the program and what risks does their participation
involve?
 Is the policy environment flexible enough to allow champions to emerge and
contribute to CHW programs in a positive way?
2.6 Role of civil  What is the character of civil society (e.g., NGOs, community-based organizations,
society partners faith-based organizations and other forms of community organization) and how
does civil society engage with CHWs?
 Who runs these organizations and do they represent broader community interests
and perspectives?
 How does the relationship between civil society and the health system affect CHW
motivation? To what extent does the CHW program’s success rely on civil society?

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 2.7 Community’s  What is the historical relationship between the local community and the health
relationship to the system/government?
health system and  If one of antagonism and mistrust, how does this impair CHW motivation?
government  If one of solidarity and confidence, how does this promote CHW motivation?

Again, many of the issues raised in Table 3 above involve broader issues in the health system
(and are dealt with in other chapters), the community, and civil society. They are often not
easily modifiable by CHW policymakers and program managers. However, these issues can
often be understood and their effects anticipated and mitigated by CHW programs. Thinking
about the troubled history of the relationship between a community and its health system might
lead a policymaker, for example, to offer non-financial incentives that highlight the CHW’s
community identity (through NGO-led community appreciation days) rather than their
relationship to the health system (through uniforms or name tags). Knowing that difficult
relationships in a clinic between CHWs and nurses impact CHW motivation might lead a
program manager, for example, to find ways of promoting better working relationships through
shared training opportunities or joint staff meetings.

DECISION 3: HOW WILL CHW INCENTIVES BE DESIGNED, NEGOTIATED,

MONITORED, EVALUATED, AND RE-ADJUSTED OVER TIME?
Background
Once programs have addressed some of the issues raised in Decisions 1 and 2 above, and once
they have developed an effective mix of direct, indirect, and complementary incentives, the next
challenge for both program designers and managers is maintaining the impact of these
incentives over time. As one of our key informants put it:

The number two issue [leading to the failure of CHW programs] is related to lack of
long-term perspectives with regard to CHW careers [career trajectory] and long-
term issues that CHW programs face.

As part of the preparation for this volume, we have reviewed the available evidence on incentive
programs and asked individual program managers about their experiences of running CHW
programs. We found that there is much more attention paid and evidence available with respect
to the initial design of incentive packages, and much less is known about how to effectively
manage and adjust these packages over time. In many cases, it appears that, once instituted,
incentive packages either do not change or they change due to external circumstance (e.g., loss
of funding) rather than a planned process.

Maintaining the motivation of CHWs through the appropriate incentives is critical for program
effectiveness, regardless of where they fall on the spectrum between volunteers and paid
employees. Therefore, it is important to see incentives not as a static problem with a
straightforward answer, but as a dynamic process over time that requires attention.

Key Issues to Consider

The first step in thinking about how to use and manage incentives over time is to ensure an
inclusive design process from the beginning that meaningfully incorporates the perspectives,
needs, and expectations of the CHWs themselves (see 3.1 in Table 4 below). Proper consultation
early on can be vital in ensuring that incentives are seen as legitimate and appropriate on an
ongoing basis, even if the incentive package does not meet many of the expectations of CHWs.
Early consultation also lays the foundation for an easier process at a later stage of reviewing
and adjusting incentives. Just as with the initial design process, the process of evaluating and

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reflecting on incentives and making changes to incentives packages should be similarly
inclusive.

Once an incentive package has been designed and implemented, ongoing management is
required for a number of reasons. For example, workloads for CHWs can change over time. The
case study from India highlighted the fact that the tasks allocated to CHWs also often change
and can present new technical challenges for individual CHWs who may have less capacity or
experience. Feeling that the workload and technical requirements of the job are “do-able” is an
important incentive for CHWs, especially given that their scope of work is often poorly defined
and supervision weak (see 3.2 in Table 4 below).

CHW incentives can also lose their effect and can interact in unexpected ways over time (see 3.3
in Table 4 below). The case study of the ASHAs in India above illustrated several unintended
consequences of the outcomes-based incentive scheme in that program. These included an over-
emphasis on those health tasks that could generate income and an association of ASHAs with
the health system, even though they were supposed to function as community-based activists.
Similarly, FCHVs in Nepal are increasingly dissatisfied with the small stipends they have
received. Rather than seeing payments as contrary to religious imperatives, they are starting to
lobby for full salaries. Managing these kinds of issues that emerge over time requires ongoing
attention.

Finally, CHWs themselves change over time as do the social, economic, and political contexts in
which they work (see 3.4 and 3.5 in Table 4 below). The longer a CHW remains in a program,
the more likely they are to have (more) children or pursue further training and education. Their
interests may shift over time, and their motivation for engaging in CHW work may wax or
wane. Although programs cannot attend to the changing circumstances of every CHW, ongoing
supervision would provide an opportunity to identify and respond to some of these changes as
they emerge. Similarly, changes in the social and community contexts, in the economic
situation, or in the political circumstances of the country can also impact, positively or
negatively, on the ongoing effectiveness of CHW incentives.

Table 4 below reviews each of these issues and offers some questions to consider when designing
and managing incentives for CHWs.

Table 4: Questions to consider regarding the ongoing management and evaluation of CHW incentives
3.1 The importance of  What kind of planning and consultation went into the design of incentives at
feedback and the beginning of your CHW program? Were CHWs consulted? If so, how? If
participation in the not, why not?
policy/program cycles  What do CHWs feel about the current, formal incentive package?
 Are there opportunities for soliciting their feedback and feeding it into
ongoing policy and program design cycles?
 Do CHWs perceive this consultation process to be fair and responsive?
3.2 Ensuring the “do-  How is the CHW’s set of responsibilities decided on and how do managers
ability” of CHW work ensure CHWs have the capacity to fulfill these responsibilities?
 Will managers know if the workload or the job requirements are exceeding
the capacities of individual CHWs?
 Do CHWs have the opportunity to speak out about issues of workload or
technical capacity?
 Are CHWs or program managers able to re-organize tasks to improve the “do-
ability” of the role?

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 3.3 Sustaining the  How do CHWs understand and prioritize the various incentives (of all kinds)
effect of CHW offered by the program?
incentives and  What increased or alternative incentives do they say would help sustain their
managing their motivation?
unintended  Are incentives sustainably and equitably distributed?
consequences  Have there been unintended consequences of a particular mix of incentives
in a program?
 Does policy afford program managers flexibility in adjusting the mix of
incentives?
3.4 Change over time  Have the incentives offered to CHWs remained the same over a long period of
as motivations, needs, time?
and capacities of  If so, do they still motivate CHWs?
individual CHWs  If not, should the incentive be increased or complemented with another kind
change of incentive?
 As CHWs get older and have families, do they report that previous incentives
are less relevant and alternative incentives potentially more effective?
3.5 Changes in social,  Since the initial design of a CHW program and its incentives, what has
cultural, political, changed in the broader context that might impact on these incentives?
economic, health  Have there been changes in the priority diseases, disease-related stigma,
systems, and demographics of the local setting, political or social conflicts, economic
demographic contexts opportunities, or structure of the health system?
 If so, do any of these changes affect the incentives offered to CHWs?

As with the indirect and complementary incentives outlined in Decision 2 above, the challenges
of managing CHW incentives over time are often outside the control of program designers and
managers. Some of these challenges can be anticipated and planned for, but many cannot. The
key question, therefore, to ask in these circumstances is not what kinds of incentives will last
the longest over time, but what kind of local process for designing, managing, and re-evaluating
incentives will be most effective at responding to these changes over time.

CONCLUSION
This chapter has highlighted the fact that there is no easy, one-to-one relationship between
incentives, motivation, and practice. Local relationships, contexts, histories, beliefs, and
expectations can each have a dramatic effect on how and why a particular mix of program
features may or may not work to incentivize CHWs in a particular place and time.

Many of the factors described above are features of the broader health system or social and
economic context (see especially Decisions 2 and 3). We have argued above that although
programs cannot change or predict many of these factors, they can anticipate and manage them,
which is especially important because the “stick” factors – the factors that keep one in a job –are
generally much weaker for CHWs than they are for health care professionals. 4 Thus, it is
critical to pay careful attention to all the factors that motivate CHWs to engage, remain in, and
perform their best in this important work.

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Key Resources
A good in-depth case study related to CHW incentives: Glenton C et al. 2010. The female
community health volunteer programme in Nepal: decision makers’ perceptions of volunteerism,
payment and other incentives. Soc Sci Med 70(12): 1920-7.

A good overview on incentives: Strachan D et al. 2012. Interventions to improve motivation and
retention of community health workers delivering integrated community case management
(iCCM): stakeholder perceptions and priorities. Am J Trop Med Hyg 87(5 Suppl): 111.

A useful empirical study that also incorporates a helpful conceptual framework for sources of
CHW motivation at individual, family, community, and organizations levels: Greenspan JA,
McMahon SA, Chebet JJ, Mpunga M, Urassa DP, Winch PJ. Sources of community health
worker motivation: a qualitative study in Morogoro Region, Tanzania. Hum Resour Health
2013; 11: 52.

Amare Y. 2009. Non-Financial Incentives for Voluntary Community Health Workers: A

Qualitative Study.

Brunie A, Wamala-Mucheri P, Otterness C, et al. Keeping community health workers in

Uganda motivated: key challenges, facilitators, and preferred program inputs. Global Health:
Science and Practice 2014 [Epub]. Available at:
http://www.ghspjournal.org/content/early/2014/01/27/GHSP-D-13-00140.full.pdf+html.

Dambisya, Y. 2007. A Review of Non-Financial Incentives for Health Worker Retention in East
and Southern Africa.

John Snow Incorporated. 2007. Community Health Workers: Volunteerism as a Sustainability

Model. Policy Brief.

National Rural Health Mission of India. 2011. ASHA [Accredited Social Health Activist]: Which
Way Forward? Evaluation of ASHA Program.

Shoo R and Ali M. 2011. Training of Community Health Worker Cadre in Tanzania: Final
Report.

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Acknowledgments
Some of the material in this chapter is derived from a realistic review of CHW incentives that
was commissioned by the UNICEF/UNDP/World Bank/WHO Special Programme for Research
and Training in Tropical Diseases in the context of a contribution agreement with the European
Union for “promoting research for improved community access to health interventions in
Africa.” We are grateful for their support.

11–15
References
1. Bhattacharyya K, Winch P, LeBan K and Tien M. 2001. Community Health Worker
Incentives and Disincentives: How They Affect Motivation, Retention, and Sustainability.
Basic Support for Institutionalizing Child Survival Project (BASICS II) for the United
States Agency for International Development: Arlington, VA.
2. Dambisya Y. 2007. A review of non-financial incentives for health worker retention in east
and southern Africa. Equinet Discussion Papers; 2007: Regional Network for Equity in
Health in East and Southern Africa.
3. Liu A et al. 2011. Community health workers in global health: scale and scalability. Mt
Sinai J Med 78(3): 419-35.
4. Iipinge S et al. 2009. Incentives for health worker retention in east and southern Africa:
Learning from country research. Regional Network for Equity in Health in East and
Southern Africa.

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SECTION 3: CHW PROGRAMS IN CONTEXT
 Chapter 12
Community Health Worker Relationships
with Other Parts of the Health System
Henry Perry, Steve Hodgins, Lauren Crigler, and Karen LeBan
Key Points
• Well-designed, functional support and interaction between CHWs and health systems are
essential for effective community health services.
• Large-scale community health services often are delivered by health systems that are inherently
weak, posing considerable design challenges. In general, for community health services to
function well, adequately strong support systems are needed.
• Community-based health services should be seen as the foundational first tier of the health
system.

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INTRODUCTION
The stronger the health system, the more likely it is that any existing community health worker
(CHW) program is in fact indistinguishable from the rest of the health system. However, when
health systems are weak and resources are scarce, CHW programs are often created as add-ons
intended to increase coverage or address unmet health needs and are inadequately integrated
with the broader health system. In this chapter, we discuss the interface between CHW-
delivered services and the broader health system. We offer a set of considerations regarding
these linkages for policymakers and program planners as they decide to either launch a
national CHW program or, if one currently exists, how to strengthen or scale up services
currently offered.

The term “health system” in this chapter refers to both governmental/ministry of health (MOH)
services, as well as private and nongovernmental organization (NGO) health programs, unless
otherwise noted. The World Health Organization (WHO) defines a health system as “all the
activities whose primary purpose is to promote, restore, or maintain health.”1 As the 2000
World Health Report goes on to say:

This … does not imply any particular degree of integration, nor that anyone is in
overall charge of the activities that compose it. In this sense, every country has a
health system, however fragmented it may be among different organizations or
however unsystematically is may seem to operate. Integration and oversight do not
determine the system, but they may greatly influence how well it performs.

A health system is interconnected, dynamic (i.e., changing over time), self-organizing, and
nonlinear. Programs that are to be integrated with this complex system should be designed with
the dynamic and adaptive nature of the system in mind. That is, unintended consequences and
feedbacks within the system as a result of a CHW program, for example, should be important
considerations at the planning stage. “Systems thinking” can serve as a tool for this kind of
exploration.

To facilitate this, the WHO building blocks—although they simplify the health system—can be
used to identify how the different interconnected parts of the system will be affected and how
they will affect each other. The WHO building blocks2 are shown in Figure 1, along with their
potential points of intersection with CHW programs. In a recent evidence synthesis process, the
reviewers concluded, after a deep and wide review of existing evidence, that:

The need for a clear relationship between the CHW and the formal health system is
[a] ... consistent theme. In part, this serves to legitimize and give needed status to
the CHW within the community to be served. Clearly defined linkages also serve to
clarify the responsibilities of the CHW to her community, as well as to other health
providers; to establish supervisory and support relationships and define modalities
for in-service training; and to create referral mechanisms and establish pathways
for supply of essential commodities. There are, however, different visions of this
relationship, and programs in different countries may reflect this. On the one hand,
CHWs may be generally considered to be part of the formal health system,
extending services into the community. On the other hand, CHWs may be generally
considered to be primarily community members managing the interface with the
formal health system …. [I]n practice, they can be combined to varying degrees.
There is no conclusive evidence supporting any specific view, but clarity, in any
case, is desirable.3

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The question of the CHW’s role either as the lowest rung in the ladder of a service delivery team
or as a community leader advancing social change arises frequently in the CHW literature. It
has been described in various terms, such as Werner’s and Sander’s famous phrase referring to
a CHW as a “lackey or liberator.”4 On the one hand, CHWs can mobilize and empower
communities to improve their health with little in the way of outside support or resources. On
the other hand, CHWs are extension agents of a vast formal health system and provide needed
messages and commodities on behalf of the health system. In practice, over the past decade,
large-scale public sector CHW programs have seen CHWs first and foremost as peripheral-level
service providers/ promoters within government health services.

Figure 1. Points of intersection between CHW programs and health systems3

One recent review of CHW programs concluded that CHWs are not a “panacea for weak health
systems” and they require well-structured support from the formal support systems with which
the CHWs are linked.5 The support needed includes: a clear role definition with defined tasks,
adequate incentives/remuneration, appropriate training, and effective supervision. While active
involvement of the community is an ideal goal (discussed further in the chapter on community
participation, Chapter 12), there are many examples in which CHW programs work effectively
even when communities play mostly a passive role. For instance, some CHW programs utilize
full-time, paid health extension workers (HEWs) or health auxiliaries who effectively discharge
their functions by manning mobile immunization outreach clinics in communities with no
health facilities. Even in this case, however, community involvement is needed, at least in the
sense that community members need to know when the immunization team is coming, and they
need to be aware of the importance of immunizations and have confidence in the quality of
services provided by the immunization team.

One of the main considerations for policymakers, program planners, and implementers in
planning a new large-scale CHW program or in strengthening an existing program is the
establishment of a functional relationship between the new services and the existing system, so
that support and gradual improvements in both the facility-based health system and the
community health services can be achieved. Large-scale CHW program experiences from the
1980s (described in the introductory chapter, Chapter 1) have demonstrated that, too often,
rapid program scale-up without adequately addressing systems requirements (discussed further

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in the chapter on planning, Chapter 3) can result in the CHW program collapsing and can
further weaken an already weak health system.

A review of various large-scale CHW programs, established in the 1980s, highlighted another
important observation:

… CHW programs were conceived and developed as “vertical” programs, with little
reference to existing health systems. Unlike other vertical programs, however, they
had little extra funding. The programs were grafted onto, rather than integrated
into, existing health systems. They were largely imposed from the center as a
national response to an international emphasis on primary health care.6

There are a number of critical questions to answer in this regard: How mature is the health
system in general? Is the primary health care (PHC) system a priority? For example, are PHC
facilities accessible? Are they staffed with trained and committed health care workers who are
equipped to do their jobs? Or are they far away from most of the population, minimally staffed
(with frequent staff absences), and poorly equipped? How does the health system vary from one
area to another, and what are the implications for CHW program planning? While it is not
possible to address each contextual variation and its implications in this document, we will offer
some guiding principles that can help in decision-making.

The following questions can help drive sound decisions for CHW programming. Each question
should be considered given the country’s context, economic reality, and social norms:
1. What is the rationale for establishing, strengthening, or expanding a CHW program?
2. How will the CHW program fit into the health system?
3. How should CHWs relate to and be supported by the rest of the health system to adequately
fulfill their tasks and to enable the health system to achieve its goals?
4. What governance and management structures are needed to adequately support CHWs?
5. What challenges do CHWs face in interacting with the rest of the health system?
6. What arrangements for linkages between CHWs and the rest of the health system are likely
to be most functional?

WHAT IS THE RATIONALE FOR ESTABLISHING, STRENGTHENING, OR

EXPANDING A COMMUNITY HEALTH WORKER PROGRAM?
A current global health challenge is extending a basic package of high-quality essential health
services to everyone. This universal health care goal challenges governmental and NGO
programs to reach underserved mothers, children, and families. In many settings, it may be
appropriate to create new CHW programs, scale up existing programs, expand the
responsibilities of currently functioning CHWs, or create a new level of CHW worker to ensure
an adequate ratio of households per CHW. Notable examples of CHW cadres that have been
established over the past decade include the Accredited Social Health Activist (ASHA) worker in
India (established in 2005) and the health extension worker (HEW) in Ethiopia (established in
2003), although there are many others. South Africa is now in the process of establishing a new
CHW program. Rwanda is expanding its CHW program, so that there will be six CHWs in every
village. Female community health volunteers (FCHVs) in Nepal have been gradually assuming
an expanding role over the past two decades, from distribution of vitamin A capsules initially to
provision of many aspects of maternal and child health, including diagnosis and treatment of
childhood pneumonia and home-based neonatal care. Ethiopia is now in the process of adding a

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lower tier of community health volunteers (CHVs) who will each be responsible for 10–20
households and will support the work of the HEW, who is responsible for 500 households.

However, an important first step in considering a CHW program is to review the leading causes
of preventable or treatable conditions in a country’s population, the extent to which these
conditions are being addressed by the current health system, whether there are services that
CHWs can effectively provide that meet these needs, and whether CHWs are the most effective
and efficient strategy for narrowing this gap. For example, in settings where access to the most
peripheral-level health facilities is a problem for a significant proportion of the population,
provision of services, such as immunization, on an outreach basis can increase coverage.
Likewise, in settings with high under-five mortality and high maternal mortality, CHWs can
expand access to antibiotic treatment of pneumonia or distribute an oral medication that
women can take after childbirth at home to reduce the risk of postpartum hemorrhage (e.g.,
misoprostol). CHWs can also help the family prepare for essential newborn care, counsel on
recognition of danger signs, and provide chlorhexidine for umbilical cord care where allowed.
Further, CHWs can offer a range of key services, such as support for immunization, distribution
of vitamin A capsules to children, and the promotion of nutritional practices for children (e.g.,
exclusive breastfeeding during the first six months of life and appropriate complementary
feeding after six months of age). If these services are not reaching the population or the
prevalence of optimal behaviors is low, then these may be appropriate elements of the CHW
role.

Other possible roles that CHWs can play under certain conditions include selected PHC
services, such as treatment for other life-threatening conditions such as malaria and diarrhea,
minor illnesses, first aid for injuries, and provision of family planning (FP) services. If coverage
of key interventions is low, if currently available facility-based health care resources are
limited, or if funds are not available for building, operating, and staffing new peripheral health
facilities, then in principle, CHWs could expand the reach of the health system and improve its
effectiveness.

However, as we emphasize throughout this guide, the costs of operating an effective CHW
program are, in fact, much greater than often anticipated, and normally functional services
delivered by CHWs require a functional PHC system. (See Chapter 5 on financing.) Further, the
costs associated with introducing a large-scale CHW program may require external donor
support, at least initially. In Nepal, with external donor support, FCHVs were established as a
government program in the late 1980s, but because of inadequate funding, the program became
relatively inactive. This inactive cadre was stirred back to life with the introduction of the
vitamin A supplementation program, which was run on a fairly vertical basis with significant
external support. As this program achieved high levels of coverage, it was possible to expand the
FCHV role and integrate them more closely with the government health system.7

Notably, CHWs can provide a link for reaching the population with health-promoting messages
(e.g., nutritional practices, hand washing, latrine use, cleanliness, use of clean water, and FP)
and with preventive health services (e.g., vitamin A supplementation, growth monitoring, and
promoting immunizations). Evidence concerning the effectiveness of CHWs in achieving health
gains in low-income countries with a high disease burden has been summarized recently.8
CHWs can also inform community members on what health services are available, when, and at
what cost (such as for an upcoming visit of an outreach team to immunize mothers and
children), refer patients to health facilities in the event of a life-threatening emergency, and
publicize the existence of a voucher or fee waiver program to which beneficiaries are entitled.
Finally, there is a growing recognition that CHWs can perform surveillance and vital events
reporting functions.9, 10

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While there are many roles that a CHW cadre can potentially play, how appropriate these may
be and whether or not they can be adequately supported in any given setting will depend on the
characteristics of the existing health system. For example, if CHW functions entail dispensing
commodities, a functional supply chain is required. CHWs require training and supervision, as
well. This supervision is often assigned to current health staff members who may be unfamiliar
with the daily tasks of CHWs, who may already be already over-worked, and who may have had
no prior training or experience with supervision. All too often, actual provisions for support are
inadequate.

HOW WILL THE COMMUNITY HEALTH WORKER FIT INTO THE HEALTH
SYSTEM?
In most cases, CHWs receive training authorized and delivered by a national health system or
one of its sub-units. Most CHW functions relate, in one way or another, with the rest of the
peripheral health system, such as by creating demand for services provided in health facilities,
receiving training and supervision by health professionals, and receiving supplies, educational
materials, drugs, and equipment. How the relationship between CHWs and the health system is
seen can be important for their legitimacy, as perceived by the community and by the CHWs
themselves. If CHWs refer patients to a health facility, but those patients find that the health
facility cannot provide the service, the effectiveness and credibility of the overall CHW program
and of individual CHWs is compromised. And if CHWs are trained to provide an important
service, such as community-based case management of childhood pneumonia or malaria, and
the logistics system cannot reliably provide commodities required for these services, the
program effort will be ineffective and the credibility of the CHW and the health services will be
undermined.

Depending on the particular role of CHWs, the health system can provide the following support
critical to the functioning of CHWs:
• Motivation and vocational support
• Information about what is going on elsewhere in the health system
• Supplies, medicines, and equipment
• Knowledge about who the higher-level providers are, what services they provide, and how to
handle referrals

This interaction between CHWs and the health system provides higher-level health providers
with an understanding of who CHWs are and what they are doing.

When CHWs are able to effectively link patients who need help with higher levels in the health
system, the community recognizes the CHW as a respected source of information about the
referral process, which ultimately provides the community with an important resource for
accessing the health system. For example, a CHW could provide information to a patient with
symptoms of tuberculosis (TB) on screening services at a health facility. In an increasing
number of programs, CHWs collect sputum samples from such patients, have them tested at a
government facility, and then provide directly observed therapy (DOTS) to patients testing
positive for TB.

In other programs, CHWs assess for danger signs among sick children and pregnant women and
facilitate care-seeking at facilities. Even when CHWs are trained to perform a very narrowly
defined set of tasks, community members often come to CHWs for advice on other health
conditions. Therefore, the CHW’s ability and confidence to guide patients appropriately can help

12–6
improve effectiveness of the health system and serve as a point of entry to this system.
Similarly, when facility-based health workers can confidently refer patients back to the CHW
for follow-up, the health system functions better and quality of care can improve. In many
programs, HEWs or health auxiliaries divide their time between peripheral health facilities and
the community.

HOW SHOULD COMMUNITY HEALTH WORKERS RELATE TO AND BE

SUPPORTED BY THE REST OF THE HEALTH SYSTEM TO ADEQUATELY
FULFILL THEIR TASKS AND TO ENABLE THE HEALTH SYSTEM TO
ACHIEVE ITS GOALS?
A CHW might begin her work each day at a PHC center and check in briefly with other
members of the health staff before heading out into the community. In this scenario, the CHW
is part of a PHC team that includes higher-level staff, all of whom are responsible for a defined
population of people. She can replenish the supplies she needs while at the health center.
Additionally, she is in close regular contact with her supervisor when any issues or problems
arise since her supervisor is a member of her PHC team. She is also in close and frequent
contact with other CHWs who work on her team. Notably, she and other CHWs have monthly
meetings of the PHC team and regular opportunities to continue their education. In such an
instance, she can submit a monthly report, and her health care team knows she is working
effectively or not. An example from Brazil is presented in Box 1. In a more resource-constrained
or rural setting where the beneficiary population is dispersed and transport between the
community and the peripheral health facility is limited, CHWs may have much less contact
with the peripheral health facility, coming in only once or twice a month for supervision,
training, and replenishment of supplies. A relevant example from Nepal is presented in Box 2.

Box 1. The Brazilian CHW Program—points of contact with the health system
There are now approximately 240,000 community health agents (CHAs) who provide services to
almost 100 million people in 85% of Brazil’s municipalities.11 They receive eight weeks of initial
training and four weeks of field supervision. They are salaried by the government’s Programa
Saúde da Família (PSF, or Family Health Program), and they spend most of their time visiting
households, focusing on maternal and child health, as well as on hypertension, diabetes, the
health needs of bed-restricted persons, and other local community health priorities. They work as
part of a local health team (called an Equipe da Estratégia Saúde da Família, or Family Health
Care Team), comprising a doctor, a nurse, an auxiliary (assistant) nurse, and a minimum of four
CHAs.11-13 More recently, many teams now also include a dentist, a dental hygienist, and a dental
hygiene technician.14, 15 These teams are based at PSF clinics and provide services to 600–1,000
families or a maximum of 4,500 people. With 4–6 CHAs on each team, each is responsible for
150 families.11 They operate primarily outside of the health facility, providing health education
and health promotion.12 There are no structured opportunities for career advancement for
CHAs.15 They are hired through special contracts which give no job security or benefits.16 Their
salaries are minimum wage (about US$500 per month), but they are paid regularly and on time in
most cases.

The Family Health Care Team provides comprehensive care through promotive, preventive,
recuperative, and rehabilitative services. CHAs provide such services as the promotion of
breastfeeding; the provision of prenatal, neonatal and child care; the provision of immunizations;
and depending on the context, the clinical management of infectious diseases, including
screening for and providing treatment for HIV/AIDs and TB.17, 18 CHAs also register the
households in the areas where they work 15 and are expected to empower their communities and
link them to the formal health system. Although CHAs were trained to provide community case

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 management of childhood pneumonia and give injections, these practices have more recently
been stopped because of pressure from medical and nursing associations.16
CHAs are overseen by nurses who spend 50% of their time in this supervisory role and the rest of
the time in a clinical role. This supervisory support has been identified as critical to the program’s
success.19, 20 These CHAs are closely integrated with formal health services.21 They have strong
referral systems in which they report any ill person within their catchment area to a nurse. The
CHA may, at times, escort the person to the local health facility. Upon discharge, the CHA is
expected to follow up with the patient.22

Normally, CHAs spend four to six hours a day visiting homes. The other two to three hours each
day are spent at the health facility, working on family registers, discussing issues with the
supervisor, and participating in training activities. The Family Health Care Team meets weekly for
two hours or so.23

Note: See further details in the Appendix A case study on Brazil CHWs. Camila Giugliani provided
additional information.

Box 2. The Nepal CHW experience—points of contact with the health system
Nepal has three cadres of CHWs: FCHVs, and two paid cadres of HEW, namely, maternal and child
health workers (MCHWs) and village health workers (VHWs). The most peripheral health facility is
called a sub-health post, which serves a population of 5,000–10,000 people. It is headed by an
auxiliary health worker (AHW). The MCHW, who is female, and the VHW, who is usually male, are
also based out of the sub-health post, although VHWs and MCHWs spend a significant proportion
of their time seeing patients at outreach sites. The AHW supervises the MCHW and the VHW.
These three workers are all paid by the government.

FCHVs are by far the most numerous group. Nationwide there are 49,000 FCHVs (compared to
2,500 MCHWs and 3,000 VHWs). Each sub-health post typically has one AHW, one VHW, one
MCHW (although in recent years some additional staff members have been added, in at least
some sub-health posts) and at least nine FCHVs.19 These cadres work closely together, supporting
one another’s work. For example, FCHVs mobilize communities for immunization provided by
VHWs while FCHVs distribute vitamin A and provide other services to groups of women and to
households with logistical support from the other cadres.19

FCHVs work an average of five to eight hours a week providing services either at their own homes
or elsewhere in the community. They receive some financial compensation for certain functions
(e.g., for attending training or supporting certain program activities, such as polio or measles
campaigns), but most of their work is uncompensated.24 MCHWs and VHWs are paid, full-time
government employees; although, similar to FCHVs, they are recruited from and resident in the
communities they serve, and they work under non-transferable contracts.

FCHVs provide a range of services. They mobilize the community for immunization campaigns.
They provide DOTS for patients with TB. In addition, they promote healthy behaviors through
motivation and health education.25 They also provide basic health services, such as detection and
treatment of common childhood illnesses, including the diagnosis and treatment of childhood
pneumonia and the treatment of diarrhea with oral rehydration fluid and zinc.25-28 They are now
beginning to provide home-based neonatal care. They also dispense medications, such as
misoprostol (for prevention of postpartum hemorrhage to women who deliver at home),
chlorhexidine for newborn umbilical cord care, and FP supplies.29

MCHWs are full-time workers whose services include the provision of antenatal care, FP, and

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 clinical case management for childhood illnesses at outreach sites, some health
education/promotion, and participation in immunization and vitamin A campaigns. They also
facilitate referrals and are responsible for the supervision of FCHVs.29

VHWs are also full-time workers whose services are similar to those offered by MCHWs.19 Their
functions include a special focus on provision of immunizations and supervision of FCHVs.29
FCHVs are supposed to meet every month at the sub-health post. Usually, the FCHVs collect their
supplies during this monthly meeting. FCHVs also generally have contact monthly with the VHW,
when he is doing immunization outreach activities in her area. This provides an opportunity for
submitting reports and restocking supplies. The sub-health post gets its supplies from the district
headquarters.

Note: See further details in the Appendix A case study on Nepal CHWs. Ram Shrestha provided
additional information for this.

Boxes 3 and 4 describe points of contact for two large-scale CHW programs, one in Peru and the
other in Bangladesh. Box 5 describes how two volunteer CHW programs guided by
organizations that are not part of the government’s regular PHC program interface with the
government’s PHC program. One of the volunteer CHW programs is led by NGOs and the other
one is led by vertical disease programs in the MOH.

Box 3. The Peru CHW Program—points of contact with the health system
In Peru, the most common type of peripheral rural health facility in the national MOH system is the
health post, where a nurse or midwife is based along with 1–3 health technicians, although some
posts have a physician. The responsibility for supervision of the community health work is shared
among all the members of the health staff, who are each given responsibility for certain
communities in the health post catchment area and for the CHWs working there. In addition to their
primary responsibilities for patient care in the health post, the health staff members visit these
communities once or twice a month and support the work of the CHWs while they are there. The
supervisory staff members often visit villages as part of a team that provides curative care in one-
day community clinics. One of the duties of CHWs is to advise the community of the day the health
team is coming. CHWs also come to the health center every month or so for meetings, supervision,
and continued training. Unfortunately, it is not uncommon for the health staff to make their
community visits on an irregular basis, thereby undermining the effectiveness of the program.

Note: Laura Altobelli provided information for this.

Box 4. The BRAC CHW Program—points of contact of an NGO CHW program with the health system
BRAC now has approximately 100,000 CHWs called Shasthya Shebikas who work several hours a
day visiting homes to provide a broad array of promotive and curative services. As CHWs reporting
to an NGO program, they have their own system of supervision within BRAC (described in Chapter
9 on supervision). But they also link into the formal MOH system in important ways. They mobilize
women and children in the catchment areas to attend satellite clinic sessions when a mobile
government team comes to give immunizations and provide FP services, usually once a month.
They also mobilize their clientele to participate in national government health campaigns and
usually serve as outreach workers for special campaigns, such as vitamin A distribution and
deworming. In addition, Shasthya Shebikas identify patients with symptoms suggestive of TB and,
on selected days, collect sputum specimens from them. A second-level supervisor (i.e., the
Program Organizer) takes these specimens to the government district health facility, where they

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 are tested. Then, those who tested positive are given DOTS by the Shasthya Shebika under
authorization from the MOH.

Note: Akram Islam provided information for this. Other sources of information: 30, 31

Box 5. Two examples of linkages between community health volunteer programs and the health system—
care group volunteers and community health volunteers working with the community-directed intervention
programs
Here, we provide two examples of community health volunteer (CHV) programs where the
interaction between the volunteer CHW and the government health program is quite limited. One
example, called the Care Group Model, is an approach that is increasingly being used by NGOs to
improve maternal and child health in high-mortality settings. The other example, the Community-
Directed Intervention (CDI) Model, involves vertical disease control programs that have developed
an approach to engaging CHVs.

Care Group Volunteers

The Care Group approach employs a paid promoter to travel from village to village to meet with
Care Groups, which consist of 10 Care Group Volunteers (CGVs), each of whom is responsible for
approximately 10 households. The Care Groups meet once or twice a month for two hours or so.
At each meeting, they learn a new message to convey to their 10 households. The messages are
usually related to key maternal and child health practices or when to seek care at a facility. This
approach has been used by more than 10 NGOs in 30 different projects around the world and is
now being applied within an MOH program in one country (Burundi). Generally speaking, the CGVs
do not have any formal direct interaction with the government health system except when they
accompany patients to a health facility for treatment or when they mobilize community members
to participate in government-sponsored outreach services (e.g., immunization sessions) or
campaigns (e.g., child health days or vitamin A distribution). The NGO project itself maintains an
ongoing relationship with the government health system. In that, the NGO informs the formal
health system about what the CGVs are doing and also about the health problems the CGVs are
encountering. In most Care Group projects, the CGVs also collect information about births and
deaths, which is shared with the government health program, usually at the district level.9, 32-34

Although there are not yet examples of large-scale public sector CHW programs built around the
Care Group model, in principle, such a program could be developed—either directly by the MOH or
through MOH contracts with NGOs. An early experience with direct application of the Care Group
model is currently underway in Burundi. This experience should yield helpful learning on what
conditions need to be created and sustained for effectiveness at scale, and how that can be
achieved.35

CHVs Providing Targeted Vertical Interventions

In programs using the CDI approach, communities are given important responsibilities for the
planning and implementation of highly targeted interventions, typically aimed at high-priority
infectious diseases.36 CDI was first adopted by the African Program for Onchocerciasis Control
(APOC) in the mid-1990s to help ensure and sustain the provision of ivermectin treatment for
more than 75 million Africans, many of whom live in remote locations. APOC has worked with
communities to take ownership of the process of distribution and the responsibility for defining by
whom, when, and where the intervention will be implemented. The community also decides on
how implementation will be monitored, and what financial incentives or other support will be
provided to the implementers. The community then selects implementers to be trained by APOC,
and directs the implementation process.37

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 This approach has been adopted for several other vertical disease control programs and has
been used in programs focusing on distributing vitamin A supplementation and insecticide-
treated bed nets, as well as on providing home management of malaria and short-course directly-
observed treatment of TB. By guiding communities in the process and providing training, supplies,
and medications to CHVs, high coverage of key interventions can be achieved at scale—and at low
cost.38

Note: William Brieger contributed to the description of the CDI program.

WHAT GOVERNANCE AND MANAGEMENT STRUCTURES ARE NEEDED

TO ADEQUATELY SUPPORT COMMUNITY HEALTH WORKERS?
Programs making use of CHWs differ considerably in their provisions for oversight from the
health system itself and from the community. Where support and accountability are in effect
absent, performance will tend to be poor. In many settings, formal structures exist that, in
principle, have the potential to provide this function. For example, there may be village health
committees or development committees. Or there may be formal committees or boards
overseeing the work of the local peripheral health facility. Or health and other social services
may fall under the responsibility of local municipal government. But how active such bodies are
and how effectively engaged they are with regard to community health services can vary greatly
across settings. There is no one answer on how best to ensure support and accountability, but
those involved in developing community health services need to give serious attention to
ensuring that this function is operating effectively. (Other requirements for a functional
supervision system are discussed in Chapter 9.)

WHAT CHALLENGES DO COMMUNITY HEALTH WORKERS FACE IN

INTERACTING WITH THE REST OF THE HEALTH SYSTEM?
There is a notable lack of published studies and reports on how CHWs in large-scale programs
function. Nevertheless, a review of published literature and discussions with informed
individuals who are knowledgeable about these large-scale CHW programs reveal, as described
below, common challenges CHWs face.

Lack of Respect of CHWs at the Interpersonal Level

Many CHWs have reported feeling a lack of respect in their interactions with health
professionals and in the way these health workers talk about CHWs to patients. Health
professionals, and physicians in particular, have a long history of a lack of respect for lower-
level health staff, but this problem also results from a lack of understanding of the role CHWs
play in the health system. There may be minimal interaction between CHWs and higher-level
staff beyond the CHW’s immediate supervisor. Higher-level staff may be in disagreement with
decisions on task-shifting, as CHWs take on functions that in the past were performed only by
them. New roles for CHWs and the rationale for such changes need to be made clear to other
cadres of health workers in the system.

CHWs may also experience disrespect from health professionals due to gender, socio-economic,
and educational differences, which arise from paternalistic and hierarchical attitudes. Some
health professionals at peripheral health facilities have resisted the integration of
independently functioning CHWs with the health system and instead have sought to co-opt
them to become assistants for their own work within the facility. These types of challenges
should be anticipated and addressed proactively.5, 39

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Lack of Respect for CHWs by Health Professionals Who Provide Curative Care
Health systems have tended to prioritize facility-based provision of care of patients with acute
illnesses. Health professionals, particularly physicians providing curative care at higher levels
in the health system, are often unaware or worse, dismissive, of the potential of CHWs to
promote care-seeking for preventive services and improved health practices in the community.

There may be other indications of a lack of support in the health system for the CHW program
at higher levels in the system, for example, funding cutbacks or actual cessation of the program.
To reduce this likelihood, CHW programs need champions in high levels—both high in the
leadership and administration of health systems and high in the political system more
broadly—who can advocate for CHWs and their importance to effective health system
functioning, and to improvement of population health.

Management of Acute Illnesses and Referral

In many settings where access to health services is limited, especially in isolated rural areas,
patients and their families seek advice or care from CHWs when an illness arises (both minor
and serious), regardless of what training the CHW may or may not have had. To ensure that
community members receive the care needed, CHWs, community members, and other members
of the health system need orientation on health system referral. In many programs, health
systems provide special incentives and rewards for both patients and CHWs when CHWs help
and support the referral process. When CHWs have received training about what kinds of
conditions require referral (such as mothers and children with danger signs of serious illness)
and which ones do not (such as cough and cold in children without signs of rapid/difficulty
breathing or chest in-drawing), then better outcomes can result. Having formal referral
provisions can help make this work more effectively. Widespread use of mobile phones opens up
new opportunities for linking patients with higher-level care.

Inability to Obtain Needed Medicines and Supplies

A common problem encountered by CHWs in large-scale programs has been the inability to
resupply medicines and other commodities when they are needed. It is counterproductive to
mobilize CHWs if medicines and supplies are not going to be available.40 Some supplies are
absolutely critical, such as the proper drug for management of childhood pneumonia or malaria,
or condoms for HIV prevention programs, or TB medicines for CHWs who treat TB patients. To
cite but one of many examples, lady health workers (LHWs) in Pakistan who were lacking drugs
and contraceptives were accused by the local population of selling them even though they had in
fact never received them.41 When CHWs have to travel some distance to replenish their
supplies, the cost of transport incurred by the CHW can be a barrier. If this money is not
reimbursed, CHWs may find it too much of a financial burden for them to obtain supplies, even
if they are available at a distant depot. In addition, it is not uncommon for facility staff to hold
on to supplies that are intended for use by CHWs when they are concerned about running out of
basic supplies themselves; or, if medicines and supplies are a source of income generation, they
prefer to sell them for a slight profit rather than give them to the CHWs.

A poorly functioning supply system creates many serious problems, not the least of which is the
CHW’s inability to carry out the tasks expected of her. But the message this conveys to the
community is equally important—that the CHW is not important enough to obtain the supplies
she needs to serve her community. Her inability to meet the community’s expectations leads to
discouragement and a loss of confidence in the program. Frankel concluded in 1990 that, “A
strong case could therefore be made for precedence being given to the design and support of the
supply system as one component of relations between the centre and the periphery, before the
wide deployment of CHWs is contemplated.”42

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The problem of supply systems may be endemic throughout the whole health system, and
higher-level staff members at peripheral health facilities may face similar problems resulting
from some combination of lack of adequate financing, “leakage,” and poor management.
Appropriate supply chain management requires a strong commitment from the health system at
all levels, and addressing supply chain problems often requires a variety of system changes.
Issues to address early on are the following:
• Should CHWs carry out tasks requiring resupply of medicines and other commodities?
• Which medicines and supplies can feasibly be provided?
• Should CHWs be provisioned through the existing supply system or should a separate supply
system be developed for the medicines and supplies dispensed by CHWs?

There is no one correct answer to such questions. Answers will depend on the setting and on the
particular role assumed by the CHW. An example of a CHW program that encountered various
challenges, including drug stock-outs, as its CHWs took on expanded duties, is detailed in Box
6.

Box 6. Health system support issues for CHWs whose role was expanded to include community case
management of childhood illness: an example from Malawi
In Malawi, health surveillance assistants (HSAs) were first established in the 1950s to give
immunizations. In the 1960s and 1970s, they participated in smallpox eradication. Later, their
role expanded to include health education, promotion of sanitation, distribution and
administration of contraception, treatment of TB, voluntary counseling and testing for HIV (VCT),
and home visitation.43 More recently, the size of the cadre was doubled to 10,000 HSAs, each
serving approximately 1,000 people, and their role was expanded to include integrated
community case management (iCCM) of pneumonia, malaria, and diarrhea. HSAs also restock
medicines and supplies at health centers.

Prior to iCCM being added to the HSA role, district managers gave orientation in many
communities explaining the new HSA responsibilities. A qualitative study found that HSAs were
generally happy to be taking on the role of treating sick young children, but they were often
pressured by community members to treat older children and adults, for which they had no
training. This led to anger from some community members, though in general there was a strong
appreciation from the community for this new service. The HSAs complained about the quality of
supervision they received for their new duties, about their increased workload, and about the
need to pay out-of-pocket for transport to collect drugs and for lamp oils and candles required to
attend to sick children at night.44 They also reported occasional resistance from the medical
assistants who staff the peripheral health facilities, sometimes refusing to provide HSAs with
drugs even when they were in stock. In addition, stock-outs of drugs were a problem.
Normally, HSAs spend one week each month at the health center to which they are attached.
These HSAs are an example of a CHW cadre in which the CHW is not necessarily a long-term
resident of the community that he or she serves.

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WHAT ARRANGEMENTS FOR LINKAGES BETWEEN COMMUNITY
HEALTH WORKERS AND THE REST OF THE HEALTH SYSTEM ARE
LIKELY TO BE MOST FUNCTIONAL?
Here, we offer some guidelines and suggestions for how a CHW program can develop functional
linkages with the health system. We also provide guidance on early steps that can be made in
the planning of CHW program implementation or expansion that can foster good working
relationships between CHWs and the rest of the health system.

Strategies for Integration with an Already Weak Health System

What can be considered optimal linkages between CHWs and the broader system will depend on
the complexity of the tasks being carried out by the CHW and the degree to which the CHW
needs supplies, equipment, and remuneration. In Madagascar, CHVs were trained solely for
health promotion and required virtually no supervision; a high rate of attrition was built into
the program design. In this case, the only linkage required with the health system was the
initial training. But for CHWs with more comprehensive functions, the recent global review of
CHW programs (sponsored by WHO and the Global Health Workforce Alliance) concluded that
generally there is a need for strong integration of the CHW program within the wider health
system.45 How, then, can policymakers, program planners, and implementers increase
engagement between community health services and other aspects of the local health system,
promoting a sense of ownership and responsibility for these services?

If we revisit our examples from full integration to much more limited integration, a CHW
program in which paid CHWs are teaching CHVs to provide health education through home
visits does not really need interaction with the health system beyond the supervision and
training given to these CHVs. But CHWs with broader functions, for example, involving
dispensing of commodities, will have heavier requirements with regard to linkages with support
systems. If the system is weak in infrastructure support, supervision, supplies, and referral
capacity, then the CHW program will be unable to draw adequate supervision and supplies from
the system unless the CHW program operates relatively independently from the health system.
In some countries, the supply chain has been improved by linking CHWs to supplies available in
local shops and drug vendors operating independently from the formal health system.

It is possible for CHWs to reduce the demands on peripheral PHC facilities. One recent report
from Malawi, where HSAs were trained in integrated community case management (iCCM) to
treat serious childhood illness (e.g., pneumonia, malaria, diarrhea) in addition to their other
traditional roles, indicates that introduction of community case management led to lower case
loads at peripheral health facilities.

The engagement of the private sector to support CHW programs is another strategy that
countries are using. This can take a variety of forms. There are an increasing number of
examples of countries with weak health systems that outsource the management of district
health systems to private contractors, most notably NGOs. Cambodia is a case in point. With a
stronger district management system and a more favorable attitude toward the contributions
that CHWs can make, a more effective approach for incorporating CHWs can be established. In
Afghanistan, the government has contracted NGOs to recruit, train, and support CHWs,
lessening the burdens on an already weak health system.

Strategies to Define and Clearly Communicate CHW Role

Clear perceptions about roles of CHWs and the needed competence to perform the duties of that
role are critical for CHW program effectiveness. If higher-level health care staff do not have a
clear understanding of the CHW’s role, and if they believe CHWs to be inadequately selected,

12–14
trained, and supervised (and therefore not suitably competent or motivated to carry out their
tasks), they are likely to be unsupportive.

Each CHW program should make explicit how they expect community health services to
contribute national health goals. This requires that program managers understand why
mothers and children die (or about the causes of other major disease burdens that can be
addressed by CHWs), which behaviors—if changed—would yield the greatest impact, what
major interventions can avert death and morbidities, and which of these can be delivered as
close to the community as possible, especially in locations with limited access to health facilities.

Starting with a clear understanding that is effectively communicated to the health system and
ensuring that CHWs receive proper selection, training, and support/supervision ultimately lays
the groundwork for an effective program. As the program is implemented, managers then need
to modify the approach over time on the basis of weaknesses identified to ensure continued
effectiveness, as we emphasize in Chapter 14 on measurement and data use).

Strategies for Promoting Aligned and Harmonized Support

In certain settings, multi-stakeholder coordination at the national level that includes the
government, NGOs, faith-based organizations, and other actors in the private sector providing
health services can be important for developing and implementing effective community health
services. Holding regular meetings through a national coordination mechanism and establishing
clear guidelines for community health services can facilitate program learning and sharing.
Incipient management problems can be discussed while plans are harmonized that provide
space for decisions appropriate to the current context.

Strategies for Clarifying Long-Term Vision, Including CHW Role in the Health
System
Policymakers and program planners need to be thinking decades into the future as they
consider plans for CHW programs. How might demographic, epidemiologic, and economic trends
affect such programs in the long-term? Thinking about the longer-term dynamics of health
system strengthening and how a program might fit into this are essential. For instance, with
changing demographics and disease burden, looking ahead, one might envision CHWs as a key
resource for disease surveillance, chronic disease screening and management, care for the
elderly, and/or provision of medications to patients with HIV infection.

Strategies for Nurturing Champions

Community health services need to be a valued part of the health system, and they need
continued strong support from political leaders, government leaders, MOH leaders, external
development partners, and community leaders. There are examples of very strong programs
that have been fundamentally undermined as a new generation of health sector leaders came
and withdrew their support because of a belief that only services involving physicians and other
higher-level professionals working at health facilities are worth supporting. Effective champions
are needed who can advocate for and secure the continued support needed for community-based
health services and CHW programs. With high rates of turnover in government positions,
continued vigilance is required; current champions need always to be on the lookout to recruit
and mentor those who will be future champions.

CONCLUSIONS
A recent review of global experience of CHW programs led by WHO and the Global Health
Workforce Alliance concluded that CHW programs need to be a part of the overall strategic
planning for human resources for health for that country and that they should be coherently

12–15
located in the wider health system.45 Planning for appropriate recruitment and training of
CHWs and ensuring that supervisory systems and supply systems are appropriate are critical
for the long-term success of large-scale CHW programs. Learning from the experiences of large-
scale CHW programs, anticipating common challenges faced by these programs, and applying
these lessons within the appropriate national and sub-national context will be essential if the
failures of large-scale CHW programs in the 1980s are not to be repeated.

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Key Resources
• See the case studies in Appendix A.
• Frankel S, editor. 1992. The Community Health Worker: Effective Programmes for Developing
Countries. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press.
• Walt G, editor. 1990. Community Health Workers in National Programmes: Just Another Pair of
Hands? Milton Keynes, UK: The Open University Press.
• Earth Institute. 2011. One Million Community Health Workers: Task Force Report. New York:
Columbia University.
• Program Management Guide. Chapter 7. Improving Outcomes with Community Health
Workers. Boston: Partners in Health. Available at: http://www.pih.org/library/pih-program-
management-guide/unit-7-improving-outcomes-with-community-health-workers.

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23. Johns B, Torres TT, Who C. Costs of scaling up health interventions: a systematic review.
Health Policy Plan 2005; 20(1): 1-13.
24. Shresta A.2012. The Female Community Health Volunteers of Nepal. Washington, DC. 31
May 2012
25. Ministry of Health and Population. Nepal Health Sector Programme - Implementation Plan
II (NHSP -IP 2) 2010 – 2015. In: Government of Nepal, editor.; 2010
26. Fiedler JL. The Nepal National Vitamin A Program: prototype to emulate or donor enclave?
Health Policy Plan 2000; 15(2): 145-56.
27. Curtale F, Siwakoti B, Lagrosa C, LaRaja M, Guerra R. Improving skills and utilization of
community health volunteers in Nepal. Soc Sci Med 1995; 40(8): 1117-25.
28. Gottlieb J. Reducing child mortality with vitamin A in Nepal. In: Levine R, ed. Case Studies
in Global Health: Millions Saved. Washington, DC: Center for Global Development; 2007:
25-31.
29. Pratap N.2012. Community Health Workers Meeting. Amsterdam.
30. Perry H. Health for All in Bangladesh: Lessons in Primary Health Care for the Twenty-First
Century. Dhaka, Bangladesh: University Press Ltd; 2000.
31. Standing H, Chowdhury AM. Producing effective knowledge agents in a pluralistic
environment: what future for community health workers? Soc Sci Med 2008; 66(10): 2096-
107.
32. Laughlin M. The Care Group Difference: A Guide to Mobilizing Community-Based
Volunteer Health Educators. Baltimore, MD: World Relief and the Child Survival
Collaborations and Resources (CORE) Group; 2004.
33. Perry H, Sivan O, Bowman G, et al. Averting childhood deaths in resource-constrained
settings through engagement with the community: an example from Cambodia. In: Gofin J,
Gofin R, eds. Essentials of Community Health. Sudbury, MA: Jones and Bartlett.; 2010:
169-74.
34. Davis T, Wetzel C, Hernandez Avilan E, et al. Reducing child global undernutrition at scale
in Sofala Province, Mozambique, using Care Group Volunteers to communication health
messages to mothers. Global Health: Science and Practice 2013; 1(1): 35-51.

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35. Worldwide C. Operational Research Update: Testing the Integrated Group Model in
Burundi. 2013.
http://www.concernusa.org/media/pdf/2012/10/Burundi_Operational_Research_FINAL.pdf.
36. CDI Study Group. Community-directed interventions for priority health problems in Africa:
results of a multicountry study. Bulletin of the World Health Organization 2010; 88(7): 509-
18.
37. Katabarwa M, Habomugisha P, Eyamba A, Agunyo S, Mentou C. Monitoring ivermectin
distributors involved in integrated health care services through community-directed
interventions--a comparison of Cameroon and Uganda experiences over a period of three
years (2004-2006). Trop Med Int Health 2010; 15(2): 216-23.
38. Mutalemwa P, Kisinza WN, Kisoka WJ, et al. Community directed approach beyond
ivermectin in Tanzania: a promising mechanism for the delivery of complex health
interventions. Tanzania journal of health research 2009; 11(3): 116-25.
39. Walt G, editor. Community Health Workers in National Programmes: Just Another Pair of
Hands? . Milton Keynes, UK: The Open University Press; 1990.
40. Frankel S, editor. The Community Health Worker: Effective Programmes for Developing
Countries. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press; 1992.
41. Jaskiewicz W, Tulenko K. Increasing community health worker productivity. 2012
42. Frankel S. Overview. In: Frankel S, ed. The Community Health Worker: Effective
Programmes for Developing Countries. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press; 1992: 1-
61.
43. Johns B, Baltussen R, Hutubessy R. Programme costs in the economic evaluation of health
interventions. Cost effectiveness and resource allocation : C/E 2003; 1(1): 1.
44. Tollman S, Doherty J, Mulligan J. General Primary Care. In: Jamison D, Breman J,
Measham A, et al., eds. Disease Control Priorities in Developing Countries. New York:
World Bank and Oxford University Press; 2006: 1193-209.
45. Bhutta ZA, Lassi ZS, Pariyo G, Huicho L. Global Experience of Community Health Workers
for Delivery of Health Related Millennium Development Goals: A Systematic Review,
Country Case Studies, and Recommendation for Integration into National Health Systems.
Geneva: World Health Organization and the Global Health Workforce Alliance;
2010.http://www.who.int/workforcealliance/knowledge/publications/alliance/Global_CHW_
web.pdf

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 Chapter 13
Community Participation in Large-Scale
Community Health Worker Programs
Karen LeBan, Henry Perry, Lauren Crigler, and Chris Colvin
Key Points
• Balancing the inherent tensions of a large-scale community health worker (CHW) program,
where the CHW is the lowest-tier worker of a national health system while also acting on behalf
of the always-changing local world of a community, will be an ongoing challenge requiring
decentralized flexibility in program policy, design, and implementation.
• A successful CHW program requires the support and ownership of the community, as well as a
supportive social and policy environment for community participation at national, district, and
local levels.
• Cost and time of the implementer, district, and national-level personnel should be factored in
when designing a community participation strategy.
• The development and support of community networks, linkages, partners, and coordination is
necessary to enable a comprehensive community-participation approach for better health.
• Village health committees and other local governance structures can be effective mechanisms to
ensure local leadership, legitimacy, participation, and governance, but these committees require
continued training and investment.

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INTRODUCTION
The Alma-Ata Declaration of 1978 affirmed that health is a fundamental human right and
encouraged the active participation of recipients of health services and communities in the
planning, organization, operation, and management of health care systems.1 The right to health
can be viewed as a right to health care and a right to conditions that promote good health.
Community participation provides an opportunity for citizens to have a voice in ensuring the
state meets their needs and to contribute to life-affecting processes, while building or rebuilding
trust between the public and the health system.2 Health care is also experienced in a highly
complex personal and community context where
• people are more likely to use and respond positively to health services if they have been involved
in decisions about how these services are delivered;
• people have individual and collective resources (time, money, materials, and energy) to
contribute toward their individual and collective health goals;
• people are more likely to change health behaviors when they are involved in deciding how that
change might take place; and
• people gain information, skills, and experience in community involvement that helps them take
control of their own lives and challenge social systems.3

CHW programs thrive in communities that have been mobilized as part of a larger political
process for promoting better public health (i.e., in China and Brazil), but generally struggle
where CHWs themselves are given the responsibility of galvanizing and mobilizing
communities. Even when CHWs have support from community-based, faith-based, or
nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), they can struggle when asked to take the lead in
mobilizing communities, rather than working with the support of already active communities.

A CHW, by definition, is embedded in, drawn from, or at least related to the community in some
way; and aims to make appropriate health promotion and service delivery strategies that reflect
the political, environmental, social, and cultural dynamics and realities of the community. The
CHW provides health care services in communities that are dynamic, evolving, and often
unpredictable. The successful provision of such services requires that the CHW be known and
trusted by the community. This important relationship with the community presents a
challenge to national health programs. The challenge is to develop a national health program
with standardized health system tools, clinical guidance, and performance targets based on
medical evidence that are critical for scale-up, while at the same time empowering CHWs to
respond appropriately to the specific needs and realities of local communities. The CHW stands
at the intersection of these seemingly highly divergent needs.

In Part One, this chapter will review key questions related to community participation
strategies, including:
• Why is community participation important to CHW programs and what does it look like?
• How can community participation be used to shape the design and management of CHW
programs?
• How do you adapt community participation to local situations?
• What are key barriers and enablers to community participation?
• How can a community participation policy be designed to support a CHW program?
• What are various components of a functioning community participation strategy?

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• How can governments maximize support of nongovernmental and faith-based actors in CHW
programs?

Part Two will review community management structures in supporting CHW programs and
answer the following key questions:
• What are common issues and good practices with community management structures?
• What are key questions to consider when designing a strategy for community management
structures?

PART ONE: COMMUNITY PARTICIPATION AND COMMUNITY HEALTH

WORKER PROGRAMS
Why Is Community Participation Important to Community Health Worker Programs
and What Does It Look Like?
The ultimate responsibility of the CHW is to support equitable improvements in the health of
the community he or she serves by both improving access to health services as well as building
the capacity of individual, families, and communities to protect their own health. Therefore,
efforts to strengthen CHW programs should seek community participation in planning,
supporting, and monitoring service implementation to ensure that services are appropriate, the
coverage of quality services is high, and that benefits accrue to those in greatest need.4

CHW programs often struggle to be successful when not part of a broader community
engagement process. Such community engagement should be seen as an integral component of
an effective CHW program. Community engagement refers to the process of getting community
members involved in decisions that affect them, including the planning, development,
management, and evaluation of health services, as well as activities, which aim to improve
health or reduce health inequalities.5 Its effectiveness is likely to depend on having explicit
methods for involving individuals and communities, clearly defined roles and responsibilities,
training for policymakers and clients, and adequate funding.

Figure 1 From passive to active community participation

Community engagement includes a variety of community participation approaches and runs

along a continuum, from passive to transformative, and from informing, consulting, co-
producing, and delegating power, through to more direct community control.6 A 2011 review of
CHWs7 suggested that when managed effectively, a CHW program that is integrated with a
well-functioning primary health care (PHC) system can provide a crucial link between
community members and the PHC system itself, thereby providing a means for a continuum of
care across multiple points of service. An earlier review8 warned that CHWs often do not
achieve their potential at scale due to social, cultural, and management factors, which are
inextricably linked with the CHW’s sometimes ambiguous position between the formal health
sector and the community. Fostering the development of interpersonal, institutional, and
community trust is therefore critical for effective CHW programs. Strategies to mitigate gender
and cultural power barriers should be considered. A good CHW program can serve as a catalyst
or platform for community participation.

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Communities with high levels of community capacity—defined as the individual and aggregate
strength of members to overcome barriers and cultivate opportunities to improve the overall
well-being of a community and its individuals—are associated with improved health behaviors
and ongoing collective action for health.9 Community participation is important for communities
and their health and enables CHW program success. Community ownership in the African
Community-Directed Treatment Program, as defined by community leadership, selection of
volunteers, and planning for the distribution of the drug ivermectin (to prevent river blindness),
has been correlated with project sustainability.10 CHWs can support community participation
by sensitizing and educating the community on the benefits of health programs, supporting
women’s groups and other community-based organizations (CBOs) to participate in health
activities, and providing an opportunity for communities to engage more directly with the
health system.

In order for CHWs to effectively carry out their duties, a level of trust between the CHW and
the community is needed to enable relationships that will produce positive health outcomes.
Trust is one of several critical factors, along with respect and partnership, that are easily
overlooked when a CHW program is put into place.3 CHWs can be from highly divided
communities, within which they face a great deal of conflict. Class, caste, and other divisions
can affect their own positions and loyalties. The organization responsible for the CHW,
generally the state, an NGO or a faith-based organization (FBO) may influence the success of
the CHW in working with the community. When employed by the government, CHWs may feel
more responsible to their employer than to the community, limiting their success in motivating
behavior change. Government-employed CHWs may also spend more time supporting health
center services due to the shortage of other qualified personnel and have minimal time to
administer services within their community.

Box 1. Country Examples of Community Engagement

In Brazil, the Family Health Care Team includes a CHW who is directly tasked with promoting the
organization of the community and acting as a link among different sectors, enabling the
community to address barriers to health by taking collective action. Uganda employs a Village
Health Team strategy with nine different types of community workers, including the CHW, a
community medicine distributor, hygiene extension workers, peer educators, and traditional birth
attendants (TBAs) to mobilize the community. In Ethiopia, communities support the Health
Extension Agents in communication activities using traditional and indigenous community
associations, such as women’s groups, youth groups and religious institutions. In India, Village
Health and Sanitation Committees, composed of village residents including the Accredited Social
Health Activist (ASHA), provide support for the ASHA’s activities.

An effective community engagement strategy will draw on community resources that can
support CHWs to most effectively accomplish their health goals and tasks. We know that CHW
programs change in both predictable and unpredictable ways as community and health systems
evolve. Feedback from and the active involvement of all parties are needed to adapt effectively
to these changes. CHW programs also need to learn how to meaningfully tap into the
community’s reservoir of good will, volunteerism, self-interest, and desire to help others in the
community. Table 1 illustrates some roles communities can play to support CHWs and the
health system.

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Table 1. Illustrative roles communities can play to support CHWs and health systems, using the World
Health Organization (WHO) health system building blocks framework
HEALTH SYSTEM
BUILDING ILLUSTRATIVE COMMUNITY ROLES TO SUPPORT CHWS
BLOCKS

Service delivery  Participate in multiple levels of CHW programming, including identification of

objectives, formulation of action steps, support of health outreach activities,
selection of CHWs, supportive supervision, and evaluation of CHW performance.
 Increase demand for and use of CHW health services.
 Determine fair and just distribution of CHW community activities and program
benefits.
 Provide support and incentives for CHW to perform interpersonal counseling,
especially for home care, preventive and promotive practices and referral.
 Develop and support collective systems for emergency transport and other
referrals.
 Participate in planning meetings with the CHW helping her to problem solve when
issues, such as alcohol abuse, violence, and other health problems, surface.
 Utilize new information technologies, such as mHealth (or mobile health), to
support the CHW with health information sharing.
 Take collective action based on CHW information whether it is advocacy, behavior
change, or participation in service delivery.
 Advocate for quality of care provided by CHWs and health centers.
Health workforce  Utilize health innovations brought by the CHW and share them with peers.
 Ensure that the CHW-recommended appropriate action is extended to the
disadvantaged groups in their community.
 Extend the reach of CHW health services by organizing peer groups for women,
mothers, men, grandmothers, youth, or other people living with illness.
 Provide feedback through CHWs to professional providers to ensure the quality of
care.
Health  Support CHWs to collect vital events information, and identify and prioritize health
information problems based on accessible local data.
system  Utilize local communication channels to diffuse health information brought by
CHWs and make it public.
Essential medical  Support CHWs by holding government accountable for the delivery of authorized
products, health products, medications, and technologies at accessible locations.
vaccines and
technologies

Health financing  Contribute labor, land, produce, cash, and other resources to support CHWs,
locally appropriate health services, and disadvantaged populations.
 Support CHWs to access and leverage government and other resources to
address local health priorities.
 Establish or contribute to community insurance schemes.
 Participate in events and promote products recommended by CHWs and health
centers.
Leadership and  Organize representatives of local leadership and governance structures to support
governance CHWs.
 Ensure that health services provided by CHWs and local health facilities meet and
are accountable to community needs.
 Ensure that health services provided by CHWs and local health facilities provide
quality care.
 Work through CHW connections to focus political attention on government
resource allocation decisions, prioritization of basic health services, and
prevention of disruptions in the formal health system.

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As seen in Table 1, community members can support the work of CHWs in all six building
blocks of the health system. Community members are involved with various stakeholders
within the health system and with each other in various complicated relationships influenced by
their social networks. These dynamic interactions and multiple perspectives overlay location-
specific power dynamics. Complex adaptive systems analysis, using tools such as network
analysis and causal loop diagrams, can help managers develop more effective ways to use these
community systems to improve rather than impede CHW programs.11 One can often find
examples of conflict and distrust between community health providers—such as traditional
healers, alternative healers, informal drug dispensers, and others—and the formal health
workers.12 Where these social, cultural, and likely political power struggles are found, quality of
care and established care-seeking patterns will likely suffer. Therefore, when introducing
CHWs into such a scene, it is wise to bring these groups together through mediation and
community engagement in order to develop the most useful way that CHWs can be integrated
into the existing care structure while building trust and a sense of their legitimacy within the
community.13

How Can Community Engagement Be Used to Shape the Design and Management
of Community Health Worker Programs?
In order for CHWs to effectively carry out their duties, a level of trust between the CHW and
the community is needed to enable relationships that will produce positive health outcomes. A
CHW program can be designed in a way to maximize trust among CHWs, their clients, and the
community at large, or at the least, to minimize the initial level of mistrust that might exist. In
a 2012 interview, William Brieger, Professor of International Health at the Johns Hopkins
Bloomberg School of Public Health, gave the following recommendation:

Time and energy should be spent to ensure that communities have realistic
expectations of the CHW program. When CHW responsibilities are not accurately
portrayed to the community, false expectations may be set up resulting in CHW
attrition or program stagnation.

An enabling environment is critical to the establishment of a CHW program, requiring sound

national policy and buy-in at district, facility, and community levels. Time must be factored in
to sensitize all staff and community members that will have a role in supporting a CHW
program. This may require advocacy, use of champions, and a series of community meetings.
The importance of community participation in all aspects of CHW program design is discussed
throughout the various chapters shown in Box 3. Specific roles of the community are
summarized here, but covered in more depth in these other chapters. Contextual factors such as
existing social structures, culture, and community needs influence all of these design elements.

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Box 2. Community Participation in Selection of CHW in Bangladesh NGO program14
The NGO BRAC has a program of more than 100,000 CHWs called Shasthya Shebikas. With a
focus on equity, the CHWs are recruited from village-based BRAC credit and development groups,
called Village Organizations, formed by poor women in each village. The Village Organization
nominates prospective female candidates to regional BRAC office members who finalize the
selection. They deliberately select candidates who do not live near a health facility in order to
increase health access for remote communities and to avoid competition with the health facility.

Box 3. CHW program design elements that can benefit from community participation
Defining role and tasks............................................................................................................ Chapter 7
Selection ................................................................................................................................... Chapter 8
Training ..................................................................................................................................... Chapter 9
Supervision ............................................................................................................................. Chapter 10
Incentives ............................................................................................................................... Chapter 11
Monitoring and evaluation .................................................................................................... Chapter 15

CHW Selection
CHW selection should be an open and transparent process within each community. Though
requiring more time and additional effort, having the right CHW for the job in each community
is critical to an effective program—and one of the most important components in community
participation. In all communities, there are people and/or groups that dominate decisions about
resource utilization. It is critical to recognize the influence of these people and to recognize that
selection will most likely face issues of power and control. Communities are complex and vary in
their dynamics, making community participation in the CHW selection process critical, whether
the CHW is ultimately community selected or state selected.

Box 4. Common CHW selection criteria15

 Elected or endorsed by the community

 Well-respected member of the community, with a good reputation
 Honest, friendly, good communication skills
 Willing to make household visits
 Able to attend initial training and periodic refresher training courses
 Willing to be supervised by the community and attend health center meetings
 Live in the community
 Share local language/culture

The degree to which the program leaders engage community members and the degree to which
community members understand what is to be expected of CHWs are important factors in
determining whether the community makes a good selection. The ideal in both cases is to
involve as many people from the community as possible (e.g., men, women, youth, elders,
different castes, different tribes, wealthy, poor) in the selection itself or in witnessing the
selection, so that the candidate is truly representative, not hand-picked by a leader, and not
automatically of an elite caste. Dispelling notions of favoritism during the selection process is
important to diminish any mistrust that could lead to jealousy or loss of willingness to
cooperate.

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To promote the program goal of equity, the selection criteria may favor underserved population
representatives, such as women, those who are illiterate, and members of lower caste groups.
Program designers should be careful of criteria that might exclude certain groups. For example,
Benin set education level requirements high, feeling that it would help with data collection and
reporting. However, the policy ended up excluding women who would have been a better fit for
the community. In Ethiopia, when the proposed grade 10 educational level cannot be reached,
program managers can change the educational and gender criteria. In the Uganda Community-
Directed Intervention (CDI) Program for onchocerciasis, community members are organized
around kinship groups, and these kinship groups select the ivermectin distributors from among
themselves. Although the recommendation was to select one Community-Directed Health
Worker (CDHW) per 250 people, Uganda decided to allow every self-identified kinship or
neighborhood group to select as many CDHWs as practical. This provides a higher
concentration of CHWs per population, each with the support of their kinship group.16 Programs
need to be flexible enough to adjust policies at the local level.

Box 5. Community participation in selection of CHW in Brazil14

In Brazil, the CHWs are selected through a public process with community members. The
Municipal Health Council, with support of the State Health Secretariat, conducts the process and
guarantees transparency. Candidates are assessed for their aptitude, posture, and attitudes
during a simulated community problem. The State Health Secretariat sets up interview schedules
and conducts the interviews in public places, such as schools or community meeting halls.
Communities encourage candidates to apply.

Box 6. Community participation in selection of CHW in different states of India17

The CHW selection process laid down in India’s guidelines specifies a sequence of events:
starting from community mobilization, with facilitators helping in enabling weaker communities to
articulate their choices based on a set of criteria, village meetings, and finally Panchayat (block
level) endorsement of the final choice.

According to an evaluation in 2011, however, the entire sequence has almost never happened. In
Assam, Andhra, West Bengal, and Kerala, a formal multistakeholder committee assigned by the
government with this task made the decision. In Orissa, meetings of women’s self-help groups
facilitated by the Anganwadi Worker made the choice, while in Jharkhand it was the Village Health
Committee. The evaluators found no clear evidence that the various selection processes made
much difference to the overall health outcomes of the program, as long as the contribution of
other selection factors, such as transparency and community participation, were followed.

The formal introduction of CHWs back into their community after training can also be very
helpful for the success of the program. This introduction could be in the form of a town hall
meeting to make sure that the community is aware of and understands the CHW role. In Nepal,
such a meeting made an important difference to the acceptability of CHWs in the community. It
can also be important to have local leaders endorse the CHW.

Defining the CHW Role

To be trusted, the CHW should be able to address the community’s broader social development
needs in addition to their health needs. It is important that the parameters around the roles
and obligations of the CHW, the community, and the health center are clear. Two ways in which
community members can participate are in the creation of the job description or by contributing
to a code of conduct that will then be visibly displayed. Statements in a code of conduct often
include behaviors, such as avoiding alcohol when serving as a community provider, not asking

13-8
for favors or monetary gifts from the community, being gentle and attentive, and so forth. In
some countries, groups of CHWs create a common code of conduct that is then shared with the
community. Common challenges include unrealistic expectations and undefined job
descriptions.

Community members may also help to design the CHW’s role to tailor it to their needs. While
the national program may set up an essential health package, the community may prioritize
certain aspects. If the community people do not see that a CHW has a role or something to offer
them, then the program will not work. For example, while developmental and educational
activities are considered important, curative services are demanded by communities who do not
have access to these services.18 While existing CHWs may deliver preventive interventions with
minimal supervision, CHWs who deliver community case management (CCM) treatments for
common childhood illnesses require more training and support from facility-based services.19
Table 2 provides examples of the importance of community participation and the ways
communities can participate in various health tasks.

Table 2. Community Participation by different CHW roles

IMPORTANCE OF COMMUNITY WAYS COMMUNITY CAN
CHW ROLE
PARTICIPATION PARTICIPATE
Health promoter, including Behavior change requires Participatory community or peer
communication, counseling, and repeated, intensive contacts groups who witness visible change
support to improve health and over a period of time, and is provide support and continuity for
prevent disease. influenced by peer support and behavior change.
community norms.
Health provider, including Cultural perceptions of illness Participation in community planning
treatment of common illnesses, and treatment may undermine approaches or formative research
referral to health facilities, and prevention, treatment, and care to uncover specific terminology and
care and support to the options unless addressed belief patterns that lead to behavior
chronically ill. openly. change.

Social relations of care, if not Participation in quality improvement

understood and managed well, processes for provider interaction
can worsen health status. and use of facility-based services.

Election of specialized volunteer

cadres who are patient advocates
or who support referral to CHW.
Agent of change, including Structural risks to good health Engagement in the problem-posing
support for community (power dynamics, poverty, and problem-solving process at
mobilization, empowerment, and discrimination) will not change community meetings can lead to
human rights. without community action. collective action to change
circumstances.
Health manager, including vital Communities may not want to Election of volunteer cadre who
event and other reporting. provide vital events information support the CHW with household
to government agents. visits to neighbors (i.e., Care Group
approach: see
www.caregroupinfo.org).

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Box 7. Training: Country Examples20
India prioritized the building of CHW skills in village health planning, while Brazil has taken on a
human rights framework that focuses on problem-solving and conflict-resolution skills. An
evaluation of the Brazilian program found that community health agents (CHAs) needed more
knowledge about how political, financial, and environmental factors influence community health
and how that applied knowledge influenced the effectiveness of the CHAs.

While the community as a whole does not generally participate heavily in training, some
training is conducted in the community and may involve community members. Besides learning
technical health skills, the CHW needs to demonstrate respect and empathy for the patient by
listening and expressing care and concern. Role playing of potential situations in the community
is critical and is often followed by practice in the community. Training for community leaders in
the CHW program, especially at the time of initiating a CHW program or during times of
program change, can also be critical.

Supervision
While a CHW needs a trained health supervisor, she also needs supportive supervision from
community members. Many communities already have village health committees (VHCs) or
other existing community management structures that were established as part of national
health or democracy initiatives. These groups provide feedback to the CHW if any complaints
are received regarding her performance; help her with problem-solving, especially if it relates to
water and sanitation or other determinants; provide incentives, especially in the form of
recognition; resolve conflicts that may arise; and have the ability to influence termination of
work should there be discord between the CHW and the community.

Social support for CHWs from the community is a powerful motivator, but needs to be combined
with incentives from the health system. Community involvement in CHW selection and
supervision is key, as is public recognition. Community members need to have trust in the
CHW. Support from community leaders provides her with legitimacy. Community management
structures, whether formal or informal, can provide in-kind material support. Examples include
exemption from duties in the community (e.g., community patrol and cleaning day
responsibilities), donation of farm labor to help with the CHW’s own farming, or donations (e.g.,
chickens or vegetables). In Jamkhed, India, farmers’ clubs supported CHWs and helped them
solve community problems.

Box 8. Recognition and Motivation

CHW Recognition in Nepal
In 2003, the female CHW program established a National FCHV Day and the districts have been
encouraged to hold events to celebrate this day.

CHW Motivation in Rwanda21

A study in Rwanda found the three biggest motivators for CHWs to be the opportunity to develop
social relationships through the work, trust and esteem from neighbors, and helping the
community/saving lives.

Monitoring and Evaluation

If health facility workers, the CHW, and community members discuss and understand
household data and vital events collected by CHWs and see the impact of what is happening in
their community over time, the influence of CHWs in the community will become increasingly
evident, resulting in increased CHW motivation.22 Community-based health information

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systems, birth registries and community scoreboards collected by CHWs, when fed back to the
community, enable community members to understand the epidemiology of their setting and to
prioritize solutions. Community management structures can also support the CHW in
advocating to local government and health facilities for supplies and resources.

Box 9. Community Accountability

In Uganda, researchers used a randomized control trial to study the impact of an accountability
methodology (Citizen Voice and Action facilitated by World Vision staff) that enabled poor people to
scrutinize whether those in authority fulfilled their health responsibilities. After one year,
absenteeism was reduced along with the average wait time for a clinical consultation. Under-five
mortality declined while the number of women seeking prenatal care and using skilled birth
attendants increased.23

How Do You Adapt Community Participation to Local Situations?

The level of community engagement needed will vary with the health outcome desired, the
capacity of the community, and the degree to which the cultural context is supportive. No
matter what approach is used along the community participation continuum, it will only be
effective if it is responsive to community needs and implemented well. In underserved
communities, especially among poorer populations, a community engagement strategy that is
more robust and transformative will be needed. Finding the right balance between a CHW
strategy that is highly tailored to local needs, on the one hand, and a rigid national program on
the other hand that does not allow for local adaptation is key. A highly tailored strategy may
take too long for national implementation, while a rigid program may prove ineffective because
CHW messages and tasks may not be appropriate for particular communities. A CHW program
should have community engagement principles that support a continuum of community
participation, depending on circumstance that enables design and implementation flexibility at
the local level. The challenge is to maintain the momentum of engagement over time, assessing
the environment, and adjusting the program to respond appropriately to social and political
realities.

Box 10. Atencion a la Ninez en la Comunidad (AIN-C) Monitora Strategy in Honduras24

AIN-C devoted considerable care to developing an operational strategy related to the community
monitoras’ job description, their selection, their task execution, training, supervision, and
replacement. The goal was to overcome common problems with volunteer community worker
schemes and to allow maximum flexibility for local ownership. The job of the monitora is
manageable for a volunteer, as they work on average 15 hours per month.

The following are a few of the critical considerations:

Flexibility and ownership: Every community is made the owner of its program and of its success in
achieving healthy growth in their children. Communities decide if they want to have the program
in their community, how many and who will be monitoras, how they will reach every child younger
than two years of age every month, how they will create a community environment that favors
adequate child growth, and how they will interact with the government’s health infrastructure.

Teamwork with specialization: A key practice implemented by AIN-C is the use of a team of
volunteers at the community level rather than relying on just one person. Communities are told
that they can choose anywhere from two to about five monitoras to be trained. Having a team
means that each member contributes different strengths. One may be good at weighing and
charting while another is good at counseling. In addition, a team minimizes the effect of turnover

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 and enables all members to help each other learn and remember lessons from the training. The
fact that over a five-year period, six to eight people might have worked in their community’s AIN-C
program (instead of just three) strengthens community commitment, knowledge, and ownership
of the process and the program.

Focus on tasks: The job description of the monitora is the basis for determining all other program
actions because their tasks support the community effort. The monitora manual is not a technical
guide, but rather an operational guide to the actions that must be completed.

Flexibility in operationalizing tasks: AIN-C guidance does not give precise details on how
monitoras are to perform their jobs. Instead, the program, in collaboration with the community,
establishes goals for outcomes that must be reached. How the monitoras choose to reach the
goals is up to them. For example, all children younger than two years should be seen by a
monitora each month. Whether the monitoras accomplish this by, for example, house-to-house
visits, neighborhood meetings, or community-wide meetings, is up to them.

Rewards and incentives: AIN-C provides regular incentives to its volunteers, and these incentives
have both intrinsic and market value. Incentives are regularly provided and planned for—just like
all other operational aspects of the program. Examples of the incentives are a letter from the
Secretary of Health thanking the family of the monitora for their generosity, an identification card
with a photo of the monitoras, and regular community parties in honor of the monitoras. Training
and monthly meetings at the health center are also seen as incentives.

What Are Key Barriers and Enablers Community Participation?

Engaging in and supporting the empowerment of the community for community health decision-
making and action is a critical element in health promotion and disease prevention. The impact
of programs that target individual behavior change is often transient and diluted unless efforts
are also undertaken to bring about systematic change at multiple levels of society.25

External and internal factors constrain the promotion of participatory development. External
obstacles include the role played by development professionals and donors for immediate
results, co-optation by government of community participation (e.g., using the political system
as a form of social control), and the tendency among governments and development agencies to
favor and apply certain selection criteria that favor the more vocal, wealthier, more articulate
and educated groups. Further, governments and development groups may favor investment in
product delivery and under-invest in the more intangible social processes and community
participation that are critical to the product's use and long-term sustainability. Internal
obstacles refer to conflicting local interest groups, gate-keeping by local elites, and local
apathy.26 A CHW can often do little to overcome these factors, which are inherent in the system.

Table 3 offers some of the factors that can either negatively or positively influence the success of
community participation efforts with CHWs. Planners and organizers of these efforts may find
it useful to keep these factors in mind as they plan for community engagement efforts in their
setting. The categories and barriers were from a review of community engagement initiatives in
the United Kingdom.5 The more enablers who are present, the easier it will be for a CHW to
engage the community in a meaningful way. The greater the number of barriers, the more a
longer-term investment in developing meaningful partnerships with stakeholders will be
required.

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Table 3. Barriers and enablers of community engagement with CHWs5
CATEGORY BARRIER ENABLER
Power Misuse of power by professionals,  Broad community participation with
leaders, and developmental actors an appropriate cross-section of
 Discursive – defining who can be community members
engaged  Specific CHW selection criteria
 Positional – controlling the terms of favoring disadvantaged groups
engagement  Involvement of community
 Financial – shaping level and type governance group
of support provided for communities
Skills and Knowledge Lack of relevant skills and knowledge  Clear and realistic goals for CHW
impeding communication and community with appropriate
skill-based training and continuing
education
 Networking among peer CHWs and
shared learning
Practices of Style of meetings, failure to  Environment of mutual respect,
Engagement accommodate cultural diversity, understanding, and trust
accessibility  Open and frequent interaction,
information, and discussion
 Skilled convener
Transaction Costs Time lost and financial resources  Members see engagement to be in
required, especially in rural areas their self-interest and benefits of
engagement as offsetting costs
such as small visible activities
 CHW travel stipend and perceived
valuable incentives
Cultural Stereotypical attitudes among officials  History of collaboration and
toward gender roles and disabled; cooperation in the community
dominance of deficit images of  Partnership-Defined Quality (PDQ)
communities as having high needs and and other quality improvement
few assets approaches*
Active or Passive Apathy and disinterest in communities  Positive past experience
Resistance that have been co-opted in the past  Members feel ownership and share
a stake in both process and
outcome
Appropriateness of Not being able to reach consensus;  Basic governance training
Approaches unrealistic expectations; confusion  Clarity of roles and guidelines
(models of between representative governance  Shared vision
engagement) (where the representative decides on
behalf of the community) and participatory
governance (where everyone votes)
National Policy  Tensions between representative  High-level commitment over time
Context and participatory democracy  Favorable political and social
 Different forms of governance: climate
participative versus managerial  Shared vision with guiding principles
setting of targets versus central  Governance training
control with inspections and audits
 Tensions between the objectives of
different policies – community
partnerships versus organizational
efficiencies

*Partnership-Defined Quality (PDQ) is a process for engaging communities and health care providers to work together in

defining, implementing, and monitoring activities intended to improve the quality of care.

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 CATEGORY BARRIER ENABLER
Other Factors Lack of resources  Technical support from NGOs and
voluntary sector
 Diversity in the types of
opportunities for various community
groups
 Sufficient resources

How Can a Community Participation Policy Be Designed to Support a CHW

Program?
A policy or guidance document that outlines principles for community engagement should
enable the government to:
• Set aside resources for investment in community engagement strategies, including CHW
training and support, and in community management structures, training and support
• Make clear that the community needs to be involved in health care policy and delivery in
government plans
• Enable multiple stakeholders in various parts of national and local government, the private
sector, and the voluntary sector to better harmonize with and support community engagement
strategies
• Enable civil society to hold both government and communities accountable

The policy should be created with representatives of government, NGOs, and civil society actors
so that these strategies are not co-opted by governments to try and delay action or diffuse public
criticism, legitimize an existing poor-quality service, or divest itself of responsibilities by
passing them on to communities. The policy should also ensure that a small non-representative
group of elites within the community cannot abuse these principles. The formation of a
Community Health Desk, an office within the Ministry of Health (MOH) that oversees
community health policies and practices, as implemented in Rwanda, may be helpful for
coordination and iterative learning of lessons learned and new practices.

What Are Various Components of a Functioning Community Participation

Strategy?
While many countries have policies that support a functional CHW program and the
development of community management structures as a main community participation
strategy, a community engagement strategy is more complex, requiring multiple actions
throughout the health system. Establishing political buy-in at national, district, and local levels
of government is critical, as is establishing processes for maintaining appropriate expectations
at the different levels. Community involvement in decisions about health systems has the
potential to improve health care services. However, its effectiveness is likely to depend on
having explicit methods for involving community people and clearly defining roles and
responsibilities, for training of policymakers and clients, and for ensuring adequate funding.27 A
long-term investment and commitment is also needed for a cultural shift in viewing
communities as impediments to public health to viewing them as agents of change.

An example of a robust community engagement strategy was developed by the National

Institute for Health and Clinical Excellence in the United Kingdom.28 It calls for coordinated
implementation across ministry departments and organizations, long-term investment,
organizational change processes to align values and attitudes to encourage community
engagement, and training of staff and communities at national, regional, and local levels. Its

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implementation, however, did not positively impact population health, though it did positively
impact social capital and community empowerment.29

One of the main reasons why a program does not get implemented as planned is because
program managers have strong and differing views of how a program ought to unfold. Different
stakeholders have different explanations of how a CHW’s work would lead to improved health
status and what she should or should not do with respect to both the provision of curative care
services and community empowerment and mobilization.

Box 11. India – Different Interpretations of the Role of the CHW

The government of India’s policy is that the ASHA worker is a CHW that provides health promotion
along with curative services. In the states of Kerala and West Bengal, the majority of stakeholders
felt that the ASHA should only conduct health promotion activities and assist the facility with data
collection and recording. Her role in responding to common but potentially life-threatening illness
was down-played and not fully supported, undermining the huge investment in the ASHA program.

In the state of Assam, the state officials pushed for a health promotion role only for the ASHA
worker, while district and field managers were advocating for a role that involved engagement of
the ASHA worker in curative care. The lack of role clarity undermined the community’s confidence
in the ASHA. Of particular note was the fact that she was often out of supplies and her drug kit
was not consistently refilled.

In the state of Andhra Pradesh, NGOs were involved in the selection and training of the ASHA
worker at an early phase and brought an activist empowerment approach. In contrast, state
officials and district medical officers supported only a health promotion role. Both groups ended
up equally critical of the program, even becoming hostile to it. Even though national ASHA
guidelines have been developed and approved, key mechanisms such as the process of
selection, the emphasis on social mobilization, the refilling of the drug kit, and the development
of a strong support system are modified on a state-by-state basis.

The Comprehensive Rural Health Project in Jamkhed, India, one of the world’s pioneering CHW
programs and India’s first CHW program, is contracted by the government to provide training in
the ASHA system to both government and NGO staff and to CHWs. Their program mandates that
all people involved in the CHW program, from top-line supervisors to field managers, receive at
least some training, including personal experience with community engagement, so they are fully
aware and supportive of the CHW program.17

How Can Governments Maximize their Work with Non-Governmental and Faith-
Based Actors?
NGOs and faith-based organizations (FBOs) were working with CHWs prior to the Alma-Ata
conference in 1978. They have brought both human and financial resources to establish and
support CHW programs as part of a broad technical and community mobilization effort,
especially in underserved communities. They have brought new innovations in CHW program
design and management, and they have tested MOH policies in the field for their effectiveness.
They have established learning and training centers that have enabled others to adapt their
approaches and scale them up, and they have built the capacity of local organizations and
district programs of MOHs. Much of their focus is on equity and serving hard-to-reach and
disadvantaged populations. Their expertise in community mobilization and community
organization enhances the work of the CHW. Their efforts have enabled millions of people
around the world to access basic medical care. FBOs, especially in many countries in Africa
where they provide more than half of the countries’ health services, have a major role in

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providing health services for mothers and children. WHO estimates that 30%–70% of clinics and
hospitals across Africa are owned or managed by FBOs.30

In some countries, NGOs manage very large CHW programs that are complementary to the
work of CHWs employed by government, such as the CHW programs of the Catholic Pastorate
of the Child in Brazil and BRAC in Bangladesh. NGO-administered CHW programs are better
able to respond to changing circumstances since there is less of a formal bureaucracy involved.
They also can reach populations with minimal access to formal facilities and assist in
community mobilization efforts, including the use of multisectoral strategies, such as linking
health programs with literacy or micro-credit programs.

On the other hand, multiple uncoordinated NGO efforts may undermine a national CHW
strategy. NGOs may have a mosaic of different training systems with differing content and
quality; competitive and duplicative working strategies limiting efficiency and the quality of
care; diverse sets of competing incentive packages causing conflicts of interest; parallel services
creating competition and friction with the MOH; and diversity in quality assurance, supervision
and reporting systems, making it difficult for the MOH to have a coherent picture of CHW
activities.31 Thus, NGO programs can undermine large-scale CHW programs when not
harmonized with government strategies.

NGOs should be encouraged to support a CHW system, following MOH guidance with input from
civil society and other stakeholders, including CHWs. Policies should enable the NGO sector to
support CHW services on behalf of the ministry, test CHW innovations in the field, set up
complementary cadres of community volunteers especially in areas of high mortality, and build the
capacity of community-based groups and organizations, including community governance
structures. Encouraging multiple cadres of volunteers and groups who support a formal full-time,
fully trained, and paid CHW may be part of a holistic CHW strategy, enabling the right numbers
and mix of CHWs to support the specific needs of varying communities. Experience shows that
CHW programs that have been sustainable have strong links with the government health system.18

Box 12. Kabeho Mwana (Life for a Child) Project in Rwanda32

Three international NGOs—Concern Worldwide, International Rescue Committee and World
Relief—worked with the Community Health Desk in Rwanda to test a new CHW strategy in six
districts of Rwanda that served approximately one-fifth of the country’s population. Rwanda is in
the process of organizing all CHWs into cooperatives. In 2014, there were a total of 449 CHW
cooperatives and of those about half are legally registered and recognized. Each cooperative has
100–250 members, through which CHWs meet quarterly at health centers. Each type of CHW is
supposed to reach the entire village with messages limited to their CHW function. The project
introduced a Peer Support Group (PSG) model to coordinate and cross-train CHWs in different
behavior change communication interventions. PSGs averaged 20 CHWs from four to five
neighboring villages who met at least once a month for training on health topics and for joint
planning of home visits and other health promotion activities. Each CHW visited approximately 10
households per month to deliver messages on healthy family practices outlined at the PSG
meetings. The repeated, familiar contact with fewer households resulted in increased CHW
utilization and health behaviors, influencing the government to consider adoption of this strategy
as national policy.

PART TWO: COMMUNITY MANAGEMENT STRUCTURES

In 1989, WHO recommended that an effective CHW program have the support of a group
composed of members of the community who have active links with the health sector and
improves governance at the local level. We refer to these groups as community management
structures known by different names, such as village health committees, community health

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committees, ward health committees, community advisory boards, and health management
committees. In most countries, these management structures provide support to the CHW at
the community level and a bridge to the health system, and may also be linked with the local
political system. Well-functioning committees can describe their roles and responsibilities and
how they relate to other groups, including the CHWs, the health facility, and the district health
authorities.

Objectives of a Community Management Structure19

 Provide a support system for CHWs
 Work with CHWs to mobilize the community for improved health
 Assist with communication to and from the district health system and the local administration
 Advocate for supplies and investments critical to good health.

In other countries, health facility management committees (also known by different names such
as health center committees) may exist, either as the predominant community management
structure or in addition to other community governance structures. The health facility
management committees provide oversight of the health facility, including CHWs who are
associated with that health facility. These committees generally have administrative and
financial responsibilities, such as ensuring the facility meets the community needs to increase
usage, oversight of facility budgets and staffing, resource-generation activities, and
management of insurance schemes to lower cost barriers for the poor. Because of their duties,
these facility management structures have the potential to be more contentious and generally
require more intensive support.

What Are Common Issues with Community Management Structures?

While many countries have active community management structures, they are generally weak.
Table 4, modified from the CHW Assessment and Improvement Matrix Tool,15 highlights some
best practices along with the most common issues and functionality problems of community
management structures described in the literature.33 An assessment of existing issues may help
a ministry plan and budget for ongoing support. In many cases, clear and transparent guidance
and exchange of good practices may be a solution. An EQUINET review of district health
systems in East and Southern Africa found that community participation can have the most
impact when supported by functional local management structures that promote participation
in decision-making in addition to carrying out administrative tasks. However, when these
structures are composed of elites, they are not accountable to any defined constituency and
broad community participation is constrained.34

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Table 4. Community Management Structures: Guidance from the Assessment and Improvement Matrix15
RESULTS WHEN
COMPONENT GOOD PRACTICE ISSUES THAT ARISE
NOT DONE WELL
Recruitment/ Selection of enough Generally, committees There is a lack of
Selection to members to represent the are staffed by health consistent and regular
Community main social groups in the workers, community functioning due to having a
Management community while maintaining members, and appointed quorum
Committees a small enough group to key figures, but there is Males may dominate
make decisions and take little guidance on Community members are
actions (6–12 members) optimal numbers and selected by the community
Builds on well-functioning selection criteria and leader and may be the
community structures where processes including size relatively affluent or
possible of committees, women, prominent members
Selection by a broad and quotas to ensure seeking political gain
segment of the community adequate representation
Election of esteemed of different segments of
community representatives the community
rather than elites with
sufficient gender,
ethnic/tribal, and
disadvantaged groups
represented
Committee role The alignment, design and Roles of the committee The committee generally
clarity of role from the are not formalized wants to respond to
community, CHW and health Confusion exists community-expressed
system perspective is known regarding different roles needs but may be seen by
to all such as governance, co- the health system as a
management, CHW utilitarian mechanism for
support, resource supplying resources
generation, community Views on if, when and how
outreach, advocacy, to involve communities and
intelligence, social CHWs differ significantly
leveler between stakeholders on
the committee
They may have different
implicit views of a CHW
model focused on
individual behavior change
versus interventions that
seek more broad
community change
Initial training Training is provided to the Committee members The committee is
committee members on may have inadequate ineffective in solving issues
participatory, decision- training for their role between the community,
making processes and Their health knowledge health system and the
problem-solving skills and management skills CHW
vary as does their
confidence to lead
Continuing Ongoing training is provided There is generally no Committees falter and may
training to committees to reinforce budget or system to cease to function
initial training, and build provide ongoing training
organizational development that reflects committee’s
skills and health literacy to needs
solve root causes of poor
health

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 RESULTS WHEN
COMPONENT GOOD PRACTICE ISSUES THAT ARISE
NOT DONE WELL
Budget Designated funding to Under-resourced Unable to perform actions
enable community committee
committees to take action to
support CHW and health
outreach activities
Supervision of the Supportive supervision is Many committees have Committee may be non-
committee carried out regularly to unclear reporting functional
provide coaching and review structure to local
of CHW activities and local government or health
data system
Inadequate support and
poorly integrated into
health system
Program Evaluation to assess work No evaluation to know Committee may falter over
performance and health changes over a whether committee work time or not be aligned with
evaluation period of time. Include key is effective or not current health conditions
performance indicators
related to community
governance committees in
job descriptions of relevant
supervising health workers
and managers and by
conducting periodic
structured audits of
governance committees
Community An incentive package of Community members are Community members view
incentives to non-financial incentives not publicly recognized participation in health as a
participate such as training, There may be general tedious task of
recognition, certification, community unawareness administrative supervision
etc. appropriate to job and no incentives for without pay and may cease
expectations participation to come to meetings
Incentives for An incentive package of Duties may be seen as Lack of motivation to
supervising health non-financial incentives additional to work participate at committee
workers to such as training, responsibilities with no meetings
participate recognition, certification, added benefit Seen as additional layer of
etc. appropriate to job administrative supervision
expectations by untrained people
Community The role that the community Social, political, and When the community role
involvement plays in supporting and cultural factors all is implemented poorly, it
joining the committee and impact on the purpose, might create community
supporting the CHW is well- form, type and resistance to participation
understood effectiveness of
community involvement
Health literacy,
necessary knowledge of
legal frameworks, and
skills needed to
participate effectively
are wanting
Referral system A process to support the Community has not Life-saving emergency
CHW with referral created an emergency transport systems and
assistance when needed transport system for logistics help for referrals
referrals to a health do not work
facility

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 RESULTS WHEN
COMPONENT GOOD PRACTICE ISSUES THAT ARISE
NOT DONE WELL
Communication Processes used by the Public health data do not Perceived lack of
and information governance structure exist transparency may cause
management include monitoring data Community does not community resistance to
flows to the health system take appropriate action change
and back to the community, to address disease CHWs and health workers
publicly sharing information, epidemiology or address are not accountable to the
and using data for service root causes of disease community
improvement No or slow change in
Tools such as patients’ disease reduction
rights charters, citizen report
cards, suggestion boxes,
health clubs, are used
Linkages to health Community management Relationships among Health workers may control
system structures are linked to the community committees, committees
larger health system, with a CHWs and the health Community governance
supporting management system unclear structures may be
culture that encourages Mistrust and imbalance perceived as interfering
transparency and openness in power and information with health worker duties,
between the health facility, especially those related to
CHWs and the community use of funds and drugs
Deterioration in
communication from
central ministry about the
purpose and function of
community governance
structures may cause a
decline in community
governance
Country ownership The MOH or other ministries Unclear legal position Without a clear mandate,
have policies in place that Lack of support the community
integrate and include management structure has
community governance no direct influence over the
structures in health system core budget governing a
planning and budgeting and CHW or health facility and
provides logistical support to little influence on clinic
sustain them management
There is a lack of clarity on
the extent of the
community’s decision-
making power to hire/fire
the CHW

Box 13. Village Health and Sanitation Committees (VHSCs) in India17

An evaluation of the ASHA program in India reported in 2011 found that where VHSCs are
established and functional, they are supportive of many health activities and functions, though
there is room for improvement, especially in the key task of village health planning. In Assam
State, one ASHA facilitator was hired for 10 ASHA workers to provide support in holding VHSC
meetings, counseling families, accompanying newborn visits, and supporting immunization and
antenatal care services.

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Box 14. Revitalizing Community Health Committees in Liberia35
Community Health Committees (CHCs) were a community management structure supported by
the Ministry of Health in Liberia before the civil war. Medical Teams International (MTI) revitalized
these traditional structures to support Household Health Promoters. Each CHC had on average
eight members, including community leaders such as imams, pastors, women leaders, and
trained community midwives. MTI developed a self-assessment tool around the following key
tasks to enable the CHCs to appraise themselves at yearly intervals:
 Frequency and organization of meetings
 Participation and leadership in meetings
 Problem identification
 Prioritization and action planning
 Support to Household Health Promoters
 Utilization of locally collected data
 Establishment of emergency health funds and transportation system
 Participation in conflict prevention and resolution

What Are Key Questions to Consider When Designing a Strategy for Community
Management Structures?
There is no one-size-fits-all approach for designing or implementing a strategy on community
management structures related to CHWs. However, a discussion around some key questions, as
shown in Table 5, can help open the way for decisions on their potential roles and functions. A
policy on community management structures would follow an assessment of their current
content and context in relationship to a CHW program, followed by discussions on stakeholder
perceptions and guidance around the mechanism.

Table 5. Questions to consider in the design of a community management structure strategy36

CONTENT Questions
 What is the purpose?
 What is the intended depth of community involvement?
 Who introduced the initiative and why?
 Does it build on existing community organizations and networks?
 Who is expected to represent whom and how?
 What technical knowledge is required?
 What training, supervision, and support are included for different actors?

CONTEXT Questions
 Is community accountability prioritized nationally and internationally?
 How decentralized is the health system?
 How clear are lines of responsibility and accountability at different levels of the health
system?
 Does the mechanism challenge or complement other health system interventions, existing
community structures and socio-cultural norms?

PROCESS Questions
Stakeholder Perceptions and Relations

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  What are the different parties’ views on the relevance and relative costs and benefits of this
mechanism?
 What are relationships of power and trust and different levels within institutions, and among
individuals? How will these be affected?

Mechanism Functioning
 Who represents whom and how?
 Who sits in groups and committees?
 How are they selected and how do they link to the health system and the community?
 How clear are their roles? What is their motivation?
 How are decisions made?
 How much of a decision-making role do they have in practice?
 How was the intervention introduced? Which stakeholders were involved? How and at which
stage? How did this work?
 What training took pace and what resources were allocated in practice?
 What are the links to other institutions? How does information and communication flow
among and within institutions?

CONCLUSION
This chapter highlights the critical importance of community participation to a CHW program.
Because community participation can take many forms, and because each community is unique
and always changing, large-scale CHW programs should be designed to enable local flexibility
and tailoring in relation to community assets and needs. Maximizing community participation
is not the sole responsibility of the CHW. Community participation is a process that requires
leadership from the overall CHW program, as well as the support of the health system and local
government at all levels, and partnerships with other organizations. The formation or
strengthening of a community management structure, such as a village health committee, is
often a strategy of choice for the community support of a CHW. However, these structures also
require ongoing support and training if they are to work well.

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Acknowledgments
Our thanks to the CORE Group Community/Child Health Working Group for their ideas and
assistance, and to Susan B. Rifkin for her comments on an earlier version of this chapter.

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Summit-Final-Report.pdf.
5. Popay J, Alltree P, Hornby D, et al., eds. Community Engagement in Initiatives Addressing
the Wider Social Determinants of Health: A Rapid Review of Evidence on Impact, Experience
and Process. Lancaster, UK: Lancaster University, Liverpool University, Central Lancashire
University; 2007.
6. Rosato M, Laverack G, Grabman LH, et al. Community participation: lessons for maternal,
newborn, and child health. Lancet 2008; 372(9642): 962-71.
7. Liu A, Sullivan S, Khan M, Sachs S, Singh P. Community health workers in global health:
scale and scalability. Mt Sinai J Med 2011; 78(3): 419-35.
8. World Health Organization. Strengthening the Performance of Community Health Workers
in Primary Health Care. Geneva, Switzerland: World Health Organization; 1989. Available
at: http://whqlibdoc.who.int/trs/WHO_TRS_780.pdf.
9. Underwood C, Boulay M, Snetro-Plewman G, et al. Community capacity as means to
improved health practices and an end in itself: evidence from a multi-stage study. Int Q
Community Health Educ 2012; 33(2): 105-27.
10. Amazigo U, Okeibunor J, Matovu V, Zoure H, Bump J, Seketeli A. Performance of
predictors: evaluating sustainability in community-directed treatment projects of the
African programme for onchocerciasis control. Soc Sci Med 2007; 64(10): 2070-82.
11. Paina L, Peters DH. 2012. Understanding pathways for scaling up health services through
the lens of complex adaptive systems. Health Policy Plan 2012; 27(5), 365-73.
12. Wreford J. Missing each other: problems and potential for collaborative efforts between
biomedicine and traditional healers in South Africa in the time of AIDS. Social Dynamics
2005; 31(2), 55-89.
13. Standing H, Chowdhury AMR. Producing effective knowledge agents in a pluralistic
environment: What future for community health workers? Soc Sci Med 2008; 66(10), 2096-
107.

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14. Bhutta Z, Lassi ZS, Pariyo G, Huicho L. Global Experience of Community Health Workers for
Delivery of Health Related Millennium Developmental Goals: A Systematic Review, Country
Case Studies, and Recommendations for Integration into National Health Systems. Geneva,
Switzerland: World Health Organization and Global Health Workforce Alliance; 2010.
Available at:
http://www.who.int/workforcealliance/knowledge/publications/alliance/Global_CHW_web.pdf
15. Crigler L, Hill K, Furth R, Bjerregaard D. Community Health Worker Assessment and
Improvement Matrix (CHW AIM): A Toolkit for Improving CHW Programs and Services.
Washington, DC: Health Care Improvement Project, University Research Corporation,
USAID; 2011. Available at: http://www.who.int/workforcealliance/knowledge/toolkit/50.pdf .
16. Katabarwa MN, Habomugisha P, Richards FO Jr, Hopkins D. Community-directed
interventions strategy enhances efficient and effective integration of health care delivery
and development activities in rural disadvantaged communities of Uganda. Trop Med Int
Health 2005; 10(4): 312-21.
17. National Health Systems Resource Centre. ASHA Which Way Forward...? Evaluation of
ASHA Programme. New Delhi, India: National Rural Health Mission, National Health
Systems Resource Centre; 2011. Available at:
http://nhsrcindia.org/download.php?downloadname=pdf_files/resources_thematic/Communit
y_Participation/NHSRC_Contribution/ASHA_Which_way_forward_-
_Evalaution_of_ASHA_Programme_Report_NHSRC_417.pdf.
18. Lehmann U, Sanders D. Community Health Workers: What Do We Know about Them? The
State of the Evidence on Programmes, Activities, Costs and Impact on Health Outcomes of
Using Community Health Workers. Geneva, Switzerland: World Health Organization; 2007.
Available at: http://www.who.int/hrh/documents/community_health_workers.pdf
19 Core Group, Save the Children, BASICS, MCHIP. Community Case Management Essentials:
Treating Common Childhood Illnesses in the Community; A Guide for Program Managers.
Washington, DC: USAID, Save the Children; 2010. Available at:
http://www.jsi.com/JSIInternet/Inc/Common/_download_pub.cfm?id=10777&lid=3
20. Zanchetta MS, McCrae Vander Voet S, Galhego-Garcia W, et al. Effectiveness of community
health agents' actions in situations of social vulnerability. Health Educ Res 2009; 24(2): 330-
42.
21. JSI. SC4CCM Intervention Strategy in Rwanda. 2012. Available at:
http://sc4ccm.jsi.com/files/2012/10/Rwanda-country-factsheet.pdf
22. Strachan DL, Kallander K, Ten Asbroek AH, et al. Interventions to improve motivation and
retention of community health workers delivering integrated community case management
(iCCM): stakeholder perceptions and priorities. Am J Trop Med Hyg 2012; 87(5 Suppl): 111-
9.
23. Bjorkman M, Svensson J. Power to the people: evidence from a randomized field experiment
on community-based monitoring in Uganda. Quarterly Journal of Economics 2009; 124(2):
735-69.
24. Griffiths M, McGuire J, eds. A New Dimension for health reform: The Integrated Community
Child Health Program in Honduras. Washington, DC: World Bank; 2005.
25. Braithwaite RL, Bianchi C, Taylor SE. Ethnographic approach to community organization
and health empowerment. Health Educ Q 1994; 21(3): 407-16.
26. Botes L, Van Rensburg D. Community participation in development: nine plagues and
twelve commandments. Community Dev J 2000; 35(1): 41-58.

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27. Mijumbi R. What Are the Best Methods for Involving Patients in Health System Decision
Making in Uganda? Kampala, Uganda: SURE (Supporting the Use of Research Evidence)
Project; 2010. Available at:
http://uchpsr.org/Rapid%20response%20taxonomy/Organization/Community%20involvemen
t.pdf.
28. National Institute for Health and Clinical Excellence. Community Engagement to Improve
Health. London, UK: National Institute for Health and Clinical Excellence; 2008. Available
at: http://www.nice.org.uk/nicemedia/pdf/PH009Guidance.pdf.
29. Milton B, Anttree P, French B, et.al. The impact of community engagement on health and
social outcomes: a systematic review. Community Dev J 2011; 47(3): 316-34.
30. Widmer M, Betran AP, Merialdi M, Requejo J, Karpf T. The role of faith-based
organizations in maternal and newborn health care in Africa. Int J Gynaecol Obstet 2011;
114(3): 218-22.
31. Walker PR, Downey S, Crigler L, LeBan K. CHW "Principles of Practice": Guiding Principles
for Non-Governmental Organizations and Their Partners for Coordinated National Scale-Up
of Community Health Worker Programmes. Washington, DC: CORE Group, World Vision
International; 2013. Available at:
http://www.coregroup.org/storage/Program_Learning/Community_Health_Workers/CHW_Pr
inciples_of_Practice.pdf.
32. Sarriot E. Final Evaluation of the Kabeho Mwana Expanded Impact Child Survival
Program. Concern Worldwide, International Rescue Committee, World Relief; 2011.
Available at:
http://www.mchip.net/sites/default/files/mchipfiles/FINAL_Kabeho%20Mwana%20Final%20
Evaluation.pdf.
33. McCoy DC, Hall JA, Ridge M. A systematic review of the literature for evidence on health
facility committees in low- and middle-income countries. Health Policy Plan 2012; 27(6):
449-66.
34. Báez C, Barron P. Community Voice and Role in District Health Systems in East and
Southern Africa: A Literature Review. Harare, Zimbabwe: Regional Network for Equity in
Health in East and Southern Africa (EQUINET); 2006. Available at:
www.equinetafrica.org/bibl/docs/DIS39GOVbaez.pdf.
35. Capps JM, Carruth MH, Nitkin T, Doty D, Dechasa S. Grand Cape Mount Child Survival
Program Improved Child Health in a Transitional State through IMCI: Final Evaluation.
Medical Teams International, USAID; 2010. Available at:
http://pdf.usaid.gov/pdf_docs/PDACR825.pdf.
36. Molyneux S, Atela M, Angwenyi V, Goodman C. Community accountability at peripheral
health facilities: a review of the empirical literature and development of a conceptual
framework. Health Policy Plan 2012; 27(7): 541-54.

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SECTION 4: ACHIEVING IMPACT
 Chapter 14
Scaling Up and Maintaining
Effective Large-Scale Community Health
Worker Programs
Steve Hodgins, Lauren Crigler, Simon Lewin, Sharon Tsui, and Henry Perry
Key Points
• Effective programming at scale requires having a viable, scalable program that works on a
small scale under routine field conditions, followed by careful planning (appropriate to the
national context) that assures long-term sustainability at scale.
• Ongoing monitoring and evaluation (M&E), with adjustments to the program based on these
findings, is essential both for effective scale-up and long-term program effectiveness at scale.
• Scaling up is a political process, so leadership and proper engagement with the political system,
national-level stakeholders, and the Ministry of Health (MOH) is essential.

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INTRODUCTION
A pitfall affecting many areas in global health, including community health worker (CHW)
programs, is the tendency of planners and managers to uncritically assume that because
something works well when implemented on a small scale, with fairly intensive engagement
and support (undertaken by an nongovernmental organization [NGO], for example), there
should be no problem doing more or less the same thing on a large scale (under the Ministry of
Health [MOH], typically). As discussed in the introductory chapter (see Chapter 1), there have
been a number of noteworthy small-demonstration experiences over the history of primary
health care (PHC) program implementation that have influenced thinking about what is
possible at the community level. Although not necessarily “replicated,” they have served as
inspiration and informed planning for the development of somewhat analogous efforts, some of
which have also been effective at large scale. But such successful translation is far from
straightforward. Often, the results obtained by CHW programs operating at large scale are far
less impressive than those seen in demonstration projects.

Although not necessarily “replicated,” these demonstration experiences have served as

inspiration for the development of somewhat analogous efforts that have also been effective at
large scale. However, such successful translation is far from straightforward. Often, the best
that can be done at large scale is a pale shadow of the conspicuous successes seen in
demonstration projects.

Highlight the challenge of scaling up a community-based PHC program is offered at the outset
as a word of caution. When successful demonstration projects are proposed as solutions to
nationwide problems of PHC, the challenges of achieving this proposition should be recognized.
Policymakers and planners need to look critically at the landscape of all the specific
requirements that needed to be met to achieve that success. A careful look at the settings where
implementation is planned is required, along with a determination of what it would take to
meet these requirements—at scale. Is there a robust enough policy framework and adequate
political support, management and supply systems, numbers of staff, and financial resources for
successful scale-up and continued long-term effectiveness? If the picture looks favorable, it may
be warranted to cautiously proceed, first implementing on a limited scale but under realistic
conditions (i.e., what one could expect to provide at scale), and monitoring closely for
performance, ready to make any necessary adjustments to address identified barriers or
constraints to good performance. Then, as an approach is progressively validated, we can move
toward scale.

So, from the beginning we are focusing not merely getting to scale, but on what it is going to
take to ensure a functional and effective program (with demonstrated impact) on a continuing
basis once we are at scale. In this chapter, we discuss a number of questions that policymakers
and program managers need to consider when considering taking CHW programs to scale. We
assume here that the MOH will be guiding the scale-up of a national CHW program.

Key Questions
• What kind of planning is needed for CHW programs to operate at scale?
• How do we get to scale?
• What are some of the pitfalls of scaling up?

Box 1 contains a set of detailed issues that relate to both the key questions for this chapter, as
well as to other chapters in this guide. In this chapter, we focus on the core questions related to
scaling up specifically.

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Box 1. Some key issues to consider when scaling up a CHW program
Below are some detailed issues that need to be considered as a scaling-up process is being
envisioned. These issues have been adapted specifically to CHW programs, but the questions
were originally developed to address issues of scaling up any type of health program.1 Help with
addressing these issues is what this entire guide is about, so the information in each of the
various chapters of this guide can contribute to the process of answering each of these
questions.
 What is the range and complexity of activities or tasks that the CHW program includes (i.e.,
what exactly is being scaled up?), and what implications does this have for scale-up?
 To what extent, and how, will the CHW program be tailored to local needs and capacity, and
what are the implications for scale-up? Is there a model or pilot project that will provide a
‘blueprint’ for scale-up?
 How will CHWs actually deliver their services in the community?
 What are the requirements of the CHW program in terms of the governance/regulation of
services at national, regional and local levels, and what are the implications for scale-up?
 What are the requirements that the CHW program imposes on the capacity of the health
system and its institutions, and on managers and health care providers? What are the
implications for scale-up?
 What requirements are needed for good performance?
 What demands will the scale-up make on the current system? What requirements and
demands would this make on existing managers or clinical staff? How can these demands be
met? What possible unintended negative (or positive) effects can this have elsewhere in the
system? What would the costs be, both in terms of rolling out the new service and in recurrent
costs?
 Is the widespread implementation of the CHW program likely to have important impacts on
the health sector at large and on other sectors beyond and, if so, what are the implications for
scale-up?
 What are the likely cost and financing considerations of scaling up and sustaining the CHW
program? What new procurement costs and salary costs would we need to plan for? How
would these costs be covered?
 What systems, including M&E systems, need to be in place to ensure quality of service
provision for effective performance at scale?
 Is the CHW program sustainable over the long term? Is the CHW program or its effects likely
to change over time?
 What are the likely impacts of scale-up on equity? Should high need areas be prioritized
rather than trying to achieve uniform coverage?

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What Kind of Planning Is Needed for CHW Programs to Operate at Scale?
Table 1 outlines a series of steps that should be considered when planning the scale-up of a
CHW program. The questions outlined here bring us back to many of the issues addressed in
Chapter 3 on planning.

Table 1. Planning process for scaling up CHW programs

Vision of desired future: Durable impact at scale
What would this look like? High effective coverage
Appropriate service delivery model(s) effectively
 implemented at scale

What conditions need to be satisfied  Realistic testing/refining of service delivery approach(es)
to achieve this vision?  Policy, systems, and operational conditions are met, including:
− Supplies of drugs and commodities
− Personnel (service providers, managers, and so forth)
equipped and supported for their roles with appropriate
training, and tools
− Supervision and monitoring systems in place and
functioning

What needs to be done to meet these Specify who will be responsible for developing:
necessary conditions?  Roles/responsibilities
How will we get there, and what are  Work plans/budgets
the priority initial tasks?  Coordination/planning/oversight

What needs to be done now, and over Specify who will be responsible for developing:
the coming year(s)?  Roles/responsibilities
Who will need to be doing what?  Work plans/budgets
 Coordination/planning/oversight

Developing a Scale-Up Plan

A good plan is always a work-in-progress and will need to be adapted as scale-up progresses.
Looking beyond just the first steps of planning for scale-up to how to ensure continued
institutionalized high performance at scale is the long-term goal. Doing so requires foresight
and making appropriate choices now to ensure that we create the conditions for success later.

A “learning phase”1 (or piloting) is a realistic, reasonably large-scale practice run, which is
rigorously monitored to generate learning on key operational issues. On the basis of the
learning from this phase, the approach may be adapted to try to ensure better performance in
the next stage of scaling up. The best plans are those that have been adjusted in response to
feedback as plan implementation proceeds.

Elements that need to be considered in planning (from which specific anticipated strategic tasks
can be derived) include the following:
• Supplies of drugs and commodities
• Personnel (e.g., service providers, managers, and so forth) equipped and supported for their
roles with appropriate training and tools

1Note that learning and adapting (modifying based on what we are learning) needs to be done at all phases, including once
we have fully institutionalized and “scaled up” an effort.

14-4
• Supervision and monitoring systems in place and functioning
• Human and institutional actors and their perceptions, needs, and interests
• Regulatory and approval issues
• Performance management. (This involves monitoring key indicators of the program, including
quality of training and quality of care. See Chapters 9, on training, and 15, on M&E.)
• Supply chain and other key systems issues
• Product issues (Is there an appropriate fit of the proposed program with the users and the
context?)
• Resources/funds needed at each stage of the plan
• Human and institutional actors and their perceptions, needs and interests
• Direction

Scaling up and maintaining an effective CHW program over the long-run also requires
performance management. This is best carried through processes that include monitoring of key
indicators of the program, including quality of care. (See Chapter 15 on M&E.)

Sustaining Impact at Scale

For CHW programs, it is important not just to achieve implementation at scale, but also to
maintain effective programming at scale. Below, we describe some principles for sustaining
impact at scale.

Gain and Maintain Support from Policy-Makers at the Relevant Levels

Key gate-keepers and opinion leaders (e.g., leading pediatricians in the country) need to be
informed and “won over” to the initiative through early one-on-one informational briefings and
exchange of views. Potential champions, who are well-placed to influence opinion and decision-
making, need to be identified and encouraged.

Policy and regulatory processes, both formal and informal, must be dealt with from the
beginning. Examples of formal processes include registration with drug regulatory bodies and
revisions to the Essential Medicines List, if the program will introduce any new medications.
Informal processes include fully informing and eliciting concerns from key government and non-
governmental counterparts, opinion leaders, and funding agencies.

Sustain Program Momentum

Program momentum may diminish for a range of reasons including withdrawal of support from
a key stakeholder, budgetary constraints, poor management and supervision, and so forth. (See
chapters on financing, supervision, and relationship with other parts of the health system.) One
proactive strategy to avoid loss of momentum is the formation of a technical working group with
MOH leadership and establishing an ongoing and meaningful involvement by all key partners
in directing the initiative. An alternative is to assign this responsibility to an existing technical
working group, if it has a suitable membership and mandate. An example might be a Ministry-
led working group responsible for community health services. Sustaining program momentum
involves ensuring effective and sustained functioning of whatever group is selected, including
that regular meetings are held, action points are identified, and follow-up is carried out.

14–5
Ensure that What the Scale-Up Initiative Offers Will Appeal to the Intended End-User
Formative research can help in identifying the potential end users’ current practices,
perspectives, and preferences with respect to the specific new service planned. These end-users
include the MOH, the district health system, front-line health workers, and beneficiaries. In
developing any new approach, strategy, or product, one has to start with where the user is now,
“bridging from the known to the new.” Formative research can help to establish this strategy.
Then, messaging and strategies related to scaling-up can be geared to this current reality. Not
uncommonly, there is a major disjunction between what people want and what programs can
deliver.2

Achieve and Maintain High Coverage (Especially Among Segments of the Population
Where Disease Burden Is Concentrated)
Design a delivery strategy tailored to the country context, taking advantage of available
channels or platforms. Start with a learning (pilot) phase, implementing at limited scale (e.g.,
within one district), but under conditions closely approximating what one would expect when
institutionalized and running as a normal program. Rigorously monitor during this phase, and
then, based on what has been learned, revise and streamline the approach for implementation
at the next stage of scale (preferably not nationally).

Through all phases, from early learning to at-scale implementation, ensure continued sound
performance management—at all levels, monitoring important aspects of program performance
(in particular, effective population coverage), and actively addressing identified performance
issues. This monitoring is likely to entail incorporating appropriate population coverage
indicators into the routine health information system, and ensuring that coverage is monitored
at all levels as a basis for taking action to ensure good performance.

Secure long-term arrangements for procurement, if the initiative involves a particular program
commodity, and ensure an adequately robust supply chain; special attention will be needed to
do so.

HOW DO WE GET TO SCALE?

Conceptual Frameworks
There are two major conceptual frameworks on scaling up health interventions that are widely
used in global health: one developed by ExpandNet/World Health Organization (WHO)3, 4 and
the other by Management Systems International.5 A principle guiding both is an “open systems
perspective,” which views scale-up in the context of existing systems (e.g., political, legal, policy,
socio-cultural, health sector, and organizational systems). As mentioned previously, another key
principle is that scaling-up is a political process and there will always be resistance to change
and issues that need to be negotiated with the political system.6 Scale-up requires leadership to
champion adoption and maintenance of an innovation and is more than the implementation of
technical steps.

The ExpandNet/WHO model consists of five components: the innovation, the user organization,
the environment, the resource team, and the scale-up strategy (Figure 1). Adapting this
framework to CHW programs is reflected as follows:
• The innovation – this refers to the program to be scaled up and including the specific
interventions that it comprises
• The user organization(s) – this refers to the organization(s) primarily responsible for
implementing the program, and those organizations that work closely with it or support it

14-6
• The resource team – this refers to individuals and entities promoting or facilitating the scale-
up process
• The environment – this refers to conditions external to the user organization that are
fundamental to scaling up the program (this is sometimes referred to as the context)
• The scale-up strategy – this refers to plans and actions necessary to scale up the program

Figure 1. The ExpandNet/WHO framework for scaling up3

Attributes Contributing to Success (from ExpandNet)

Building on some of the diffusion of innovation literature that has permeated the social science
literature over the past four decades, we describe here some of the ways to design a scale-up
that might facilitate success.

The Innovation
While some health interventions can spread passively with minimal help, substantial strategic
planning and action is normally needed to successfully scale-up CHW programs. According to
Glaser, Abelson, and Garrison,7 innovations that possess the following “CORRECT”
characteristics may be more likely to spread:
• Credible – based on sound evidence, supported by respected persons or institutions
• Observable – results that can be seen by user organizations
• Relevant – addresses relevant needs
• Relative advantage – has benefits over existing practices
• Easy to implement and understand – straightforward to learn and put into practice
• Compatible – consistent with existing values and norms of the user organizations
• Testable – can be tried out on a pilot basis without a long-term commitment to adoption and
scale-up

14–7
With any important new CHW initiative under consideration, these issues should be addressed
at the planning stage. What can be done to create more optimal conditions for successful
spread? Or as Simmons4 frames it, “Are there ways to simplify the innovation while making
sure that essential components that produce successes are not lost?”

The User Organization

As a condition for successful adoption and implementation, the user organization (which in this
case generally will be the MOH and its district health systems) needs to be convinced of the
need for the particular program, and have the necessary capacity and resources to implement it.
Champions are a key ingredient to advocate and inspire others at all phases, including when an
initiative is first being considered, as well as much later, ensuring serious attention to ongoing
implementation.3, 8, 9 According to McCannon et al.,8 to be effective, champions should be
respected, have an established platform from which to speak, be aligned with the cause, and be
willing to publicly support the cause. Experience and capacity are preconditions for effective
implementation at scale.3 A user organization with the capacity for large-scale implementation
has the needed infrastructure and human resources network to undertake the rollout process
and to ensure adequate continuing resources and systems support to maintain sound
performance.10, 11

Resource Team
The “resource team” could consist of a technical working group, convened under MOH auspices.
Leadership could be supplemented from partner agencies or academic institutions. To be
effective, those making up the resource team need collectively to have sound leadership,
advocacy, and managerial skills in addition to technical and implementation skills.3, 9, 10, 12
Whether the team is advisory or has a decision-making role must be set out clearly, and the
relationship between the resource team and implementing organization needs to be negotiated
and formalized.

Strong leadership and management are also needed to create a vision for scale (by defining the
scope of the proposed effort and how it fits into the health needs of the country) and to develop
strategies to build momentum and energy over time.8 Further, advocacy skills are needed to
influence the views of user organizations and opinion leaders (e.g., the MOH, regulatory bodies,
professional bodies, and donors) and to garner their support.

The User Organization/Resource Team Relationship: Factors Promoting Success

 Close physical proximity3
 Opportunities to develop informal contacts and relationships10, 13
 Clear and established norms for operation8
 Compatibility in organizational values, norms, and systems5

Environment
The national political environment can influence the choice and pace of scale-up strategies. The
political environment often exerts a marked influence on national decisions to go to scale with
CHW programs, and the stability and longevity of such support can affect decisions about
whether a gradual, phased approach is adopted or a rapid scale-up is selected to take advantage
of a politically opportune time.14 The timing and duration of support from donor and
international organizations can also influence the approach. In the past, the international
political environment has been an important factor in the renewed interest in CHW programs.

14-8
There are considerable differences among settings that are relevant to community health
services and that need careful consideration when planning for larger-scale implementation.
Contextual issues of particular importance to large-scale implementation of community health
services include:
• Local epidemiology, including population demographics and burden of disease
• Local mix of PHC services, including public, private and NGO providers, what categories of
health workers are present, and the density of health care providers per unit population
• Strengths and weaknesses of the local PHC system, including in relation to governance,
financial, and delivery arrangements

The guided process may involve three types of scale-up: scaling up horizontally, vertically, and
through diversification3, 9 Horizontal scale-up involves expansion, in that, increasing the
number of beneficiaries reached by the CHW program. This can be done additively by
increasing the overall size of the program through one or more separate community-based
organizations that work in non-overlapping catchment areas but provide similar, if not
identical, CHW services. The Bangladesh national family planning program was scaled up in
this way (see below).

Vertical scale-up involves institutionalization, in that, ensuring sustainability of the scaled-up

program through changes in high-level systems, such as policies, budgets, and laws.3, 9 The
timing of advocacy to promote institutionalization depends on the innovation promoted. In some
instances of institutionalization, laws or regulations must be changed in order to allow for task-
shifting of health activities to CHWs (e.g., authorizations for properly trained and supervised
CHWs to manage childhood pneumonia with antibiotics in the community). This has to take
place prior to the launch of the CHW program. In other instances, institutionalization occurs
after the CHW program has demonstrated impact, as in the case of the Bangladesh family
planning program, discussed further below.

Finally, scaling up by diversification refers to adding new interventions into an existing CHW
program. An example of this is CHWs who were originally trained to monitor growth and treat
malnutrition are now also trained to treat childhood diarrhea and pneumonia.9 An unguided
approach to scale-up can also be carried out multiplicatively through the creation of learning
centers, centers of excellence, or living universities around which scaling up takes place.9, 15

WHAT ARE SOME OF THE PITFALLS OF SCALING UP?

Scaling-up a CHW program is a complex and challenging process. Even if heroic efforts are
made to consider and plan for success, there will always be many factors that lie outside of the
program’s control. For example, the availability of resources may not be synchronized with the
policy or political environment.14 However, many challenges can be mitigated by foresight and
careful planning. Designing the initial program with scalability in mind certainly helps the
scaling up process. (For an example of this, see Islam and May’s 2011 case study on BRAC’s
community-based tuberculosis program relying on CHWs.16) Coordination and consensus among
multiple implementing partners is vital but often difficult to achieve. A common strategy
endorsed by all stakeholders is necessary so that the MOH can give its full support in a
coordinated way. (For an example of where this was not done, see the case study of scaling up
mHealth in Sri Lanka, where inadequate coordination and different funders of demonstration
sites led to the creation of standalone systems that were very difficult to unify.17)

Expanding tasks of an existing cadre or starting out anew with a totally new cadre is an
important to issue to settle up front. For example, a CHW cadre involved primarily in

14–9
immunization outreach services can progressively have new duties added. In Malawi, health
surveillance assistants (HSAs) have long been responsible for outreach immunization services.
Recently, case-management of childhood illness has been added to their duties. Alternatively,
new cadres of CHWs have been created and they have been given comparatively long initial
training and, from the beginning, have been expected to cover a wide range of duties. This has
been the case, for example, with health extension workers (HEWs) in Ethiopia. There is no
single correct strategy, in this regard. However, it can be very challenging to simultaneously
introduce a broad range of new functions. It can also be challenging for trainees to adequately
absorb all the necessary material and it can be very difficult to put in place adequately
functional support systems to cover the requirements of multiple interventions and programs. If
these conditions can be met, then this more ambitious approach can be successful. In many
settings however, more modest initiatives, such as incrementally adding on functions to CHWs,
may stand a better chance of success.

By giving serious attention to such questions up front, we can more confidently make decisions
about if and how to proceed. We can design a process focusing not just on a short-term rollout
effort, but with serious attention to ensuring that all the necessary conditions can be achieved
and maintained such that the desired new service will continue to be effectively delivered. All
too often, CHW programs have fallen prey to pitfalls that are not widely known and certainly
not described or analyzed in the peer-reviewed literature or even in publicly available
documents. Such pitfalls are detailed below.

Inappropriate Pilots/Learning Phases

In many instances, NGOs or donor-supported projects develop relatively small-scale programs
or services relying on CHWs and with relatively intensive inputs (for example, with regard to
training and supervision). Where evaluations of these programs show very promising results,
the models may be promoted for large-scale implementation. However, unless piloting has been
done under conditions closely approximating how these activities would be delivered at scale,
many important issues of feasibility, scalability, sustainability, and so forth are unlikely to have
been adequately addressed or evaluated. It can be very risky to proceed with scale-up without
getting answers to such questions.

As important issues of scalability tend not to be addressed in most pilot programs, many MOHs
have grown impatient with external partners proposing yet another pilot program. Instead, they
insist that partner support be invested in the introduction of new interventions or program
elements at scale, from the very beginning. Depending on the complexity of the innovation, this
can be a very risky practice. In many instances, a learning phase, conducted under realistic
program conditions but rigorously documented and evaluated, can answer many critical
questions that need to be addressed in developing a sound strategy for implementation at scale.

Too Rapid a Pace of Geographic Spread

Too often, there is an uncritical rushing forward to “take it to scale,” assuming that sound
implementation will take care of itself. And all too often, several years down the road, someone
will do a rigorous evaluation and demonstrate that the program has achieved virtually no
impact in spite of major efforts and financial inputs. Therefore, for any change that could
involve community-based services and before committing to a new initiative, it is important to
look very closely at the current health system, such as staffing and management capacity,
systems support, service utilization patterns, and population coverage of services, to determine
needs and also what we can realistically expect from the health system to deliver.

Whether due to political pressures or timing constraints on availability of funds, there can be
considerable pressure on both governments and external partners to introduce and expand new
programs very quickly. Typically with rapid spread, many aspects of implementation may be

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inadequate, including monitoring of program performance. The key metric of success may be the
number of districts “covered” or the number of CHWs trained, rather than measures of service
delivery, utilization, or health behavior. In many instances these programs perform more poorly
than was initially expected. In contrast, some of the most effective community health programs
now operating at large-scale expanded at a very measured pace, with quality of the program
work carefully attended. A good example of this is the vitamin A supplement distribution
program in Nepal, in which female community health workers (FCHWs) were the key players.
Scale-up was done over a period of 10 years, with new batches of districts added each year, and
serious attention was given to the quality of implementation and to the ongoing monitoring of
population coverage.

Failure to Ensure the Quality of Training

This failing was one of the important contributors to the disappointing results seen with most
integrated management of childhood illnesses scale-up efforts. In many instances, large-scale,
rapid, cascade-model training initiatives have resulted in seriously compromised quality of
training. Good training requires good trainers, who tend to be in short supply, and it requires
careful monitoring of the quality of training. A hybrid model that has been used in many
stronger CHW training programs has been to ensure the presence of at least one expert,
external trainer with every training batch, to help ensure the quality of training.

Envisioning Scaling-Up Simply as a Training Cascade

There are many examples where scale-up has been conceived of as an intensive, cascade
training initiative (when trainers are taught, then they teach trainers of trainers, and so on).
Although there may be instances where this is appropriate, in very many cases the results
(when finally rigorously evaluated) turn out to be very disappointing. If, in fact, the key missing
piece is providing CHWs with appropriate knowledge and skills, an appropriate training can
result in a service being properly delivered. However, for most new community health
interventions or services, providing CHWs with knowledge and skills is just one of a number of
conditions that need to be met for the service to be properly provided (and to reach the intended
population at high coverage). So, even if well-done, training alone will generally not be sufficient
to produce the desired change.

Scaling Up without Ensuring Long-Term Sustainability

Some scaled-up CHW initiatives have been successful initially, but the success was short-lived.
Continued improvements in population health requires continued high-quality program
activity, and that, in turn, requires continued vigilance in ensuring that the program remains
functional and reaches a large proportion of those needing it. For both MOHs and external
partners, it can be much more appealing to throw effort and resources into the latest new
narrow approach than to keep flogging away at an established program.

Large-scale CHW initiatives probably need to be planned with a 10-year horizon at least.
Otherwise there may not be much point in starting at all. This requires a secure political
commitment and secure funding, among other things. Continued progress in pushing down
maternal and child mortality, for instance, requires that important community-based programs
remain solid and functional. This is much more likely to happen if it is planned for from the
beginning of scale-up efforts and if key partners firmly commit not only to support scale-up but
to the ongoing, longer-term efforts to ensure that programs continue to perform solidly.

Lack of Adherence to Basic Standards

Basic standards need to be set and, secondly, some governmental or quasi-governmental body
(e.g., a CHW program board) needs to be tasked with monitoring implementation and the

14–11
quality of care and ensuring that the implementing agencies adhere to the basic standards. This
is a governance issue as well. (See Chapter 4 on governance.)

In many settings, even when new community health services come under MOH plans and
structures, implementation is by NGOs, multilateral agencies, or donor-supported projects. One
consequence is that initiatives that may look very neat and tidy in national planning documents
but may be implemented by different partners in very different ways. The way training is done
may differ; the use of incentives may vary; program elements or CHW duties not appearing in
national plans may be added in different settings—all due to the varying priorities or interests
of the partners. Some governments have been quite assertive with external partners, insisting
on adherence to standards. This can be very helpful in avoiding the free-for-all that otherwise
often develops.

At the same time, there can be legitimate reasons for variation in community health services.
Most obviously, for example, the situation in urban areas is very different from rural areas.
There are generally far more health workers of all types, and private practitioners often play a
very important role in providing health services. Reaching the population with health messages
in an urban area needs to be done in quite a different way than how one would do so at a village
level. Similarly, pastoralist groups or remote, sparsely populated regions may require different
approaches to community health services than those in more densely populated rural areas. In
some cases, the appropriate programmatic response will be to use completely different delivery
modalities. In other cases, modest modifications may be sufficient. For example, for optimal
service delivery coverage, the ratio of population/CHW may need to be adjusted, with a smaller
number of households per CHW in smaller, more remote communities.

EXAMPLES OF COMMUNITY HEALTH WORKER PROGRAM SCALE-UP

Numerous examples exist of CHW programs that have been scaled up, but there are far fewer
examples of CHW programs that have been scaled up and effectively sustained for a long period
of time. The Barefoot Doctor program in China collapsed as rural communes collapsed. India’s
early national CHW program, which was initiated in 1978, scaled up quickly to produce 500,000
CHWs. But, because of lack of attention to proper selection, training, supervision, and linkage
to health facilities, the program was abandoned within only a few years.18

India
By far the most dramatic scale-up of a CHW program has been India’s ASHA Worker Program,
which began in 2006 and now, less than a decade later, has close to one million workers, making
it the largest CHW program in the world. The recent evaluation of the ASHA Program
demonstrated that almost one-third of households were not reached by AHSA workers, and they
were among the most disadvantaged members of the population.19 The evaluation concluded
that improving the skills of ASHA workers is still needed, as are improvements in supervisory
and commodity supply.

Brazil
Another of the world’s largest CHW programs is Brazil’s Community Health Agent (CHA)
Program, which now has 236,000 CHAs. This program expanded over three decades and was
closely integrated with the PHC program of the country and its family health care teams
(Equipo de Saúde Familiar). There is evidence that this scaling-up process has been effective,
with maintenance of high-quality services, high levels of coverage, and very impressive
achievements in terms of national progress in reduction of maternal and under-five child
mortality.

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Bangladesh
Bangladesh has a long history large-scale community health services. The most notable of these
are the national community-based family planning (FP) program, the national oral rehydration
therapy program, the national tuberculosis program, and the BRAC CHW (Shasthya Shebika)
program. The development and expansion of these programs took different trajectories. The
Bangladesh FP program, generally considered one of the most effective in the world in a low-
income country not undergoing rapid socioeconomic development, began with an effective pilot
program in a typical rural district (Matlab) in 1977. There, CHWs visited homes, promoted FP,
and distributed birth control pills and condoms. A strong operations research effort (including a
control area where such services were not implemented) demonstrated an increase in coverage
of services and a decrease in fertility.

This provided the impetus for a gradual scale-up nationally over the following two decades,
with a specially funded program at icddr,b (formerly the International Centre for Diarrhoeal
Disease Research, Bangladesh) called the Rural Extension Project, which played a resource
team function, providing ongoing monitoring and support for scale-up. In addition, activities
were coordinated between the government and NGOs (many of which were funded by the
United States Agency for International Development) so that there was eventually a uniform
and national coverage of household services provided by FP CHWs (called family welfare
visitors, or FWVs). This scaling up process took place gradually over a two-decade period with
the total fertility rate declining from one of the highest in the world in 1971 (6.3) to 2.3 at
present, one of the lowest rates in the world among countries at similar levels of development.
The program eventually had 23,500 government-paid FHWs and another 7,000 CHWs
supported by NGOs.20, 21

The BRAC National Oral Therapy Extension Program (OTEP), mentioned previously, is a good
example of a large-scale CHW program that focused on a single intervention and was not
envisioned initially as a long-term sustained program. BRAC gradually scaled up a home
visitation program in which trained CHWs (called oral rehydration workers or ORWs) visited
every rural household in Bangladesh—12.5 million in total—to teach mothers how to manage
childhood diarrhea using home-based commodities, such as sugar, salt, and water. The house-
to-house visits by ORWs have changed the norms of childhood diarrhea treatment, and
Bangladesh now has one of the highest utilization rates of oral rehydration therapy for
childhood diarrhea in the world, with 81% of children with diarrhea given oral rehydration
solution (ORS). The scale-up process included a strong M&E component managed
independently by icddr,b.

Following a pre-pilot and a pilot stage, the OTEP program expanded in phases, with the first
phase reached 2.5 million households over a three-year period (1980–83), the second phase
reaching twice that many households over the subsequent three-year period (1983–86), and in
the final three-year period another 5 million households. Scaling up involved organizing CHWs
into decentralized teams with strong provisions for supervision and accountability. An
innovative program of CHW performance evaluation was developed by independent evaluators
visiting 10% of homes following an educational session given by a CHW. CHWs with
outstanding performance were rewarded with a financial bonus, thereby motivating workers
and improving program effectiveness. This is an example of a national CHW program
implemented by an NGO working in close collaboration with the government, other NGOs, and
multiple donors.21, 22

The Bangladesh MOH has also scaled up an innovative national community-based tuberculosis
program involving CHWs in collaboration with NGOs. CHWs visit homes and identify those
with a cough of more than three weeks duration and then collect a sputum specimen that is
examined microscopically by a MOH technician at a government health facility. The CHW

14–13
working with the NGO then supervises directly observed therapy (DOTS) of those who test
positive. This program began in 1994 follow a successful pilot program led by BRAC, in close
coordination with the MOH, in one district that took place between 1984 and 1991, with
expansion to nine additional districts in 1992 and eight more in 1995. Now, this program has
gradually expanded so that there are 10 collaborating NGO partners. Case detection rates are
quite high—in the range of 80%—and treatment success rate is in the range of 85%.21, 23, 24

In short, BRAC’s experience with successful scale-up of a number of different community-based

health interventions involving CHWs all involve a similar process: develop and pilot a model
program that is scalable, then gradually scale it up with a strong external M&E process so that
mid-course corrections can be made. Maintenance of strong training programs and strong
supervisory support at each step is essential for success.

CONCLUSIONS
Effectively scaling up of a CHW program and sustaining effective program functioning at scale
are enormous challenges. However, examples of well-run programs at scale suggest that this is
achievable with the proper combination of leadership, visioning, planning, identification of the
appropriate model, fitting the program to the local and national contexts, ensuring long-term
financial support, and continuing performance improvements on the basis of rigorous ongoing
M&E. Learning from successful and failed experiences of other programs can also provide
invaluable insights.

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Key Resources
WHO. Beginning with the end in mind: Planning pilot projects and other programmatic
research for successful scaling up. World Health Organization. 2011.
http://www.expandnet.net/PDFs/ExpandNet-WHO%20Guide%20-
Beginning%20with%20the%20end%20in%20mind%20-%20May%2019,%202011%20-
%20draft.pdf

WHO. Nine steps for developing a scale-up strategy. World Health Organization. 2010.
http://www.expandnet.net/PDFs/Nine%20steps%20for%20developing%20a%20scaling%20up%2
0strategy%20-%20WHO%20publication.pdf

WHO. Practical guidance for scaling up health service innovations. World Health Organization.
2009. http://www.expandnet.net/PDFs/WHO_ExpandNet_Practical_Guide_published.pdf

Pallas SW, Minhas D, Perez-Escamilla R, Taylor L, Curry L, Bradley EH. Community health
workers in low- and middle-income countries: what do we know about scaling up and
sustainability? Am J Public Health 2013; 103(7): e74-82.

Simmons R, Fajans P, Ghiron L, eds. Scaling up health service delivery: from pilot innovations
to policies and programmes. 2007. http://www.expandnet.net/PDFs/Scaling-
Up_Health_Service_Delivery-WHO-ExpandNet.pdf

ExpandNet scaling-up bibliography: http://www.expandnet.net/biblio.htm

Case studies of scaling up health programs in developing countries are addressed in the
following volume:

Cash RA, Chowdhury AMR, Smith GB, Ahmed F. From One to Many: Scaling Up Health
Programs in Low-Income Countries. Dhaka, Bangladesh: University Press Ltd.; 2011.

The following is a detailed guide, also focusing particularly on public sector efforts for scaling
up:
MSH. A guide for fostering change to scale-up effective health services. 2007.
http://erc.msh.org/toolkit/toolkitfiles/file/FC_Guide2.pdf

The following guide draws particularly from NGO experiences in South Asia:
Kohl R, Cooley L. “Scaling up: from vision to large-scale change,” Management Systems
International. 2005. http://www.msiworldwide.com/files/scalingup-framework.pdf

The following guide, as the title suggests, is particularly oriented to maternal-newborn scale-up
efforts:
Robb-McCord J, Voet W. Scaling up practices, tools, and approaches in the maternal and
neonatal health program. Jhpiego. 2003.
www.jhpiego.org/resources/pubs/mnh/scaleupMNH.pdf

The following guide draws on an approach developed by the Institute of Healthcare

Improvement:
Massoud MR, Donohue KL, and McCannon CJ. 2010. Options for Large-scale Spread of
Simple, High-impact Interventions. Technical Report. Published by the USAID Health
Care Improvement Project. Bethesda, MD: University Research Co. LLC (URC).
http://www.ihi.org/NR/rdonlyres/B37CD455-9F65-422F-878F-
3DB1C920A380/0/MassoudDonahueMcCannonLargeScaleSpreadHighImpactInterventio
ns_USAIDURCSept10.pdf

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Issues in the scaling up of integrated community case management of childhood illness in Africa
are addressed in the following document:
Oliver K, Young M, Oliphant N, Diaz T, Kim J. Review of Systematic Challenges to the
Scale-Up of Integrated Community Case Management: Emerging Lessons &
Recommendations from the Catalytic Initiative (CI/IHSS). New York, NY: UNICEF; 2012.
Available at:
http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/files/Analysis_of_Systematic_Barriers_cover_1163.pdf.

Related to our focus here on scale-up is the challenge of closing the research-to-practice gap. The
following review captures a broad range of this literature:
Fixsen, D. L., Naoom, S. F., Blase, K. A., Friedman, R. M. & Wallace, F. (2005).
Implementation Research: A Synthesis of the Literature. Tampa, FL: University of
South Florida, Louis de la Parte Florida Mental Health Institute, The National
Implementation Research Network (FMHI Publication #231).
http://www.fpg.unc.edu/~nirn/resources/detail.cfm?resourceID=31

Two other useful resources (not specific to health) are the following:
Greenhalgh T, Robert G, Macfarlane F, Bate P, Kyiakidou O. Diffusion of Innovations in
Service Organizations: Systematic Review and Recommendations. Milbank Quarterly
82(4); 2004: 581–629.

Daniel Taylor-Ide and Carl Taylor. Chapter 22. How to go to scale. Just and Lasting
Scale: When Communities Own Their Futures. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University
Press, 2002, pp. 282–307.

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References
1. Munabi-Babigumira S, Oxman A, Lavis J, Fretheim A, Lewin S. Scaling up policies and
programmes. Oslo: Norwegian Knowledge Centre for the Health Services,
2009.http://www.cdbph.org/documents/STP_13_Scaling%20up_policies_and_programmes_20
09_06_12.pdf
2. Glenton C, Carlsen B, Swartz A, Lewin S, Noyes J, Rashidian A. Barriers and facilitators to
the implementation of lay health worker programmes to improve access to maternal and
child health: qualitative evidence synthesis. Cochrane Database Syst Rev 2013 (Submitted
for Publication).
3. Simmons R, Ghiron L, Fajans P. Nine steps for developing a scaling-up strategy Geneva,
Switzerland: World Health Organization, ExpandNet,
2010.http://whqlibdoc.who.int/publications/2010/9789241500319_eng.pdf
4. Simmons R, Fajans P, Ghiron L, Johnson B. Managing scaling up. In: Cash R, Chowdhury
MR, Smith GB, Ahmed F, eds. From One to Many: Scaling Up Health Programs in Low
Income Countries. Dhaka, Bangladesh: The University Press Limited; 2011: 3-12.
5. Cooley L, Kohl R. Scaling Up - From Vision to Large-scale Change: A Management
Framework for Practitioners. Washington, D.C.: Management Systems International
2006.http://www.msiworldwide.com/files/scalingup-framework.pdf
6. Lavis JN, Rottingen JA, Bosch-Capblanch X, et al. Guidance for evidence-informed policies
about health systems: linking guidance development to policy development. PLoS Med 2012;
9(3): e1001186.
7. Glaser E, Abelson HH, Garrison KN. Putting knowledge to use: facilitating the diffusion of
knowledge and the implementation of planned change. San Francisco, California: Jossey-
Bass; 1983.
8. McCannon J, Schall MW, Perla RJ, Barker P. Planning for Scaling Up. In: Cash R,
Chowdhury MR, Smith GB, Ahmed F, eds. From One to Many: Scaling Up Health Programs
in Low Income Countries. Dhaka, Bangladesh: The University Press Limited; 2011: 15-29.
9. CORE Group. "Scale" and "Scaling-Up" A CORE Group Background Paper on "Scaling-Up"
Maternal, Newborn and Child Health Services. 2005 CORE spring meeting and the USAID
child survival and health grants program mini-university 2005; Washington, D.C.: CORE
Group; 2005. p.
11.http://www.coregroup.org/storage/documents/Workingpapers/scaling_up_background_pap
er_7-13.pdf
10. Kaosar A. Scaling up BRAC’s maternal, neonatal and child health interventions in
Bangladesh. In: Cash R, Chowdhury MR, Smith GB, Ahmed F, eds. From One to Many:
Scaling Up Health Programs in Low Income Countries. Dhaka, Bangladesh: The University
Press Limited; 2011: 59-73.
11. Pallas SW, Minhas D, Perez-Escamilla R, Taylor L, Curry L, Bradley EH. Community
health workers in low- and middle-income countries: what do we know about scaling up and
sustainability? Am J Public Health 2013; 103(7): e74-82.
12. Nahar T, Azad K, Aumon BH, et al. Scaling up community mobilisation through women's
groups for maternal and neonatal health: experiences from rural Bangladesh. BMC
Pregnancy Childbirth 2012; 12: 5.
13. Gawande A. Slow ideas. Some innovations spread fast. How do you speed the ones that
don’t? The New Yorker. 2013 July 29,
2013.http://www.newyorker.com/reporting/2013/07/29/130729fa_fact_gawande

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14. Simmons R, Shiffman J. Scaling up health service innovations: a framework for action In:
Simmons R, Fajans P, Ghiron L, eds. Scaling Up Health Service Delivery from Pilot
Innovations to Policies and Programmes. Geneva, Switzerland: World Health Organization
2007: 1-30.
15. Taylor-Ide D, Taylor CE. Just and Lasting Change: When Communities Own Their Futures.
Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press; 2002.
16. Islam MK, May MA. Decentralized management in the expansion of BRAC’s rural
tuberculosis program (DOTs). In: Cash R, Chowdhury MR, Smith GB, Ahmed F, eds. From
One to Many: Scaling Up Health Programs in Low Income Countries: The University Press
Limited; 2011: 207-14.
17. Chathoth P. Scaling up in eHealth: leveraging the potential of ICTs. In: Cash R, Chowdhury
MR, Smith GB, Ahmed F, eds. From One to Many: Scaling Up Health Programs in Low
Income Countries. Dhaka, Bangladesh: The University Press Limited; 2011: 105-28.
18. Rohde JE, Wyon J. Introduction to Part I: A brief history of community-based primary
health care. In: Rohde JE, Wyon J, eds. Community-Based Health Care: Lessons from
Bangladesh to Boston. Boston, MA: Management Sciences for Health (in collaboration with
the Harvard School of Public Health); 2002: 3-12.
19. National Health Systems Resource Centre. ASHA Which way forward...? Evaluation of
ASHA Programme. New Delhi, India: National Rural Health Mission. National Health
Systems Resource Centre, 2011.
http://nhsrcindia.org/download.php?downloadname=pdf_files/resources_thematic/Communit
y_Participation/NHSRC_Contribution/ASHA_Which_way_forward_-
_Evalaution_of_ASHA_Programme_Report_NHSRC_417.pdf
20. Cleland J, Phillips JF, Amin S, Kamal GM. The Determinants of Reproductive Change in
Bangladesh. Washington, DC: The World Bank; 1994.
21. Perry H. Heath for All in Bangladesh: Lessons in Primary Health Care for the Twenty-First
Century. Dhaka, Bangladesh University Press Ltd.; 2000.
22. Chowdhury AM, Cash R. A Simple Solution. Dhaka, Bangladesh: University Press Ltd.;
1996.
23. Zafar Ullah AN, Newell JN, Ahmed JU, Hyder MK, Islam A. Government-NGO
collaboration: the case of tuberculosis control in Bangladesh. Health Policy Plan 2006; 21(2):
143-55.
24. Islam MK, May MA, Ahmed F, Cash R, Ahmed J. Joining forces: a public private
partnership for TB control Making Tuberculosis History: Community-based Solutions for
Millions: The University Press Limited; 2011.

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 Chapter 15
Measurement and Data Use for
Services Provided by
Community Health Workers
Steve Hodgins, Dena Javadi, and Henry Perry
Key Points
• Routine measurement and data use for community health services are poorly developed in most
countries.
• Such information systems, if well-developed and used, can strengthen community health
services, including the performance of community health workers (CHWs).
• Sometimes additional information will need to be collected beyond what is normally reported on
routine monthly report forms.
• Descriptions of some of the findings from monitoring and evaluation of large-scale CHW
programs in Pakistan and India are provided.

15–1
INTRODUCTION
Measurement for a program is analogous to senses for the human body. It is an essential
function, required for program effectiveness. It tells what is happening, alerting people to areas
that need attention. Data are used at different points in the development and implementation of
program activities. Data are used to define or characterize a problem that may call for some
new action. So, for example, we may be relying on health facility-based care for immunization.
Considering routinely generated data on service volume, we may determine that population
coverage is very low. That could prompt decisions to develop new modes of service delivery that
more adequately meet the needs of the population (possibly including a new use of CHWs). Data
coming from special studies or periodic population surveys can also serve this purpose of
helping us better understand problems that may need new approaches.

Another important use of data is evaluation. Typically, formal evaluations are a donor
requirement associated with major program initiatives. Most often, they are done as one-offs,
sometimes finding very disappointing performance, resulting in decisions to make major
changes in direction. Related to evaluations is the measurement and analytic work associated
with pilot activities. From such findings, decisions can be made about whether or not to proceed
with scale-up, and what particular aspects of a demonstration activity need to be modified.

Finally, returning to the analogy with senses and the human body, measurement can serve a
critical function informing, on an ongoing basis, what is happening and where adjustments need
to be made. As important as the other uses of measurement are, this chapter focuses primarily
on the ongoing collection and use of data related to community health services for purposes of
continually improving performance and impact. This process requires appropriate
documentation and information management systems and requires equipping CHWs and other
health workers on appropriate documentation and data management and use for improving
services.

KEY QUESTIONS
• What does monitoring and evaluation consist of?
• What are the steps in developing a monitoring and evaluation system?
• What are methods for routine monitoring and performance management?
• When is routine measurement not enough?

On this ongoing function, Lant Pritchett et al. supplement the conventional concepts of
“monitoring” and “evaluation” with the idea of “structured experiential learning,” adding an
additional “e” to M&E, to get MeE.1 They point out that typically: (1) “evaluation” is done
infrequently, and by some external entity; and (2) ongoing “monitoring,” of the usual kind, is
done as an administrative, reporting function. What is needed is more than this; they call for
“structured experiential learning,” by which they mean rigorous, real-time tracking of
important aspects of program performance by implementers, with tight feedback loops and
continuous attention to address performance problems.

In the case of many tasks or program activities conducted by CHWs, even routine
(administrative) monitoring may be missing because health management information systems
(HMISs) commonly fail to capture services provided more peripherally than at the health
facility level. The fact that a function gets measured and reported does not necessarily mean
that it will get meaningful attention to ensure performance, but if it is not monitored at all
there is little likelihood of effective performance management. This need for monitoring is true

15–2
of all services, but is particularly important for community health services that often are not
adequately monitored. Too frequently, they are also scaled up and implemented over long
periods without being subject to rigorous evaluation. Unfortunately, there have been few
examples of rigorous, large-scale evaluations of community-based services.*

Some community-based services are frequently captured in routine monitoring or health

information systems. For example, in many settings outreach strategies and the use of health
auxiliaries are important for delivery of immunization services. Where this is the case, these
services are generally reflected in routine health information systems, though not necessarily
disaggregated from health facility-based provision. For many other programs, however, services
provided by CHWs frequently are not captured at all. For example, CHWs may be depot holders
for oral rehydration solution (ORS), condoms, or oral contraceptives, yet distribution of these
commodities/services by CHWs may not be captured in the HMIS. Health education and
community mobilization functions are typically not captured at all or, if documented and
reported, the information may not be interpretable. For example, a report on the number of
community education sessions conducted per month by a CHW does not really provide any
useful information about the quality of the session, the number of attendees, and so forth.

There is a general principle that what gets measured gets attention. Health facility and
program managers at all levels are only empowered to actively and effectively manage
performance of their services and programs if they have a good idea how things are actually
going. That requires selection of meaningful indicators, appropriate ongoing measurement,
review of the collected information, and actions taken in response to the information collected.
So, although we acknowledge the importance of traditional “monitoring” and “evaluation,” what
is particularly important here is the “e” in MeE, i.e., what Pritchett et al. refer to as
“experiential learning.” This term can be understood as ongoing monitoring/measurement to
track and manage services to improve performance. As we have seen, immunization is a
program area that, in many settings, is managed in a way that can serve as a model for other
areas of community-level service delivery.

WHAT ARE THE STEPS IN DEVELOPING A MONITORING AND

EVALUATION SYSTEM?
If a program activity is judged to be important, managers need to have a good idea how it is
actually doing. Frequently, enough checking can certainly help a lot. But, supplementing this
monitoring with more systematic checking, using indicators and information systems, is
generally necessary.

There are several common problems, calling for specific responses as shown in Figure 1.

*A notable exception is the multicountry evaluation of community health services by Bryce et al.2

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Figure 1. Steps in developing a functional information system for community health services

WHAT ARE METHODS FOR ROUTINE MONITORING AND PERFORMANCE

MANAGEMENT?
Virtually all primary health care services have routine health information systems, consisting of
registers, forms, and reports. They may also include standardized case records, patient-held
cards/records, and more specialized information sub-systems, for example, for health facility-
level supply chain management. Some systems have provision for capturing services delivered
at outreach sessions or at the household level, with dedicated registers or forms used at that
level. In most instances, there are no institutionalized provisions for processing and using
information collected through these various tools other than for extracting certain items for
submission in monthly or quarterly reports. Although there may be integrated information
systems that consolidate across all or some programs or services at the primary healthcare
level, the more usual situation is a multiplicity of documentation tools associated with different
programs. This system imposes a documentation and reporting burden on health workers and
CHWs (to the extent that they, too, are obliged to record such information). It also contributes to
problems of data quality and completeness and further reduces the likelihood of active data use
for quality improvement. Integration of the CHW health information system into the system for
the health center to which CHWs are attached ensures that CHW work is part of the national
health information system.

There are other possible data sources for routine monitoring and performance management.
These sources can include documentation arising from supervisory contacts, individual patient
records, and material generated from institutionalized death audit processes.

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WHEN IS ROUTINE MEASUREMENT NOT ENOUGH?
As already discussed, measurement related to health program performance has several
important functions. As a basis for developing strategy, understanding the current situation
helps in prioritizing, directing design decisions, and determining resources needed. But, as
services are delivered over time, there are also important dimensions of performance and of
drivers or determinants of performance that cannot be readily measured through the normal
means available to us for routine monitoring. For example, an important target of many CHW
programs is changes in specific household practices. If part of a CHW’s role is to promote
exclusive breastfeeding at the household and community levels, the most important measure of
effectiveness is what is actually happening with breastfeeding rates. Normally, that cannot be
measured any other way than by a representative household level survey of the whole
population. Similarly, if an important focus of CHW work is to promote appropriate care
seeking for danger signs, we will not be in a position to properly measure this practice based
only on public sector service delivery statistics.

There can also be important drivers or determinants of performance that program managers
need to accurately judge. For example, morale or motivation of health workers (including
CHWs) can be a very important factor influencing their performance. But, routine monitoring
tools do not provide any insight into such factors. For important aspects of program
performance that do not lend themselves to routine measurement, periodic surveys, and special
studies can provide valuable information, although normally we have to be satisfied with
getting this information far less frequently than we would like. Certain CHW programs, such as
Pakistan’s lady health worker (LHW) program and Nepal’s female community health volunteer
(FCHV) program, have had the benefit of periodic surveys specifically looking at those
programs. These surveys have provided invaluable information on what the CHWs are doing
and on factors influencing performance.

EXAMPLES OF MEASUREMENT AND DATA USE IN SPECIFIC CHW

PROGRAMS
Here we present three examples of data use in large-scale CHW programs. The first of these
(Box 1) describes how CHWs tally up their daily work and then consolidate their data into a
monthly report for submission to the next higher level in the system. This community-based
health information system has the advantage of guiding the CHW in his or her daily work and
providing the capacity for calculation of coverage of services in the CHW’s catchment area. The
second example (Box 2) describes how information about CHW performance collected by
supervisors in India is passed up through the system for monitoring purposes. The third
example (Box 3) describes evaluations of national CHW programs in India and Pakistan. In
India, the assessment was carried out by the National Health Systems Resource Centre, a
technical support institution with the National Rural Health Mission, for the national
accredited social health activist (ASHA) program. In Pakistan, the assessment was carried out
by a private external entity. In both cases, the process was a transparent one, and the results
are publicly available.

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Box 1. An example from Ethiopia of village-based monitoring of CHW activities3,4
The community health information system developed for the Ethiopian Health Extension Program
for the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples state consists of a comprehensive system
built around identifying households and families and creating a health folder for each family. At
the time of home visits, the CHWs (called health extension workers, or HEWs) carry the family
folder with them to record information. The HEW also completes a tally sheet for recording at the
end of each day the number of services that s/he provides by type of service (e.g., antenatal care,
immunizations). Instead of putting a tally mark for the service, however, the HEW records the
household number. Supervisors can then assess the quality of the information by looking directly
at the family health folder for households that were reported to have received a service.

For families in need of a special service during a given month, the family folder is put in a
placeholder “tickler” file for that month. In some health posts (where HEWs have a base of
operations), the HEWs put small pieces of paper with the household number on it into certain
pouches marked with the type of service that needs to be provided to someone in that household
(e.g., antenatal care, family planning, immunization). This has led to better targeting of services
and increased coverage in the HEW catchment areas. The HEWs summarize their daily tally
sheets to produce a monthly report for their supervisor. This system is now in the process of
becoming electronic, thereby facilitating the compilation of summary statistics.

Through this system, HEWs can calculate coverage indicators for their own catchment areas (e.g.,
percentage of children 1–2 years of age who have obtained all of their immunizations).

Box 2. An example from India of regional-level monitoring

In India’s ASHA program, ASHA supervisors monitor performance and report on it. The reports on
ASHA functionality involve recording whether ASHAs are completing such tasks as (1) visiting
newborns within the first day (for newborns born at home), (2) attending immunization camps, (3)
visiting households to discuss nutrition, and (4) acting as directly observed treatment short-
course (DOTS) providers (to directly administer TB medication).5 These reports are then submitted
to the block community mobilizer on a monthly basis and assessed quarterly to determine what
percentage of ASHAs are functional. These results are then submitted to the district coordinator,
who grades each block in the district based on ASHA functionality. Finally, the monitoring data are
consolidated at the state level, and each district is graded.

Similar to the ASHA example, monitoring systems for anganwadi workers (AWWs) in India start at
the village level and data flows to the child development project officer at the block level and
finally to the Ministry of Women and Child Development at the state and national level. Data are
reviewed at each level and applied in decision-making. The monitoring and information system is
currently being updated and revised so that each state adheres to a common national standard.
The revision process involves creating online monitoring software for use at the block level, new
information registers, and new reporting formats from the village to the state level.6

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Box 3. Examples from India and Pakistan of assessments of their entire national CHW programs
India
In India, in 2009 and 2010, the National Health Systems Resource Centre, a technical support
institution with the National Rural Health Mission, conducted an assessment to determine what
components of the ASHA program work, where, under what circumstances, and to what extent.3
The evaluation was done in three phases: Phase 1 was a qualitative study and a review of
secondary information; Phase 2 was a structured questionnaire of a sample of stakeholders in
two districts of each of the eight states selected for inclusion in the evaluation (in each district,
100 ASHA workers, 600 beneficiaries, 25 auxiliary nurse-midwives, 100 AWWs, and 100
community leaders who are representatives of the Panchayati Raj institutions). In Phase 3, the
findings were discussed with key stakeholders at the national, state, and district levels; follow-up
observations were made over a two-year period on how the findings of the evaluation were
incorporated into program operations. The National Health Systems Resource Centre’s 207-page
report had findings and recommendations specific to each state. In addition, the overall
recommendations arising from the evaluation results included, among others, the following:
 Improve ASHA worker skills in counseling and interpersonal behavior change in areas related
to nutrition, care in pregnancy (including recognition of maternal complications and referral),
home-based care of the newborn, prevention and management of illness in the young child,
prevention of communicable diseases, and promotion of good health practices.
 Improve the quality of supervisory support and improve the drug kit refill process.
 Reinforce efforts to ensure that every household in the village is reached by an ASHA worker.
 Focus on advocacy for the program so that policymakers and others in the health system
understand the potential impact of the program on saving maternal, newborn, and child lives.
 Establish a system to monitor ASHA functionality at the block, district, and state levels.
 Clarify and build synergy among the overlapping roles of AWWs, auxiliary nurse-midwives, and
ASHA workers.
 Establish improved processes for replacement of ASHA workers and create opportunities for
career advancement for qualified ASHA workers. This process will require competency-based
training and certification of ASHA workers.
 Promote ASHA worker motivation by achieving a good balance between appropriate
remuneration and a spirit of volunteerism and desire to benefit the community.†

Pakistan
In 2009, Oxford Policy Management conducted an external evaluation of the LHW program in
Pakistan, covering the period from 2003 to 2008.5-9 It included a survey of a nationally
representative sample of households and a similarly representative sample of LHWs. Separate
interviews were conducted with LHW supervisors, selected medical staff, and community groups.
The goals of the evaluation were to examine the level of performance of LHWs and determinants
of performance level and to measure quality and coverage of services, including coverage among
the poor. In addition, reviews of management, organizational systems, program expenditures, and
unit costs were done, resulting in 11 reports, including reports for each province of the country.

Among the many findings of the evaluation were that the LHW program has effectively managed
its expansion from 70,000 to nearly 100,000 LHWs without undermining its impact, although
there are still serious problems encountered with supplies, equipment, and clinical referral

†The report’s statement was: “We need to forge a way forward that builds on the ASHA’s own reiterations of community
service, as being her main motivating element and the concept of volunteerism and activism. At the same time we also
need to ensure that we do not become exploitative of her service, and that we respect the need to value her service and
compensate her adequately for her time.” [p. 127].

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 services. However, the evaluation did identify that 25% of LHWs exhibited low levels of service,
including working outside of their catchment areas for other organizations and charging for
services (which is prohibited). In addition, it found that high turnover in management positions
impeded program performance. Coverage in the most disadvantaged areas of the country is still
incomplete, so the program will still need to expand further.

CONCLUSION
Measurement and use of data for strengthening community health services at the local level can
strengthen the performance of CHW programs. In addition, well-developed national CHW
program evaluations conducted at 5- to 10-year intervals can serve to guide national program
strengthening. For CHW programs to remain relevant and effective and to maintain political
and governmental support for their long-term sustainability, well-developed monitoring and
evaluation activities will be essential.

15–8
Useful Resources
Segone M, ed. Country-Led Monitoring and Evaluation Systems: Better Evidence, Better Policies,
Better Development Results. Geneva, Switzerland: UNICEF Regional Office for CEE/CIS; 2009.
Available at: http://www.ceecis.org/remf/Country-ledMEsystems.pdf.

Lippeveld T, Sauerborn R, Bodart C. Design and Implementation of Health Information

Systems. Geneva, Switzerland: World Health Organization; 2000. (See especially Marsh D.
Population-based community health information systems. pp. 146-75.)

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References
1. Pritchett L, Samji S, Hammer J. It's All About MeE: Using Structured Experiential Learning
("e") to Crawl the Design Space. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University, John F. Kennedy
School of Government; 2013. Available online at: http://ideas.repec.org/p/ecl/harjfk/rwp13-
012.html.
2. Bryce J, Gilroy K, Jones G, Hazel E, Black RE, Victora CG. The Accelerated Child Survival
and Development programme in west Africa: a retrospective evaluation. Lancet 2010;
375(9714): 572-82.
3. Chewicha K, Azim T. Community health information system for family-centered health
care: scale-up in Southern Nations, Nationalities and People’s Region. Ethiopia Ministry of
Health Quarterly Health Bulletin 2013 5(1): 49-53.
4. Lema I, Azim T, Akalu T, et al. Information tool for better health care in rural communities:
making family folder operational. Ethiopia Ministry of Health Quarterly Health Bulletin
2010 3: 27-34.
5. National Health Systems Resource Centre. ASHA Which way forward...? Evaluation of
ASHA Programme. New Delhi, India: National Rural Health Mission, National Health
Systems Resource Centre; 2011. Available at:
http://nhsrcindia.org/download.php?downloadname=pdf_files/resources_thematic/Communit
y_Participation/NHSRC_Contribution/ASHA_Which_way_forward_-
_Evalaution_of_ASHA_Programme_Report_NHSRC_417.pdf.
6. Ministry of Women and Child Development, Government of India. 2012. Integrated Child
Development Services (ICDS) Scheme.
7. Oxford Policy Management. External Evaluation of the National Programme for Family
Planning and Primary Health Care: Lady Health Worker Programme; Lady Health Worker
Study of Socio-Economic Benefits and Experiences. Canadian International Development
Agency; 2009. Available at:
http://www.opml.co.uk/sites/opml/files/LHW_Qualitative%20Report_1.pdf.
8. Oxford Policy Management. External Evaluation of the National Programme for Family
Planning and Primary Health Care: Lady Health Worker Programme; Systems Review.
Canadian International Development Agency; 2009. Available at:
http://www.opml.co.uk/sites/opml/files/LHW_%20Systems%20Review_1.pdf.
9. Oxford Policy Management. External Evaluation of the National Programme for Family
Planning and Primary Health Care: Lady Health Worker Programme; Summary of Results.
Canadian International Development Agency; 2009. Available at:
http://www.opml.co.uk/sites/opml/files/Lady%20Health%20Worker%20Programme%20-
%204th%20Evaluation%20-%20Summary%20of%20Results_0.pdf.
10. Oxford Policy Management. 2009. Fourth External Evaluation for the National Programme
for Family Planning and Primary Health Care: Lady Health Worker Programme;
Quantitative Survey Report. Canadian International Development Agency; 2009. Available
at: http://www.opml.co.uk/sites/opml/files/LHW%20Quantitative%20Report_0.pdf.
11. Oxford Policy Management. 2009. External Evaluation of the National Programme for
Family Planning and Primary Health Care: Lady Health Worker Programme; Management
Review. Canadian International Development Agency; 2009. Available at:
http://www.opml.co.uk/sites/opml/files/LHW_%20Management%20Review_1.pdf.

15–10
 Chapter 16
Wrap-Up
Henry Perry, Lauren Crigler, and Steve Hodgins
Key Points
• The current enthusiasm for large-scale Community Health Worker (CHW) programs needs to be
tempered with a sobering reflection on the disappointments that followed a similar wave of
enthusiasm in the 1970s and 1980s and that challenges in scaling up and sustaining large-scale
public sector CHW programs remain.
• Large-scale public sector CHW programs are complex entities that require adapting a systems
perspective to the national and local contexts.
• This reference guide has attempted to avoid categorical recommendations and has suggested
issues and principles to consider and, when possible, has cited relevant program experience.
• CHWs are not a stop-gap measure in a second-rate health program, but a permanent part of a
highly functional and effective first-class health system.

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Given the recent re-emergence of interest in large-scale CHW programs, we have taken the
opportunity to take stock of issues and challenges that these programs face and what might be
done to make them as effective as possible. This reference guide is intended to be a practical
guide for policymakers and program managers who wish to develop or strengthen a CHW
program, drawing lessons from other countries that have implemented CHW programs at scale.
We have discussed major policy and programmatic issues that decision-makers and planners
need to consider when designing, implementing, scaling up, or strengthening a national-level
CHW program. We have offered an overview of specific challenges CHW programs face, country
lessons, tools, and other resources that may be helpful for policymakers and program managers.
As much as possible, we have brought in relevant programmatic examples.

We return to Figure 1 that was presented in the Introduction to highlight the inter-
relationships between all the different parts of the “system” that makes up a CHW program. As
should be even clearer than perhaps it was at the outset, because all of these functions have
important inter-relations, design decisions in one area have consequences in many others.

Figure 1. Overview of Community Health Worker Program Sub-systems and Their Interactions

For more than 50 years, as leaders in primary health care have tried to elaborate strategies to
better meet population health needs, they have gravitated repeatedly to solutions that have
involved recruiting and training local people to play roles complementing and supplementing
those of health professionals, encouraging healthier practices and care seeking and, in some
instances, providing services that otherwise would fall within the responsibility of health
professionals through task-shifting.

Strategies have varied considerably by place and time. Different names for community-level
workers have been used. Some notable ones include: “health auxiliary,” “village health worker,”
and “community health worker” and, most recently, “frontline health worker” (albeit, a
designation used also to cover primary health care professionals, as well as lesser-trained
community-level workers).

The initial wave of CHW programs established in the 1960s, 70s, and 80s was for a very
different world from today. Many of the societies where we work have become more prosperous
since then; the standard of education and literacy has improved; economies have evolved in the
direction of greater monetization and away from traditional subsistence economies; in many
settings, the private sector now accounts for a large proportion of health services provided; road
networks have expanded; and new technologies (notably mobile phones) are now in widespread
use. Perhaps most importantly, the world today is much more urbanized.

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Nevertheless, many of the issues that face policymakers, program managers, and external
development partners as they make decisions and as they design and manage community
health programs are essentially the same as those faced by their predecessors: how to
sustainably finance such a program; how to design it so that it will function effectively; how to
select, train, motivate, retain, and supervise CHWs; how to ensure consistent supply of needed
drugs and other commodities; and how to monitor and ensure performance. Also, now more than
ever, programs need to be resilient and adaptable, adjusting to new evidence and policies to
enable them to implement newly approved recommendations.

Unfortunately, examples can be found today of decisions being made in the development or
implementation of CHW programs that repeat mistakes made in the past, dooming programs to
the same compromised effectiveness as last time round. Our goal is for this reference guide to
enable policymakers and program implementers to reduce the frequency of such decisions that
fail to take into account lessons that can be drawn from past experience.

The accumulating evidence regarding the effectiveness of CHWs in low-, middle- and even in
high-income countries provides strong indications that for the foreseeable future CHW
programs are no longer just a stopgap solution. Investments in them are, in fact, investments in
strengthening the health system. But, to reach their full potential they need adequate
financing, just as all essential programs do. Whether emerging large-scale CHW programs can
garner the financial resources they need to achieve their full potential is a question that is too
early to answer at present.

Each of the chapters in this manual is authored separately, so they may differ in style and
approach; however, in each case, authors were asked to present a series of key questions and
provide alternative scenarios that might help decision-makers identify the best solution for
their particular challenge.

Across chapters, there are key themes that emerge:

• Planning, managing, and financing CHW programs is complex because CHW programs
generally fall somewhere between the formal health system and communities, and rely on the
involvement of a wide range of stakeholders at local, national, and international levels. CHW
programs frequently fall outside of the formal health structures and are poorly integrated with
it.
• Careful planning that takes into account the full costs of the program is essential, and a plan for
adequate financing that is fair and sustainable must follow. Establishing a strong a base of
political support for long-term financing is critical if government funding is required. Early
success can build long-term success – an ineffective program is hard to fund in the long term.
• Balancing the inherent tensions of a large-scale CHW program in which the CHW is the lowest
tier worker of a national health system and also acts on behalf of the always changing local
world of a community will be an ongoing challenge requiring decentralized flexibility in program
policy, design, and implementation.
• Attention to human resources, from role definition and recruitment to training, supervision, and
incentives must be considered in full at the outset (if possible) of the program. Each of these
areas individually and cumulatively provides the means and mechanism for the delivery of
quality services. The program is responsible for providing basic and realistic support for people
expected to deliver any kind of service to a community.

16–3
• Early program quality can generate political support that will be valuable in providing the
needed governmental financial support. Strong evidence of effectiveness can help to secure
political support for funding and can be achieved by having a strong monitoring and evaluation
program.
• Where community or local participation is well established, models of community-driven
programs and local accountability may be appropriate and useful for CHW programs. Where
local participation in governance is not well established (for example, because governance of the
health and political systems are highly centralized) or is weak, stakeholders need to explore
other mechanisms for accountability.
• It is challenging to include a very local participatory structure for governing a CHW program
within a large-scale program, and there are few sustained examples of this. For large-scale
programs, formal local governance structures, such as elected local government councils, may
need to be relied on. Stakeholders need to consider how to organize CHW program governance
in such contexts.
• Engaging localities in the governance of large-scale CHW programs is difficult to achieve
without substantial resources, adequate planning, and sustained attention to maintaining these
structures. Stakeholders need to consider what resources are needed and how these can be
made available. However, the development and support of community networks, linkages,
partners, and coordination is necessary to enable a comprehensive community participation
approach for better health.

Although many themes and issues have been explored, we have not included a whole range of
topics that are of great importance, but must be addressed elsewhere. These include the
following:
• The effectiveness of specific interventions and specific strategies for delivering them in the
community.
• Current advances in the application of mHealth for CHW programs and the potential of
mHealth for CHW programs in the future.
• The adaptation of CHW programs to urban environments.

CONCLUSIONS
• Our goal in this reference guide has been to offer reflection and, hopefully, some guidance for
policymakers and program implementers as they begin to plan new CHW programs, scale up
existing programs, and/or strengthen existing programs. In 1987, Berman, Gwatkin, and Burger
asked if CHWs were a “head start or false start towards Health for All.”1 The scientific evidence
and programmatic experience that have accumulated over the past three decades (only a small
portion of which has been cited in this guide) have provided a new and stronger foundation for
being certain that CHWs definitely move the world toward Health for All, and not just as a stop-
gap measure, but for the foreseeable future. We hope that this reference guide will help to
enlighten the way—even if just a bit—toward Health for All. We firmly believe that the
challenges of CHW programming can be met and that CHWs will not continue to be seen as
stop-gap measures in second-rate health programs, but rather as a permanent part of a highly
functional and effective first-class health system.

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References
1. Berman PA, Gwatkin DR, Burger SE. 1987. Community-based health workers: head start or
false start towards health for all? Soc Sci Med 1987; 25(5): 443-59.

16–5
16–6
APPENDIXES
 Appendix A
Case Studies of Large-Scale Community
Health Worker Programs:
Examples from Afghanistan, Bangladesh,
Brazil, Ethiopia, India, Indonesia, Iran,
Nepal, Pakistan, Rwanda, Zambia, and
Zimbabwe
Henry Perry, Rose Zulliger, Kerry Scott, Dena Javadi, Jessica Gergen, Katharine Shelley,
Lauren Crigler, Iain Aitken, Said Habib Arwal, Novia Afdhila, Yekoyesew Worku, Jon Rohde,
and Zayna Chowdhury
Introduction
Throughout this guide we have referred to specific community health worker (CHW) programs,
but in a cursory fashion, referring to one aspect of the program or another. Here, we provide an
overview of seven large-scale CHW programs. All of these are public-sector programs except for
the first example from Bangladesh, which describes the CHW program of BRAC. BRAC
(formerly the Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee) has recently become the largest
nongovernmental organization, or NGO, in the world. It has almost 100,000 CHWs in
Bangladesh.

The examples provided below are meant to inform policymakers and program implementers in
designing, implementing, scaling up, and strengthening large-scale CHW programs. CHW
programs, by their very nature, are a product of the local context because many geographical,
historical, cultural, social and health-system factors influence how CHW programs emerge and
evolve. Thus, as is appropriate for a guide such as this, these case studies provide examples of
how CHW programs emerge and operate in regions throughout the world—Asia, the Middle
East, Africa, and South America.

Appendix A–1
THE COMMUNITY-BASED HEALTH CARE SYSTEM
OF AFGHANISTAN*
Summary
Background
The Afghanistan CHW program is part of the community-based
health care (CBHC) component of the Basic Package of Health
Services (BPHS), which was developed in 2003 after the end of 25
years of violence and conflict. At the present time, there are
approximately 19,000 CHWs.

Implementation
CHWs are based in pairs at health posts as a male and female team, usually as spouses or as
family members. They are trained and supervised by NGOs who have contracts from the
government to implement the BPHS, including CHW training and supervision, in specific
districts.

Training
CHWs receive three separate 3-week modules with a month of field experience in the village in
between. Trainers attempt to visit all the trainees in their villages during the month of field
experience.

Roles/Responsibilities
CHWs provide a comprehensive set of services from health promotion to provision of health
services to referral to the next level of care at a Basic or Comprehensive Health Center. Of note
is their capacity to carry out community case management of acute childhood illness
(pneumonia, diarrhea, and malaria, where malaria is endemic), treatment of patients diagnosed
with tuberculosis (TB), and provision of family planning (FP) commodities.

Incentives
CHWs are volunteers.

*This account was prepared by Iain Aitken, Advisor on Community-Based Health Care to the Ministry of Public Health,
Afghanistan, through Management Sciences for Health from 2004 to 2012, and by Said Habib Arwal, Head of the
Community-Based Health Care Department of the Ministry of Public Health, Afghanistan, since 2004.

Appendix A–2
Supervision
Each health facility supporting health posts has a Community Health Supervisor (CHS). CHSs
visit monthly each health post where a pair of CHWs is based, and the CHWs come monthly to
the “parent” health facility where the CHS is based for a joint meeting with the other CHWs.

Impact
CHWs now provide a major portion of primary health care (PHC) services in Afghanistan and
are widely recognized as one of the important contributors to Afghanistan’s marked
improvement in health status during the past decade.

Background
For almost 25 years, from 1978 to 2002, Afghanistan suffered from war and internal conflict.
Before 1978, the health system had not been very well developed, and after conflicts ceased in
2002, there were only a limited number of health facilities, and these were run by the
government or by NGOs. Most health professionals had fled the country if they could. The
population was largely illiterate and social and economic structures were very weak.

The transitional Islamic Government of Afghanistan made two key decisions for the
development of the health services in 2003. The first was the development of the BPHS. In
consideration of the primary health needs of the population; the availability of effective,
evidence-based interventions; the levels of resources required; and the goal of creating an
equitable health system, priority was given to the health of women and children. The second
decision, in light of the nonfunctioning of the government health delivery system, was to
contract out health care delivery to NGOs through a series of partnership agreements. Funding
of these contracts was provided by the World Bank, the US Agency for International
Development (USAID), and the European Union. This arrangement has continued and has been
developed over the past 10 years.

A key element of the BPHS was the inclusion of a CBHC component, centered on the use of
CHWs at a village health post. The innovation that had not been a part of previous attempts to
use CHWs was that each health post should have one female CHW as well as one male CHW.
The inclusion of female CHWs was considered necessary because of the constraints that women
and their children faced in obtaining services at health facilities. These constraints arose
because of security issues as well as cultural norms.

In 2004, agreement was reached on a job description for the CHWs, a CHW training curriculum
and training manual were completed, and training of CHWs by NGO trainers started. The
NGOs had targets for the numbers of CHWs to be trained. Within the first year it became very
clear that the expectation that health facility staff would be able to make time to provide
supervision to the CHWs was proven unrealistic. In 2005, therefore, a new category of CHSs
was created. These were envisioned as full-time staff based at the peripheral health facilities.

Key Health Needs

Much of Afghanistan’s population is scattered across deserts, and another major portion of the
population lives in remote mountain valleys that are usually cut off for several months during
winter. So the development of accessible health services is a major health challenge that can
only be met through the development of community-based programs.

A further challenge was the weakness of the existing health facilities. In 2003, for instance, only
24% of hospitals had the capability of performing cesarean sections. Furthermore, only 21% of
health facilities had female health staff (a necessity if women are going to be examined by a
trained health provider), and only 467 midwives were available in the entire country. This all

Appendix A–3
contributed to a maternal mortality ratio (MMR) estimated at 1,600 per 100,000 live births, an
under-5 mortality rate of 257 per 1,000 live births, a child stunting rate of 48%, a total fertility
rate of 6.7, and a crude birth rate of 48 per 1,000 population. Only 23% of the population had
access to safe water and 12% had improved sanitation. More than 50% of the population was at
risk of malaria. Only 8% of pregnant women received skilled antenatal care (ANC) and only
14% of women delivered in a health facility. The contraceptive prevalence rate (CPR) was 8.5%
and the child immunization rate was 30%. As a result of the war there was also a considerable
burden of disability among soldiers and the civilian population, including mental illness.

Health System Structure

The government health system operates in each of the 34 provinces. Each province has a
provincial referral hospital, and each district in the province has a district hospital. In addition,
there are many Basic Health Centers and Comprehensive Health Centers staffed by doctors,
nurses, and midwives, whose numbers correspond to the size of the populations they serve and
their workload. Each of the district-level facilities has a network of health posts with CHWs in
its catchment area. The median number of health posts per health facility is now between 15
and 20. However, some facilities support up to 50 health posts. Each health post is supposed to
have one male and one female CHW, and serve a maximum of 150 households.

Scope of Work of the CHWs

The CHW is active in the following activities.

Health promotion (through personal and group activities, including Family Health Action
(FHA) Groups, with the support of a village health committee, the Shura-e-sehie). Topics
addressed are the following:
• Safe water and sanitation, personal and food hygiene
• Prevention of malaria, including use of insecticide-treated bed nets (ITNs)
• Safe pregnancy, childbirth preparedness, and care in the postpartum period
• Pregnancy and child nutrition, including breastfeeding
• Immunization
• Birth spacing and contraception
• Use of maternal and child health (MCH) and birth spacing services at the health facility

Direct patient care services:

• Community case management of childhood illnesses and referral of complicated cases
• Screening for and referral of suspected TB cases, and community-based treatment of cases with
directly observed therapy (DOT)
• Counseling about and provision of contraceptives
• First aid and trauma management

Management activities:
• Getting to know the families in the community and maintaining a community map showing
families requiring or using particular services

Appendix A–4
• Reporting vital events (births, maternal deaths, and deaths among children younger than 5
years of age), and submitting a monthly report for the national health management information
system (HMIS) of all health post activities
• Managing the health post and maintaining all equipment, supplies, and drugs

Community Roles
Each community with a health post has a health committee—the Shura-e-sehie. The shura
members are selected by the community with help from the CHW, the CHS, and the head of the
health facility. The health shuras provide leadership and support to all health-related activities
in their communities. They select, support, and supervise the CHWs in the community. They
encourage families to make full use of preventive and curative health services. They provide
leadership in the adoption and promotion of new behaviors and social norms.

Attempts at different times to form women’s health shuras have met with varying degrees of
success. However, women’s FHA Groups have proved very effective in promoting healthy
behavior change among women and their families. The female CHW selects a group of 10–12
women who are respected in the community and whom she trusts. They are given a series of
monthly “lessons” on important health topics, including home hygiene, diet and nutrition, care
of newborns and young children, and use of health services. Each woman is encouraged to put
the lessons into practice and then demonstrate and share them with the women from 8–10 of
the households in her neighborhood. In about one-third of the provinces, the FHA Groups have
also carried out growth monitoring of children in the community.

CHW Selection Process and Criteria

CHWs are selected through a consultation process between the NGO staff and the community
elders. Each health post is supposed to have a male and a female CHW; these are frequently
spouses or other close relatives, allowing them to work together. They should be more than 18
years old and be respected members of the community. There has been no upper age limit.
There is no education requirement, but if a person with education meets the other criteria, they
may be preferred.

Training of CHWs
The basic training course for the CHWs consists of three separate 3-week modules with a month
of field experience in the village in between when CHWs can practice their new skills before
moving on to the next module. The trainers attempt to visit all the trainees in their villages
during the practical month.

The modules are designed to take the CHWs from simpler to more complex skills. The first
module deals with common infectious diseases, environmental and personal hygiene, the
prevention of malaria and diarrhea, some principles of health education, and the management
of diarrhea and eye and skin infections. The second module is on promoting MCH. This includes
the CHW’s role in ANC and birth preparedness, postnatal and newborn care, breastfeeding and
nutrition, and immunization. The CHWs also learn some basic first aid. The third module
includes community case management of childhood illnesses, TB, birth spacing promotion and
provision of contraceptive methods, and further skill development in talking with people about
sickness, treatment, and birth spacing.

While the basic scope of the CHW’s work has not changed, over the last five years the details of
the job have been modified somewhat and training methods and job aids have been improved.
New tasks given to the CHWs include postpartum FP and provision of injectable contraceptives,
newborn care, and growth monitoring of children. An improved training package and pictorial

Appendix A–5
job aid for community case management as well as TB-DOT have been developed. These have
been incorporated into a revised training manual and curriculum.

Support and Supervision

Each health facility supporting health posts has a CHS, who is almost always a man. In less
than 10% of facilities there is also a female CHS. Their selection criteria include a high school
education, residence in the district where they will work, and good communication skills.

Their job description includes

• Regular on-the-job training provided to the CHWs,
• Assurance on a monthly basis that the health posts have adequate supplies and drugs,
• Supervision of the quality of the community maps and monthly reports,
• Planning and management of all community health activities in the catchment area, and
• Support of the community health shuras.

These activities are managed through monthly visits to each health post and a monthly meeting
of CHWs at the health facility where the CHS is based. CHSs frequently have a motorcycle and
a fuel allowance that makes it possible for them to visit the health posts. CHSs participate in all
the training programs provided for CHWs. In addition, special training courses are provided
specifically to the CHSs to build their capacity as supervisors, trainers, and managers.

Linkages with the Formal Health System

The Afghan CBHC system is an essential part of the national health system and a key element
in the BPHS. CHWs are linked to a health facility and given technical supervision and supplies
by the CHS. Their monthly reports are part of the national HMIS. In the province, the NGO
that is responsible for managing the community-based work has a CBHC Coordinator and CHW
trainers to manage and support the CBHC program. In the Provincial Health Office, there is
usually someone who is the CBHC focal point. Since 2012, about one-third of provinces have
specific CBHC Officers to oversee and promote all CBHC activities in the province.

At the national level, there is a CBHC Department in the Ministry of Public Health (MOPH).
Its role within the overall stewardship role of the MOPH is to promote CBHC, oversee policy
and program development, monitor implementation, and coordinate the inputs of other
technical departments (e.g., the Departments of Child Health, Reproductive Health) in the
MOPH that are stakeholders in CBHC.

Compensation and Motivation

Afghan CHWs have been volunteers from the beginning of the program. This policy has been
reviewed and reaffirmed periodically because the issue of salary is constantly raised. Attempts
to encourage financial support for CHWs from the community itself have never been very
successful. Since 2008, CHWs have received allowances to cover travel and food for all monthly
meetings at the facility and any training courses they attend. In some provinces, CHWs
participate in the polio campaign and in the National Immunization Days, and for this they
receive an honorarium. In some areas, CHWs may receive financial or “in-kind” rewards for
referrals of particular categories of patients.

Since 2010, December 5 has been recognized as National CHW Day in Afghanistan.
Celebrations are held for CHWs at both the national and the provincial levels. The quarterly
Salamati Magazine is designed for and distributed to all CHWs.

Appendix A–6
Monitoring and Data Use
At the community level, the CHWs prepare and update a community map. This displays all
households in the community and, with use of different symbols and colors, locates women and
young children requiring/receiving preventive health services, FP, or TB treatment.

The CHWs keep a monthly record of their activities and any births or deaths on the Pictorial
Tally Sheet. This is designed so that it can easily be used by illiterate CHWs. For every service
provided, the CHW puts a line (tally) in the appropriate box indicated by a picture representing
that service. At the end of each month, the CHS transfers this information into a health post
report, which is then combined into an aggregated CBHC report for the health facility. These
and the health facility reports are all entered into a database at the provincial level and
forwarded quarterly to the national HMIS Department. Checks and analyses of the data are
done at both national and provincial levels. Usually, a specific set of priority indicators are
monitored regularly for program management purposes.

Demonstrated Impact of the CBHC Program

HMIS data on the management of sick children and the provision of contraceptives are the best
data to illustrate the relative contribution of CHWs to these services. Since 2003, the numbers
of health services being provided to the population have increased dramatically. At present,
CHWs are treating 30% to 36% of all cases of childhood acute respiratory infections and
diarrhea recorded by the HMIS. Of the reported provision of contraceptives, 55% of women who
are using short-term methods are being supplied by CHWs. Rates of ANC, skilled birth
attendance, and immunizations have all also increased markedly. While CHWs and FHA groups
have, no doubt, contributed to these, the presence of a female health worker in most health
facilities has also been essential.

The Afghan Mortality Survey 2010 found marked improvements in utilization of services and
health status compared to the levels observed in 2003. The CPR was 20% (compared to 8.5% in
2003); the total fertility rate was 5.1 (compared to 6.7 in 2003); 68% of women had obtained
ANC (compared to 8% in 2003); 34% of births were attended by a skilled birth attendant; 64% of
children with diarrhea were given oral rehydration solution (ORS) or safe home fluids; and 64%
of children with symptoms of pneumonia were given antibiotics. The under-5 mortality was
estimated at 105 per 1,000 live births (compared to 257 in 2003) and the MMR was estimated at
372 per 100,000 live births (compared to 1,600 in 2003). Although its contribution cannot be
precisely measured, the CBHC system has undoubtedly played a major role in the dramatic
progress that has been achieved.

Financing of CBHC and Its Development

The BPHS implementation by NGOs, including the CBHC program, continues to be financed by
the World Bank, USAID, and the European Union. Most of the funding for development of the
CBHC program has come from USAID. GAVI Alliance; the Global Fund to Fight AIDS,
Tuberculosis and Malaria; the Japan International Cooperation Agency; and some smaller
donors have also supported these activities.

Program Scale-Up
Because CBHC has been part of the BPHS from the beginning, its scale-up has been part of
national health planning. Each provincial NGO contract and each contract renewal has
included a target for the training of CHWs. The current total of 29,000 CHWs is approaching
the total anticipated to provide national coverage at the desired ratio of health posts to
population. Two additional population groups have received attention in the past three years:
nomads and those living in urban communities. Modifications to the CHW job descriptions and

Appendix A–7
to the training programs have been made according to the special circumstances of these
populations.

Challenges
Afghanistan has developed considerably over the past 10 years. However, security has worsened
in the past few years, illiteracy persists in the adult population, and poverty has not
diminished, especially in rural areas. All of these challenges remain barriers to reaping the full
health benefits of the services provided by CHWs.

Appendix A–8
THE BRAC SHASTHYA SHEBIKA COMMUNITY
HEALTH WORKER IN BANGLADESH†
Summary
Background
Bangladesh has a history of using CHWs to support health services.
BRAC has been a driving force and has been refining its strategies.
The Shasthya Shebika (SS) Program is rooted in a gendered
perspective, focusing on the need for female health workers in
Bangladesh to address socio-cultural barriers to access to health
care services. BRAC first adopted the Barefoot Doctor approach used in China a half-century
ago and trained male paramedics, but then shifted the approach in the early 1980s to focus on
women with lesser training who were often illiterate.

Implementation
In 1990, there were 1,080 SSs, and by 2008 the number had grown to 70,000. At present, there
are approximately 100,000 SSs.

Training
SSs receive 4 weeks of basic training by the local BRAC office. They are trained to treat common
medical conditions, to promote a wide variety of health behaviors, and to refer patients to
preventive and curative services as appropriate.

Roles/Responsibilities
During monthly household visits, SSs provide health promotion sessions and educate families
on nutrition, safe delivery, FP, immunizations, hygiene, and water and sanitation. They also
use this time to sell health products, such as basic medicine, sanitary napkins, and soap. BRAC
introduced the sales component to provide a small profit as an additional incentive for and
motivation to the Community Health Volunteers (CHVs) to continue working. When someone
has an illness that the SS cannot manage, the person is referred to government health centers
or a BRAC clinic.

Incentives
CHVs are given small loans to establish revolving funds, which they use to make some money
by selling health products at a small markup.

†This case study was written by Dena Javadi and Jessica Gergen, students in the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of
Public Health, and Henry Perry. Dr. Perry lived in Bangladesh from 1995 to 1999 and has served as an advisor to BRAC.

Appendix A–9
Supervision
Direct supervision is conducted by higher-level CHWs called Shasthya Kormis (SKs). Other
program staff at BRAC also provide supervisory support.

Impact
The program is self-sustaining and is widely perceived to have made an important contribution
to Bangladesh’s remarkable progress in reducing under-5 mortality and to its national TB
control program.

What Is the Historical Context of BRAC’s Shasthya Shebika Program?

Community-based programming with CHWs has been widespread in Bangladesh, especially
through the national implementation of Bangladesh’s well-known and highly successful
national family program. This program relied on FWAs to visit every home on a regular basis to
promote the uptake of FP at a time when women were not able to leave the immediate environs
of their home.1 BRAC set up the CHV program to address the health needs of the communities
where it works. BRAC community-based integrated programs now reach more than 110 million
people in Bangladesh.

The development of the SSs Program has been deliberate, slow, and organic. There was no
preconceived national blueprint that was scaled up rapidly. Rather, a viable role was
established for these CHWs appropriate for the Bangladeshi context, and BRAC found a way to
provide sufficient locally generated financing to motivate the women to carry out their
responsibilities. Then, as BRAC was able to provide appropriate training and supervision, the
program began to grow over the course of 2 decades.

What Are Bangladesh’s Health Needs?

The health status of the poor and vulnerable remains challenging, and families may suffer
financial catastrophes if a member falls ill. Communicable diseases, poor MCH, and
malnutrition are responsible for high levels of preventable morbidity and mortality. New
challenges of the epidemiological shift to chronic and non-communicable diseases are arising,
along with environmental hazards from air and water pollution, injuries, and unhealthy
behaviors such as tobacco use and violence.1

What Is the Existing Health Infrastructure?

While officially Bangladesh has a health system involving a three-tier service delivery system
from the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare (MOHFW) with a comprehensive network of
public facilities at tertiary, secondary, and primary levels, in practice it is quite pluralistic and
unregulated, with low utilization of public sector health centers and district hospitals.2 There is
a mix of public, private, NGO, and traditional providers. These all have different reach and
quality, and the public sector is responsible for less than 20% of curative services. The public
and private sector have a porous boundary and doctors move between the sectors.2 Village
doctors (informally trained providers who practice allopathic medicine) are the dominant
providers of care at the community level.3

What Type of Program Has Been Implemented?

BRAC started in the early 1970s by adopting the Barefoot Doctor approach first used in China,
but applying it to male paramedics. This approach failed, and BRAC shifted to lesser-trained
female CHWs, often illiterate, who were oriented to health promotion and disease prevention.2

At present, SSs work part-time in the afternoon, providing services to an average of 250–300
households through monthly household visits.2 SSs serve as the primary source of health
information for their particular catchment areas. They also collaborate with trained traditional

Appendix A–10
birth attendants (TBAs) in the village as well as mobilize women to participate in national
disease control campaigns, come to clinics for basic MCH services, and carry out growth
monitoring of children.1

During the monthly household visits, SSs provide health promotion sessions educating families
on safe delivery, FP, immunizations, hygiene, and water and sanitation. They also use this time
to sell health products, a component introduced by BRAC to increase the incentives for and
motivation of SSs. When someone has an illness that the CHV cannot manage, the person is
referred to government health centers or a BRAC clinic.

Other activities that SSs carry out include the following:1

• Identifying pregnancy
• Providing ANC including supplemental food to malnourished pregnant women
• Identifying high-risk pregnancies
• Referring women for tetanus toxoid immunization
• Referring women to a trained TBA for delivery
• Providing postnatal care (PNC)
• Promoting exclusive breastfeeding during the first 5 months of life and continued breastfeeding
with appropriate weaning foods thereafter
• Monitoring nutrition and providing supplemental food for low-birth-weight infants when the
infant reaches 6 months of age
• Promoting vitamin A supplementation at the time of national campaigns for vitamin A
supplementation for children 12–59 months of age
• Providing health and nutrition education and nutritional surveillance for adolescent girls (11–16
years of age)
• De-worming children
• Treating uncomplicated acute illnesses
• Promoting awareness about reproductive tract infections and AIDS

SSs link into the formal MOHFW system in important ways. They mobilize women and children
in the catchment areas to attend satellite clinic sessions when a mobile government team comes
to give immunizations and provide FP services, usually once a month. They also mobilize their
clientele to participate in the national government’s health campaigns and usually serve as
outreach workers for special campaigns such as vitamin A distribution and de-worming. In
addition, SSs identify patients with symptoms suggestive of TB and, on selected days, collect
sputum specimens from them. A second-level supervisor (the program organizer) takes these
specimens to the district health facility, where they are tested. Then, patients who tested
positive are given DOTS by the SS under authorization from the MOHFW (Akramul Islam,
personal communication, 2013).1,2

What About the Community’s Role?

SSs are accepted by the community because they are from the community, answerable to the
communities for their activities, and supported by the health system through both BRAC and
the government. They serve as health promoters, as the first point of care, and as sellers of
medical products.2

Appendix A–11
How Does BRAC Select, Train, and Retain Shasthya Shebikas?
BRAC works at the village level through Village Organizations, which are small groups of
women who participate in BRAC’s microcredit savings and loan program. SSs are self-selected
from within these groups.2 The identification of prospective SSs is made first by the Gram
Committee, which is the local village health and development committee. The Gram Committee
is made up of 8–10 women, 1 SS, and 1 TBA. The final selection is made by BRAC staff together
with local village leaders and government officials.1 To be an SS, a woman must be supported
and selected by the community, between the ages of 25 and 35, married with no children
younger than 5 years, and motivated; have some schooling preferably; and not live near a health
care facility or large bazaar, which would create competition.2

CHVs receive 4 weeks of basic training by the local BRAC office. They are trained on treatment
of everyday conditions such as skin and eye infections, common cold and cough, and diarrhea
and other abdominal complaints. Some are additionally trained to detect symptoms suggestive
of TB and provide drugs to patients who are diagnosed with TB. Many SSs are also trained to
diagnose and treat pneumonia in children. Refresher training, done in an interactive and
problem-solving way, is central to BRAC’s method and serves to keep the knowledge of SSs
updated, provide opportunities for discussion of problems, and facilitate regular contact; it also
allows SSs to replenish supplies including drugs.2

How Does BRAC Supervise Its Shasthya Shebikas?

SSs are supervised by SKs, who are also recruited from their communities. SKs are paid a sum
equivalent to about $40 per month to supervise the SSs and perform ANC in villages. The SKs,
all women, have a minimum of 10 years of schooling and work between 4 and 5 hours per day.
They accompany each of the SSs in their charge on community visits at least twice per month
and meet monthly with their group of SSs to discuss problems, gather information, and provide
supplies and medicines. BRAC program staff members also participate in supervision. There is
a formal link to the local government’s health service delivery system for referral when
necessary.1,2

How Is the Program Financed?

SSs earn an income from selling supplies such as oral contraceptives, birthing kits, iodized salt,
condoms, essential medications, sanitary napkins, and vegetable seeds at cost plus a small
markup. They receive incentives for good performance that are based on achieving specific
objectives during that month, such as identifying pregnant women during their 1st trimester.
Supervisors verify and monitor performance during their visits to communities, where they
have the chance to talk with village women.2 Like most other program activities at BRAC, the
SS Program is subsidized by income-generating activities that BRAC operates at scale,
including commercial enterprises in handicrafts, milk and poultry production, printing, and
banking.

What Are the Program’s Demonstrated Impact and Continuing Challenges?

Supervisors track SS performance, and BRAC provides support to address challenges as they
occur.2 One formal study assessed how well SSs managed childhood pneumonia using the
protocol approved by the World Health Organization (WHO); the study revealed the SSs
performed as well as physicians in implementing this protocol.4 Another formal study compared
the prevalence of TB in districts where SSs were identifying suspected cases and providing DOT
for those diagnosed with TB and demonstrated that the prevalence of TB in BRAC areas was
half of that in control districts.5

Challenges of supervision, livelihoods, accountability, and focus are mostly addressed with
systematic supervision, logistic support, and formal links to the health system. SSs still struggle

Appendix A–12
for legitimacy in the pluralistic health environment, where they may be viewed as second-rate
and not as good as doctors.2

References
1. Perry H. Health for All in Bangladesh: Lessons in Primary Health Care for the Twenty-First
Century. Dhaka, Bangladesh: University Press Ltd; 2000.
2. Standing H, Chowdhury AM. Producing effective knowledge agents in a pluralistic
environment: what future for community health workers? Soc Sci Med. 2008;66(10):2096-
2107.
3. Mahmood SS, Iqbal M, Hanifi SM, Wahed T, Bhuiya A. Are 'Village Doctors' in Bangladesh
a curse or a blessing? BMC Int Health Hum Rights. 2010;10:18.
4. Hadi A. Management of acute respiratory infections by community health volunteers:
experience of Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee (BRAC). Bull World Health
Organ. 2003;81(3):183-189.
5. Chowdhury AM, Chowdhury S, Islam MN, Islam A, Vaughan JP. Control of tuberculosis by
community health workers in Bangladesh. Lancet. 1997;350(9072):169-172.

Appendix A–13
THE GOVERNMENT FAMILY WELFARE ASSISTANT
AND HEALTH ASSISTANT PROGRAMS IN
BANGLADESH‡
Summary
Background
Bangladesh has a history of using CHWs to support health services.
At present there are some 219,000 CHWs in Bangladesh, with
approximately 56,000 of these, government CHWs. This case study
will describe the government programs for Family Welfare
Assistants (FWAs), Health Assistants (HAs), and Community Health-Care Providers (CHCPs).

Implementation
FWAs were introduced in 1976 and now number 23,500.1 Their work focuses on FP and referral
of clients for ANC and PNC. HAs were introduced in 1995 but previously they had worked as
vaccinators or malaria control workers. At present there are 20,615 HAs.1 Their work focuses on
immunizations, vitamin A supplementation, and detection and treatment of pneumonia,
diarrhea, malaria, and TB. CHCPs were introduced in 2010 to staff community health clinics.
They now number 12,991.1

Training
FWAs receive 21 days of training followed by on-the-job training. HAs receive training of a
similar length. CHCPs receive 12 weeks of training.

Roles/Responsibilities
FWAs visit households every 2 months, register couples, motivate them for FP, distribute
contraceptives, and refer clients for ANC and PNC. HAs provide immunizations and vitamin A
capsules and distribute packets of ORS. They visit homes to promote the use of ORS and to
treat acute infections (acute respiratory infection, TB, and malaria). CHCPs provide ANC and
PNC; treat cases of pneumonia, diarrhea, and anemia; and give injectable contraceptives.

Incentives
FWAs receive a government salary of $98 per month. HAs receive a government salary of $103
per month. CHCPs receive a government salary of $110 per month.

‡This case study was written by Dena Javadi and Jessica Gergen, students in the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of
Public Health, and Henry Perry. Dr. Perry lived in Bangladesh from 1995 to 1999.

Appendix A–14
Supervision
FWAs are supervised by male supervisors, with whom they meet twice per month. HAs are
supervised by Assistant Health Inspectors, each of whom is responsible for five to six HAs.
CHCPs are supervised by the Subdistrict Hospital Manager.

Impact
There are no available evaluations of these programs. The strong CHW presence in Bangladesh
is widely perceived to have made an important contribution to Bangladesh’s remarkable
progress in reducing under-5 mortality and maternal mortality.

What Is the Historical Context of Bangladesh’s Government CHW Programs?

FWAs were established to scale up the successful pilot FP program in Matlab, Bangladesh. As
the program scaled up with external donor support and technical assistance, the details of the
FWAs’ work has changed slightly, but for more than two decades FWAs were the “backbone” of
the government’s FP program, which is widely credited as being one of the most successful such
programs in the world, in a country not undergoing simultaneous rapid socioeconomic
development.2 The HA program is an outgrowth of the government smallpox and malaria
control programs from the 1960s and, later, a government disaster response program. The
CBHC program arose in response to the need to improve access to treatment for acute illness
and to make injectable contraceptives more available as part of the government’s 1996
commitment to establish 18,000 community clinics across the country to provide “one-stop”
provision of basic services at a community-owned facility and to reduce reliance on “doorstep
delivery” of basic services.1

What Are Bangladesh’s Health Needs?

The health status of the poor and vulnerable remains challenging, and families may suffer
financial catastrophes if a member falls ill. Communicable diseases, poor MCH, and
malnutrition are responsible for high levels of preventable morbidity and mortality. New
challenges of the epidemiological shift to chronic and non-communicable diseases are arising,
along with environmental hazards from air and water pollution, injuries, and unhealthy
behaviors such as tobacco use and violence.2

What Is the Existing Health Infrastructure?

While officially Bangladesh has a health system involving a three-tier service delivery system
from the MOHFW with a comprehensive network of public facilities at tertiary, secondary, and
primary levels, in practice it is quite pluralistic and unregulated, with low utilization of public
sector health centers and district hospitals.3 There is a mix of public, private, NGO, and
traditional providers. These all have different reach and quality, and the public sector is
responsible for less than 20% of curative services. The public and private sector have a porous
boundary and doctors move between the sectors.3 Village doctors (informally trained providers
who practice allopathic medicine) are the dominant providers of care at the community level.4

What Type of Program Has Been Implemented?

FWAs have been responsible for visiting the homes of married women of reproductive age every
2 months to promote the utilization of FP methods and, to a lesser degree, promote basic MCH
activities (child immunization, referrals for ANC, and ORS for childhood diarrhea cases).
Historically, HAs were responsible for responding to local emergencies, such as natural
disasters, thus justifying the recruitment of only men because, culturally, men have more
mobility and flexibility to travel. However, recently women have been allowed to become HAs
and are now more mobile, though still not at the same level as men.2 HAs are supposed to
provide immunizations, ORS packets, and vitamin A capsules at immunization sites (Expanded
Programme on Immunization Outreach Sites), making occasional home visits for health

Appendix A–15
promotion, such as using ORS for diarrhea, treating acute respiratory infections, and collecting
blood samples for detection of malarial parasites. The HAs’ target population is women and
children in need of immunization. In addition to their other duties, one FWA and one HA are
each assigned to work at a community clinic 3 days a week.1,2

CHCPs are based at community-owned clinics, which are open from 9 a.m. to 3 p.m. 6 days a
week. Each clinic is supposed to be supplied with 23 essential drugs.

The goal is to have one FWA for every 4,000–5,000 persons and one HA for 6,000 people. There
is supposed to be one community clinic served by one CHCP for each 6,000 people. The location
of each clinic is supposed to be such that 80% of the population is within a 30-minute walk of
the facility.1

What About the Community’s Role?

There is no explicit role for the community in the selection, training, or supervision of FWAs
and HAs. Communities were involved in the designing, planning, monitoring, and
implementation of community clinics. They provided land for the clinic and assisted in its
construction, while the government provided the necessary funds for construction, provided the
supplies and equipment, and staffed the clinic. The community assists further through a
community clinic support group that, among other things, helps with the maintenance of the
facility.1

How Does the Government Select, Train, and Retain Its CHWs?
The community has no explicit role in the selection of FWAs, HAs, or CHCPs. FWAs are
required to be female and have at least 10 years of schooling. HAs can be either male or female
and also are required to have 10 years of schooling. CHCPs are required to have 10 years of
schooling, be a local resident, and be capable of operating a computer.1 FWAs receive 21 days of
training followed by on-the-job training. HAs receive training of a similar length. CHCPs
receive 12 weeks of training.

How Does the Government Supervise Its CHWs?

FWAs are supervised by male supervisors, with whom they meet twice per month. HAs are
supervised by Assistant Health Inspectors, each of whom is responsible for five to six HAs.
CHCPs are supervised by the Subdistrict Hospital Manager.

How Is the Program Financed?

Although external donors, particularly the World Bank, provided significant support for the
FWA program during the early decades, all three CHW cadres are supported with government
funds at present. The program for community clinics and CHCPs has been highly political from
the start, being a signature project of the Awami League government that was closed down
when another government came to power in 2001. When the Awami League returned to power
in 2008, the clinics were reopened.1

What Are the Program’s Demonstrated Impact and Continuing Challenges?

There are no available evaluations of these programs. The strong CHW presence in Bangladesh
is widely perceived to have made an important contribution to Bangladesh’s remarkable
progress in reducing under-5 mortality and maternal mortality.

Appendix A–16
References
1. El Arifeen S, Christou A, Reichenbach L, et al. Community-based approaches and partnerships:
innovations in health-service delivery in Bangladesh. Lancet 2013; 382(9909): 2012-26.
2. Perry H. Health for All in Bangladesh: Lessons in Primary Health Care for the Twenty-First
Century. Dhaka, Bangladesh: University Press Ltd; 2000.
3. Standing H, Chowdhury AM. Producing effective knowledge agents in a pluralistic environment:
what future for community health workers? Soc Sci Med 2008; 66(10): 2096-107.
4. Mahmood SS, Iqbal M, Hanifi SM, Wahed T, Bhuiya A. Are 'Village Doctors' in Bangladesh a
curse or a blessing? BMC Int Health Hum Rights 2010; 10: 18.

Appendix A–17
THE COMMUNITY HEALTH AGENT PROGRAM OF
BRAZIL§
Summary
Background
The Programa Saúde da Família (Family Health Program, now
called the Family Health Strategy and abbreviated PSF) was
launched in 1994, building upon several previous decades of
experience in rural underserved areas with Community Health
Agents (CHAs), who were legally recognized as professional in 2002.
Currently, Brazil has 236,000 CHAs working as part of 33,000 family health care teams
(Equipos de Saúde Familiar).

Implementation
Originally, CHAs provided vertical (centrally directed) MCH services (such as immunizations
and FP) in isolated rural areas where services were limited, but have evolved into the
cornerstone of the national PHC program that reaches virtually the entire population of the
country. CHAs operate as members of the family health care teams that are managed by
municipalities. With usually 4–6 CHAs on each team (but sometimes more), each CHA is
responsible for 150 families (ranging from 75 to 200 households). Some teams also include a
dentist, an assistant dentist, a dental hygienist, and a social worker.

Training
The CHAs are often selected by local health committees, and they must be literate adults who
work in the community where they reside. The training of CHAs is conducted at the national
Ministry of Health (MOH), but the training curriculum is approved by the Ministry of
Education. Nurses provide 8 weeks of formal didactic training at regional health schools.
Following this, CHAs receive 4 weeks of supervised field training. CHAs also receive monthly
and quarterly ongoing training.

Roles/Responsibilities
The scope of work for the health care teams varies with geographic distribution, but most teams
provide comprehensive care through promotive, preventive, recuperative, and rehabilitative
services. CHAs register the households in the areas where they work and are also expected to
empower their communities and link them to the formal health system.

Incentives
CHAs are full-time salaried workers earning in the range of $100 to $228 per month.

Supervision
CHAs are supervised by nurses and physicians from the local clinics. Supervisory nurses spend
50% of their time in these supervisory roles and the rest of the time working in the local clinic.

§ This case study was written by Rose Zulliger, a student at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health.

Appendix A–18
Impact
Brazil has experienced dramatic improvements in a broad range of national health indicators
over the past 3 decades, and much of this progress is attributable to the strength of its PHC
program and the critical role played by CHAs.

What Is the Historical Context of Brazil’s Community Health Worker Program?

The Brazilian health system dates back to large-scale vaccination and other public health
campaigns that were implemented by sanitary police in the late 1800s and early 1900s. The
history of the health system is well-characterized by Paim and colleagues in the recent Lancet
Series on Brazil.1 Briefly, the health system was shaped by the country’s tumultuous history.
Public health was institutionalized under the Vargas dictatorship in the 1930s and 1940s, and
the first MOH was later formed in 1953. A strong private health care system also developed in
the 1950s; it continued to expand with the support of the federal government, as did PHC
programs. In the 1980s, the country transitioned from dictatorship to democracy, and 1985
marked the start of the New Republic. The Eighth National Health Conference in 1968
established the notion that health is “a citizen’s right and the state’s duty.”

The Sistema Único de Saúde (SUS, or Unified System of Health) was instituted as part of the
constitution in 1988. The system has its origins in the struggle for democracy within the
country. Government responsibilities for health are defined broadly as encompassing social and
political realities along with traditional medical services.1 This includes the support of efforts to
provide free access to health care services as well as social protection, social mobilization, and
expansion of social rights to facilitate “community participation, integration, shared financing
among the different levels of government, and complementary participation by the private
sector.”2-4 States and municipalities were given taxation authority, and federal guidelines
mandated that 10% of this revenue be allocated to health (since then this minimum has been
raised to 12% for states and 15% for municipalities).5

CHW programs have been implemented in Brazil for decades, including the successful
Visitadora Sanitaria (health visitor) program in which CHWs provided immunizations,
information, and various other MCH interventions.6 The CHA program was initiated in the
1980s as a pilot program in Ceará, one of the poorest areas of Brazil. Its success influenced
subsequent PHC programs.7

The CHA program started during a drought and followed several successful pilot projects,
including a project that trained 6,000 women in 112 municipalities. The women received 2
weeks of training to promote breastfeeding, the use of ORS, and immunization uptake.5 In 1989,
1,500 of these original 6,000 CHWs were incorporated into a new CHA system, supervised by
local nurses. These CHAs provided mostly health promotion and health education services in
clearly defined geographic areas near their homes. This program was highly successful and
served as a model for subsequent CHA programs.5 It did, however, face formal resistance from
nurses for a variety of reasons, including unclear roles and overlap of CHA work with that of
auxiliary nurses.8 The first national CHA program was developed in 1991 and implemented as
part of Brazil’s first national PHC program; later, it was integrated into the PSF.9

The PSF was launched in 1994 to expand health care access to the poorest Brazilians.4 CHAs in
programs like the Ceará one were integrated into the PSF.5 In 1996, the federal government
transferred control of the management and financing of health care services to the PSF and in
2002 CHAs were officially recognized as professionals by Law No. 10.507/2002.10,11 CHAs
originally provided vertical MCH services, but have evolved into the cornerstone of PHC
services.1

Appendix A–19
Brazil has made important advances in other areas of health care. It was one of the first middle-
income countries to provide free antiretroviral medication for patients with HIV/AIDS. It has
developed legislation supporting the use of generic drugs, and it has strong government
regulation of private health plans.

What Are Brazil’s Health Needs?

Brazil has undergone a demographic, epidemiological, and nutritional transition since the
1970s. During this transition, fertility, infant mortality, and illiteracy have all decreased as life
expectancy and urbanization have increased.1 For example, the infant mortality rate (IMR) has
declined from 114 deaths per 1,000 live births in 1975 to 19 deaths per 1,000 live births in 2007.
Life expectancy has increased from 52 years in 1970 to 73 years in 2008.1 The country also has a
strong HIV/AIDS program; has completely eliminated polio; and has almost eliminated measles,
diphtheria, and Chagas disease.12

Despite these positive advancements, the country is plagued by increasing levels of non-
communicable diseases, including very high levels of hypertension and diabetes.1 Other
persistent health challenges include overuse of health care services and medications, and
challenges in the field of reproductive health such as high levels of utilization of unsafe abortion
services, high rates of adolescent pregnancy, and high rates of mother-to-child transmission of
sexually transmitted infections.4 There is also a large burden of homicide and traffic-related
deaths, and dengue and visceral leishmaniasis remain important problems.12

What Is the Existing Health Infrastructure?

There are three levels of health care provided in Brazil, but the country strongly emphasizes the
first level—basic PHC. This level is the entry point to more advanced care and includes
promotive and preventive components. Family health care teams are the main service providers
and comprise one doctor, one nurse, one auxiliary (assistant) nurse, and a minimum of four
CHAs.1,3 Secondary care, consisting of community-level hospitals, has many challenges,
including its high reliance upon the private sector.1 Tertiary care is provided at specialty
referral hospitals, mostly by the private sector and public teaching hospitals, leading to high
costs among other challenges.1

The current health system consists of the SUS, a private subsector, and a private health
insurance subsector. The private sector is regulated by the National Supplementary Health
Agency (Agência Nacional de Saúde Suplementar).10 Private providers are often subcontracted
by the SUS to provide a range of services at the secondary and tertiary levels. Coordinating the
mix of public and private services remains a challenge for Brazil’s health system.13 The private
subsector has grown substantially with state support, while the public subsector of PHC
services remains often underfunded, which potentially compromises its ability to guarantee
quality of and access to PHC.1 Additionally, private health insurance is disproportionately used
in the southeast and south regions of Brazil. Overall, 75% of Brazilians are dependent solely on
the SUS for health care.14

CHAs employed by the PSF are hired through special contracts in order to expedite hiring and
provide more competitive salaries than is legislated for civil servants in Brazil. This has many
benefits, but it means that CHAs lack job security and fringe benefits afforded to other civil
servants, leading to higher staff turnover.12

Finally, a central feature of the Brazilian health system is the engagement of civil society in
decisions about government health programs. This is structured by the formation of councils at
the federal, state, and municipal levels, along with the periodic use of health conferences.2

Appendix A–20
What Type of Program Has Been Implemented?
CHAs are closely integrated into formal health services.5 They operate as members of the family
health care teams described above that are managed by municipalities.7 Throughout Brazil’s
population of approximately 200 million people, there are 236,000 CHAs working in 33,000
family health care teams.1 These teams are based within PSF clinics and provide services to
usually 600–1,000 families (1,500–3,000 people), but they occasionally serve as many as 4,500
people.1 With 4–6 CHAs on each team normally, each CHA is responsible for 150 families
(ranging from 75 to 200 households). Some teams also include a dentist, an assistant dentist, a
dental hygienist, and a social worker.14,15 CHAs are part of the team that primarily operates
outside of the health facility to provide health education promotion and linkage to referral
services.3 One study of CHAs in Araçatuba, a city in São Paulo state, found that 83% of CHAs
reported good communication within the teams, although some CHAs felt that physicians
undermined their work.8 Unfortunately, there are no structured opportunities for career
advancement for CHAs.14

The scope of work for the health care teams varies with geographic distribution, but most teams
provide comprehensive care through promotive, preventive, recuperative, and rehabilitative
services. Key services provided by CHAs include the promotion of breastfeeding; the provision of
prenatal, neonatal, and child care; the provision of immunizations; and participation in the
management of infectious diseases, such as screening for and providing treatment for HIV/AIDs
and TB.16,17 CHAs register the households in the areas where they work and also are expected
to empower their communities and link them to the formal health system.14 However, not all
CHAs receive training on community mobilization and not all are engaged in this activity.8,14

In the 1990s, CHAs were trained to provide integrated management of childhood illness (IMCI)
in the home, including providing prescription antibiotics for children suspected of having
pneumonia. Unfortunately, this stopped in 2002 following pressure from medical societies.**
Nurses have also pressed against allowing CHAs to administer injections.12

Other significant cadres of CHWs in Brazil include those trained and supported by the Catholic
NGO Pastorate of the Child. This NGO has a network of 260,000 volunteer CHWs who promote
child survival through low-technology interventions such as the administration of ORS for
childhood diarrhea.4

What About the Community’s Role?

One of the goals of the PSF program is to “promote the organization of the community” and to
analyze the community’s needs.18 Thus, CHAs are expected to serve as the link between family
health care teams and the communities served by the teams.9 The community is also involved in
the organization and budget of the health system, and some municipalities and states have
developed a system in which the public is able to vote on the proportion of the municipal budget
allocated to health.

In 1993, health councils were functioning in 84% of the rural municipalities of the state of
Ceará in northeastern Brazil. These councils were responsible for conducting assessments and
making recommendations on health priorities and collection and disbursement of funding,
among other roles.5 A 2001 review of CHAs in the city of Araçatuba, São Paulo, found that
municipal health councils—comprising representatives from government, health services, and
the community—were responsible for the allocation of financial resources for health. They also
developed health strategies and mobilized communities’ involvement in health.

** In many countries where the need to expand access to services is great, commonly there is pressure from medical and

nursing societies to limit CHWs’ management of conditions that involve dispensing medications.

Appendix A–21
There are now health councils operating at a national, state, and municipal level with over
5,500 municipal councils throughout the country. Council membership is allocated as follows:
50% are users, 25% are health workers, and 25% are health managers and service providers.
Health conferences are also held every 4 years to “propose directives for health policies.”12

How Does Brazil Select, Train, and Retain Community Health Agents?
The CHAs in the early Ceará program were selected by local health committees. There were two
selection criteria: (1) they had to come from and reside in the area where they would be working
and (2) they had to be literate.16,17 At the outset, priority was given to recruiting CHAs in
households most affected by the drought as well as on their responses to hypothetical
community problems presented during the selection process.5,14,19

CHA training is conducted in regional health schools operated by the national MOH using
curricula approved by the Ministry of Education.14,19 CHAs receive 8 weeks of training from
local nurses, followed by 4 weeks of supervised fieldwork. This includes training on home visits
and how to conduct a family census, and then on specific priority health care interventions.
CHAs receive monthly and quarterly ongoing education training during meetings5,14 Those who
teach CHAs receive an 80-hour training module.14,20

CHAs are salaried, full-time workers. In 2006, CHAs in Araçatuba earned a monthly salary of
500 Brazilian reals (US$228), representing 22.3% of the total family health care team’s salary
costs. However, the Araçatuba CHAs had higher education levels than most CHAs in the
national program, where the monthly salary is 40% to 50% lower.8,14

How Does Brazil Supervise Its Community Health Agents?

CHAs are supervised by nurses and physicians from the local clinics.20 Supervisory nurses
spend 50% of their time in these supervisory roles and the rest of the time staffing the local
clinic. The role of the nurse as a supervisor is clearly defined, and nurses have protected time to
perform their supervisory role. Strong supervision of CHAs has been identified as one of the
important contributors to the program’s success.21
Brazil also has strong referral systems. CHAs report any ill person within their catchment area
to a nurse and the CHA may, at times, escort the person to the local health facility. Upon the
patient’s release, the CHA is expected to maintain the continuum of care and follow up with the
patient. This role performed by CHAs helps to ensure accountability of the health system to
local health needs.14

The PSF has an information system that utilizes data collected by CHAs.14 This has helped to
strengthen vital statistics reporting, rapid identification of problems, and implementation of
locally relevant solutions.1,5

How Is the Programa Saúde da Família Financed?

The recent health advancements in Brazil have occurred alongside an evolving health system
and increased investment in health. Between 1990 and 2010, the proportion of the gross
domestic product (GDP) spent on health increased from 6.7% to 8.4%. Out-of-pocket
expenditures have increased steadily as have other expenditures in the private sector such that
now, 57% of health-related expenditures are from the private sector. The growth of funding
from the public sector has been more constrained.1

The financing of the health system in Brazil is decentralized and arises from a variety of
funding sources, including taxes, social contributions, out-of-pocket expenditures, and employer
health insurance purchases.1 The PSF provides services free of charge to recipients, and the
program is financed on a capitation basis with incentives for municipalities to increase

Appendix A–22
coverage.7 Since 1996, states and municipalities have been responsible for the management and
financing of health care. Now, states must allocate at least 12% of their total budget to health;
municipal governments are required to spend 15% of their total budget on health—a
requirement met by 98% of municipalities.

In 2006, the Brazilian government health expenditure was $252 per person, which is less than
in neighboring countries such as Argentina ($336) and Uruguay ($431). An estimated additional
$100 per person is spent each year in order to achieve universal health coverage in Brazil.10

What Are the Program’s Demonstrated Impact and Continuing Challenges?

Brazil has experienced dramatic improvements in a broad range of national health indicators
over the past 3 decades. This includes marked increases in access to MCH interventions and
marked reductions in maternal, infant, and child mortality as well as marked reductions in
childhood stunting. There have also been reductions in the health disparities within the
country. The Millennium Development Goal (MDG) 1 indicator of a 50% reduction in the
percentage of underweight children and the MDG 4 indicator of a two-thirds reduction in under-
5 mortality between 1990 and 2015 have already been met.4,12

A variety of factors such as socioeconomic development, social improvements, and conditional

cash transfers have facilitated this progress, but the PSF and various health interventions have
been critical components in the improved health indicators.4 Victora and colleagues used vital
statistics, United Nations model life tables, and census data to compare infant mortality in
areas with different levels of PSF coverage. They found that while infant mortality was highest
within poor communities irrespective of level of PSF coverage, when PSF coverage was higher,
the mortality differences between poor and rich communities were less.4

Macinko and colleagues used public data from each state to determine the impact of the
program on infant mortality from the pre-intervention period (1990 to 1994) to the period from
1999 to 2002, when PSF expansion had occurred.8 During this time period, the IMR decreased
from 49.7 per 1,000 live births to 28.9 and PSF national coverage increased by 36.1%. The
authors found a significant and temporal relationship between coverage by PSF and decreased
IMR. A 10% increase in PSF coverage was associated with a 4.6% decrease in the IMR, holding
all other variables constant. A different analysis found that the program was associated with a
13% to 22% reduction in the IMR, depending on the level of PSF coverage.17 Additional analyses
of municipal-level data found that exposure to the PSF program was associated with a reduction
in mortality, with the greatest impact on under-5 mortality. The programmatic impact was
largest in the poorest municipalities as well as in the more rural regions in the country with
worse baseline health indicators.17,18

Current challenges within the Brazilian health system include a high turnover of the PHC
workforce, lack of integration between different primary health clinics, lack of investment in
linkages and integration between PHC and other levels of care, and management challenges.
The competing interests of the health system subsectors also require a reconsideration of the
most appropriate roles of the public and private sectors.1 Additionally, patients are provided
very different levels of care by private providers depending on whether their care is funded by
the SUS or by private health insurance, and there are concerns related to low quality of care
provided for patients whose care is funded by the SUS. There are perverse incentives for private
providers to provide more services (such as cesarean sections) since they are reimbursed by fee-
for-service (as in much of the United States). There are also rising costs for private health care,
and the SUS remains underfunded.1,12 Progress has been made toward reducing socioeconomic
and regional gaps in service access and in health indicators, but gaps remain and there are
some charges of insufficient commitment by the federal government to the SUS.10,12

Appendix A–23
References
1. Starfield B. Primary Care: Concept, Evaluation, and Policy. New York, NY: Oxford
University Press; 1992.
2. Fleury S. Brazil's health-care reform: social movements and civil society. Lancet.
2011;377(9779):1724-1725.
3. Macinko J, Guanais FC, de Fatima M, de Souza M. Evaluation of the impact of the Family
Health Program on infant mortality in Brazil, 1990-2002. J Epidemiol Community Health.
2006;60(1):13-19.
4. Victora CG, Aquino EM, do Carmo Leal M, Monteiro CA, Barros FC, Szwarcwald CL.
Maternal and child health in Brazil: progress and challenges. Lancet. 2011;377(9780):1863-
1876.
5. Svitone EC, Garfield R, Vasconcelos MI, Craveiro VA. Primary health care lessons from the
Northeast of Brazil: the Agentes de Saúde Program. Rev Panam Salud Publica.
2000;7(5):293-302.
6. Rice-Marquez N, Baker TD, Fischer C. The community health worker: forty years of
experience in an integrated primary rural health care system in Brazil. J Rural Health.
1998;4:87-100.
7. Macinko J, Marinho de Souza Mde F, Guanais FC, da Silva Simões CC. Going to scale with
community-based primary care: an analysis of the family health program and infant
mortality in Brazil, 1999-2004. Soc Sci Med. 2007;65(10):2070-2080.
8. Zanchetta MS, McCrae Vander Voet S, et al. Effectiveness of community health agents'
actions in situations of social vulnerability. Health Educ Res. 2009;24(2):330-342.
9. Kluthcovsky AC, Takayanagui AM. Community health agent: a literature review. Rev Lat
Am Enfermagem. 2006;14(6):957-963.
10. Jurberg C, Humphreys G. Brazil's march towards universal coverage. Bull World Health
Organ. 2010;88(9):646-647.
11. Government of Brazil. Portal da Saude—SUS. 2013. Available from:
http://portal.saude.gov.br/portal/sgtes/visualizar_texto.cfm?idtxt=23176. Accessed 2013.
12. Victora CG, Barreto ML, do Carmo Leal M, et al., and the Lancet Brazil Series Working
Group. Health conditions and health-policy innovations in Brazil: the way forward. Lancet.
2011;377(9782):2042-2053.
13. Kleinert S, Horton R. Brazil: towards sustainability and equity in health. Lancet.
2011;377(9779):1721-1722.
14. Bhutta ZA, Lassi ZS, Pariyo GW, Huicho L. Global Experience of Community Health
Workers for Delivery of Health Related Millennium Development Goals: A Systematic
Review, Country Case Studies, and Recommendations for Integration into National Health
Systems. Geneva, Switzerland: WHO and Global Health Workforce Alliance; 2010.
15. UNICEF. State of the World's Children 2009: Maternal and Newborn Health. New York,
NY: UNICEF; 2009.
16. Prado TN, Wada N, Guidoni LM, Golub JE, Dietze R, Maciel EL. Cost-effectiveness of
community health worker versus home-based guardians for directly observed treatment of
tuberculosis in Vitoria, Espirito Santo State, Brazil. Cad Saude Publica. 2011;27(5):944-
952.
17. Aquino R, de Oliveira NF, Barreto ML. Impact of the family health program on infant
mortality in Brazilian municipalities. Am J Public Health. 2009;99(1):87-93.
18. Rocha R, Soares RR. Evaluating the Impact of Community-Based Health Interventions:
Evidence from Brazil’s Family Health Program. Bonn, Germany: IZA; 2009.
19. Celletti F, Wright A, Palen J, et al. Can the deployment of community health workers for
the delivery of HIV services represent an effective and sustainable response to health
workforce shortages? Results of a multicountry study. AIDS. 2010;24(suppl 1):S45-S57.

Appendix A–24
20. CHW Technical Task Force. One Million Community Health Workers: Technical Task Force
Report. New York, NY: The Earth Institute; 2011. Available at:
http://www.millenniumvillages.org/uploads/ReportPaper/1mCHW_TechnicalTaskForceRepo
rt.pdf.
21. Liu A, Sullivan S, Khan M, Sachs S, Singh P. Community health workers in global health:
scale and scalability. Mt Sinai J Med. 2011;78(3):419-435.

Appendix A–25
ETHIOPIA’S HEALTH EXTENSION PROGRAM††
Summary
Background
The first cadre of Health Extension Workers (HEWs) was trained in
2004. In the following years, Ethiopia expanded its PHC programs in
hope of achieving universal health coverage. Human resources that
serve at the community level in Ethiopia include: HEWs, voluntary
CHWs, and Community Health Promoters (CHPs), now called
Health Development Army (HDA) volunteers.

Implementation
HEWs are supposed to split their time between health posts and the community. The HDA
volunteers’ role is to increase utilization of primary health services through part-time work (less
than 2 hours per week) within their communities.

Training
HEWs have more than 1 year of pre-service training conducted by trainers who were taught
through a cascade train-the-trainer approach.

Roles/Responsibilities
The main responsibilities of HEWs include health promotion, disease prevention, and treatment
of uncomplicated and non-severe illnesses, such as cases of malaria, pneumonia, diarrhea, and
malnutrition in the community.

Incentives
HEWs are formal employees and are paid a salary. HDA volunteers are not monetarily
compensated, but receive nonfinancial incentives such as formal recognition, ongoing
mentorship, certificates, and recognition at community celebrations.

Supervision
Supervision is conducted by the woreda (district) supervisory team, which comprises a health
officer, a public health nurse, an environmental/hygiene expert, and a health education expert.
In 2005, HEWs had an average of three supervisory visits over the course of 9 months.

Impact
Ethiopia is making some of the strongest improvements in health in all of Africa at present. Its
declines in under-5 mortality and in maternal mortality, along with dramatic improvements in
the CPR, are among the most notable in all of Africa. HEWs are widely seen as the main reason
that services have expanded and these results have been achieved.

†† This case study was written by Rose Zulliger, a student in the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health.

Appendix A–26
What Is the Historical Context of Ethiopia’s Community Health Worker Program?
CHWs have a long history in Ethiopia, dating back to around the time of the 1978 Alma Ata
Conference on Primary Health Care. One early program in Tigray, during the time of the civil
war there in the 1970s and 1980s, trained 3,000 CHWs. These workers were selected by their
communities to receive training in maternal, child, and environmental health and in malaria
diagnosis and treatment. The Tigray program was suspended in 1991 at the end of the war, but
various CHW programs continued throughout the country.1

In the 1997–1998 fiscal year, the Ethiopian Federal MOH (FMOH) launched the National
Health Sector Development Program (HSDP). This program shifted the health system focus
from predominantly curative to more preventive and promotive care, and it prioritized the
needs of the rural inhabitants, who make up 83% of the Ethiopian population.2 A review of the
first 5 years of the HSDP found that challenges remained in obtaining universal PHC coverage.3

In response to these unmet needs, the Government of Ethiopia launched in 2003 two programs:
(1) the Accelerated Expansion of Primary Health Care Coverage and (2) the Health Extension
Program (HEP).4 Multiple stakeholders, including the Federal Ministries of Health, Education,
Labor, Finance, and Capacity Building, were all involved in the development of the HEW
model.5 The program was designed to expand health service coverage, particularly in rural
areas, using locally available human resources. These included community-based human
resources such as HEWs and CHPs, now HDA volunteers.4 The first group of HEWs was trained
in 2004–2005.6 Between 2005 and 2008, the HSDP aimed to deploy 30,000 HEWs in 15,000
health posts with the goal of achieving universal PHC access by 2008.7,8

There have been numerous recent changes in the HEP. Following the rapid expansion of HEP
coverage in rural areas, attention shifted to scaling up these services in urban and pastoralist
communities. In 2009, the FMOH launched the Urban HEP, which trained female clinical
nurses for 3 months as urban HEWs.9 Rural HEWs were initially used in health promotion and
disease prevention; in 2010 their services were extended to include treatment of uncomplicated
diseases. The CHP Program has also undergone changes and these volunteers are now called
the Health Development Army (HDA). Associated with the title change is a shift from an NGO-
directed program where each volunteer is responsible for 25–30 households to a government
program with one volunteer for every 5 households. HDA volunteers’ new scope of work also
includes broader development work beyond health.

What Are Ethiopia’s Health Needs?

Ethiopia has a large burden of communicable diseases, nutritional disorders and
maternal/neonatal conditions, but progress has been made in the past 5 years.10 Key health
issues in Ethiopia include high rates of maternal and child mortality and malaria.11 The MMR
for Ethiopia is 470 deaths per 100,000 live births and women have very low prenatal and
postnatal service utilization.12,13 Leading causes of maternal mortality include obstructed/
prolonged labor, pre-eclampsia/eclampsia, and malaria.8 The country also has a high IMR of 59
deaths per 1,000 live births and a high under-5 mortality rate of 88 deaths per 1,000 live
births.13 The leading causes of deaths among children younger than 5 years of age are
pneumonia, diarrhea, malaria, neonatal problems, malnutrition, and HIV/AIDS.5

Infectious diseases in Ethiopia stretch the health system’s resources and are associated with
substantial morbidity and mortality. Ethiopia is among the five countries in sub-Saharan Africa
with the highest prevalence of malaria. In Tigray, malaria is the leading cause of hospital
admission and death.14 TB and HIV are important problems. The national HIV prevalence was
2.3% in 2009. At that time, only 8.2% of HIV-positive pregnant women received prophylaxis for
prevention of mother-to-child transmission (PMTCT) of HIV. Although the national TB cure
rate and treatment success rate are relatively high at 67% and 84%, respectively, it is estimated

Appendix A–27
that only 34% of cases are detected.8 Additionally, environmental factors facilitate disease
transmission. For example, 38% of Ethiopian households report no toilet facility.13

What Is the Existing Health Infrastructure?

The Ethiopian health system is decentralized and has been reorganized into three tiers. Tier 1
is made up of PHC units comprising a health center (one health center for 15,000–25,000
people) and five satellite health posts (one health post for 3,000–5,000 people) along with
woreda hospitals, each serving 60,000–100,000 people. Tier 2 includes zonal/general hospitals
(one hospital for 1 million to 1.5 million people). And Tier 3 involves specialized/referral
hospitals (one hospital for 3.5 million to 5 million people).8,15,16

In addition to the expansion of HEWs, the Ethiopian government has increased the number of
medical students and health officers, some of whom are trained using an accelerated
curriculum.17 This expansion of health personnel is motivated by substantial deficits in human
resources. For example, the country has a shortage of 19,489 midwives, and only 3% of births in
rural areas are attended by a skilled birth attendant.4

What Type of Program Has Been Implemented?

HEWs are a formally recognized cadre that has strong political support, including from the
FMOH and the prime minister.18 HEWs are supposed to manage the other CHW cadres, but
their relationship with these cadres in the field is not clear.4,7

HEWs are full-time employees who are meant to split their time between health posts and the
community. These expectations have changed considerably since the HEW program was
initiated. HEWs were originally conceived as links between their local community and the
formal health services, dedicating at least 75% of their time to community outreach
activities.19,20 Despite these guidelines, there is some evidence that HEWs spend more time at
health facilities, and recent reports indicate that HEWs should spend 50% of their time in the
health posts.21

There have been four HSDPs since 1997–1998. In 1997, there were 76 health posts, 243 health
centers, and 87 hospitals.8 Rollout has occurred in steps; the speed of expansion has been
influenced by available resources for health posts and presence of eligible women to become
HEWs. As of June 2007, the HEP covered 59% of villages (with 17,653 HEWs) and had
constructed 66% of 9,914 projected health posts.19 By the end of 2009, 33,819 HEWs had been
trained and deployed and 14,416 health posts had been constructed.8

The main role of the HEW is in health promotion, disease prevention, and treatment of
uncomplicated and non-severe illnesses such as malaria, pneumonia, diarrhea, and
malnutrition. HEWs provide a range of services, including prevention, health promotion, and
health education; support role for outreach health services; distribution at the community level
of commodities whose use does not involve clinical judgment; clinical case-management that
involves exercising clinical judgment; ongoing care or support to assist people with a chronic
illness (e.g., HIV/AIDS); and participation in and support of campaign-type activities. They also
provide immunizations, injectable contraceptives, basic first aid, diagnosis and treatment of
malaria and diarrhea, and treatment of intestinal parasites.15

The role of HDA volunteers is to increase utilization of primary health services. They work less
than 2 hours per week within their communities. Their services include prevention, health
promotion, and health education; support for outreach work by health services; and
participation in or support of campaign-type activities. They are expected to be model
community members and to share health information with others in their communities. This
includes information on latrine construction, waste disposal, personal hygiene, ANC,

Appendix A–28
immunization, infant feeding, and FP.22 Other cadres that provide community-oriented services
include community counselors, peer educators, and home-based care providers who provide
HIV-related services.20

What About the Community’s Role?

Village health committees are involved in the selection and oversight of HEWs. In some
geographical areas they are also engaged with HDA volunteers. Additionally, the kebele (ward)
council is supposed to be involved in every step of the HEP, from program planning through to
evaluation.23

How Does Ethiopia Select, Train, and Retain Health Extension Workers and
Community Health Promoters?
HEWs are adult women who have completed 10th grade. HDA volunteers can be male or female
and must be older than 15 years old and, preferably, literate. However, the literacy level in
Ethiopia is very low: 51% of women have no education and only 29% of rural women are
literate.8,13 This necessarily limits the number of eligible women in each community.

HEWs and HDA volunteers are also supposed to work in or close to their community of origin or
their permanent residence, yet the first HEWs largely did not meet this criterion. Only 8% of
interviewed HEWs were assigned to work in the village where they were born, and 52% were
from urban areas. Many trained HEWs preferred to be placed in a community other than that
in which they were born, and only 16% expected to stay in the kebele where they were currently
employed for more than 3 years.7

HEWs have more than 1 year of pre-service training conducted by trainers who have been
taught by a higher level of trainers.24 HEW training is a collaboration of the MOH and the
Ministry of Education and occurs at 40 technical and vocational education training schools.

HEW training includes didactic and clinical training in modules on (1) family health services,
(2) disease prevention and control, (3) hygiene and environmental sanitation, and (4) health
education and communication.4 HEWs also recently received a one-time 1-month in-service
training provided in response to identified inadequacies in their initial training. As of 2007,
4,772 HEWs had completed integrated refresher training conducted by woreda health offices
and health center staff.23 A 2007 study of this continuing education for HEWs found that most
HEWs underwent multiple continuing education trainings on malaria and reproductive health,
among other subjects. There was, however, little coordination of these trainings, and HEWs
expressed a desire for additional training on basic nursing care, home delivery, and care of
children with common childhood diseases.25

Before CHPs became HDA volunteers, they received an initial training conducted by the HEWs.
CHPs were given 96 hours of training on prevention of communicable diseases, family health,
environmental and household sanitation, and health education.6

Compensation for the two cadres of health workers is as follows: HEWs are regular government
employees with a regular salary and benefits, while HDA volunteers do not receive financial
compensation. A range of nonfinancial incentives has been effective with CHPs and now HDA
volunteers, including formal recognition, ongoing mentorship, certificates, and recognition at
community celebrations.22

Appendix A–29
How Does Ethiopia Supervise Its Health Extension Workers?
HEW supervision has varied throughout the history of the program, and it currently varies from
one geographical location to another. In 2005, HEWs had relatively high levels of supervision:
each HEW had an average of three supervisory visits over the course of 9 months.7 There are
supposed to be multiple levels of HEW supervision, including by the woreda supervisory team
that comprises a health officer, a public health nurse, an environmental/ hygiene expert, and a
health education expert.23 HEWs supervise the cadres such as HDA volunteers as well as TBAs
and community-based reproductive health agents.26

The program has extensive monitoring and evaluation (M&E) systems that include routine
reports and monitoring of indicators for maternal, neonatal, and child health; disease
prevention and control; nutrition; and hygiene and environmental health. Among the indicators
that are reported are contraceptive acceptance rate, deliveries attended by skilled birth
attendants and by HEWs, TB case detection and cure rates, and proportion of households using
latrines.21

How is the Health Extension Program Financed?

The HSDP has been financed by national and sub-national government entities, bilateral and
multilateral donors, NGOs, private contributions, and user fee revenues. Current HSDP funders
include the GAVI Alliance’s Health System Strengthening Program; the Global Fund to Fight
AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria; and the Carter Center, among others.17

The total per capita health expenditure in 2007–2008 was $16.09.8 A costing exercise
determined that an additional $11.96 per capita per year for 5 years (totaling $8.83 billion)
would be required to meet Ethiopia’s health-related MDGs. This investment would reduce
under-5 mortality by 32% and maternal mortality by 55%. Forty-five percent of the budget
would be allocated to sustain and strengthen the HEP. There is, however, a substantial gap
between the amount required to achieve the MDGs and the current level of funding.8

The costs of HEWs are as follows: $234 for 1 month of training; $178 for the apprenticeship; and
$84 monthly for the salary of one HEW.16 At the local level, financing and planning are
decentralized and the woredas receive block grants to cover the expenses of the HEP.20

What Are the Program’s Demonstrated Impact and Continuing Challenges?

By 2008, 24,534 HEWs had been trained to provide services, leading to substantial increases in
health service coverage. The percentage of the population that is served by the program has
increased from 61% in 2003 to 87% in 2007.27 The program has also demonstrated success in
health service areas such as increased use of ITNs.19 The percentage of pregnant women and
under-5 children using an ITN was over 40% in malarial regions.8 Significant, positive
associations were also found between exposure to the HEP and child vaccination uptake, ITN
use by children and pregnant women, utilization of ANC early in pregnancy, and proper
disposal of babies’ fecal matter.28 Additionally, some regions have achieved increases in
institutional deliveries and tetanus vaccination coverage.29

In 2009, ANC coverage was 68% and PNC coverage was 34%. The percentage of deliveries
performed by HEWs was 11% and the percentage performed by skilled health personnel
increased to 18.4%. Full immunization coverage reached 66%,8 and HEWs were found to be
making an important contribution to improving the effectiveness of TB control at a modest
cost.30

The HEP has faced a number of challenges in its implementation, including delayed
construction of health posts, delayed provision of health kits to HEWs, inadequate supervision

Appendix A–30
for HEWs, and deficiencies in training.27 The reach of HEWs is also limited in some settings.19
Additionally, a survey of HEW knowledge of maternal and neonatal health, skills, and
confidence in providing services found substantial gaps.

HEWs are often younger women who may not be trusted by the community to assist during
delivery.26 A recent analysis of strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats identified
numerous weaknesses in the HEP, including low health service utilization; weak referral
systems; low service quality; shortage of drugs, medical supplies, and equipment; and lack of a
career trajectory for HEWs.8 The analysis also raised a concern that the increasing number of
tasks allocated to HEWs and their growing workload will compromise their ability to complete
their tasks. Finally, additional challenges for the HEP include high levels of staff turnover and
lack of integration of services.9

In spite of many operational challenges to the operation of the HEP, Ethiopia is nonetheless
making very impressive progress in achieving its health-related MDGs. The under-5 mortality
has declined from one of the highest in the world in 1990 (204 per 1,000 live births) to 68 in
2011, enabling Ethiopia to reach the MDG for child health—one of the few African countries to
achieve this so far.31 The MMR has declined from 950 per 100,000 live births in 1990 to 350 in
2010 and is expected to come close to achieving the MDG for women’s health by 2015.32 In
addition, Ethiopia has achieved one of the “most rapid and unprecedented” expansions of
contraceptive prevalence in Africa and, in fact the world, with the CPR increasing from 8.2% in
2000 to 28.6% in 2011 (based on national Demographic and Health Surveys [DHSs]).33 The
HEWs are widely seen, both within and outside of Ethiopia, as one of the major reasons these
remarkable results have been achieved.

References
1. Ghebreyesus TA, Alemayehu T, Bosman A, Witten KH, Teklehaimanot A. Community
participation in malaria control in Tigray region Ethiopia. Acta Trop. 1996; 61(2): 145-56.
2. Health Extension and Education Center. Health Extension Program in Ethiopia: Profile.
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia: Health Extension and Education Center, Federal Ministry of
Health; 2007. Available at:
http://www.moh.gov.et/english/Resources/Documents/HEW%20profile%20Final%2008%200
7.pdf.
3. Gopinathan U, Lewin S, Glenton C. An Analysis of Large-Scale Programmes for Scaling Up
Human Resources for Health in Low- and Middle-Income Countries. Geneva, Switzerland:
World Health Organization; 2012.
4. Dynes M, Buffington ST, Carpenter M, et al. Strengthening maternal and newborn health
in rural Ethiopia: early results from frontline health worker community maternal and
newborn health training. Midwifery. 2013;29(3):251-259.
5. Celletti F, Wright A, Palen J, et al. Can the deployment of community health workers for
the delivery of HIV services represent an effective and sustainable response to health
workforce shortages? Results of a multicountry study. AIDS. 2010;24(suppl 1):S45-S57.
6. Banteyerga H. Ethiopia's health extension program: improving health through community
involvement. MEDICC Rev. 2011;13(3):46-49.
7. Teklehaimanot A, Kitaw Y, Yohannes AM, et al. Study of the working conditions of health
extension workers in Ethiopia. Ethiopian Journal of Health Development. 2007;21(3):246-
259.
8. Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia Ministry of Health. Health Sector Development
Program IV: 2010/11–2014/15. Addis Ababa: Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia
Ministry of Health; 2010. Available at: http://phe-ethiopia.org/admin/uploads/attachment-
721-HSDP%20IV%20Final%20Draft%2011Octoberr%202010.pdf.
9. Sime K. Ethiopia's Health Extension Program. USAID CHW Regional Meeting; 2012; Addis
Ababa, Ethiopia.

Appendix A–31
10. World Health Organization. Ethiopia: Health Profile. 2012. Available at:
http://www.who.int/gho/countries/eth.pdf. Accessed 2012.
11. Banteyerga H. Ethiopia's health extension program: improving health through community
involvement. MEDICC Rev. 2011;13(3):46-49.
12. Central Intelligence Agency. The World Factbook: Ethiopia. 2012. Available at:
https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/et.html. Accessed 2012.
13. Ethiopia Central Statistical Agency, ICF International. 2011 Ethiopia Demographic and
Health Survey: Key Findings. Calverton, MD: CSA and ICF International; 2012. Available
at: http://www.measuredhs.com/pubs/pdf/SR191/SR191.pdf.
14. Lemma H, San Sebastian M, Lofgren C, Barnabas G. Cost-effectiveness of three malaria
treatment strategies in rural Tigray, Ethiopia where both Plasmodium falciparum and
Plasmodium vivax co-dominate. Cost Eff Resour Alloc. 2011;9:2.
15. Gopinathan U, Lewin S, Glenton C. An Analysis of Large-Scale Programmes for Scaling Up
Human Resources for Health in Low- and Middle-Income Countries. Geneva, Switzerland:
World Health Organization; 2012.
16. Girma S, Yohannes AM, Kitaw Y, et al. Human resource development for health in
Ethiopia: challenges of achieving the Millennium Development Goals. Ethiopian Journal of
Health Development. 2007;21(3):216-231.
17. GHWA Task Force on Scaling Up Education and Training for Health Workers. Ethiopia's
Human Resources for Health Program. Geneva, Switzerland: World Health Organization
and Global Health Workforce Alliance; 2008. Available at:
http://www.who.int/workforcealliance/knowledge/case_studies/Ethiopia.pdf.
18. Liu A, Sullivan S, Khan M, Sachs S, Singh P. Community health workers in global health:
scale and scalability. Mt Sinai J Med. 2011;78(3):419-435.
19. Admassie A, Abebaw D, Woldemichael AD. Impact evaluation of the Ethiopian Health
Services Extension Program. Journal of Development Effectiveness. 2009;1(4):430-449.
20. Koblinsky M, Tain F, Gaym A, Karim A, Carnell M, Tesfaye S. Responding to the maternal
health care challenge: the Ethiopian health extension program. Ethiopian Journal of
Health Development. 2010;24(1):105-109.
21. Sime K. Ethiopia's Health Extension Program. USAID CHW Regional Meeting; 2012; Addis
Ababa, Ethiopia.
22. Amare Y. Study of Implementation of Non-Financial Incentives for Voluntary Community
Health Workers. Addis Ababa, Ethiopia: JSI Research & Training Institute, Inc.; 2010.
23. Health Extension and Education Center. Health Extension Program in Ethiopia: Profile.
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia: Health Extension and Education Center, Federal Ministry of
Health; 2007. Available at:
http://www.moh.gov.et/english/Resources/Documents/HEW%20profile%20Final%2008%200
7.pdf.
24. Liu A, Sullivan S, Khan M, Sachs S, Singh P. Community health workers in global health:
scale and scalability. Mt Sinai J Med. 2011;78(3):419-435.
25. Ye-Ebiyo Y, Kitaw Y, G/Yohannes A, et al. Study on health extension workers: access to
information, continuing education and reference materials. Ethiopian Journal of Health
Development. 2007;21(3):240-245.
26. Creanga AA, Bradley HM, Kidanu A, Melkamu Y, Tsui AO. Does the delivery of integrated
family planning and HIV/AIDS services influence community-based workers' client loads in
Ethiopia? Health Policy Plan. 2007;22(6):404-414.
27. Wakabi W. Extension workers drive Ethiopia's primary health care. Lancet.
2008;372(9642):880.
28. Admassie A, Abebaw D, Woldemichael AD. Impact evaluation of the Ethiopian Health
Services Extension Program. Journal of Development Effectiveness. 2009;1(4):430-449.
29. The Last Ten Kilometers Project. Baseline Household Health Survey: Summary Report.
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia: JSI Research & Training, Inc.; 2009. Available at:
http://l10k.jsi.com/Resources/Docs/baseline_house_health_survey_summary.pdf.

Appendix A–32
30. Datiko DG, Lindtjorn B. Cost and cost-effectiveness of smear-positive tuberculosis
treatment by Health Extension Workers in Southern Ethiopia: a community randomized
trial. PLoS ONE. 2010;5(2):e9158.
31. Crowe S. In Ethiopia, a Far-Reaching Health Worker Programme has Helped Reduce Child
Mortality across the Country. 2013. Available at:
http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ethiopia_70372.html. Accessed May 5, 2014.
32. UNICEF, WHO. Countdown to 2015. Maternal, Newborn and Child Survival.
Accountability for Maternal, Newborn and Child Survival: An Update on Progress in
Priority Countries. 2012. Available at:
http://www.countdown2015mnch.org/documents/countdown-
news/count_complete_small.pdf. Accessed January 4, 2013.
33. Berhanu G, Tewfik M, Ogunbiyi B, Mekonnen Y. Contraceptive Use in Ethiopia: A Decade
of Change. Abstract presented at: International Conference on Family Planning; November
12–15, 2013; Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Available at:
http://www.xcdsystem.com/icfp2013/program/index.cfm?aID=2263&seID=450.

Appendix A–33
INDIA’S AUXILIARY NURSE-MIDWIFE, ANGANWADI
WORKER, ACCREDITED SOCIAL HEALTH ACTIVIST,
MULTIPURPOSE WORKER, AND LADY HEALTH
VISITOR PROGRAMS‡‡
Summary
Background
India has three cadres of CHWs. The first created is the Auxiliary
Nurse-Midwife (ANM), who is based at a subcenter and visits
villages in addition to providing care at the subcenter. The second is the Anganwadi Worker
(AWW), who works solely in her village and focuses on provision of food supplements to young
children, adolescent girls, and lactating women. The most recently created cadre is the
Accredited Social Health Activist (ASHA), who also works solely in her village. ASHA workers
focus on promotion of MCH, including immunizations and institutional-based deliveries, for
which they receive a performance-related fee.

Implementation
There are at present 208,000 ANMs, 1.2 million AWWs, and 857,000 ASHA workers. They each
have their own supervisory systems and payment systems.

Training
ANMs receive 18 months of training while AWWs and ASHA workers each receive 3–4 weeks
with additional trainings from time to time.

‡‡ This case study was written by Kerry Scott, Dena Javadi, and Jessica Gergen, all students at the Johns Hopkins
Bloomberg School of Public Health. We are grateful to Dr. Rajani Ved, who is the Lead Advisor on Community Approaches
for the National Health Systems Resource Center, a technical body that advises the MOHFW in India and its ASHA Program,
for her comments on an earlier version of the case study.

Appendix A–34
Roles/Responsibilities
ANMs are now officially Multipurpose Workers (MPWs) with a broad set of responsibilities,
including the support of AWWs and ASHA workers. Some obtain additional training to manage
birth complications and refer women with complications to higher levels of care, and some
obtain additional training for insertion of intrauterine devices. AWWs manage nutritional
supplementation at anganwadi centers for young children, adolescent girls, and lactating
women. They also help with promotion of healthy behaviors and mobilization of the community
for improved water and sanitation, participation in immunization activities and other special
health activities. ASHA workers are given performance-based incentives that focus around
facilitating institutional deliveries, immunizations, provision of basic medicines (including oral
contraceptives), and referral of patients to the subcenter.

Incentives
ANMs are paid a government salary. AWWs are considered to volunteers but are paid an
“honorarium” of about $27–$29 per month. ASHA workers receive performance-based
incentives, such as $10 for facilitation of an institutional delivery and $2.50 for facilitation of a
child’s completion of immunizations. They also now receive $16 per month for completing their
day-to-day routine tasks independent of the specific tasks for which they receive performance-
based incentives.

Supervision
Supervision of each of these three cadres is carried out independently. For all cases, there is a
widespread consensus that the supervision is inadequate.

Impact
Evaluations of these programs have produced mixed results. Wide variations exist in the quality
of training and in the competency and effectiveness of these CHWs, but strong efforts are under
way (particularly for the ASHA Program) to improve training, supervision, remuneration, and
logistical support.

What Is the Historical Context of India’s CHW Programs?

The network of primary health centers currently forms the foundation of the Indian rural
health care system and also the main link to India’s CHW programs. These primary health
centers were established in the late 1940s, shortly after India’s Independence in 1947. When
subcenters were created below the primary health center level in the 1960s, lower-level
temporary health workers were required to staff them.1 In response to this demand, the Indian
MOHFW created the ANM cadre.2 This was followed by the establishment of AWWs for child
development through the Integrated Child Development Service (ICDS). The newest addition to
the CHW family has been ASHA workers, established by the MOHFW.

At the time the ANM program was launched, ANMs received two years of training focused
primarily on MCH, with midwifery being the focus of nine out of the 24 months of training.3,4
ANMs were envisioned to be village-level midwives with “less than full qualifications.”3 Within
a decade, in the early 1970s, the role of ANMs was expanded to include a wide range of
preventive and curative work at the village level, particularly around FP and immunization.2
With the expansion of their role, ANMs transitioned from temporary to permanent staff within
the health system.1 At the same time, ANMs were also reclassified in the health system, from a
nurse-midwife to a female MPW.5 In response to the Srivastava Committee’s call for improved
ANM training to reflect their multipurpose role,6 in 1977 the Indian Council of Nurses approved
a syllabus for ANM training that focused on an expanded set of responsibilities and reduced the
midwifery component of the training from 9 to 6 months.4 At the same time the number of
subjects included in the training increased, the duration of training was reduced from 24 to 18

Appendix A–35
months because, as MPWs, ANMs were no longer considered to require extensive and
specialized training.3,7

The National Rural Health Mission (NRHM), launched in 2005, is the latest broad vision for
improving comprehensive primary health services for the rural poor in India. ANMs are
positioned as a key health worker within the NRHM human resources framework.3 The NRHM
doubled the number of ANMs at subcenters from one to two full-time staff.8

In 1972, the central government released an interministerial survey suggesting that existing
social welfare and nutrition programs in India were not improving the nutritional status of
children.9 The government attributed these program failures to resource constraints,
inadequate coverage, and fragmentation.9 To address some of these shortcomings, the
Government of India initiated the ICDS scheme in 1975. Anganwadi Centers, staffed by AWWs,
are the central implantation mechanism of the ICDS. The term anganwadi comes from the word
angan, meaning courtyard. The angan is traditionally an open space at the center of the house
where families can gather and where food is often prepared.

The ICDS program began with a two-year pilot phase involving 4,981 Anganwadi Centers in 33
blocks§§ throughout India.10 An evaluation found that the program increased BCG and DPT
immunization rates, improved the distribution of vitamin A and supplementary food provisions,
and improved child nutrition status.11 Subsequent evaluations in 1978 and 1982 found further
positive outcomes, and the scheme was scaled up throughout the 1980s. Program coverage
expanded rapidly, from 33 blocks in 1975, to 4,200 around the year 2000, and over 5,500 in
2003.12-14 During the 1990s, the program’s budget and number of beneficiaries almost doubled.13

ICDS initially focused on the health issues of children from birth to six years of age.15 However,
over the decades, ICDS has expanded to include nutritional support and health education for
adolescent girls (under the Kishori Shakti Yojana scheme) and lactating women. In some states
the AWW has been envisioned as a curative health care provider and equipped with drug kits to
address common illnesses among young children.16,17 However, more recent ICDS reports have
indicated that this component of responsibility for drug provision has been eliminated from
AWW’s work.

Beginning in 1978, inspired by the first successful CHW program in India—the Jamkhed
Comprehensive Rural Health Project—the government of India embarked on a national scale-up
of the Jamkhed CHW model. Over the course of five years, some 500,000 Village Health Guides
were trained in rural India with the goal of having one Village Health Guide for every 1,000–
2,000 people. These CHWs had three months of formal training to treat minor ailments and
first aid, and they were paid a small stipend.18 They had no supervision. Some major problems
that were documented during program scale-up included lack of a functioning supply chain for
the Village Health Guides, lack of supervision, and lack of community engagement. Selection of
trainees was based more on political considerations (and connections to local leaders) than on
motivation to serve and competence (R Arole, personal communication, 1997).

In 1979, two years after the program had been deployed, an evaluation of the program found
that 40% of Village Health Guides reported not receiving their drug kits, and over 60% had not
received the supplementary materials for community health and counseling.19 In addition,
about 50% of the Village Health Guides reported not receiving the CHW manual that was
supposed to be used as a reference guide for village activities.19

§§Blocks are rural jurisdictions ranging in population from fewer than 100,000 to more than three million; several blocks
(approximately 10) make up a district and several districts (from two in Goa to 75 in Uttar Pradesh) make up a state.

Appendix A–36
Some of the challenges that the Village Health Guide Program faced were lack of government
buy-in and support following program implementation.18 Moreover, community engagement in
program design and deployment inhibited the program’s acceptability and sustainability at the
rural community level.18 Community members that the Village Health Guides were intended to
serve reported feeling that the PHC provided by the government lacked responsive and caring
health care workers, and did not address the communities’ health needs.18 By 1983, the
program had clearly failed and was abandoned by the government.

The Village Health Guide Program failed to provide the funds required to assure that
supervision and the needed materials and supplies were available. The government’s financing
of the program was heavily dependent on external aid, and the program was poorly managed.18
Furthermore, the government failed to integrate the community health efforts of the Village
Health Guides with responses to other public health problems, such as water supply, and with
economic growth opportunities like agricultural inputs and land reclamation.18 Finally, the
Village Health Guide scheme failed to provide supportive supervision to the Village Health
Guides, which affected their accountability, job satisfaction, and motivation.18

In the early 2000s the Government of India was in the final stages of developing the NRHM,
which was seen as an “architectural correction” for the rural PHC system.20 Since then, the
NRHM has guided an increase in public health care expenditure from 0.9% of GDP to 2%–3%
along with expanded state-level efforts to improve accountability and community engagement in
the public health care sector.20 The initial draft proposal for the NRHM included a provision for
a national CHW cadre focused only on mobilizing FP and promoting institutional delivery. Civil
society actors argued that such a narrowly defined role for CHWs would be a lost opportunity
and was “not in conformity with the spirit and experience of CHW programmes”.21 The MOHFW
responded by creating a stakeholder task force to design the ASHA Program. This task force,
together with the MOHFW, developed the ASHA Guidelines that became central to defining the
program’s scope.21 When designing the ASHA Program, the task force drew lessons not only
from earlier, relatively unsuccessful, state-run CHW programs, but also from several successful
civil society-run programs.21 These civil society programs included the Comprehensive Rural
Health Project in Jamkhed, Maharashtra (1970–present) and SEARCH in Gadchiroli,
Maharashtra (1980–present). Both of these programs showed that female CHWs with minimal
formal education can bring about significant improvements in rural health conditions, provided
they have strong training and support.

In 2005, when the NRHM was launched, one ASHA worker for every 1,000 people was a key
feature.20 In many states, the ASHA program built upon preexisting CHW programs. For
instance, in Rajasthan, Anganwadi Center Helpers were nominated to become ASHAs. Andhra
Pradesh’s Women Health Volunteers were renamed ASHAs. The Chhattisgarh Mitanin CHW
program, launched in 2003 as a precursor to the ASHA Program, has retained the name
“Mitanin” for their health workers, but has otherwise been absorbed by the ASHA Program.22
Initially (2005–2008) the ASHA Program was a component of the NRHM only in 18 high-focus
states and in the tribal districts of other states. In 2009 the program was extended to cover the
entire country of 31 States and Union Territories, although Tamil Nadu opted to continue
limiting the ASHA Program to tribal areas only.

Now there are 1,203,300 Anganwadi Centers across India, each one staffed by one AWW,23
207,868 ANMs,24 and 857,000 ASHAs.21

What Are India’s Health Needs?

In the past 60 years, the health status of Indians has improved markedly. The IMR has declined
from 120 per 1,000 live births in the 1970s to 42 in 2010.25 Life expectancy at birth has risen
from 36 years in 1951 to 65 years in 2010. In 1951, women had an average fertility rate of 6.0,

Appendix A–37
while in 2010 it was 2.4. The MMR has also declined from 400 maternal deaths per 100,000 live
births in 1998 to 178 in 2010.25,26

However, despite rapid growth in GDP over the last 20 years,27 India has consistently failed to
meet national and international health targets, and it has improved its health status more
slowly than most other Asian countries.28 India continues to have high rates of maternal and
child mortality from communicable diseases along with poor management of chronic diseases of
adulthood.29-32 India’s rank in the human development index among 177 countries rose only two
positions between 1999 and 2004—from 128th to 126th.28 One-fourth of all child deaths and
20% of all maternal deaths in the world occur in India.32,33 Rural people, lower-caste people,
religious minorities, women, and the poor all suffer from the marked health inequalities that
exist in India and from a lack of access to good quality care because of social, geographic, and
economic barriers.28,34-36

India is facing a “double burden” of disease, meaning that large proportions of mortality in the
population can now be attributed to communicable disease on one hand and chronic conditions
on the other. Communicable diseases, such as respiratory infections and diarrhea, are often
considered diseases of poverty and disproportionately affect children and the poor. Chronic
conditions such as mental health disorders, diabetes, and cardiovascular disease are often
considered diseases of more affluent populations and typically cause death among adults later
in life. Chronic diseases now account for more than one-half of deaths in India,37,38 and
communicable diseases account for 29%.38 The remaining mortality is from injuries (10%),
perinatal conditions (7%), and maternal conditions (1%). In 2008, one-third of all deaths in India
were among people younger than 14 years of age, and 86% of these deaths were due to
communicable diseases or perinatal conditions.39 Among adult deaths, approximately one-fourth
can be attributed to communicable disease and 65% to chronic diseases.39

What Is the Existing Health Infrastructure?

The rural PHC system includes CHWs at the village level. Each village is supposed to have one
AWW and one ASHA worker. AWWs provide information about basic child health and
nutritional supplementation for children younger than six years of age, to adolescent girls, and
to lactating women.40 The AWW is based out of an Anganwadi Center and is the key
functionary of India’s ICDS.41

MPWs, generally a male MPW and an ANM, who is female, conduct outreach to the villages on
a monthly basis. They focus on infectious disease and on MCH. MPWs work out of the primary
health subcenter, a clinic that serves several villages. This subcenter is open around the clock
and normally has a doctor on staff. Referrals can be made from there to the primary health
centers and from there to the district hospital. Primary health centers form the second level of
the health system, and they are based in larger villages or small towns. In terms of
accountability, currently the state’s Minister of Health and Family Welfare oversees the system,
delegating responsibility to district medical officers (DMOs), who in turn oversee the block
medical officers (BMOs).

India also has a prominent private health care sector. In fact, the majority of Indians seek care
at private facilities rather than at free government health centers because of convenience, ease
of accessibility, and perceived superior service. Even the poorest quintile of the population seek
private care for 76% of their outpatient medical care and 58% of their inpatient care.42 Health
care spending composes 4.1% of India’s GDP, which is a fairly average percentage for a
developing country.43 Households pay out of pocket for over 70% of health care expenditures in
the country.43

Appendix A–38
What Type of Program Has Been Implemented?
The ANM cadre is the most well-educated and oldest cadre among the village-level health
workers, having been established in the 1960s. The AWW is also well-established in the domain
of childcare and nutrition, having been part of the health care system since the mid-1970s. The
ASHA is an entirely new cadre, launched in 2005 by the NRHM.20 As the new and often younger
addition, ASHAs are monitored and supported by the ANM and AWW. The ASHA is seen by
some policymakers as a means of reducing the labor burden on the ANM44 and is often seen as
the ANM’s assistant or helper.45

ANMs are women with 18 months of training who manage FP, immunization, and MCH
programs. They are based out of subcenters, the lowest facility in the rural public health care
system.

AWWs are female nutrition and child development workers who receive one month of training.
They run preschool centers and provide nutritional supplementation for children, lactating and
pregnant women, and adolescent girls. They are based out of Anganwadi Centers, which serve
as preschools and spaces for the storage and preparation of supplementary foods.46 The AWW is
supported by a part-time assistant, called an Anganwadi Helper (AWH) or sometimes also
called a Sahayika.

ASHAs are female CHWs who receive 23 days of training and who encourage women to seek
ANC and give birth in health centers, assist the ANM with health events such as immunization
days, and provide basic first aid and medical supplies such as ORS, contraceptive pills and iron
folic acid tablets.20 ASHA workers are to be based in their villages, and they refer people to their
local primary health center and community health center. Village Health and Sanitation
Committees, composed of village residents and the ASHA worker, also provide support for the
ASHA’s activities (see also the section on the community’s role below). Although the precise
manner of ASHA functioning varies by state, in general ASHAs are expected to attend weekly
meetings at their local primary health center and make home visits to people in the community
as needed. They are supposed to work approximately 2.3 hours a day and 4 days per week,
except during training and mobilization events (such as health education or immunization
promotion), when they are expected to put in more time.47

The Government of India describes the ASHA’s role as having three key components. First,
ASHAs are to play a central role in achieving national health and population policy goals.48
Second, they are to act as a bridge between the rural people and the government health system.
Third, they are to serve as social change agents, described as follows:

ASHA will be a health activist in the community who will create awareness on
health and its social determinants and mobilize the community towards local
health planning and increased utilization and accountability of the existing health
services.47

This third component of the ASHA’s role is ambitious. Early programmatic evaluations have
found limited scope for this type of awareness raising, with many ASHAs working primarily on
tasks such as immunization and promoting institutional delivery.45

The ASHA’s formal tasks are as follows:22,49

• Create awareness and provide information to the community on determinants of health such as
nutrition, basic sanitation and hygienic practices, healthy living, and work conditions.

Appendix A–39
• Provide information on existing health services and the need for timely utilization of health and
family welfare services.
• Counsel women on birth preparedness, safe delivery, care of the young, breastfeeding and
complementary feeding, immunizations, contraception, and prevention of common infections,
including sexually transmitted infections.
• Mobilize the community and facilitate access to health services.
• Work with the Village Health and Sanitation Committee to develop a comprehensive village
health plan.
• Facilitate health-care seeking for pregnant women and children requiring treatment/admission
to the nearest health facility.
• Provide primary medical care for minor ailments such as diarrhea and fevers, and provide first
aid for minor injuries.
• Provide DOT for patients with TB.
• Carry essential provisions (ORS packets, TB medicines, iron and folic tablets, chloroquine [in
malaria-endemic areas], disposable delivery kits, oral contraceptive pills, and condoms) for use
in the community.
• Inform the health system of births, deaths, disease outbreaks, and unusual health problems.
• Promote construction of toilets under the Total Sanitation Campaign.
• Provide home-based newborn care (a new role added in 2011).

ASHA drug kits are refilled through a state-to-village distribution system. Drug kit supplies are
procured at the state level by the Office of the Chief Medical Officer of Health. They are then
distributed to the block-level health facilities and then on to each primary health center in the
block. At monthly ASHA meetings, drug kits are restocked when only 25% of the needed
contents are present. ASHA facilitators maintain Drug Kit Stock Registers and send drug
supply requests to the block-level medical officer.50 In some cases, AWWs act as depot holders
for drug kits and help resupply the ASHA workers.41

LHVs are ANMs who have been promoted to oversee six subcenters. To be eligible for this
promotion, an ANM must have five years of work experience and complete a six-month training
program.1

MPW-Ms are male health workers who receive six months of training and are linked to a
subcenter (along with an ANM).51 They generally focus on malaria prevention and treatment as
well as on encouraging male sterilization. They are considered the “most neglected cadre” as
there is no scope for in-service training and over 60% of the positions are vacant.51

These different groups of CHWs work together as a team. ASHAs are to be supported and
monitored by both ANMs and AWWs. ANMs are responsible for the following tasks in relation
to the ASHA:
• Have a weekly or fortnightly meeting with ASHAs
• Act as a resource person, along with the AWW, for the training of ASHAs
• Inform ASHAs about the date and time of the outreach sessions
• Help ASHAs maintain a register of couples eligible for FP, motivate pregnant women to come
for ANC, and ensure that pregnant women receive iron pills and tetanus toxoid injections

Appendix A–40
• Orient ASHAs on the dose schedule and side effects of oral contraceptive pills
• Educate ASHAs on the danger signs of pregnancy and labor so that they can identify and help
pregnant women get further treatment when needed
• Inform ASHAs about the date, time, and place for initial and periodic training
• Ensure that ASHAs receive compensation for their performance and for attending trainings
• Participate in and guide ASHAs in the organization of Health Days at the Anganwadi Center46

AWWs are responsible for the following tasks in relation to the ASHA:
• Guide the ASHA in organizing a Health Day once or twice per week
• Guide the ASHA in undertaking education activities on health issues during Health Days

What About the Community’s Role?

ASHAs and AWWs are both to be recruited and chosen by the community, while the ANM is
hired and put into position by the district-level health administration.52 ASHAs are selected by
and accountable to the local village-level government, called the Gram Panchayat, through a
participatory process involving the community. After selection, ASHAs work closely with the
Village Health and Sanitation Committee. The NRHM envisions the ASHA worker to “act as a
bridge between the ANM and the village and be accountable to the Panchayat [local democratic
government].”24

The AWW serves as a member of the village Self-Help Group. The ANM, ASHA, and AWW
together are to be members of the Village Health and Sanitation Committee (VHSC).53 Self-
Help Groups are government-supported voluntary microcredit groups for women. VHSCs are
village-level voluntary health groups supported by the local level of the elected government (the
Gram Panchayat) under the NRHM.54 The VHSC is to lead the development of a Village Health
Plan, which is prepared and implemented by the ASHA, AWW, ANM, functionaries of other
departments, and Self-Help Groups.55

CHWs are envisioned by the MOHFW to work together on village-level health activities to
integrate health facility service provision with village-level health needs. The Program
Implementation Plan for the NRHM states that:

The relationship between the Anganwadi Worker and the ANM at the village level
and their respective working methods is critical to the improvement of child health
services in rural areas.56

How Does India Select, Train, and Retain the CHWs?

Selection
AWWs must be female, aged 21–45 years and middle-school educated. Meanwhile, ANMs must
have finished 12 years of school, must be female, and must be between 17 and 35 years of age to
apply to ANM training programs in nursing schools across India.57 ASHAs are to have a class
eight education or higher and preferably be between the ages of 25 and 45. An ASHA is to be a
“daughter-in-law” of the village44 who is married, widowed, or divorced and who is likely to live
in the village for the foreseeable future since unmarried women generally move to their
husband’s village upon marriage. States were afforded the flexibility to select ASHAs with lower
literacy levels in order to ensure local residence and community representation.

Appendix A–41
Training
AWWs: According to official documentation,58 AWWs receive 26 days of training over the course
of one month; 22 days are for classroom education with mock sessions and four days are for
supervised practice at the Anganwadi Center. However, a more recent review states that AWWs
receive three months of training.9 The Ministry of Women and Child Development states that
the training should employ participatory learning techniques, whereby classroom teaching is to
be supported by role play, demonstration, exercises, hands-on experience, and case studies.58
However, in 2011–2012 only 47% of the AWWs targeted to receive initial training and 51% of
the AWWs targeted to receive refresher training actually received it.15 AWWs are also supposed
to receive a seven-day refresher training at various points throughout their careers, but it is not
clearly stated how often these trainings are to occur.58

ASHA workers: During their first year, ASHA workers receive 23 days of training. Then they
are supposed to receive 12 additional days of training each year thereafter. The training
manuals (Modules 1–4) have been found to be broadly simplistic, insufficient, and
inconsistent.21 In addition, the first four manuals did not have an accompanying training
manual and trainers often just read through the manual with the ASHAs without any
structured skill development process.21 In contrast, Module 5, developed in consultation with
the National ASHA Mentoring Group, includes reading material and a facilitator’s guide to
train ASHAs in social mobilization. Two additional training modules have just been added to
the training regimen.22 ASHA training has in some states been outsourced to NGOs, while in
other states it is being conducted by health staff within the public system.

ANMs: ANMs complete 18 months of training. There are 1,284 ANM training institutions in
India that are recognized by the Indian Nursing Council. Funding for an additional 132 ANM
schools (focused in geographic areas that lack an ANM training school) was made available in
the NRHM 2011 funding cycle.59 The curricula for all ANM training are provided by the Indian
Nursing Council. Upon completing their 18 months of training, ANMs are considered to be
female MPWs but not skilled birth attendants. The MOHFW is now offering an additional
three- to six-week skilled birth attendant training program to ANMs whereby they can learn to
better identify danger signs for referral as well as how to actively manage the third stage of
labor (particularly with oxytocin or misoprostol) and conduct other emergency measures.60

ANMs can also obtain training in the insertion of intrauterine devices (IUDs) and gain
permission to insert IUDs. Once an ANM has five or more years of experience, she can seek six
months of promotional training to become a Lady Health Visitor (LHV)/HA (Female). It is
helpful to position the ANM within the six levels of nursing training in India today: (1)
Multipurpose Health Worker-Female training (ANM or MPHW-F), (2) Female Health
Supervisor training (HV or MPHS-F), (3) General Nursing and Midwifery training (GNM), (4)
BSc. Nursing training, (5) MSc. Nursing training, and (6) MPhil and PhD Nursing training. The
ANM, HV, and GNM trainings are conducted in schools of nursing. The last three are
university-level courses, and the universities where these programs are located are
responsible.57

Retention
AWWs: AWWs are considered “honorary workers” who receive a monthly honorarium, but in
fact, this honorarium serves as a salary. The payment is composed of a core honorarium from
the central government that is often supplemented by additional payments from the state-level
government to compensate AWWs for additional work on schemes beyond ICDS. The core
monthly payment from the central government ranges from US$27–$29 (1,438–1,563 rupees)
depending on the AWW’s educational qualifications and experience. Anganwadi Helpers
(AWHs) receive $9 (500 rupees) per month.41

Appendix A–42
ANMs: Salaries for ANMs are paid through national health budgets, while the MPW is paid
through the state-level health budget.55

ASHAs: The ANM serves as the gatekeeper to the ASHA’s receipt of reimbursement. ANMs
check the ASHA’s register to see how many services the ASHA has facilitated for which she can
receive payment, such as the number of pregnant women she facilitated in getting an
institutional delivery. After approving the register, the ANM sends the register on to the
Sarpanch (head of village-level government) for approval. On receiving the Sarpanch’s
approval, the ANM is responsible for seeking the ASHA’s payment through the closest primary
health center. Payments are usually dispatched once every three months. Once the check is
prepared for the ASHA, the ANM picks the check up from the primary health center and
delivers it to the ASHA.44 This process is quite convoluted and there have been reports of ANMs
keeping portions of the ASHA’s payments as a bribe or of ANMs understating the ASHA’s
earnings.

Although ASHAs are considered volunteers, they receive performance-based remuneration for a
range of interventions. Initially limited to facilitating institutional deliveries and
immunizations, the range has been expanded considerably to 31 activities. They include
provision of home-based newborn care, promoting birth-spacing and birth-limiting FP, provision
of DOT for TB treatment, making malaria slides, toilet construction, and follow-up of children
with severe acute malnutrition after discharge from a nutritional rehabilitation center. For
example, an incentive of 250 rupees (approximately $4.10) is given for providing home-based
newborn care. Facilitating institutional deliveries is the most common activity for which ASHAs
receive payments. Under the Janani Suraksha Yojana (Pregnant Woman Safety Scheme)
Program, if an ASHA worker facilitates an institutional delivery, she receives 600 rupees
(approximately $10) and the mother receives 1,400 rupees ($23).61 ASHAs also receive 150
rupees (approximately $2.50) for each child completing an immunization session and each
individual who begins to use FP.62 ASHAs are compensated for training days, meetings, and
additional health-related activities on a state-by-state basis.

The ASHA payment system fails to reflect the amount and type of work expected. Although
ASHA workers are tasked with a wide range of activities, including developing and
implementing Village Health Plans, they receive remuneration for only a very few highly
specific activities (such as bringing in women for institutional deliveries). Understandably,
ASHA workers tend to focus on the tasks they are paid for. Moreover, many ASHAs are
dissatisfied with the current level of remuneration, reporting that they work far more hours
than is sustainable for a volunteer position.63 In response to this, a recent decision has been
made to provide an “incentive” (not a salary since ASHAs are still considered to be volunteers)
for completion of a set of routine activities regardless of population covered. Now, ASHAs
receive 1,000 rupees (about $16) for completing a set of routine and recurrent tasks each month
(R. Ved, personal communication).

How Does India Supervise Its CHWs?

Each group of CHWs has a different supervision system. ASHAs, ANMs, and AWWs each have
their own separate and different supervisors.

AWWs: AWWs are supervised by an ICDS Anganwadi supervisor and the Child Development
Project Officer (CDPO). The CDPO is responsible for ICDS at the block level. The ICDS
Anganwadi supervisor oversees 25 AWWs. The CDPO is supported by a statistical assistant at
the block level. The AWW is also supported by the ASHA and ANM on MOHFW programs (for
immunization, health checkups, and health-related referrals).

Appendix A–43
ANMs: There is one LHV or HA (Female) assigned to supervise every six sub-centers. This
person is tasked with supervising and providing technical guidance to the ANMs at the sub-
centers and reporting to the Medical Officer.1

ASHA workers: According to national guidelines, there is to be one ASHA facilitator for every
20 ASHAs. The facilitator is to help with the selection of the ASHA, provide on-the-job
mentoring to ASHAs, conduct cluster meetings, maintain records of ASHA activities, attend
Village Health and Nutrition Days with the ASHAs, and attend monthly block primary health
center meetings.50 The ASHA facilitator is supervised at the block level by the Block
Community Mobiliser, who is in turn supervised by the District Mobilization/Coordination Unit,
which liaises with the state-level ASHA resource center. In their 2011 evaluation, the National
Health Services Research Center found that some states had supervision only at the block level
or delegated ASHA supervision to ANMs and other primary health center staff instead of hiring
separate facilitators. In other states, the facilitator was hired only to help with ASHA selection
and ceased functioning after selection.

At the national level, the ASHA Mentoring Group meets biannually and advises the MOHFW
on ASHA policy and programming. The National Health Systems Resource Centre is the
technical support unit under the MOHFW and serves as the secretariat for the ASHA
Mentoring Group.22

Several states have introduced ASHA motivation and recognition initiatives such as cash
awards for the best-performing ASHAs (in Bihar), newsletter and radio programs (in several
states), bicycles for all ASHAs (in Assam), and career development opportunities through
scholarships to study nursing (in Chhattisgarh).22

An ASHA monitoring system has been developed by the MOHFW. The main source of
performance monitoring arises from monthly meetings of the ASHA facilitator with the 20
or so ASHA workers she or he oversees. The reports on ASHA functionality involve
recording whether ASHAs are completing 10 tasks, including visiting newborns within the
first day (for home deliveries), attending immunization camps, visiting households to
discuss nutrition, and acting as DOT providers for TB treatment.50 These reports are then
submitted to the block community mobiliser on a monthly basis and assessed quarterly to
determine what percentage of ASHA workers are functional. These results are then
submitted to the district coordinator, who grades each block in the district based on ASHA
functionality. Finally, the monitoring data is consolidated at the state level and each
district is graded.

How Is the Program Financed?

AWWs: $8 billion (444 billion rupees) was allocated to the ICDS overall in the 11th Five Year
Plan Period (2007–2012).*** Financing for AWW payments and the upkeep of Anganwadi
Centers comes from both the central and state governments, with the central government
contributing 90% and the states contributing 10%. The cost of the food provided by AWWs
through ICDS is shared 50-50 by the central and state governments.41 In 2008, ICDS spent
$0.07 (4 rupees) on supplementary food per child beneficiary (aged 6–72 months) per day and
$0.09 (5 rupees) on supplementary food per pregnant or nursing woman per day.41

ASHA workers: In 2006, the MOHFW stipulated that the ASHA program would cost 10,000
Indian rupees (approximately $163) per ASHA worker per year across 18 high-focus states. This

***The Planning Commission of India allocates resources to the states based on planning sessions for the upcoming five
years; these plans are written up into official Five Year Plans and have been released every five years since 1951.

Appendix A–44
included the cost of the selection process, social mobilization, training, drug kits, identity cards,
and support for ASHA workers by the primary health center and the ASHA supervisor
(facilitator). This amount did not, however, include the cost of ASHA worker remuneration,
which was supposed to come from the budgets of various other MOHFW initiatives such as the
Janani Suraksha Yojana Program to support institutional delivery in rural areas.22

The program has consistently absorbed less than 50% of its allocated budget because of lack of
support structures and other support activities, limited internal capacity, and reluctance to
provide support for entities outside of the public sectors, such as NGOs.22 Absorption varies
across states, ranging from 20% in Delhi to 96% in Chhattisgarh, depending on the status of the
support structure and the state’s commitment to the program (R. Ved, personal
communication). From 2005 to 2011, the program spent only 48% of the total funds available,
amounting to 5,400 rupees (approximately $88) per ASHA worker.

What Are the Program’s Demonstrated Impact and Continuing Challenges?

AWWs: Although early evaluations of ICDS were promising, more recent assessments have
been less encouraging. In Lokshin et al.’s study,64 anthropometric measures of children obtained
from the National Family Health Survey were compared in villages covered by ICDS and in
matched villages not covered by ICDS. Their analysis found little overall effect of ICDS on
nutritional outcomes. Deolalikar found that the presence of an ICDS Centre is associated with a
5% reduction in the probability of being underweight for boys, but not for girls.65 Another study
by Bredenkamp and Akin found that the presence of an ICDS Centre has no significant effect on
the nutritional status of children.66

Since its inception, ICDS has been implemented with uniform norms, giving rise to critiques of
inflexibility and incapacity to adjust to address pockets of more severe malnutrition.67 The top-
down implementation of the program has left very little space for community involvement and
has resulted in many ICDS workers (including AWWs) having very little accountability to the
communities in which they operate.12 Many studies have identified implementation problems
with ICDS in general, and have specifically identified insufficient AWW training and support as
a major barrier to program success.12,66,68-70 AWW duties require detailed understanding of child
nutrition, maternal health and preschool education. “Supply leakage,” particularly related to
pilfering and resale of food grains from ICDS program stocks, has severely undermined
nutrition supplementation efforts. What food does get distributed has been found to focus on
children between the ages of four and six years, which is actually too late to optimally influence
growth.68 Greiner and Pyle identified low community involvement in ICDS as a central barrier
to program success.12 Although community selection and support of the AWW are featured in
government documents, communities often have little to do with the AWW; similarly, ICDS
employees may feel low affinity for the communities in which ICDS operates.

ANMs: There is surprisingly little published evidence of ANM effectiveness. In a placebo-

controlled trial from 2002 to 2005, Derman et al. found that ANMs could effectively administer
oral misoprostol to reduce rates of acute postpartum hemorrhage and acute severe postpartum
hemorrhage.71 Agrawal et al. found that coverage of antenatal home visits and newborn care
practices were positively correlated with the knowledge level of AWWs and ANMs.72
Specifically, when comparing women visited by AWWs or ANMs who had better knowledge
compared with those with poor knowledge, initiation of breastfeeding in the first hour of life,
clean cord care, and thermal care were significantly higher among women visited by ANMs or
AWWs with better knowledge.

Challenges within the ANM program include a lack of meaningful supervision and mentoring.73
Mavalankar and Vora also note that an ANM can become an LHV after five years of experience
and a six-month training course; however, this six months of training does not include any focus

Appendix A–45
on supervision or human resource management.1 Medical officers in particular are often serving
a population of over 15,000 people—and more than 30,000 people in the frequent cases where
posts are vacant, leaving them very little time to support ANMs.5 ANMs are thus often left to
manage the subcenters largely on their own. Security is another primary concern to ANMs. Iyer
and Jesani report how stories of ANMs being called out to homes on false pretenses and
sexually assaulted circulated among ANMs in their case study areas.5 ANMs may be placed at
remote subcenters and are often unmarried. Many refuse to go out at night to medical
emergencies; some even choose to live away from the subcenter so they are not available for
night calls. Unmarried ANMs have reported being verbally harassed by young men in the
village and having had stones thrown at them.74 Furthermore, ANMs are transferred every four
years on average, which can often place strain on their family and social lives.74 Many ANMs
end up living away from their husbands and children at some points in their careers.74

Mavalankar and Vora highlight the problem of “nonresident” ANMs, citing a 2007††† study that
found less than one-quarter of all ANMs actually living at the subcenter.1 If ANMs do not make
the subcenter their primary residence, they are unable to provide 24-hour medical assistance
and are more likely to be absent due to commutes or extended leave times to visit family. It is
not surprising that ANMs choose to live away from the subcenter. Beyond the security concerns
mentioned above, living at subcenters places ANMs “on call” at all times. Moreover, subcenters
are often little more than concrete rooms and often lack electricity and water.

ASHA workers: The National Health Services Research Centre released ASHA updates in
2009, 2010, and 2011, detailing finances and the status of ASHA training and selection. It is
still somewhat early to assess the impact of the program on health indicators. In many states,
ASHA selection has only recently been completed. The evaluation report entitled Improving the
Performance of Accredited Social Health Activists in India, prepared for the International
Advisory Panel by the Earth Institute of Columbia University and the Indian Institute of
Management, focuses on ASHA functionality rather than impact.63 The evaluation carried out
by the NHSRC entitled ASHA: Which Way Forward? found a wide range of functionality for all
ASHA tasks.21 For example, the percentage of all women with children younger than 6 months
of age who had received a service from their ASHA ranged from 50% to 70%. Considering that
ASHAs are supposed to provide postnatal counseling and encourage breastfeeding after all
births, this finding indicates limited functionality. The study also found that it was not the
ASHA’s educational level (whether or not an ASHA has passed 8th grade) but the number of
days of training and the quality of this training that had an impact on the ASHA’s knowledge
and skills. The report cited evidence that ASHAs increased institutional deliveries, although the
rollout of the ASHA program coincided with the introduction of financial incentives for
institutional birth for both the ASHA and mother, making it hard to disentangle the actual
effect of ASHAs. The report cited no evidence that ASHAs had influenced immunization levels,
but also pointed out that the main limiting factor was the availability of vaccines, over which
ASHAs had no control. Although at least 70% of ASHAs were found to have been consulted
about sick children, few were able to provide appropriate care because they lacked drugs, skills,
or support. For example, ASHAs were able to supply ORS in only 27% of diarrhea cases in Bihar
for which they were consulted. There have been concerns expressed about a lack of clarity on
roles and responsibilities. Many ASHAs are unable to specify their job responsibilities.63

The ASHA payment system fails to reflect the amount and type of work expected; although
ASHAs are tasked with a wide range of activities, including developing and implementing
Village Health Plans, they receive remuneration for only a few activities (primarily bringing in
women for institutional deliveries). Understandably, ASHAs tend to focus on the tasks they are

††† The URL to access this data was no longer operational when the authors sought to check it, on 8 April 2013. The
reference given was: Key Indicators, India, Facility Survey. 2003. http://www.rchindia.org/sr/ki_india.pdf. Accessed
September 5, 2007.

Appendix A–46
paid for. Moreover, many ASHAs are dissatisfied with the current level of remuneration,
reporting that they work far more hours than is sustainable for a volunteer position.63 There are
also major concerns about the adequacy and quality of training.21,63 The training process and
manuals have been criticized as dense, knowledge based rather than skills based, and irrelevant
to many day-to-day ASHA activities. The ASHA training period is very short (and few ASHAs
even receive the requisite 23 days) and assessments of ASHA knowledge and retention have
indicated that the training is highly insufficient.21

A central challenge at the heart of the ASHA program is supervision and feedback. Despite
detailed national guidelines on ASHA supervision, in most states, support structures are weak
and were set up several years after ASHAs were to have been selected and trained, almost as an
afterthought rather than as a priority activity.21 However, at the end of 2013, all but three
states had at least two levels of support structures and intact payment systems (R. Ved,
personal communication).

Although ASHAs are supposed to be representatives of and accountable to the people, they
receive their payments through the ANM at the primary health center and are often treated as
extensions of the health system. ANMs consider ASHAs their assistants, which diminishes the
ASHA’s her “social health activist role.”.45 In addition, ANMs provide mentoring and support for
the ASHAs linked to their primary health centers, yet have no official supervisory position.63

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http://www.measuredhs.com/pubs/pdf/FRIND3/FRIND3-VOL2.pdf.
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Health [oral remarks to the press in Delhi, India]. 2007. Available at:
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http://mohfw.nic.in/NRHM/State%20Files/maharashtra.htm.
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chronic diseases in India. Lancet 2005; doi:10.1016/S0140-6736(05)67343-6.
39. World Health Organization (WHO). Causes of Death Summary Tables: List of Countries by
WHO Regions. Geneva, Switzerland: WHO; 2011.
40. MOHFW. Monthly Village Health and Nutrition Days: Guidelines for
AWWs/ASHAs/ANMs/PRIs. In: G. o. I. Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, ed. 2007.
41. Ministry of Women and Child Development. Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS)
Scheme. 2012. Available at: http://wcd.nic.in/icds.htm. Accessed February 16, 2013.
42. National Sample Survey Organization (NSSO). National Sample Survey 60th Round.
Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation. Delhi: NSSO, Government of India;
2006.
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Health 2003-2007. 2007.
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public health system in rural India: mid-term evaluation of the National Rural Health
Mission. Center on Globalization and Sustainable Development, The Earth Institute at
Columbia University. CGSD Working Papers 2009 (Vol. 37).
45. Scott K, Shanker S. Tying their hands? Institutional obstacles to the success of the ASHA
community health worker programme in rural north India [research support, non-U.S.
gov't]. AIDS Care 2010; 22(Suppl 2): 1606-12. doi:10.1080/09540121.2010.507751
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Directorate General of Health Services Government of India, ed. 2006.
47. NIHFW. ASHA: Frequently Asked Questions. 2005. Available at:
www.nihfw.org/pdf/FrequentlyAskedQuestionsASHA.doc. Accessed December 1, 2012.
48. MOHFW. Reading Material for ASHA: Book 1 [training manual]. 2005. Available at:
http://www.mohfw.nic.in/NRHM/Documents/Module1_ASHA.pdf
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http://mohfw.nic.in/NRHM/stakeholders.htm.
50. NHSRC. Handbook for ASHA Facilitators. 2012. Available at:
http://nhsrcindia.org/pdf_files/resources_thematic/Community_Participation/NHSRC_Contri
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(I.C.D.S.). Indian J Matern Child Health 1993; 4(1): 19-24.
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Government of India; 2005.

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G. o. I. Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, ed. 2005.
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of Anganwadi Workers. New Delhi, India: 2004.
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Family Welfare; 2009. Available at: http://www.mohfw.nic.in/layout_09-06.pdf.
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India: Working Paper No. 1. Mumbai, India: Columbia Global Centers, South Asia,
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Integrated Child Development Services in India. Dev Change 2005; 36(4): 613-40.
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Will It Take To Reduce Infant Mortality, Child Malnutrition, Gender Disparities and
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Nutrition Interventions. Manila, Philippines: UN Administrative Committee on
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NCAER; 2001.
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72. Agrawal PK, Agrawal S, Ahmed S, et al. Effect of knowledge of community health workers
on essential newborn health care: a study from rural India. Health Policy Plan 2012; 27(2):
115-26.

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73. George A. 'By papers and pens, you can only do so much': views about accountability and
human resource management from Indian government health administrators and workers.
Int J Health Plann Manage 2009; 24(3): 205-24. doi: 10.1002/hpm.986.
74. Iyer A, Jesani A. Women in Health Care: Auxiliary Nurse Midwives. Mumbai, India: The
Foundation for Research in Community Health; 1995.

Appendix A–51
INDONESIA’S COMMUNITY HEALTH WORKERS
(KADERS)‡‡‡
Summary
Background
Built on the national women’s Family Welfare Movement (PKK)
movement of the 1970s, volunteers called kaders were trained to
conduct health and nutrition promotion activities in each village. In
the mid-1980s, the Posyandu Program was formally recognized by
the MOH. The program’s goal was to decrease infant and child
mortality, improve FP acceptance, improve nutrition, and empower the community through
community health activities.1

Implementation
A posyandu is a health post in the community that is staffed by kaders. Kaders are almost
exclusively women and are chosen by and from within the community to support services at the
posyandu. Each posyandu serves approximately 100 children younger than 5 years of age or
about 700 persons in the community.1 There are an estimated 1 to 1.5 million kaders, and there
are 4–5 kaders who volunteer at each posyandu. Sessions of the posyandu are held monthly, at
which time mothers and infants receive services at a series of five tables for registration,
weighing, result recording, advice or counseling on growth and development, and health
services (such as immunization or FP).1

Training
Kaders receive one week of training and over time accumulate the skills and equipment
necessary to carry out a set of tasks, including growth monitoring and promotion, treating
common illnesses such as diarrhea, and preventing disease and malnutrition.

Roles/Responsibilities
Kaders conduct the posyandu sessions, where their basic roles include registration and
recording on mother-infant cards, weighing, growth monitoring, providing nutrition advice, and
counseling on FP. Outside of the monthly posyandu sessions, the kaders carry out follow-up
visits in the community, attend community committee meetings, and update posyandu target
and utilization data.2 Kaders work about 8–10 hours monthly.3

Incentives
The kaders provide voluntary service without financial compensation. However, kaders may
receive informal types of compensation, such as free medical treatment from higher levels in the

‡‡‡ This case study was written by Katharine Shelley, Novia Afdhila, and Jon Rohde. Ms. Shelley and Ms. Afdhila are

students in the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health; Ms. Afdhila is from Indonesia and has worked with the
CHW program. Dr. Rohde was instrumental in the formation of the Indonesia CHW program in the 1970s.

Appendix A–52
health system.3 There is a high cultural value placed on doing something for one’s neighbors, so
volunteering as a kader is highly esteemed.

Supervision
While the nearest subdistrict-level health center (puskesmas) provides technical guidance and
support, the real accountability of the kaders is to the village committee that appointed and
supports them in their work. Kaders undertake to do “welfare work” for their community, and
the monthly posyandu session is seen as an important function and contribution to the welfare
of the community.

What Is the Historical Context of Indonesia’s Community Health Program?

The National Nutrition Survey in 1973 highlighted the prevalence of malnutrition in Indonesia.
At that time, over half of the children were undernourished.4 Throughout the 1970s, various
program approaches were undertaken to improve nutrition at the village level. The well-
established PKK organization was endorsed by the Ministry of Home Affairs and active in
thousands of villages throughout Java promoting self-help activities.4 Working with local health
departments, university departments of pediatrics, and the national FP organization (BKKBN),
the PKK became the locus of a set of monthly activities, including resupply of FP commodities,
weighing of children, and discussions of improving child health centered around the cooking of a
common nutritious meal, all organized and carried out by volunteers, called kader gizi
(nutrition workers) from the PKK. The point at which women gathered for these services came
to be called a posyandu, which is an Indonesian abbreviation for post pelayanan terpadu
(PosYanDu).

At the time of the posyandu session, these women were given brief training and simple health
education aids and followed standard prescribed activities during their monthly meeting
focused on family health and child nutrition. The KB-Gizi (FP/nutrition) Program grew
dramatically during the Third Five-Year Plan (1979–1984), at which time it reached over 30,000
villages.5 By 1984, over 80,000 posyandus in 34,000 villages, run entirely by kaders, were
providing basic nutrition and growth monitoring services.4 The MOH began to use these
monthly gatherings as a convenient means to expand immunization coverage as well as to
provide medical consultations. The MOH subsequently took over these “integrated service
delivery posts” and renamed them posyandus.5 After only a decade, the posyandu and kader
program covered 86% of villages in Indonesia with 200,000 posyandus.3

The National Nutrition Section of the MOH started the Program Gizi (UPGK). Initially it
depended upon costly food supplements. Monthly weighing sessions started in response to PKK
mothers asking how they would know if their children were healthy and growing well.
Traditional weighing scales called dacin for market commerce were used, along with growth
charts that displayed multiple green channels getting greener at the top (like rice that grows
greener as it is fertilized) to demonstrate where children were located based on their weight for
age and whether their weight was increasing. Finally, the sessions focused on “wisdom of
mothers” (kebijkasanaan ibu) rather than on “nutrition science” (ilmu gizi) as the
teaching/learning method.

The Posyandu Program thrived during the 14-year period from 1984 to 1998 under President
Suharto’s rule,6 expanding to more than 65,000 villages with some 250,000 posyandus run by
over 1 million kaders. Initial skepticism around volunteerism and worry about attrition of
kaders gave way to pride and recognition for the important community service they provided.
Women wishing to retire from their role recruited and trained their replacements, thereby
developing a self-perpetuating system of local health and nutrition care. However, the economic
crisis during 1997 significantly impacted posyandu performance. Some reports indicated that up
to 70% of the posyandus stopped functioning.7

Appendix A–53
In 2001, the Indonesian Ministry of Home Affairs, through a ministerial letter, called for a
revitalization of the Posyandu Program. It requested that the government (1) ensure the
sustainability of regular posyandu activities; (2) ensure the empowerment of local leaders and
kaders through advocacy, orientation, and training; and (3) institutionalize the posyandus by
maintaining them both as a physical structure and as a sociopolitical structure within the
village system that is accountable to the community. Due to limited resources, the revitalization
effort has focused on inactive posyandus and those in low-income communities.2

What Are Indonesia’s Health Needs?

The kader program was primarily developed as a response to addressing malnutrition, which
was identified as the greatest threat to Indonesian children in the 1970s.4 Over the next two
decades, with regular attention to monthly monitoring of child growth and use of locally grown
foods and recipes, malnutrition was halved without food supplementation programs, so popular
at that time in many other countries.4 Today, malnutrition remains a significant health
challenge in Indonesia, but it is far less severe: among under-5 children, 18% are
undernourished and 36% are stunted.8 Indonesia has recorded steadily declining rates of infant
mortality over the last 40 years, from 142 deaths per 1,000 live births in 1967, to 68 deaths per
1,000 live births in 1990, to 32 deaths per 1,000 live births in 2012.9 While in the 1970s,
diarrhea was the most prevalent cause of child deaths, the availability of oral rehydration at the
posyandu and the monthly attention to nutrition and hygiene along with early rehydration in
the home for diarrhea cases reduced diarrhea to the 4th or 5th leading cause of death. Now one-
third of infant deaths occur within the first month of life, an indication that increased quality of
delivery and PNC is needed. Acute respiratory infections, perinatal complications, and diarrhea
remain important to address, especially in rural settings.10

What Is the Existing Health Infrastructure?

Indonesia’s public health system includes facilities at the central, provincial, district,
subdistrict, and village levels, largely managed through a decentralized system responsible to
the provincial and district levels of government. Indonesia underwent government
decentralization in 1999–2000, at which time most health functions and budgets were
transferred to the districts, with the national and provincial levels largely setting norms and
providing guidance.11 Referral hospitals are located in the larger cities and provincial centers.
District hospitals are present in each of the 580 districts, and community health centers
(puskesmas) each cover a catchment of approximately 30,000 people. Below the puskesmas, at
the village level, there is a network of low-level facilities, including pustus (sub-health centers),
polindes (village midwife clinics), and posyandus (health posts) (see Figure 1).11,12

Appendix A–54
Figure 1. The health care system in Indonesia, including the posyandu (health post) at the community
level.12

What Type of Program Has Been Implemented?

Community health activities are carried out at the posyandu, which is an integrated health post
staffed by various community health kaders. The posyandu links people at the village level with
the formal health center and the health care system.3 Each posyandu serves approximately 100
under-5 children or about 700 persons in the community.1 There are an estimated 1 to 1.5
million kaders in Indonesia, based on four to five kaders stationed at each posyandu. The
various types of community health kaders include: the gizi kader (who works in nutrition); the
kesehatan kader (who works in health); the KB kader (who works in FP); the first aid kader; the
non-communicable/chronic disease kader; and the mental health kader. The original idea was to
have one kader for every 10–20 families.3 By 2009 there were more than 250,000 posyandus,
and an average of 3.6 posyandus per village.2,13

Posyandu sessions are conducted on at least a monthly basis by the five or more kaders present
at each session.2 Kaders typically work about 8–10 hours monthly.3 At the posyandu session,
four tables are set up with at least one kader stationed per table. The first table is for
registration, the second for weighing of children, the third for marking the growth card graph
with the weight outcomes; at the fourth table, the mother is given advice based on the weighing
and growth monitoring data. A fifth table was later added to provide immunizations and
curative services.

Outside of the posyandu sessions, kaders are responsible for (1) updating a register with names
of pregnant women, postpartum and breastfeeding mothers, infants, and under-5 children); (2)
updating the statistics describing posyandu session utilization; (3) carrying out follow-up visits
to houses of absent participants and participants who need further health education; and (4)
attending community committee meetings.2 Growth monitoring, FP, mental health counseling,
general MCH care, guidance on the prevention of diarrhea, and immunization are all provided
at the posyandu sessions.13 Infant health care includes immunizations, promotion of early
stimulation, growth monitoring, disease detection, and basic curative care. In 2010, coverage of
infant health care was 84%, and the monthly posyandu session is considered a key reason why

Appendix A–55
the coverage level is high. The posyandu is an important access point for families to bring their
infants for routine care.13

Posyandu activities are divided into core and optional activities. By offering additional optional
activities, a posyandu becomes designated as an integrated posyandu.2

Core activities carried out by kaders and their posyandu:

• MCH care
• FP
• Immunization
• Nutrition
• Diarrhea prevention and treatment

Optional additional activities:

• Bina Keluarga Balita (empowerment of families with children younger than 5 years of age)
• Tanaman Obat Keluarga (family herbal farm)
• Bina Keluarga Lansia (program for the elderly)
• Pregnancy savings (encouraging women to save in preparation for delivery and for the
newborn’s needs)

What about the Community’s Role?

The posyandu and its kaders serve as a community empowerment unit on health-related issues
that is supervised institutionally by a village committee. Medical and technical supervision is
provided by the clinical staff at the puskesmas, where a physician, 5–8 nurses, and several
midwives work.2 The selection of the supervising village committee and kaders is based on
consensus reached within a village-level meeting conducted by staff from the puskesmas and
attended by village leaders, other respected people in the village, and selected members of
committee.2

How Does Indonesia Select, Train, and Retain Kaders?

The community plays an integral role in selection of kaders. Selection criteria include the
following:
• Able to read and write
• Social in spirit and willing to work voluntarily
• Knowledgeable about the customs and habits of local people
• Willing to commit the time required
• Residing in the village
• Friendly and sympathetic
• Accepted by the local community

Training of kaders lasts less than one week, meaning that only a few technical skills can be
learned during that short duration of training.3 Kaders are taught to do very few things, but
importantly, the training focuses on learning one task at a time. Kaders are given the skills and

Appendix A–56
equipment needed to carry out that task, and two or three months later they may be trained on
the next skill. Many of the skills can be passed on from one kader to another, such as preparing
and using ORS and zinc, vitamin A distribution, and folic acid and iron distribution for
pregnant women.

Evaluations conducted in the 1980s estimated that the annual dropout rate for kaders was 20%,
and the average length of service for each kader was 3–5 years.3 As kaders drop out, new ones
are selected and begin to work even if they have not been formally trained.3 A kader who drops
out is sometimes responsible for finding and training her replacement.

How Does Indonesia Supervise the Kaders and Posyandus?

The posyandu is a community-driven health service managed and run from, by, for, and with
the community. It also receives technical supervision from the staff at puskesmas.2 Each
puskesmas has at least one general doctor alongside nurses and midwives. At least one
puskesmas is located in each subdistrict, and someone from the puskesmas staff makes a visit to
each posyandu session. Supervision of the kaders is minimal. Health facility staff members who
attend posyandu sessions are not expected to supervise kaders. Rather, they attend the
posyandu session as respected colleagues, and they incorporate statistics of services provided at
the posyandu session as the first layer of data used in the district health information system.

How Is the Program Financed?

There is almost no finance requirement after it gets started. Any money is a bonus and used to
do what the committee decides on. Financing for the program serves to fund operational
activities, nutritional foods for children under 5, kader transportation costs, start-up capital for
posyandu commercial activities, and costs for transport for patients requiring referral. The
program is financed through a variety of sources, including:
• Community members, attendee donations, community health savings, donations from
community members, and donations from social or religious groups;
• Private commercial sources, such as some companies that adopt a posyandu and provide
sponsorship;
• Commercial activities undertaken by the posyandu itself (such as selling herbal medicine); and
• Government sources (mainly for the early stage of posyandu development, particularly for
establishing facilities and infrastructure).2

What Are the Program’s Demonstrated Impact and Continuing Challenges?

The community-level monitoring system is called SKDN and is used in some posyandus,
depending on the initiative of the local committee, in order to monitor progress. It consists of
four indicators which were designed to be simple and easy enough to use for community-level
feedback and tracking of progress, but also to provide useful coverage information for the formal
health care system.3 The simple monitoring system was designed to be used at the community
level by the people who are collecting the data. The initials SKDN are used to represent the key
data points: S for “all”—the number of under-5 children; K for “growth charts”—the number
enrolled in weighing; D for the number of children “weighed” during the month; and N for the
number of children who “gained weight” during the month. Key indicators are (1) the proportion
of children reached (e.g., given growth cards) (K/S); (2) the proportion of children with growth
cards who were weighed (D/K); and the proportion of children weighed who gained weight (N/D).
A wall chart is then constructed at the community level to track a village’s progress.3

Measuring impact through these SKDN indicators requires an accurate estimate of the total
number of children in the target age group, which is often difficult to ascertain. The latest 2010

Appendix A–57
figures from the Indonesia MOH indicate that 68% of under-5 children were weighed.13 The
MOH has stated that the decrease in maternal and child mortality as well as the increase in life
expectancy in Indonesia are partly attributable to the work of the posyandus and kaders in the
community.2

Lack of funding, political support, and new volunteers have been cited as challenges. Some
critics say that over half of the posyandus are inactive, but others claim this is overstated. The
head of the Demographic Institute at the University of Indonesia in Jakarta says, “Times have
changed. People no longer take pride in being posyandu volunteers [kaders]. People also prefer
to go to clinics [more] than [to a] posyandu.”14 In spite of these vulnerabilities, the posyandu
system in Indonesia, run by volunteer women for more than 30 years, is probably the largest
and longest continuous community-based volunteer health and nutrition program in the world.
Driven by women who honestly want to know, “How is my child doing?” and are willing to serve
their neighbors by devoting one day a month to a common welfare activity, the kader gizi (and
other kaders) have brought a level of universal health and nutrition care to a huge and diverse
population in one of the poorest countries of the world. The posyandu and its kaders provide a
foundation for health in modern Indonesia.

The quality, coverage, and impact of posyandus varies by region. The quality of FP services
provided at the posyandu is heavily dependent on the midwife from the puskesmas being
present for the posyandu session. If she is not able to attend, then women who need
replenishment of supplies or an injection will be without protection.15

The trend for increased utilization at the puskesmas will continue, particularly since a national
health insurance scheme went into effect in early 2014 and over the next 5 years will cover
everyone in the country. However, the need for the posyandu will continue—for growth
monitoring of children, for attention to mental health issues, for chronic disease management,
and for many other services that can be effectively provided at that level.

References
1. Zulkifli. Posyandu dan kader kesehatan. 2003. Available at:
http://library.usu.ac.id/download/fkm/fkm-zulkifli1.pdf.
2. Ministry of Health Indonesia. Pedoman Umum Pengelolaan Posyandu (Posyandu General
Guide). Jakarta, Indonesia; 2011.
3. Berman P. Community-based health programmes in Indonesia: the challenge of supporting
national expansion. In: Frankel S, ed. The Community Health Worker: Effective Programmes
for Developing Countries. England: Oxford University Press; 1992:62-87.
4. Rohde J. Indonesia’s posyandus: accomplishments and future challenges. In: Rohde J,
Chatterjee M, Morley D, eds. Reaching Health for All. England: Oxford University Press;
1993:135-57.
5. Suyono H, Hendrata L, Rohde J. The family planning movement in Indonesia. In: Reaching
Health for All. England: Oxford University Press; 1993:482-500.
6. Afrida N. Reinventing posyandu. The Jakarta Post. April 24, 2013. Available at:
http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2013/04/24/reinventing-posyandu.html.
7. Suryakusuma J. Children, the “Hunger Games” and posyandu. The Jakarta Post. December
4, 2013. Available at: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2013/12/04/children-hunger-
games-and-posyandu.html.
8. Countdown to 2015. Indonesia Accountability Profile 2013. 2013. Available at:
http://www.countdown2015mnch.org/documents/2013Report/Indonesia_Accountability_profil
e_2013.pdf.

Appendix A–58
9. Statistics Indonesia, National Population and Family Planning Board, Kementerian
Kesehatan MOH, ICF International. Indonesia Demographic and Health Survey 2012.
Jakarta, Indonesia; 2013.
10. WHO. WHO Country Cooperation Strategy 2007-2011 Indonesia. 2008. Available at:
http://www.who.int/countryfocus/cooperation_strategy/ccs_idn_en.pdf.
11. Abdullah A, Hort K, Abidin AZ, Amin FM. How much does it cost to achieve coverage
targets for primary healthcare services? A costing model from Aceh, Indonesia. Int J Health
Plann Manage. 2012; 27(3): 226-45. doi:10.1002/hpm.2099.
12. WHO. Indonesia Country Profile. 2003. Available at:
http://www.who.int/disasters/repo/9062.pdf.
13. Ministry of Health Indonesia. Indonesia Health Profile 2010. 2011. Available at:
http://www.depkes.go.id/downloads/Indonesia Health Profile 2010.pdf.
14. IRIN. Indonesia: bid to revitalize community-based healthcare. IRIN News. February 24,
2012. Available at: http://www.irinnews.org/report/94946/indonesia-bid-to-revitalize-
community-based-healthcare.
15. Mize L. The Paradox of Posyandu: Challenges for Community Health Services in Indonesia;
Literature Review. AusAID HRF; 2012.

Appendix A–59
IRAN’S COMMUNITY HEALTH WORKER
PROGRAM§§§
Summary
Background
Currently, 90% of health services in Iran are provided by the public
sector, and a large portion of basic health services are provided by
the over 30,000 village health workers (VHWs), called behvarzs, who
focus on the health needs of the rural population and specifically on
MCH.1

Implementation
Following health care reforms in the early 1980s, Iran built Health Houses, each of which was
meant to serve approximately 1,500 people living within a 1-hour walking distance. Each
Health House (Khaneh Behdasht) is staffed by one man and one or more women who provide
preventive and basic care.2 Today 17,000 Health Houses serve 23 million rural Iranians.2

Training
The Behvarz Training Centers provide pre-service as well as in-service training programs that
consist of coursework divided into three grades over a 2-year period.

Roles/Responsibilities
Behvarzs’ responsibilities include MCH care, communicable and non-communicable disease
management and detection, care of the elderly, oral health care, health care in schools,
environmental and occupational health, annual population census, completion of reports and
forms, attendance at in-service training sessions, and membership on the Behvarz Council.

Incentives
Because the CHW program is an integral component of Iran’s PHC system, financing of these
workers is regulated into national health planning. The behvarz workers are paid a fixed salary
approximately one-sixth that of physicians.

Supervision
Regular supervisory visits to Health Houses are planned and performed by rural health centers.
Provincial and national teams also evaluate program effectiveness and quality of care.

Impact
Iran has built a strong PHC system, and the behvarz CHW program has been a fundamental
element of it. The strong progress that Iran has made in improving the health of its population
and in narrowing the rural-urban gap in health status since the 1970s is due in large part to the
performance of its community-friendly health workers and the PHC system more broadly.

§§§This case study was written by Zayna Chowdhury and Dena Javadi, students at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of
Public Health.

Appendix A–60
What Is the Historical Context of Iran’s Community Health Worker Program?
The Behdar (healer) Training Project in 1942, the West Azerbaijan Project in 1972, and the
Village Behdar Training Scheme of Shiraz University are all earlier examples in Iran of
utilizing local health workers to address health concerns of the rural poor.3,4 Following the Alma
Ata Declaration of 1978, Iran established a network for PHC with a new CHW program that
refined and expanded on projects such as the Behdar Training Project.5 The West Azerbaijan
Project, developed in one province in Iran, aimed to expand medical and health services by
establishing a comprehensive health delivery system and training auxiliary health personnel,
which was the translation of a PHC approach into practice. In the same years as the West
Azerbaijan Project, similar experiments in the use of auxiliary health personnel to deliver
health services were also conducted in other parts of Iran. The PHC program in Iran has
expanded beyond MCH services and now also provides services pertaining to elder health, youth
health, and non-communicable diseases.

What Are Iran’s Health Needs?

CHW programs in Iran are focused on the health needs of the rural population, specifically in
terms of infant mortality, maternal mortality, and childhood illnesses such as diarrhea. The
content of CHW training is adapted according to changing rural health care needs. For example,
midwifery programs in rural areas have been added relatively recently. Needs addressed
beyond maternal health include non-communicable diseases, immunization, personal hygiene
issues, acute respiratory infection, and FP.5

What Is the Existing Health Infrastructure?

There are four levels of health workers: the family, informal and traditional workers, CHWs,
and professionals. Health system reform, focusing more on primary care, coincided with the
Iranian revolution in 1979. The new health system also integrated medical education and
health care services. A goal of the new health system has been the reduction of urban-rural
disparities in health outcomes.

What Type of Program Has Been Implemented?

The Health House is the first contact between the rural population and health providers in the
PHC network. Each Health House provides MCH care, FP services, health education,
environmental and occupational health services, and disease control activities. CHWs conduct
home visits. The Health House facilitates referrals to higher levels of care. An annual census of
the population is also conducted.5

Specific CHW roles and responsibilities include vaccination, growth monitoring, IMCI,
breastfeeding promotion, and nutrition support for infants and children. ANC and PNC are
provided along with FP services, treatment of minor illnesses, and first aid. CHWs provide care
for the elderly, oral health care, care of young people at school, and occupational health. CHWs
receive a salary that is approximately one-sixth of a physician’s salary.6

What About the Community’s Role?

Community engagement in health promotion activities became part of the policy agenda in
2004.5 Promotion of community participation and promotion of collaboration at the local level of
other social sector programs with health programs is part of the role of CHWs.

How Does Iran Select, Train, and Retain the Community Health Workers?
Selection and recruitment of CHWs (behvarzs) in Iran strongly reflects the WHO definition of
CHWs as “members of the communities where they work [who] are selected by their
communities.”7 Local people, including religious leaders and families, are involved in the

Appendix A–61
selection of behvarzs. By 2004, a more formal process involving behvarz recruitment committees
had been established in each district to assess vacancies and to find the most appropriate
candidates using local media. A written examination and interview with the candidates are the
final steps of behvarz recruitment.

Qualifications for behvarz candidates include a high school degree. Since 2005, more and more
are being selected who have undergraduate university degrees in a health-related field. Both
men and women are eligible. Behvarz candidates have to be resident in the rural area for at
least 1 year. If there is no applicant from the main village, applicants from neighboring villages
can be recruited.5 Moreover, to promote long-term retention of behvarzs in rural areas, priority
is given to the local candidates or to female candidates whose husbands have a permanent job in
the village. The appointment of behvarzs should be confirmed by a committee consisting of
representatives of the Behvarz Training Center, the district PHC division, and the local rural
council.

District Behvarz Training Centers, which are part of the district health system, provide pre-
service as well as in-service training to behvarzs.8 The behvarz training program consists of
theoretical and practical coursework over a 2-year period as well as clinical placements in
Health Houses and rural health centers. Behvarz trainers have university degrees in family
health, disease management, environmental health, midwifery, and nursing. Training courses
are held twice a year for 7–15 behvarzs. Students receive free training and financial support
(free accommodation, meals, transport) throughout the 2-year period of their training. In return,
they are formally obliged to remain in and serve at the village for a minimum of 4 years after
the completion of their study.

An important policy change has been the inclusion of behvarz training at the university level.
The rationales for this change were the following:
• Provision of behvarz training at the university level will encourage a larger number of rural
high school graduates to choose behvarz as their future job.
• A better-educated behvarz is more accepted by the community and can provide higher-quality
health care to rural families.

The course is still 2 years long and leads to an undergraduate degree. Course topics are
constantly under review. In 2006, several new topics—including health education, oral health,
elderly health, research methods and problem solving, introduction to statistics, intersectoral
collaboration, and natural disasters—were added to the training material. Other new topics
include the health system and rural communities, social determinants of health and well-being,
communication skills, human rights, and cultural beliefs. These new topics demonstrate a policy
shift toward a more comprehensive notion of PHC in Iran.

How Does Iran Supervise Its behvarzs?

Regular supervisory visits to Health Houses are planned and performed by staff from rural
primary health centers. In addition, provincial and national teams evaluate program
effectiveness and quality of care. A number of checklists which are designed by provincial and
national health deputies are used to check
• Data recording,
• The behvarz’s knowledge,
• Drug supplies and equipment, and
• Work-related problems and suggestions identified by the behvarzs themselves.

Appendix A–62
A recent approach to CHW collaboration in Iran is the behvarz council, established in 2006 with
the aim of engaging behvarzs in problem identification, problem solving, knowledge transfer,
and policymaking. Behvarz councils have been established at different levels of the health
system, from the local health center to the district, provincial, and national levels.
Behvarz council meetings are held on a regular basis to discuss a broad range of issues
concerning the behvarzs’ work, such as recent policies, behvarzs’ viewpoints about in-service
trainings, work-related problems, and recommendations to overcome problems. Meeting
minutes and the final report are submitted to the higher-level council for further follow-up.
Behvarzs’ representatives are responsible for transferring ideas and solutions to other team
members and for following up on issues raised in the meeting.

How Is the Program Financed?

Because the CHW program is an integral component of Iran’s PHC system, financing of these
workers is stipulated by national health planning regulations.5

What Are the Program’s Demonstrated Impact and Continuing Challenges?

After almost 3 decades, the behvarz program in Iran has contributed to significant progress for
many health indicators. In particular, the gap between rural and urban areas in terms of
various morbidity and mortality indicators has narrowed considerably. IMR per 1,000 live
births in 1976 was at 60.4 in urban Iran and 123.7 in rural Iran. Since the development of PHC
and the behvarz program, the IMR per 1,000 live births in 2000 was at 27.7 in urban Iran and
30.2 in rural Iran, showing a distinct improvement.9

Studies have examined the job satisfaction of behvarzs and the contribution of behvarzs to rural
health outcomes.10-14 It has been suggested that the significant improvement in rural health
outcomes is strongly related to the performance of community-friendly health workers, although
these improvements are unlikely to have been achieved through PHC alone; the period also saw
economic growth, a rise in literacy rate, and improvement in environmental services such as
access to safe water and sanitation.11 Common challenges cited by behvarzs included
insufficient support systems; inadequate infrastructural support such as Health House
facilities, physical space, and maintenance; lack of recognition by higher authorities; and the
level of incentives.5 Despite formal supervisory mechanisms being in place, as revealed in policy
documents, poor-quality supervision was one of the barriers reported by behvarzs. In most
cases, supervisory teams do not provide sufficient technical and emotional support and give too
much attention to deficiencies.

References
1. NSSO. National Sample Survey 60th Round. Delhi, India: Ministry of Statistics and
Programme Implementation, Government of India, National Sample Survey Organization
(NSSO); 2006.
2. WHO. Selected National Health Accounts Indicators: Measured Levels of Expenditure on
Health 2003-2007. 2007. Available at:
http://www.who.int/nha/country/nha_ratios_and_percapita_levels_2003-2007.pdf.
3. Amini F, Barzgar M, Khosroshahi A, Leyliabadi G. An Iranian Experience in Primary
Health Care: The West Azerbaijan Project. New York, NY: Oxford University Press; 1983.
4. Ronaghy HA, Mehrabanpour J, Zeighami B, et al. The Middle Level Auxiliary Health
Worker School: the Behdar Project. J Trop Pediatr. 1983;29(5):260-264.
5. Javanparast S, Baum F, Labonte R, Sanders D, Heidari G, Rezaie S. A policy review of the
community health worker programme in Iran. J Public Health Policy. 2011;32(2):263-276.
6. Farzadfar F, Murray CJ, Gakidou E, et al. Effectiveness of diabetes and hypertension
management by rural primary health-care workers (Behvarz workers) in Iran: a nationally
representative observational study. Lancet. 2012;379(9810):47-54.

Appendix A–63
7. WHO. Strengthening the Performance of Community Health Workers in Primary Health
Care. Geneva, Switzerland: World Health Organization; 1989.
8. Javanparast S, Baum F, Labonte R, Sanders D, Rajabi Z, Heidari G. The experience of
community health workers training in Iran: a qualitative study. BMC Health Serv Res.
2012;12:291.
9. Aghajanian A, Mehryar AH, Ahmadnia S, Kazemipour S. Impact of rural health
development programme in the Islamic Republic of Iran on rural-urban disparities in
health indicators. East Mediterr Health J. 2007;13(6):1466-1475.
10. Asadi-Lari M, Sayyari AA, Akbari ME, Gray D. Public health improvement in Iran—
lessons from the last 20 years. Public Health. 2004;118(6):395-402.
11. Mehryar AH, Aghajanian A, Ahmad-Nia S, Mirzae M, Naghavi M. Primary health care
system, narrowing of rural-urban gap in health indicators, and rural poverty reduction: the
experience of Iran. XXV General Population Conference of the International Union for the
Scientific Study of Population; 2005; Tours, France.
12. Mehryar A. Primary health care and the rural poor in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Scaling
Up Poverty Reduction: A Global Learning Process and Conference; 2004; Shanghai, China.
13. Movahedi M, Hajarizadeh B, Rahimi AD, et al. Trend and geographical inequality pattern
of main health indicators in rural population of Iran. Hakim Research Journal.
2008;10(4):1-10.
14. Arab M, Pourreza A, Akbari F, Ramesh N, Aghlmand S. Job satisfaction on primary health
care providers in the rural settings. Iran J Public Health. 2000;36(3):64-70.

Appendix A–64
NEPAL’S FRONTLINE HEALTH WORKERS****
Summary
Background
The first Nepal Health Sector Program (NHSP) was implemented in
2004 to 2009. It worked to provide equitable access to free basic
health services.

Implementation
Each health facility has, in additional to one professional health worker, one VHW, one MCH
Worker (MCHW), and usually nine (but sometimes more) Female CHVs (FCHVs) to serve a
catchment population of 5,000–10,000 people.

Roles/Responsibilities
Each of the three types of CHWs has a defined scope of work. The MCHWs are full-time
employees who offer reproductive services for women. The VHWs are also full-time workers, and
they offer family-oriented services such as immunizations and management of newborn
infections. The FCHVs are part-time volunteers who provide basic services and health
education.

Incentives
MCHWs and VHWs are formally employed and paid by the government for their services.
Motivating factors for FCHVs include nonfinancial incentives like a clothing allowance and
community recognition.

Supervision
VHWs and MCHWs supervise the FCHVs who work in their catchment areas. VHWs and
MCHWs are responsible for resupplying the FCHVs and for providing support, advice, and
feedback during monthly supervision visits.

Impact
Among low-income countries, Nepal has been a global leader in reducing its under-5 mortality
rate, its MMR, and its fertility rate. In fact, it achieved the MDGs for child health and for
maternal health in 2010. There is widespread agreement that CHWs in Nepal, particularly the
FCHVs, have played an important role in achieving these important goals.

What Is the Historical Context of Nepal’s Community Health Worker Program?

The FCHV Program began in 1988, but faced early difficulties such as a lack of well-trained
volunteers, a lack of supplies, and an inability to provide locally desired services, not to mention
the challenges of working in mountainous areas with a highly dispersed rural population often
reachable only by foot.1 In the 1990s, the National Vitamin A Program began to work with
FCHVs to distribute vitamin A to all children 6–59 months of age.2 The FCHVs’ role was further

**** This case study was written by Rose Zulliger, a student in the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health.

Appendix A–65
solidified in 1991 with the development of the first National Health Policy under democratic
rule. The policy restructured the health system to bring health services closer to the people
through health posts and sub-posts, vertically integrated programs, and the development of a
new cadre of frontline workers, the MCHWs.3

The first NHSP from 2004 to 2009 was developed to increase equality of access and to improve
health outcomes. It also sought to coordinate external donors to improve aid effectiveness. In
2006, an Interim Constitution was developed that defined the rights of Nepalis to “free basic
health services,” among other rights.4

Following the success of the first NHSP, Nepal developed a second NHSP for 2010–2015, which
set forth the following goals:4
• To increase access to and utilization of quality essential health care services
• To reduce cultural and economic barriers to accessing health care services and harmful cultural
practices, in partnership with non-state actors
• To improve the health system to achieve universal coverage of essential health services

The second NHSP describes the need to scale up FCHV services and to increase the demand for
formal health services such as institutional delivery. A broad range of goals are also described
to improve overall health service functionality, such as improved financial management,
increased timeliness of procurement, and increased governmental financing of health services.

What Are Nepal’s Health Needs?

Nepal is a country with immense health needs and substantial barriers to service delivery. It is
a very poor country and most rural inhabitants live in mountainous areas. Service delivery
within Nepal is complex given the country’s geography. For example, 40% of individuals in the
Mountain Region have to travel 1–4 hours to reach their closest health facility.

Nonetheless, substantial progress has been made in health outcomes over the past 20 years,
such as an under-5 mortality rate of 48 per 1,000 live births in 2011 compared to 135 in 1990,
but challenges remain. For example, nearly half (41%) of all children younger than 5 years of
age are stunted from chronic malnutrition. Although health outcomes and service usage have
become more equitable across castes, ethnic groups, and wealth quintiles, major disparities still
remain. For example, women in the highest income quintile are 12 times more likely to have a
trained health worker attend their delivery than women in the poorest quintile.4

TB is an additional challenge in Nepal: approximately 45% of the population has latent TB and
40,000 people each year develop active disease.4 There is also a chronic shortage of health
workers in Nepal.5

As mentioned previously, the National Health Policy of 1991 restructured the health system to
bring health services closer to the people by constructing health posts and sub-posts and
introducing a new cadre of workers, the MCHWs.6 An effort was also made to integrate vertical
programs (e.g., immunization and FP) at the district level. The health system in Nepal
continues to be centralized and confronts many challenges regarding human resources,
including low worker retention, low productivity and morale, and high turnover.5

What Type of Program Has Been Implemented?

VHWs, MCHWs, and FCHVs are all based out of local health facilities that serve catchment
populations of 5,000–10,000 people. Each health facility has one professional health worker, one
VHW, one MCHW, and usually nine (but sometimes more than nine) FCHVs.7 These cadres

Appendix A–66
work closely together, supporting one another’s scope of work. For example, FCHVs mobilize the
communities for immunization by VHWs while FCHVs distribute vitamin A with the logistical
support of the other cadres.7

FCHVs are frontline, part-time service providers who work an average of 8 hours each week.8
They receive some financial compensation for certain functions, but they are predominantly
volunteers. There is, however, currently discussion regarding provision of cash incentives and
some FCHVs are asking for salaries (Sabina Pradham, personal communication, 2012). MCHWs
are full-time salaried government employees (R Shesthra, personal communication).

FCHVs primarily promote healthy behavior through motivation and health education,4 but they
also mobilize communities to participate in immunization campaigns, detect and treat common
childhood illnesses, provide medications for DOT for TB, distribute ORS packets and zinc for
treatment of childhood diarrhea, and treat children with symptoms of pneumonia with
cotrimoxazole tablets.1,2,4,9

Furthermore, FCHVs are now involved in reproductive and maternal health care through
distribution of FP supplies and the dispensation of misoprostol, a tablet taken immediately after
childbirth to reduce the risk of postpartum hemorrhage. FCHVs also provide community
education and counseling to facilitate healthy practices and generate demand for maternal,
neonatal, and child health services.6 FCHVs are currently being trained to place an antiseptic
on the umbilical cord immediately after birth as well as to resuscitate newborns who have birth
asphyxia.4

MCHWs are full-time workers whose services include FP, treatment of patients at outreach
clinics, clinical case management of childhood illnesses, health education/promotion, and
participation in immunization and vitamin A campaigns. They also facilitate referrals and are
responsible for the supervision of FCHVs.6

VHWs are also full-time workers whose services are similar to those offered by MCHWs.7 These
include provision of immunizations, management of newborn infections, and supervision of
FCHVs.6

What About the Community’s Role?

Women’s groups and local Village Development Committees (VDCs) are highly involved in the
selection and oversight of FCHVs. Women’s groups are also expected to discuss FP and to
provide information to other women who are not in the groups. There have been challenges with
some women’s groups that did not function well, though, so guidelines were developed on how to
strengthen women’s groups. Following the development of these guidelines, a pilot program was
implemented that improved the functioning of women’s groups and provided increased support
to FCHVs. These groups also became more aware of their authority to remove FCHVs. New
guidelines have now been finalized and are being implemented in the western part of the
country; they will later be scaled up nationally (S Pradhan, personal communication, 2012).

There should be a VDC everywhere FCHVs work. There are at least nine FCHVs associated
with every VDC, but at times there may be as many as 50, depending on the population for
which the VDC is responsible (S Pradhan, personal communication, 2012). There are also local
FCHV associations, but none of these are fully representative of all FCHVs or national in
scale.10 There are local health committees in Nepal that assist with FCHV selection and
oversight, but they are not involved with MCHW selection.

Appendix A–67
How Does Nepal Select, Train, and Retain Its Community Health Workers?
The selection criteria for FCHVs are that they should be women aged 25–45 who are married
with children, and preference is given to those who are literate and who are from or residing in
the local community. In practice, FCHVs are often illiterate.11 FCHVs undergo an initial 18
days of training with 5 days of refresher training every 5 years.4

MCHWs are women from or residing in the local community who have a 10th-grade education.
VHWs can be male or female, but they must be literate, and they are recruited locally. MCHWs
and VHWs both have an initial training of about 3 months.7
Compensation of FCHVs has been a very controversial component of the program because
"there is a balance to be struck between compensating the women for the real financial and time
costs that they incur in carrying out their duties, without losing the spirit of voluntary service to
the community.”12 Initially, FCHVs were paid a monthly stipend, but this was not sustainable
and the stipend was discontinued.10

FCHVs receive an incentive for timely retirement at the age of 60 (although many do not want
to retire). They also receive free services from Nepal’s Ex-Servicemen Contributory Health
Scheme, which provides medical insurance for all ex-service personnel eligible for pension, as
well as the serviceperson’s spouse and dependent children.12 In addition, FCHVs are given an
identification card and an annual day of honor in recognition of their service to the
community.10 They are currently requesting access to income-generation schemes, free schooling
for their children, and health insurance (S Pradhan, personal communication, 2012). A 2010
study by Glenton and colleagues explored policymakers’, program managers’, and FCHVs’
perceptions of motivation and incentives. The study highlighted the need for “context-specific
incentives” for FCHVs.10 Despite being staffed by volunteers, the program has very low attrition
rates, with less than 5% turnover each year.

A fund was developed by the Nepalese government in 2008–2009 that provided 50,000 Nepalese
rupees (approximately US$600) for each of the 3,914 VDCs. The government is contributing an
additional 10,000 rupees (approximately $120) to each of these funds every year. The interest
from this endowment fund can be accessed by the FCHVs to support income-generation
activities. Early evidence shows the program to be successful, although there are challenges
with accounting at the village level (S Pradhan, personal communication, 2012).4 MCHWs and
VHWs are formally employed and paid by the government for their services.13

How Does Nepal Supervise Its Female Community Health Volunteers?

VHWs and MCHWs supervise the FCHVs that work in their catchment areas. They are
responsible for providing the FCHVs with the supplies they need and for providing support,
advice, and feedback during monthly supervision visits. Additionally, all FCHVs meet with
their respective VDCs every 4 months to review progress.4 Although the FCHVs receive
commodities from their supervisors, there are many challenges with the supply system and the
demand for commodities often exceeds the supply.7

Data, particularly program evaluations and research in the field, are highly influential in
programmatic policy development and implementation. There are, however, many challenges
with the current HMIS. The current registers are complicated and have 30–40 indicators,
representing a burden for FCHVs. This burden, coupled with the low levels of literacy among
FCHVs, have led to concerns regarding the quality of the data collected (S Pradhan, personal
communication, 2012).

Appendix A–68
How Is the Community Health Worker Program Financed?
VHWs and MCHWs are salaried staff of the MOH, so they receive their salary and benefits
according to government rules and regulations. The costs of the FCHV program (basic training,
refresher training, training materials, in-kind incentives, and so forth) are financed by donor
agencies. Generally, the US Agency for International Development pays for the cost of training
through its implementing partners (John Snow, Save the Children, Plan International, and
others) and the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) provides materials for training and
patient education (R Shrestha, personal communication, 2013).

What Are the Program’s Demonstrated Impact and Continuing Challenges?

Nepal has made important progress in the past 20 years in improving health outcomes,
particularly those related to the MDGs. The MMR has decreased from 539 deaths per 100,000
live births in 1991 to 229 in 2009, and the total fertility rate has decreased from 5.3 in 1991 to
2.9 in 2009. The under-5 mortality rate has had a similarly dramatic reduction, from 158 per
1,000 live births in 1991 to 50 in 2009.4 A number of factors have contributed to the improved
health outcomes, but there is widespread agreement that CHWs have made important
contributions to these achievements.

Challenges faced by the FCHV program include growing expectations that FCHVs will
provide more services without increased support or incentives; this may compromise
retention and recruitment of new FCHVs.3 Further, there are concerns that FCHV services
are hampered by political affiliations and an aging workforce, problems with the supply
chain, and a lack of human resources.3,14

Another challenge is the current process of gradually phasing out the VHW cadre, who are
traditionally responsible for first-line supervision of FCHVs. The VHWs will be replaced with
better-qualified Auxiliary Health Workers; however, the latter may be less likely to be local to
the area they serve.4

References
1. Curtale F, Siwakoti B, Lagrosa C, LaRaja M, Guerra R. Improving skills and utilization of
community health volunteers in Nepal. Soc Sci Med. 1995;40(8):1117-1125.
2. Gottlieb J. Reducing child mortality with vitamin A in Nepal. In: Levine R, ed. Case Studies
in Global Health: Millions Saved. Washington, DC: Center for Global Development;
2007:25-31.
3. Pratap N. Technical consultation on the role of community based providers in improving
maternal and neonatal health. Community Health Workers Meeting; 2012; Amsterdam,
Netherlands.
4. Ministry of Health and Population, Government of Nepal. Nepal Health Sector Programme
- Implementation Plan II (NHSP -IP 2) 2010 – 2015. 2010.
5. Global Health Workforce Alliance. CCF Case Studies: Nepal: Strengthening
Interrelationship Between Stakeholders. 2010. Available at:
http://www.who.int/workforcealliance/knowledge/resources/CCF_CaseStudy_Nepal.pdf.
6. Pratap N. Technical consultation on the role of community based providers in improving
maternal and neonatal health. Community Health Workers Meeting; 2012; Amsterdam,
Netherlands.
7. CHW Technical Task Force. One Million Community Health Workers: Technical Task Force
Report. New York, NY: The Earth Institute; 2011. Available at:
http://www.millenniumvillages.org/uploads/ReportPaper/1mCHW_TechnicalTaskForceRepo
rt.pdf.

Appendix A–69
8. Shresta A. The female community health volunteers of Nepal. Global Health Evidence
Summit: Community and Formal Health System Support for Enhanced Community Health
Worker Performance. 2012; Washington, DC.
9. Fiedler JL. The Nepal National Vitamin A Program: prototype to emulate or donor enclave?
Health Policy Plan. 2000;15(2):145-156.
10. Glenton C, Scheel IB, Pradhan S, Lewin S, Hodgins S, Shrestha V. The female community
health volunteer programme in Nepal: decision makers' perceptions of volunteerism,
payment and other incentives. Soc Sci Med. 2010;70(12):1920-1927.
11. Hodgins S, McPherson R, Suvedi BK, et al. Testing a scalable community-based approach
to improve maternal and neonatal health in rural Nepal. J Perinatol. 2010;30(6):388-395.
12. Government of Nepal, Ministry of Health and Population (MoHP). Nepal Health Sector
Programme-2 Implementation Plan (2010-2015). Kathmandu, Nepal: Government of Nepal;
2010:267. Available at: http://www.nhssp.org.np/health_policy/Consolidated%20NHSP-
2%20IP%20092812%20QA.pdf.
13. CHW Technical Task Force. One Million Community Health Workers: Technical Task Force
Report. New York, NY: The Earth Institute; 2011. Available at:
http://www.millenniumvillages.org/uploads/ReportPaper/1mCHW_TechnicalTaskForceRepo
rt.pdf.
14. Global Health Workforce Alliance. Country Coordination and Facilitation (CCF) case
studies 2010. 2013. Available at:
http://www.who.int/workforcealliance/knowledge/resources/ccfresources/en/. Accessed
August 16, 2013.

Appendix A–70
PAKISTAN’S LADY HEALTH WORKER PROGRAM††††
Summary
Background
The Lady Health Worker Program (LHWP) was established in 1994,
with the goal of providing primary care services to underserved
populations in rural and urban areas. In 2003, the national strategic
plan set two goals: (1) improving quality of services and (2)
expanding coverage of the LHWP through the deployment of 100,000
Lady Health Workers (LHWs) by 2005.

Implementation
LHWs are deployed throughout all five provinces‡‡‡‡ of Pakistan. These workers are attached to
a local health facility, but they are primarily community based, working from their homes.

Training
LHWs are trained in classrooms for 3 months and then have 1 year of on-the-job training. This
should include 1 week of training per month for a period of 12 months as well as 15 days of
refresher training each year, although there is substantial variation in training patterns across
provinces.

Roles/Responsibilities
The scope of services provided by LHWs has grown from an initial focus on MCH to include
participation in large health campaigns, newborn care, community management of TB, and
health education on HIV/AIDS. LHWs visit an average of 27 households a week, providing
advice and conducting consultations with an average of 22 individuals each week.

Incentives
LHWs receive a salary of about $343 per year. They are not supposed to engage in any other
paid activity, although some do. The LHW stipend is often the only source of family income and
is a critical family support.

Supervision
Supervision is highly organized and tiered in the Pakistani LHWP. LHWs are each attached to
a public health clinic and are supervised on a monthly basis by an LHW Supervisor (LHS).
LHWs should have community-based supervision at least once a month in which LHSs meet
with clients and with the LHWs, review the LHWs’ work, and make a work plan for the next
month.

†††† This case study was written by Rose Zulliger, a student in the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health.
Zulfiqar Khan, Coordinator (Health System Strengthening), WHO, Pakistan, provided helpful comments on an earlier draft.
‡‡‡‡ Officially, Pakistan has four provinces, one territory, and one capital province. For the purpose of our discussion here,

we will refer to all as provinces.

Appendix A–71
Impact
Pakistan is lagging behind in its efforts to achieve the MDGs for MCH. Although the LHW
Program has many positive aspects, the number of LHWs is still not sufficient to provide
adequate coverage of services nationally. Thus, expansion of the program and continued efforts
at program strengthening will be required to achieve a stronger impact.

What Is the Historical Context of Pakistan’s Community Health Worker Program?

Pakistan’s support for PHC dates back to the country’s signing of the 1978 Alma Ata
Declaration.1 In 1993, Pakistan established the Prime Minister’s Program for Family Planning
and Primary Health Care, which employed CHWs to provide PHC services in their
communities. The program subsequently employed only female CHWs, and the LHWP was
introduced in 1994.2 The goal of the program was to reach rural areas and urban slums with a
set of essential PHC services, including promotive, preventive, and curative services; to improve
patient-provider interactions; to facilitate timely access to services; to increase contraceptive
uptake; and, ultimately, to reduce poverty.1,3,4 In 2000, the program was renamed the National
Program for Family Planning and Primary Health Care, but it is still commonly called the Lady
Health Worker Program (LHWP).5

The 2003–2011 Strategic Plan set two goals: (1) improving quality of services and (2) expanding
coverage of the LHWP through the deployment of 100,000 LHWs by 2005. Key determinants of
provision of high-quality service by LHWs include the following: selection based on merit;
provision of professional knowledge and skills; supply with necessary medicines and other
supplies; and adequate remuneration, performance management, and supervision. A
management information system was also essential to assess and encourage quality
performance and to facilitate informed programmatic decision-making.6 The 2001–2011
National Health Policy described “investment in the health sector as a cornerstone of the
government’s poverty reduction plan.”3

The LHWP has evolved over time. The scope of services provided by LHWs has grown from an
initial focus on MCH to now include participation in large health campaigns, newborn care,
community management of TB, and health education on HIV/AIDS. LHWP activities have also
been advertised in a series of mass media campaigns that promote community uptake of and
respect for LHW services.7

What Are Pakistan’s Health Needs?

MCH indicators in Pakistan have lagged behind the same indicators in other South Asian
countries. In 1991, the under-5 mortality rate was 117 deaths per 1,000 live births and the
MMR was 533 maternal deaths per 100,000 live births.8 Since then, Pakistan has made
insufficient progress toward meeting MDG 4 (reducing under-5 mortality). The average annual
rate of reduction from 1990 to 2010 was only 1.8% and there were 87 under-5 deaths per 1,000
live births in 2010. Pakistan is, however, making progress in meeting MDG 5 (for reducing
maternal mortality) and the MMR has had an annual reduction of 3% from 1990 to 2010. In
2010, the MMR was 260 deaths per 100,000 live births.9 Part of the high maternal mortality
earlier was attributable to the high total fertility rate (5.4 children in 1991) and low access to
health services; only 15% of women reported at least one ANC visit during their most recent
pregnancy.8 (The total fertility rate measures the average number of children a woman would
have if she lived through her entire reproductive life at the age-specific rates of fertility in her
country.) Health care access in Pakistan is further restricted by social and cultural barriers
such as women’s limited mobility outside of the home without an escort.10

Appendix A–72
What Is the Existing Health Infrastructure?
There are three tiers of governance in the Pakistani public health system: federal, provincial,
and district. The federal government historically was responsible for broader policies, planning,
and budgeting as well as the HMIS. However, in 2011, the FMOH was dissolved and
responsibility for health services was delegated to provinces, with the exception of a national
Ministry of Regulation.11

Provinces are responsible for LHW allotment, training, and performance. The district level is
responsible for allocation and supervision of LHWs.4,6 All tiers of government are involved in
the LHWP and LHWs are integral to service delivery of most community health initiatives in
the country.8

There has been tremendous growth in the number of health care providers in Pakistan. For
example, the number of physicians increased from 70,692 in 1995 to 127,859 in 2007, according
to data from the Pakistan Medical and Dental Council and Pakistan Nursing Council.3 There is
also a private health care system in Pakistan that provides services for wealthier inhabitants.5

What Type of Program Has Been Implemented?

LHWs are deployed across the nation in all five provinces of Pakistan.12 These workers are
attached to a local health facility, but they are primarily community based, working from their
homes.3 The homes of LHWs are called Health Houses; emergency treatment and care are
provided therein.1 An LHW is responsible for approximately 1,000 people, with priority given to
couples of reproductive age and children younger than 5 years.

An external evaluation of the LHWP was carried out in 2008 and reported the following in 2009:
• LHWs visit an average of 27 households a week.
• LHWs provide advice and conduct consultations with an average of 22 individuals each week.
• 85% of households reported that they were visited by an LHW in the previous 3 months.
• 80% of LHWs reported that they worked 6–7 days a week.
• Most LHWs worked an average of 5 hours a day.2

The LHWP offers professional advancement opportunities for LHWs. LHWs can receive
additional training to serve as an LHS, which is an incentive for good performance.5

LHWs have a broad scope of work that includes 22 different tasks.1 These include promotion of
use of contraceptives, provision of FP services (distribution of oral contraceptives and condoms
and provision of injectable contraceptives), ANC (alongside traditional and formal medical birth
attendants), treatment of illnesses (such as diarrhea, malaria, acute respiratory tract infection,
and intestinal worms), and referral of community members with more serious illnesses.3,4,8,10 In
addition, LHWs are expected to provide DOT for TB patients, carry out surveillance for cases of
polio, and keep comprehensive records for all of their patients.1

The most frequent LHW services, as reported by the 2008 survey of clients, were hygiene
promotion, vaccination promotion, and FP services.2 Seventeen percent of households reported
that they consulted with an LHW for curative services.2 LHWs also frequently support other
health campaigns such as polio campaigns.8

A 2000 evaluation estimated that 150,000 LHWs were needed to obtain optimal coverage in the
country.3 This led to a strategic plan in 2003 to have 100,000 functioning LHWs by 2005. This

Appendix A–73
goal was still not achieved by 2008. In 2003, there were a total of 75,038 LHWs working or in
training and the number grew to 83,280 in 2005 and 90,074 in 2008.6

The expansion of the program from 2000 to 2008 increased LHW coverage in more rural and
poorer areas, but the program still does not reach the most disadvantaged areas. Coverage rates
have, however, improved.2 In 2006, the LHWP covered 60% to 70% of Pakistanis in rural areas.4
There are now plans to double the number of LHWs.8

What About the Local Community’s Role?

There is a community member on each LHW selection committee and on each LHS selection
committee. The community is also involved in programmatic decision-making, planning, and
M&E. LHWs are expected to link the community to formal health services and to be members of
the community where they work. LHWs also provide a range of community development
services and participate in community meetings.5 LHWs are expected to establish a village
health committee, which has two parts—a women’s health committee and a men’s health
committee.

How Does Pakistan Select, Train, and Retain Lady Health Workers?
LHWs are women who have a minimum of 8 years of education. This requirement has been a
challenge in some areas where there are no or few women with this level of education.8 They
also must be between 18 and 50 years old; reside in, be accepted by, and be recommended by the
communities they serve; and preferably be married with children. LHWs must also be willing to
work from their homes. Preference is given to women who have experience in community
development.6 Of LHWs included in a 2008 external evaluation of the program, 66% were
younger than 35 years of age, 97% resided in the community where they worked, 66% were
currently married, and the average education level was 9.9 years of schooling.2

LHWs are selected using a clearly delineated process. LHW posts are advertised; applicants are
then interviewed and selected based on the above criteria by a selection committee. The
committee is expected to comprise the following members: a Medical-Officer-In-Charge who is
the chairman, a female Medical Officer, a Lady Health Visitor (female medical technician), a
Dispenser (male health technician), and a community member. They also must be recommended
by the councilor, who is a local elected official, and provide a written affidavit that they will
perform their duties for at least 1 year after the completion of their training.12 The selected
LHW is then formally appointed by the District Health Officer.6 LHWs are then initially
employed for 1 year, although many continue the work long after the first year.5

LHWs receive 3 months of classroom training in PHC and then have 1 year of on-the-job
training. This should include 1 week of training per month for a period of 12 months, followed
by 15 days of refresher training each year, although there is substantial variation in training
patterns across provinces.1,2,6 The Federal Project Implementation Unit is responsible for
approval of all LHW training and, with the FMOH, develops the training curriculum, organizes
and coordinates training, and trains master trainers; Provincial and District Project
Implementation Units are responsible for the local trainings.6

The fourth external programmatic review reported in 2009 that 100% of the LHWs had
attended the initial training and 96% had some kind of refresher training in 2008. Eighty
percent of LHWs had attended training on child health in the previous year. Seventy-two
percent had obtained training on counseling cards, 70% on optimal birth spacing intervals, and
62% on injectable contraceptives during 2008. Eighty-eight percent reported receiving training
by male medical doctors and 67% reported receiving training by Lady Health Visitors. Eighty-
two percent of LHWs had at least one female trainer.2

Appendix A–74
Recently, training has focused more on counseling skills and competency, although challenges
persist. LHW knowledge increased between the third and fourth external programmatic
evaluations, but according to the findings of the 2008 survey, there were very low levels of
knowledge on certain subjects. For example, only 9% of LHWs stated the correct dosage of
chloroquine for children despite having access to manuals and medicine boxes, and only 50%
could determine the appropriate weight of a child from a standard-growth monitoring card.2
Additionally, some LHWs felt they had insufficient communication skills, particularly for
addressing difficult topics such as communication with men on FP, establishment of village
health committees, and discussion of sexually transmitted infections. These LHWs felt they
needed additional training through role plays as well as additional information, education, and
communication materials.7

LHWs receive a salary of about $343 per year and are not supposed to engage in any other paid
activity, although some do.3 The LHW stipend is often the only source of family income and is a
critical family support.8 Salaries are paid monthly into the LHWs’ personal bank accounts, but
delays in LHW remuneration are common. Additionally, 9% of patients reported that they paid
their LHW for services, which are supposed to be free.2

How Are Lady Health Workers Supervised?

Supervision is highly organized and tiered in the Pakistani LHWP. LHWs are each attached to
a public health clinic and are supervised on a monthly basis by an LHS.3 LHSs are then
regularly supervised by the LHWP district coordinator and assistant coordinator. LHWs should
have supervision take place in the community at least once a month, at which time LHSs meet
with clients and with the LHWs, review the LHWs’ work, and make a work plan for the next
month.2

The evaluation of the LHWP found that 80% of LHWs had had a supervision meeting in the
previous month. Ninety percent of supervision occurred in the village, and in 59% of the cases,
the supervisor met with clients of the LHW. Ninety-one percent of LHWs also reported that
they had had meetings in the health facility within the previous 30 days, and 98% reported that
they had produced a work plan for the previous month. Supervisors frequently used checklists
during the meetings and scored LHW performance, although often LHWs were not told their
score.2

This same evaluation also assessed the characteristics and knowledge of the LHSs. LHSs are
required to have passed 12th grade, but 66% had achieved a higher level by completely
graduating or even obtaining some postgraduate education. The LHSs are, on average, 32.5
years old; 69% are currently married. LHSs receive 3 months of full-time basic training at the
District Health Office, followed by 1 week per month of classes for the next 9 months. According
to the evaluation, 100% of LHSs had attended the 3-month training and 79% had received at
least some additional training. They generally had high levels of knowledge, although on a few
subjects, their level of knowledge was quite low. LHSs were each responsible for 23 LHWs on
average. Sixty percent had full-time access to a vehicle, although not all receive their petrol, oil,
and lubricants allowance.2

LHW performance is monitored by provincial and district coordinators, and the LHWP also has
its own monitoring system.3 The Monitoring Information System is the monitoring system
implemented by the LHWP using standardized monthly reports.6 LHWs keep comprehensive
health records on their community and track individual care and community health indicators.1
This information is consolidated in monthly reports, and data are presented by managers and
inspectors at regular meetings held at all levels to assess programmatic performance and to
facilitate discussion of possible resolutions to identified barriers hindering successful program
implementation.6

Appendix A–75
A 2006 rapid assessment of the monitoring system by the World Bank found that there were
substantial issues with the system, including irregular and inappropriate quality checks,
inaccuracies in the aggregation of LHW reports, and poor understanding and analysis of the
data. The 2008 external review found that key indicators such as annual recruitment of LHWs
were not collected, internal inconsistencies in the data persisted, and there was little demand
for quality information from program managers. The review did find that progress had been
made in monthly reporting.6

How Is the Lady Health Worker Program Financed?

The Pakistani government is the largest funder of the LHWP, but the program has been
underfunded since its inception. The LHWP cost $155 million in its first 8 years (through 2003)
and was largely supported by government funding, with only 11% provided by external donors.
In 2004, $356.6 million was approved for extension of the program from 2003 to 2008. Overall,
the program spent approximately $570 per LHW per year between 2003 and 2008.3

Approximately 70% of LHWP costs are for LHW stipends, drugs, and contraceptives; and
additional 4% are for training.6,13 LHW salary costs increased 31% between 2003 and 2008,
leading to a reduction in other expenditures, especially for LHW kit supplies.13 Other estimates
indicate that the cost per LHW (including her salary, supplies, training, supervision, and
administration) is approximately $745 per year (or 75 cents per person served per year).3

What Are the Program’s Demonstrated Impact and Continuing Challenges?

The LHWP has undergone four external evaluations since its inception, most recently in 2008.
The 2008 evaluation included a nationally representative survey of 554 LHWs. There was also a
survey of 5,752 households with varying levels of exposure to LHWs (ranging from unexposed
households to those that had extensive exposure to LHWs) and extensive qualitative interviews
with programmatic supervisors and managers, medical staff, and community groups. The
evaluation found that overall LHW performance, defined as the percentage of households who
received services from LHWs, improved between 2000 and 2008. Coverage was similar in rural
and urban areas. Higher LHW performance was associated with longer LHW experience,
increased hours worked in the previous week, and LHW reports indicating that LHWs had a
higher level of autonomy in the home, attendance at training, regular meetings with
supervisors, and work in communities with Women’s Health Committees, among other factors.2
Ninety percent of community members surveyed indicated that there were health
improvements associated with the LHWs’ work.6

The 2008 evaluation assessed improvements in health indicators and found improvements in
tetanus toxoid coverage, percentage of deliveries attended, percentage of children fully
immunized, awareness in mothers of how to prepare ORS, and levels of exclusive breastfeeding.
There were, however, some negative trends from 2000 to 2008, such as decreases in maternal
knowledge of how to prevent diarrhea and a persistently low prevalence (less than 10%) of
certain important health-related behaviors such as purifying water prior to drinking it.2

The LHWP is highly accepted, and the LHWs have proven adept at taking on additional tasks.1
The population served by LHWs had substantially better health than the population without
LHWs, including an 11% increased likelihood of using modern FP and a 15% increase in
immunization coverage among children younger than 3 years of age. The effect of LHW services
was generally greatest in poorer households. The program has, however, had little impact on
skilled attendance at delivery, growth monitoring, and incidence of diarrhea and respiratory
infections in children.2

The effect of LHW services has also been demonstrated in smaller, intervention studies. In
2008, Bhutta and colleagues assessed the feasibility of a package of perinatal health care

Appendix A–76
interventions delivered by LHWs and TBAs.14 The researchers found that the villages where
LHWs and TBAs were linked and received a brief training on newborn care and service delivery
had significant reductions in the number of stillbirths and in the neonatal mortality rate. A
different study of the impact of the LHWP on contraceptive use found that women in LHW
service areas were 50% more likely to use modern reversible contraceptives than those who did
not receive LHW services.10

Some of the challenges facing the Pakistan LHWP are underfunding and insufficient coverage,
with up to 40% of eligible families still not being served by an LHW.3 Other challenges include
low-quality LHW training, poor supervision, inadequate supply systems (especially for drugs
and contraceptives), and lack of timely payment of salary. Broader health system challenges
include shortages and misdistribution of human resources for health (HRH), weak
management, absence of quality-control systems, and a lack of coordination across HRH
stakeholders.11

There has also been dissatisfaction from LHWs, leading to increased organization of LHWs and
demands for additional formalization and benefits. LHWs also have become resistant to
participating in intermittent campaigns—such as the polio eradication campaigns—because
they had become vulnerable to violence; 11 LHWs were abducted and beaten when they were
participating in a 2007 vaccination campaign. LHW boycotts of a 2010 campaign led to a
subsequent Supreme Court order for a higher salary (7,000 Pakistani rupees each month).8
There are concerns, though, that the expansion in LHWs’ responsibilities has increased their
job-related stress.15

References
1. Hafeez A, Mohamud BK, Shiekh MR, Shah SA, Jooma R. Lady health workers programme
in Pakistan: challenges, achievements and the way forward. J Pak Med Assoc.
2011;61(3):210-215.
2. Oxford Policy Management. Lady Health Worker Programme: External Evaluation of the
National Programme for Family Planning and Primary Health Care; Quantitative Survey
Report. Oxford Policy Management; 2009. Available at:
http://www.opml.co.uk/projects/lady-health-worker-programme-third-party-evaluation-
performance.
3. World Health Organization, Global Health Workforce Alliance. Country Case Study:
Pakistan's Lady Health Worker Programme. Geneva, Switzerland: World Health
Organization and Global Health Workforce Alliance; 2008.
4. Jalal S. The lady health worker program in Pakistan—a commentary. Eur J Public Health.
2011;21(2):143-144.
5. Bhutta ZA, Lassi ZS, Pariyo GW, Huicho L. Global Experience of Community Health
Workers for Delivery of Health Related Millennium Development Goals: A Systematic
Review, Country Case Studies, and Recommendations for Integration into National Health
Systems. Geneva, Switzerland: WHO and Global Health Workforce Alliance; 2010.
6. Oxford Policy Management. Lady Health Worker Programme: External Evaluation of the
National Programme for Family Planning and Primary Health Care; Systems Review.
Oxford Policy Management; 2009. Available at: http://www.opml.co.uk/projects/lady-health-
worker-programme-third-party-evaluation-performance.
7. Haq Z, Hafeez A. Knowledge and communication needs assessment of community health
workers in a developing country: a qualitative study. Hum Resour Health. 2009;7:59.
8. Khan A. Lady health workers and social change in Pakistan. Econ Polit Wkly.
2011;46(30):28-31.
9. WHO, UNICEF. Building a Future for Women and Children: The 2012 Report. Geneva,
Switzerland: WHO and UNICEF; 2012.

Appendix A–77
10. Douthwaite M, Ward P. Increasing contraceptive use in rural Pakistan: an evaluation of
the Lady Health Worker Programme. Health Policy Plan. 2005;20(2):117-123.
11. Global Health Workforce Alliance. Pakistan. 2012. Available at:
http://www.who.int/workforcealliance/countries/pak/en/index.html. Accessed August 18,
2012.
12. CHW Technical Task Force. One Million Community Health Workers: Technical Task Force
Report. New York, NY: The Earth Institute; 2011. Available at:
http://www.millenniumvillages.org/uploads/ReportPaper/1mCHW_TechnicalTaskForceRepo
rt.pdf.
13. Oxford Policy Management. Lady Health Worker Programme: External Evaluation of the
National Programme for Family Planning and Primary Health Care; Summary of Results.
Oxford Policy Management; 2009. Available at: http://www.opml.co.uk/projects/lady-health-
worker-programme-third-party-evaluation-performance.
14. Bhutta ZA, Memon ZA, Soofi S, Salat MS, Cousens S, Martines J. Implementing
community-based perinatal care: results from a pilot study in rural Pakistan. Bull World
Health Organ. 2008;86(6):452-459.
15. Haq Z, Iqbal Z, Rahman A. Job stress among community health workers: a multi-method
study from Pakistan. Int J Ment Health Syst. 2008;2(1):15.

Appendix A–78
RWANDA’S COMMUNITY HEALTH
WORKER PROGRAM§§§§
Summary
Background
The Rwanda CHW Program was established in 1995,
aiming at increasing uptake of essential maternal and
child clinical services through education of pregnant
women, promotion of healthy behaviors, and follow-up
and linkages to health services.1 An estimated 45,000
CHWs operating at the village level provide the first
line of health service delivery. There are three CHWs
in each village: a male-female CHW pair (called
binômes) providing basic care and integrated
community case management (iCCM) of childhood illness, and a CHW in charge of maternal
health, called an ASM (Agent de Sante Maternelle).1

Implementation
When the MOH endorsed the program in 1995, there were approximately 12,000 CHWs. By
2005, the program had grown to over 45,000 CHWs. From 2005, after the decentralization policy
had been implemented nationally, the MOH increased efforts to improve MCH services, and
between 2008 and 2011, Rwanda introduced iCCM of childhood illness (for childhood
pneumonia, diarrhea, and malaria). In 2010, the Government of Rwanda introduced FP as a
component of the national community health policy.

Training
Although it is acknowledged in the Community Health Development Strategy that the CHWs in
Rwanda should be appropriately trained,1 documentation detailing the duration, format, and
content of overall training is difficult to find. However, in-depth information is available about
CHW training for specific programs such as community-based provision of FP and community-
based IMCI.

§§§§ Lauren Crigler is the author of this case study.

Appendix A–79
Roles/Responsibilities
Three CHWs, with clearly defined roles and responsibilities, operate in each village of
approximately 100–150 households.1 The ASM identifies pregnant women, makes regular
follow-ups during and after pregnancy, and ensures deliveries in health facilities where skilled
health workers are available. Binômes provide iCCM (assessment, classification, and treatment
or referral of diarrhea, pneumonia, malaria, and malnutrition in children younger than 5 years
of age), community-based provision of contraceptives, DOT for TB, prevention of NCDs, and
preventive and behavior change activities.

Incentives
Although CHWs in Rwanda are volunteers, in 2009, the MOH introduced community
performance-based financing (CPBF) as a way to motivate CHWs.2 CHW Cooperatives are
organized groups of CHWs that receive and share funds from the MOH based on the
achievement of specific targets established by the MOH. By linking incentives to performance,
the MOH hoped to improve quality and utilization of health services.2

Supervision
Cell coordinators, sometimes assisted by an assistant cell coordinator, visit CHWs to monitor
activities, monitor supplies and drugs, and compile all reports from CHWs and submit the
information to the In-Charge of Community Health on a quarterly basis. As part of this
supervision, cell coordinators also make house visits to see how the CHWs are performing their
activities there and verify reports that have been sent by CHWs using mobile phone text
messaging (SMS) to the health center.1 In addition to this line of supervision, the CHW
cooperatives also perform an evaluative function and CHWs are incentivized based on the
performance of the cooperative.

Impact
Rwanda is close to being on track to achieving its MDGs for MCH by 2015. Its CHW program
has played an important role in expanding coverage of basic services, particularly community-
based FP services and treatment of childhood malaria and pneumonia.

What Is the Historical Context of Rwanda’s Community Health Worker Program?

Rwanda started its community health program in 1995 after the genocide. There are four main
objectives of the program: (1) strengthen the capacity of decentralized structures to allow
community health service delivery; (2) strengthen the participation of community members in
community health activities; (3) strengthen CHW motivation through CPBF to improve health
service delivery; and (4) strengthen coordination of community health services at the central,
district, health center, and community levels.1

When the MOH endorsed the program in 1995, there were approximately 12,000 CHWs. By
2005, the program had grown to over 45,000 CHWs. From 2005, after the decentralization policy
had been implemented nationally, the MOH increased efforts to train and provide supplies to
CHWs to deliver MCH services. The program has since grown to include an integrated service
package that includes malnutrition screening, treatment of TB patients with DOT, prevention
of NCDs, community-based provision of contraceptives, and promotion of healthy behaviors and
practices including hygiene, sanitation, and family gardens.1

What Are Rwanda’s Health Needs?

Overall, the Government of Rwanda has demonstrated commitment to the MDGs through its
health sector programs and various policies. Notable improvements have been achieved in
maternal health: 69% of deliveries are now assisted by a skilled provider, up from 39% in 2005;
maternal mortality has declined from one of the highest in the world (1,071 deaths per 100,000

Appendix A–80
live births) in 2000 to 487 in 2010; and contraceptive use has increased from 10% in 2000 to 45%
in 2010.3 In addition, there has been a vast improvement in the nutritional status of children:
between 2005 and 2010, the percentage of children who were underweight declined from 18% to
11% and the percentage of children who were stunted declined from 51% to 44%.3 Infectious
diseases—mainly malaria, ARIs, and intestinal parasites—remain the primary cause of
outpatient morbidity.3

Although Rwanda has achieved great success in its health sector, it still faces major challenges
that include reaching the most vulnerable populations, supporting adequately its CHWs,
improving community participation, strengthening programs for NCD prevention, and
expanding the financial contribution of the private sector to ensure financial self-reliance of
health services.4

What Is the Existing Health Infrastructure?

Health sector decentralization laws were implemented in 2005–2006. This led to health
personnel and financial resources being decentralized to the district level and the MOH
changing its role to a technical supervisor while district governments controlled health program
implementation.3 Significant authority and resources have been transferred from the district
level to the health centers and posts within the district.3 Health services are provided in
communities, at health posts (HPs), health centers (HCs), district hospitals (DHs), and referral
hospitals. Currently in Rwanda there are four referral hospitals, 42 district hospitals in 30
districts, and 438 health centers.3 At the lowest level, those in charge of community health
activities in the catchment areas of health centers supervise CHWs. The CHWs receive financial
compensation through performance-based financing (PBF), determined by the number of
essential health services provided. Thirty percent of the total PBF funds is shared among
individual CHW members while 70% is deposited in the collective funds of CHW cooperatives.
Within each district there are Health Center Committees that provide oversight of community
health work, which is directly supervised by various units in each health center. These units
include outreach, supervision, and financial control.1

What Type of Program Has Been Implemented?

In each village of approximately 100–150 households, there is one maternal health CHW (ASM)
and two multidisciplinary CHWs (binômes, or the man and woman working as a pair). CHWs
are full-time, voluntary workers who play a very key role in extending services to Rwanda’s
village communities. The CHWs are supervised most directly by the cell coordinator and the in-
charge of community services at the catchment-area health center. CHWs now use RapidSMS to
submit reports and communicate alerts to the district level and to hospitals or health centers
regarding any maternal or infant deaths, referrals, newly identified pregnant women, and
newborns in the community.

As decentralization occurred beginning in 2005 and MCH is a top priority for the MOH, a huge
focus was placed on basic MCH needs. ASMs have been trained to identify pregnant women,
make regular follow-ups during and after pregnancy, and encourage deliveries in health
facilities where skilled health workers are available. In addition to following up pregnant
women and their newborns, the ASM also screens children for malnutrition, provides
contraceptives (pills, injectables, cycle beads, and condoms), promotes prevention of NCDs
through healthier lifestyles, and carries out household visits.1 Between 2008 and 2011, Rwanda
introduced iCCM of childhood illness (for childhood pneumonia, diarrhea, and malaria)
nationwide. Binômes were trained and equipped to provide iCCM (including treatment with
antibiotics, zinc, and antimalarials), to detect cases of acute illness in need of referral, and to
submit monthly reports. In 2010, the Government of Rwanda introduced FP as a component of
the national community health policy, and CHWs were trained not only to counsel but also to

Appendix A–81
provide contraceptive methods including pills, injectables, cycle beads (for use with natural FP),
and condoms. This program was first piloted in three districts and later scaled nationwide.

What About the Community’s Role?

Community engagement is a key objective of Rwanda’s community health strategy. There are
many ways in which communities are involved in improving their health and their access to
services; CHWs are but one strategy. Insofar as the CHWs are concerned, however, the
community’s only role is to recruit CHWs from their villages. Involving the community to a
greater degree is a challenge that is documented in Rwanda’s new health sector policy
documents.5

How Does Rwanda Select, Train, and Retain Its Community Health Workers?
CHWs come from the villages in which they live. They must be able to read and write and be
between the ages of 20 and 50 years. They also must be willing to volunteer and be considered
by their peers to be honest, reliable, and trustworthy.1 They are elected by village members1 in
a process that involves gathering the volunteers and villagers on the last Saturday of the month
(Umuganda, or community service day) and voting “with their feet” in a literal sense. The
process has been described (in conversation) as one that involves community members lining up
in front of the person they support. The individual with the most support is recruited.

Within each of the villages (Umdugudu), Binômes are trained in community-based IMCI by
preparing them to be first responders to a number of common childhood illnesses, including
pneumonia, diarrhea, and malaria. The CHWs are also trained on when and how to refer severe
cases to the facility. IMCI refresher training is provided through a supportive supervision
model, where the supervisor conducts training to strengthen the CHW’s knowledge and skills in
providing quality case management services in their communities.6

Another example of program-specific training is the ten-day training for community-based

provision of FP services.7 A total of 3,061 CHWs in three districts have received this training,
which uses participatory methods, having CHWs brainstorm ideas and practice exercises such
as role plays and performing rapid diagnosis tests for malaria.7

In 2001, prior to the introduction of performance-based incentives and CHW cooperatives,

health workers in Rwanda had very low, fixed salaries that were distributed regardless of
performance. This led to a demotivated and low-performing workforce.4 In 2009, the MOH
introduced CPBF as a way to motivate CHWs.2 CHW Cooperatives are organized groups of
CHWs that receive and share funds from the MOH based on the achievement of specific targets
established by the MOH. Currently, 449 CHW cooperatives exist in Rwanda, with
approximately half of these being formally registered and legally recognized.2 Each health
center in Rwanda supervises the CHWs that make up one CHW cooperative. By linking
incentives to performance, the MOH hoped to improve quality and utilization of health
services.2 In 2009–2010, the Government of Rwanda piloted the CPBF, and saw a dramatic
improvement in maternal health indicators. This demand-side model, which uses CHWs to
ensure that women seek appropriate maternal care, led to marked improvements in reported
indicators such as the number of deliveries attended by a trained provider and the number of
ANC visits.2

How Is the Program Financed?

Rwanda’s health system financing originates from two main sources. On the supply side, the
central treasury transfers funds to districts and health facilities. On the demand side, the
system provides health insurance payments for documented services.3 In recent years, much of
the total health expenditures of the Government of Rwanda have come from external sources

Appendix A–82
such as the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria; PEPFAR (the President’s
Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief); and the President’s Malaria Initiative. In 2011, 47% of the
government’s total health expenditures ($407 million) was supplied by donors.3

However, the Government of Rwanda has increased its own spending on essential health
services since 2005; spending is projected to reach 15% of the government’s total budget by
2015.3 Community-based health insurance schemes have allowed for 92% of the population to be
insured. This has greatly increased access to health care service and drugs.3

What Are the Program’s Demonstrated Impact and Continuing Challenges?

The most notable achievements in the health sector include an increase in facility-based
deliveries (from 45% to 69%), the introduction of maternal and child death audits at all health
facilities, an increase in vaccination coverage (from 80% to 90% for coverage of the complete
vaccination scheme), CHW follow-up of all pregnant women, and provision of community-based
FP services.3 CHWs are currently testing all suspected cases of malaria with a rapid diagnostic
test and providing treatment when indicated, making it possible now to treat 91% of children
younger than 5 years of age who have malaria within 24 hours.3

The challenges faced by the Rwanda CHW program are similar to challenges faced by CHW
programs in other countries. These include (1) the financial and administrative difficulties in
supporting and continuing to build the capacity of CHWs as they increase in number and as the
scope of their work expands; (2) the challenge of supervising and effectively equipping CHWs to
perform their duties; and (3) low community participation in the health sector and the strong
influence of traditional beliefs and traditional medicines. As the number of CHWs has risen
rapidly in Rwanda and as their tasks have increased, the Government of Rwanda faces a
constant battle to increase the capacity of CHWs and to provide them with the equipment and
supplies they need. Refresher trainings are too few and provision of essential equipment is
delayed due to insufficient financial resources.4 Field supervision of CHWs and the transfer of
skills and knowledge to the communities to foster ownership and enhance sustainability is a
continuing challenge.3 Each CHW is supposed to be supervised by either the In-Charge of
Community Health or the cell coordinator on monthly basis. However, recent findings show that
supervisory visits occur only quarterly, if that.7

References
1. Rwanda Ministry of Health. National Community Health Strategic Plan July 2013–June
2018.
2. Rusa L, Schneidman M, Fritsche G, Musango L. Rwanda: Performance-Based Financing in
the Public Sector. 2009.
3. Rwanda Ministry of Health. Health Sector Policy Workshop. 2014.
4. Morgan L, Eichler R. Performance-Based Incentives in Africa: Experiences, Challenges,
Lessons. USAID, Health Systems 20/20; 2011.
5. Rwanda Ministry of Health. National Health Sector Policy [draft]. 2014.
6. Rwanda Ministry of Health. Trainer's Guide: "Integrated Management of Child Illness,"
“Community Case Management." 2011.
7. Rwanda Ministry of Health. Introducing Community-Based Provision of Family Planning
Services in Rwanda: A Process Evaluation of the First Six Months of Implementation.
Department of Maternal and Child Health, Community Health Desk; 2011.

Appendix A–83
ZAMBIA’S COMMUNITY HEALTH ASSISTANT
PROGRAM*****
Summary
Background
The community HA program is an emerging national initiative to
bring PHC as close to the home as possible. The first community
HAs were trained during 2011–12 and deployed in late 2012. The
Government of the Republic of Zambia (GRZ) aims to scale the
program nationally to over 5,000 community HAs using a phased
approach.1

Implementation
Community HAs are expected to split their time between the health post (20%) and community
(80%) for household visits, community education, and health promotion activities.

Training
Community HAs attend one year of formalized pre-service training on prevention, health
promotion, and curative care. The 12 training modules include theoretical and practical training
components. The tutors at the community HA training school consist of well-experienced health
professionals.

Roles/Responsibilities
The main responsibilities of the community HAs are health promotion and disease prevention.
Community HAs are also trained in basic curative services that they can provide at the health
post and in the community. In addition, they are responsible for identifying patients who are in
need of referral to the next level in the health system, usually a health center.

Incentives
Community HAs receive a salary of 2,600 ZMK per month (US$465) and other civil servant
benefits. They are also provided with a bicycle, mobile phone, shoes, an umbrella, a backpack,
and a uniform—all of which are GRZ property.
Supervision
About half of community HAs are supervised by the in-charge at the nearest rural health
center. The remainder of the community HAs work from a health post where one or more
additional highly trained staff members are posted. In this case, one of these staff members is
designated as the community HA supervisor. Supervision is designed to be conducted at the

Katharine Shelley, a student at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health, and Yekoyesew Worku, Human
*****

Resources for Health Technical Advisor for the Clinton Health Access Initiative/Zambia are the authors of this case study.

Appendix A–84
health post and in the community level on a monthly basis using standardized supervisory
checklists.

Impact
Since this is a new program that began only in 2011, there is no evidence yet of impact. An
initial independent assessment will be carried out in late 2014.

What is the Historical Context of Zambia’s Community Health Assistant Program?

Zambia is a landlocked country in Southern Africa with a predominantly rurally based
population of 14 million.2 The majority (81%) of Zambia’s facilities are within the public sector.
Zambia is faced with a severe HRH crisis due to an overall shortage in the number of health
care workers (0.93 clinical staff per 1,000 people), an urban/rural misdistribution of the
workforce, and an imbalanced skills mix.3,4 Beginning with the 2006–2010 Zambia National
Health Strategic Plan, the HRH crisis was officially recognized as an MOH priority.5 Zambia
estimated it has less than half as many health care workers as are necessary to deliver basic
health care services to the population.5 Over 60% of Zambians live in rural areas,6 where access
to health care is a challenge, in part due to the distances between populations and providers. It
is estimated that only half of the rural population lives within five kilometers of a health
facility.7 HRH challenges are exacerbated by the large burden of HIV, malaria, and TB in the
population.8 The serious HRH shortage also makes staffing difficult: an estimated 40% of
positions in rural health centers remain vacant.8

In light of these HRH challenges, the National Community Health Worker strategy was
launched by MOH in 2010.1 A central aim of the strategy was to formalize the role of a
nationally supported community health workforce, called community health assistants (HAs).
The key difference between community HAs and existing CHVs is in the length of training
(community HAs undergo one year of standardized training), standard remuneration
(community HAs are put on the government payroll), regulation (community HAs are registered
through a regulatory body), and incorporation into the Zambian health system (community HAs
receive drugs from the supervisory health center).8 Community HAs are supervised by nurses
and are expected to relieve nurses from some of their heavy workload through task-sharing.
Zambia framed much of its community HA program around the experience of the HEW cadre in
Ethiopia. An in-depth analysis of the development of the community HA strategy, which
outlines the policy development process, has recently been conducted.8

In addition to community HAs, there are an estimated 23,500 CHVs in Zambia.9 The volunteer
network is primarily managed by implementing partners, mostly NGOs. Results from an
assessment of the CHV program will be available in mid-2014.

What are Zambia’s Health Needs?

Similar to many other Southern African countries, communicable diseases (HIV/AIDS, TB,
malaria) contribute greatly to the overall disease burden in Zambia. Zambia has the 7th highest
prevalence of HIV infection in the world, with 12.5% of the population (approximately 1 million
people) living with HIV/AIDS.10 Zambia has among the highest incidences of TB and malaria in
the world.11,12 In addition to the communicable disease burden, in the last decade an increase in
the prevalence of NCDs has been observed.13 During 2008, the top five reasons for visitations to
a health facility included: malaria, respiratory infection, diarrhea, trauma, and skin infections.3

Zambia is also faced with severe maternal, neonatal, and child health challenges, although the
most recent 2007 DHS showed progress in these areas. Since the 2002 DHS survey, the MMR
has been reduced from 729 to 591 deaths per 100,000 live births; the IMR has been reduced
from 95 to 70 deaths per 1,000 live births; and under-5 mortality has been reduced from 168 to

Appendix A–85
119 deaths per 1,000 live births.3 However, Zambia is not expected to reach the health targets
for MDG 4 (Reduce Child Mortality) or MDG 5 (Improve Maternal Health) by 2015.14

What is the Existing Health Infrastructure?

During the 1980s, health sector reform led to the establishment of semi-autonomous hospital
management within hospitals in Zambia.7 This was followed by further decentralization in the
early 1990s, leading to the creation of District Health Boards with increased responsibility for
decision-making at the district level.7,15 In 1995 the National Health Service Act established the
Central Board of Health to govern “the executive functions of service provision: commissioning
health services in the health sector, performance support, monitoring and evaluation, national
human resource development, and national health facilities planning,” while the actual
management of service delivery was carried out by the District Health Boards.15 After the
dissolution of the Central Board of Health in the mid-2000s, the MOH reassumed full authority.
In 2013, the Zambian health system underwent another reorganization with the creation of a
separate Ministry for Community Development, Mother and Child Health (MCDMCH). The
MOH is still responsible for all aspects of training the health workforce; however, the operations
of the community HA at the community level now fall within the purview of MCDMCH, and
specifically under the direction of their district-level counterparts.

The Zambian health system is structured into six tiers: (1) Outreach Services; (2) Health Posts
(307 altogether); (3) Health Centers (1,131 rural and 409 urban altogether); (4) First-level
District Hospitals (84 altogether); (5) Second-level Provincial Hospitals (19 altogether); and (6)
Third-level Referral Hospitals (6 altogether).5 Of the 1,956 health facilities in Zambia, 81% are
government owned, 13% are private, and 6% are faith-based.4

What Type of Program Has Been Implemented?

Community HAs are formally recognized as a cadre by the MOH and MCDMCH. Over the next
5 years, significant government and donor support is committed for the scale-up of the
community HA program.16 Community HAs can work side by side and in collaboration with
other formally trained health staff at the health posts (who are typically nurses and
environmental health technologists) and with community development assistants as well as
social welfare volunteers at the community level who work on issues related to gender,
environmental health, education, personal finance, and home economics. Community HAs also
play a role in coordinating with the CHVs to create monthly work plans. One-half of the
graduates of the initial pilot class of the community HA training program are stationed side by
side with other, more qualified health care workers—this is the ideal scenario in that
community HAs can refer patients from the community to the nurse at the health post. A
formalized referral process exists, and community HAs maintain a referral log. In many cases,
task-shifting from health care workers to the community HAs relieves time pressures, so much
so that the health care staff who are based at health posts have requested that community HAs
work at the health post (rather than in the community) more than two days per week.17

Following one year of training with a curriculum designed to match Zambia’s disease burden,
the community HAs deploy to their home communities to begin working. Community HAs are
required to conduct a basic assessment of their communities before engaging in service
provision. This includes a community diagnosis (baseline health status of the community
through available primary or secondary data sources) and mapping of the catchment area and
resources. These initial activities help community HAs determine the priority health-related
issues and support the development of a community action plan. Following action planning,
community HAs begin service provision both at the health post and at the community/household
level with guidance to spend 20% of their time at the health post, for basic curative and referral
services, and the remaining 80% for house-to-house visits (during which they can perform basic

Appendix A–86
curative and referral services) and community educational health talks about disease
prevention and control.

The scope of work for community HAs covers a broad array of services within disease control
and prevention and family health packages. The key tasks of the community HAs are listed in
Table 1 by programmatic area. Community HAs are instructed to refer patients with severe
illness or with diseases outside their scope of training to the nearest health center.

Table 1. Key tasks within the community health assistant’s scope of work
Disease prevention and control
 Identify and immediately inform health authorities of outbreaks and notifiable diseases in the
community
 Collect, compile, and report monthly data on community and health post health-related activity
Behavioral health
 Identify at-risk persons and refer them
 Provide basic mental health counseling
Environmental health
 Promote hand washing and advise on principles of good housing and proper sanitation
 Inspect construction of latrines and promote good management of latrines
 Conduct health education talks on food hygiene and safety
 Distribute ITNs and provide information, education, and counseling (IEC) on insect control
 Provide IEC on the importance of clean water and water purification techniques
 Participate in community-led total sanitation efforts
Reproductive health/safe motherhood
 Provide pregnancy testing, HIV testing, and counseling
 Promote at least 4 ANC visits; follow up to ensure timely visits
 Promote PMTCT treatment for pregnant women who are HIV-positive and follow up with PMTCT clients
 Refill prescriptions for folic acid and vitamins
 Provide IEC on breastfeeding, tetanus toxoid vaccine, diet, self-care, and substance abuse
 Attend emergency deliveries at home or before the pregnant woman reaches a facility
 Manage postpartum hemorrhage with misoprostol
 Provide the Essential Newborn Care package, including “Helping Babies Breathe” in cases of asphyxia
during delivery
 Promote postnatal visit to health facility among newly delivered mothers; visit the mother-baby pair 48
hours after delivery if they cannot go to a health facility
 Detect postpartum (puerperal) sepsis in mothers and neonatal sepsis in the newborn and refer cases
detected
 Counsel and provide oral contraceptives
 Promote and provide long-term hormonal contraception (e.g. Depo-Provera injections)

Appendix A–87
 Child health
 Refer clients to the health center for immunizations; organize outreach sessions in the community for
immunization days
 Identify and refer cases of neonatal sepsis
 Provide ORS and zinc to children with diarrhea
 Utilize the iCCM approach in providing care to the sick child aged 2–60 months
 Recognize signs of and refer cases of pneumonia, diarrhea with dehydration, measles, cancer,
meningitis, mumps, tetanus, and leprosy
 Administer deworming medication
 Promote appropriate complementary feeding for babies
 Administer vitamin and/or iron supplementation
Medical and surgical conditions
 Carry out rapid diagnostic testing for and treatment of malaria
 Distribute condoms, provide HIV testing, promote adherence to antiretroviral therapy (for HIV), provide
IEC to reduce HIV stigma
 Provide IEC and behavior change communication regarding the spread of TB, recognition of symptoms,
and case management
 Collect and transport sputum for TB diagnosis
 Administer amoxicillin for non-severe childhood pneumonia
 Administer praziquantel to persons infected with schistosomiasis
 Provide IEC for common chronic diseases; measure blood pressure to identify hypertension and perform
urine glucose testing to identify diabetes
General
 Take a history and perform a physical examination for sick patients
 Measure vital signs, height, and weight
 Provide basic first aid
 Provide palliative care

What about the Community’s Role?

The Neighborhood Health Committee (NHC) plays an active role as part of the recruiting panel,
alongside the District Community Medical Officer (DCMO) and a representative from the
supervising health facility. The NHC assists with recruiting and selecting the community HA as
well as liaising with the community HA and CHVs. CHVs often accompany the community HA
to assist with household visits. CHVs also sensitize the community, assist community-based
malaria agents with the diagnosis and treatment of malaria at the community level, and assist
community-based distributors of FP by providing counseling.

How Does Zambia Select, Train, and Retain Community Health Assistants?
The MOH alerts provinces and the MCDMCH alerts respective DCMOs about how many
recruits to send from their district to the community HA training school. The DCMO works with
the NHCs to distribute recruitment flyers in catchment areas that need community HAs. Each
recruit is screened by a panel of NHC members, health center staff, and a DCMO
representative—and this panel is responsible for making the final selection of community HA
candidates. Recruitment preference is given to women who meet the criteria listed below,
particularly if they have previously served as a CHV. In the first and second classes of
community HAs recruited in 2011 and 2012, approximately half of the trainees were female.

Appendix A–88
Community HA recruits must meet the following criteria in order to be selected for training:1
• Have completed Minimum Grade 12 and 2 “O” levels (one should be in English)
• Be 18–38 years of age
• Be a Zambian citizen, living in the recruitment catchment area for at least 6 months
• Be endorsed by the NHC
• Have passed a personal interview with a panel of NHC members, health center staff, and a
member of the District Community Medical Office
• Have previous experience with community health work

Community HA recruits attend one year of formal pre-service training at one of two training
schools in the country. A team of 10 tutors teach the community HA recruits in rotating
modules with both theoretical and practical components. The practical component involves
rotating recruits to local clinics near the training schools. The training modules focus on
prevention, promotion, and basic curative care. The curriculum covers the following topical
areas: (1) behavioral health sciences; (2) disease prevention and control and PHC; (3)
environmental health; (4) reproductive health; (5) child health; (6) medical/surgical conditions;
(7) provision of health care at the health post and in the community (including basic diagnostic
procedures and provision of a small number of drugs).

The initial pilot class of community HAs also attended a 2-week in-service training for
additional skills that had been added later to the community HA scope of work. The skills
included, for instance, injecting medication and attending emergency deliveries. Construction of
a second community HA training school began in July 2013; upon completion, it will provide the
ability to train an additional 208 community HAs per year. Enrollment of the first class is
expected in early 2014, thereby increasing Zambia’s total community HA training capacity to
roughly 500 students per year.

The key retention strategy is recruiting community HAs from their home communities, to which
they will return following their training, so they will not have a desire to move elsewhere.

How Does Zambia Supervise Its Community Health Assistants?

Community HA supervisors and district community HA coordinators attend a five-day training
at the provincial level for orientation on the community HA program and their key supervisory
duties. Supervisors are equipped with a supervision manual and monthly supervision tools to
facilitate routine supervision. Each community HA is supervised by the in-charge at the nearest
“parent” health facility. In facilities where community HAs work alongside additional qualified
staff, the supervisor is located on-site. Otherwise, the supervisor generally comes from the
nearest health center. Supervision is designed to be conducted at the health post and in the
community. In practice, supervision out in the community rarely happens due to competing
needs of the supervisor. The official supervisory visit is intended to occur on a monthly basis.

How Is the Community Health Assistant Program Financed?

Financing to date for the community HA program has been through a multi-stakeholder
collaborative process. The British Department for International Development supported the
planning and development, pilot implementation, and M&E, and intends to support scale-up
through 2018. USAID financed the Zambia Integrated Systems Strengthening Program to
provide initial support for training of community HA supervisors and for the salaries of
community HA trainers. UNICEF provided support for some of the community HA training
materials. The GRZ also contributes financially by supporting recurrent costs to run the

Appendix A–89
community HA training school, and it now covers the cost for the community HA trainers. In
July 2013, the MCDMCH took over financial responsibility for paying community HA salaries.

What Are the Program’s Demonstrated Impact and Continuing Challenges?

Results from two impact evaluations are expected later in 2014. Boston University and its local
in-country representative partner, the Zambia Center for Applied Health Research and
Development, are conducting an evaluation of the impact of community HAs on community
access to health care as measured by proportion of children who receive treatment for malaria,
pneumonia, and diarrhea. The Clinton Health Access Initiative (CHAI) is conducting a task-
shifting study to assess how the introduction of community HAs affects the types and volumes
of patients seeking care at the health post and supervising health center. Results from both
studies are expected to help inform GRZ policy and decision-making about the community HA
program going forward.

In addition to impact evaluations, there is an M&E component of the National Community

Health Assistant Program, with specific indicators and registers developed by the MOH and
partners for tracking community-level health. A relatively new data reporting system, called
District Health Information System Version 2.0 (DHIS2), was incorporated into the program;
community HAs are trained on the tools and procedures for utilizing the DHIS2 mobile health
reporting platform. Each health post with community HAs received a mobile phone plus copies
of registers to support monthly data summarization and reporting. Community HAs are
responsible for submitting monthly aggregated data via paper reports to their supervisors and
via mobile reports to the national level. At present, mobile data reported by community HAs are
not being routinely analyzed, but discussions were under way on how best to utilize the data
and how to ensure the data were received at the district level as well as nationally. In the
future, this mobile data reporting system may provide key information on the impact of
community HAs and their contribution to Zambia’s health services.

Finally, a qualitative process evaluation of the rollout of the community HA program was
conducted in 2012–13. The evaluation identified several challenges, including (1) lack of regular
supervision visits, partially due to transportation challenges; (2) delays in salary payments; (3)
inadequate drug supply stocks and/or unwillingness of facility staff to release drugs for
community- and household-level use; (4) large catchment areas (more than the originally
estimated catchment size of 3,500 persons) and long travel time between villages; (5)
communication challenges between the national and district levels; and (6) lack of a clear role
differentiation between community HAs and CHVs.17

References
1. MOH Zambia. National Community Health Worker Strategy in Zambia. Lusaka, Zambia;
2010.
2. CIA. World Factbook: Zambia. 2013. Available at:
https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/za.html. Accessed
December 12, 2013.
3. MOH Zambia. Republic of Zambia: National Health Strategic Plan 2011-2015. Lusaka,
Zambia; 2011. Available at:
http://www.internationalhealthpartnership.net/fileadmin/uploads/ihp/Documents/Country_P
ages/Zambia/ZambiaNHSP2011to2015final.pdf.
4. MOH Zambia. The 2012 List of Health Facilities in Zambia: Preliminary Report, v15.
Lusaka, Zambia; 2013.

Appendix A–90
5. Ferrinho P, Siziya S, Goma F, Dussault G. The human resource for health situation in
Zambia: deficit and maldistribution. Hum Resour Health 2011; 9(1): 30. doi:10.1186/1478-
4491-9-30.
6. Index Mundi. Zambia Demographics Profile 2013. 2013. Available at:
http://www.indexmundi.com/zambia/demographics_profile.html. Accessed November 11,
2013.
7. Chankova S, Sulzbach S. Zambia Health Services and Systems Program. Occasional Paper
Series. Human Resources for Health, Number I. Bethesda, MD: Health Services and Systems
Program, Abt Associates Inc.; 2006. Available at:
http://www.abtassociates.com/reports/hssp_hrsynthesis1.pdf.
8. Zulu JM, Kinsman J, Michelo C, Hurtig A-K. Developing the national community health
assistant strategy in Zambia: a policy analysis. Health Res Policy Syst 2013; 11(1): 24.
doi:10.1186/1478-4505-11-24.
9. MOH Zambia. Zambia’s National Community Health Worker Strategy. In: Second Global
Forum on Human Resources for Health. Bangkok, Thailand; 2011. Available at:
http://www.who.int/workforcealliance/forum/2011/hrhawardscs29/en/. Accessed October 18,
2013.
10. Kaiser Family Foundation. Adult HIV/AIDS Prevalence Percent (Age 15-49). 2013.
Available at: http://kff.org/global-indicator/adult-hivaids-prevalence-percent/. Accessed
November 7, 2013.
11. Kaiser Family Foundation. People Living with TB. 2013. Available at: http://kff.org/global-
indicator/people-living-with-tb/. Accessed November 7, 2013.
12. Kaiser Family Foundation. Reported Malaria Cases. 2012. Available at: http://kff.org/global-
indicator/malaria-cases/. Accessed November 7, 2013.
13. MOH Zambia. Republic of Zambia: National Human Resources for Health Strategic Plan
2011 – 2015. Lusaka, Zambia; 2011.
14. UNDP. Millennium Development Goals: Progress Report, Zambia, 2013. Lusaka, Zambia;
2013. Available at: http://www.undp.org/content/dam/undp/library/MDG/english/MDG
Country Reports/Zambia/MDG Report 2013.pdf.
15. Mutemwa RI. HMIS and decision-making in Zambia: re-thinking information solutions for
district health management in decentralized health systems. Health Policy Plan 2006; 21(1):
40-52. doi:10.1093/heapol/czj003.
16. DFID Zambia. DFID Business Case for Human Resources for Health Programme in Zambia.
2012. Available at: projects.dfid.gov.uk/IatiDocument/3736920.docx. Accessed November 10,
2013.
17. Worku Y, Shelley KD, Clinton Health Access Initiative. Community Health Assistant
Process Evaluation. Lusaka, Zambia; 2013.

Appendix A–91
ZIMBABWE’S VILLAGE HEALTH WORKER
PROGRAM†††††
Summary
Background
The VHW program began in the 1980s as part of Zimbabwe’s
transition toward PHC. VHWs focus on disease prevention and
provide community care at the primary level in rural and peri-urban
wards, where they serve as a key link from the community to the
formal health system.

Implementation
VHWs collaborate with other community-based workers, such as traditional healers, tTBAs,
and community-based distributors of FP.

Training
The Ministry of Health and Child Welfare (MOHCW) conducts an initial 8-week VHW training.
This consists of a period of classroom training followed by a period of practical training.
Refresher trainings are conducted as needed and when funds are available.

Roles/Responsibilities
VHWs have a broad range of roles and responsibilities from prevention and health promotion to
treating common conditions (including diarrhea and malaria) and identifying and referring
complicated cases to higher levels of the health system.

Incentives
VHWs receive a quarterly allowance of $42, though remuneration is often irregular. They are
also provided with a bicycle and a medical supply kit.

Supervision
VHWs are directly supervised by the nurse-in-charge at the health center within their ward. In
addition, they are broadly supported by the ward health team at the community level.1

†††††Katharine Shelley, a student at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health, wrote this case study. We are
grateful to David Sanders for his comments on an earlier draft of this.

Appendix A–92
Impact
There is no information available about the impact of this program.

What is the Historical Context of Zimbabwe’s Village Health Worker Program?

Following Zimbabwe’s independence from Britain in 1980, Zimbabwe’s health sector adopted a
strong focus on PHC.2 Zimbabwe moved from a “curative, urban-based and minority-focused
health care system to one which emphasized health promotion and prevention and provided
some acceptable level of health care to the majority rural population.”3 As part of the shift
toward PHC, the National Village Health Worker Program was formally launched in 1981 with
a goal of training 15,000 village-based basic health workers and extending health care coverage
to people who would otherwise have no access.2 This program was influenced by a VHW
program introduced in 1980 by the Bondolfi Mission in Masvingo, a southern province of
Zimbabwe, where over the course of six months, 293 VHWs were selected and trained.2

From 1982 to 1987, the government trained 900–1,000 VHWs annually, so that by 1987 there
were 7,000 VHWs.4 The selection of VHWs was supposed to be driven by the community in
consultation with the District Council. In contrast to the Bondolfi VHWs, the national VHW
cadre received more formal training and less compensation, and they had to cover a
comparatively larger catchment area. Bondolfi VHWs were selected by village committee and
remained accountable to the community, whereas the government VHWs were selected by the
local government structure, through which they were remunerated (David Sanders, personal
communication). Bondolfi VHWs did not receive remuneration, and some were recruited into
the government program while others resigned over time (David Sanders, personal
communication). The VHWs were not considered to be extensions of the formal government
health service, but rather were envisioned to be stewards of the community’s commitment to
health promotion.4 In 1984, the VHWs were transferred to the Ministry of Women’s Affairs,
Cooperatives and Community Development and renamed “Village Community Workers”.1 The
Village Community Workers took on a broader set of development activities and, as a result,
had little time for health and health promotion activities.1

Over the course of a decade, the share of the health budget dedicated to preventive services rose
from 6.7% in 1980 to 14.4% in 1989.2 Unfortunately, economic deterioration in the mid-1990s
led to a rapid decline in the health system and health status of Zimbabweans, including a
collapse of the VHW program.5

A 1999 Review Commission of the Health Sector called for the reintroduction of VHWs into the
MOHCW; in 2000, the VHW program was reinstated under the Nursing Directorate of
MOHCW.1 Since 2009, efforts have been under way to revitalize the VHW program, partially
through support from the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria and various
partner organizations. VHWs are expected to be key players in efforts to reach the MDGs, and
they are also now viewed as an essential element of the health system decentralization process.1
The remainder of this case study describes the current status of the VHW program in
Zimbabwe.

What are Zimbabwe’s Health Needs?

There has been a dramatic deterioration in Zimbabwe’s key health indicators since the early
1990s. Life expectancy fell from 62 years in 1990 to 44 years in 2008,5 and has since partially
recovered to 54 years.6 The MMR rose from 284 per 100,000 live births in 1994 to 960 in 2010.7
While the prevalence of HIV has dropped in the last decade from 26% in 2000 to 15% in 2012,
there are an estimated 1.2 million Zimbabwean adults living with HIV/AIDS, which places a
huge burden on the health system.8 TB prevalence is 547 per 100,000 population, more than
double the average of 243 per 100,000 for Southern Africa, where Zimbabwe is located.6 The

Appendix A–93
nutritional status of children is also a key health challenge as indicated by the most recent DHS
data: among children under five, 32% were stunted, 3% were wasted, and 10% were
underweight.7

What Is the Existing Health Infrastructure?

The health system is divided into four levels of care, including primary, secondary, tertiary, and
quaternary.5 The primary level includes VHWs and the rural health centers or clinics that offer
basic maternity, preventive, and curative services. For community members, these facilities are
the first point of contact with the formal health system.5,9 The secondary level includes facilities
that receive patients on referral from primary-level facilities, but also provide primary care
services to patients within the immediate area surrounding the facility. Tertiary-level facilities
include the seven provincial hospitals in Zimbabwe, which have specialist staff on hand to deal
with referrals from secondary-level facilities. The most advanced level of care is the quaternary
level, which includes six central hospitals that have equipment, staff, and pharmaceuticals for
dealing with patients requiring highly specialized care.5

What Type of Program Has Been Implemented?

The MOHCW outlines several key objectives in its document outlining a strategic direction for
the VHW program, including the following:
• To equip communities with knowledge and skills to take responsibility for their own health
• To increase the capacity of communities to prevent and control diseases within communities
• To enable communities to manage and take actions on health activities within communities
• To empower communities to value their own health and to take actions that promote positive
behavior change for adopting healthy lifestyles1

VHWs provide a link from the community to the formal health system. VHWs have a broad
scope of work (Table 2), but they primarily focus on prevention. They provide some curative
care, including first aid and treatment of common conditions with drugs (including malaria and
diarrhea).5 VHWs collaborate with other community-based workers such as traditional healers,
traditional birth assistants, and community-based distributors of FP.1 VHWs are provided with
various drugs and medical supplies to carry out their multiple roles (Table 2).

Table 2. Village Health Worker Scope of Work and Supply Kit1

Scope of work
 Identifying and referring clients that need treatment at health facilities
 Collecting community-based health information, which is then shared with the rural health center and
subsequently included in the national health information system
 General health education and health promotion about water and sanitation, diseases of public health
importance, pregnancy and maternal health, and FP
 Providing salt and sugar solution or ORS during cholera outbreaks
 Providing prophylaxis for malaria
 Conducting growth monitoring and giving guidance on breastfeeding and infant nutrition
 Following up with HIV-exposed infants and their mothers
 Promoting immunization
 Participating in IMCI campaigns
 Promoting HIV voluntary counseling and testing
 Supervising TB patients on DOT
 Caring for patients with chronic conditions (hypertension, diabetes, stroke, epilepsy, and so forth)
 Conducting outreach events for nutritional monitoring and provision of health services for schoolchildren

Appendix A–94
  Treating minor ailments
 Promoting oral and mental health
 Collaborating with other community stakeholders and community-based cadres
Drugs and medical supplies: Other supplies:
 Paracetamol tablets  Condoms (male and female)
 Antimalarial drugs  Uniform, sunhat, badge, raincoat
 Alcohol (for cleansing)  Tennis shoes
 Betadine solution  Canvas bag for carrying supplies
 ORS sachets  Plastic apron
 Tetracycline eye ointment  Teaspoon and tablespoon for dispensing liquid
 Bandages (crepe, gauze, triangular) medications
 Scissors  Pen, register book, and referral slips
 Latex gloves  Bicycle, with repair kit
 Salter weighing scale, weighing bag  Flashlight and batteries
 Mid-upper arm circumference measuring tape  Timer (for counting respiratory rate)
 Tape measure
 Soap
 Aqua tabs
 Thermometer
 Cord clamps or ligatures

What about the Community’s Role?

According to government documents describing the program, local leaders, including qualified
health care workers, teachers, traditional and religious leaders, women leaders, and youth
leaders, support the VHWs in a variety of ways, including (1) mobilizing the community around
health issues; (2) supporting planning, implementation, and monitoring of VHW activities; (3)
mobilizing resources to support VHW activities; and (4) advising the VHWs.1 In addition, the
community plays an essential role in the selection of VHWs as described below.

How Does Zimbabwe Select, Train, and Retain Village Health Workers?
The VHW selection process starts when a clinic or hospital communicates with the community
that it needs voluntary workers. The clinic development committee and the political leaders
then take the lead in choosing suitable candidates to become VHWs. Persons selected as
candidates usually have a proven commitment to the community such as previous volunteer
work at their local clinic (CHAI, personal communication). Relying on community input for
selection is essential because the community members must have trust and confidence in the
VHWs.1 The community’s participation in the selection process differentiates VHWs from
auxiliary health workers in that the VHWs answer to the community, while the auxiliary
workers answer to the formal health system.4 The VHW selection criteria include the following:1
• Aged 25 years or older
• Mature, married resident of the village
• Able to read and write
• Possessing strong communication skills
• Respected in the community
• Interested in health and development issues

Appendix A–95
• Willing to work at the community level and on a volunteer basis
• Able to maintain confidentiality of health information

The MOHCW conducts an initial VHW training that lasts 8 weeks. The classroom training is
organized into two sessions that are separated by a period of practical training. Refresher
trainings are conducted as needed and when funds are available, but new skills and knowledge
sharing are generally just taught on the job (CHAI, personal communication). Topics covered in
the VHW training include PHC; roles and responsibilities of VHWs in the community; reporting
responsibilities of VHWs; the community as the client; communicable and non-communicable
diseases; communication, advocacy, social mobilization, and community mobilization;
environmental health, water supplies, sanitation, and cholera; malaria; personal hygiene, hand
washing, zoonotic conditions; IMCI; nutrition and infant feeding; HIV/AIDS, TB, PMTCT of
HIV, voluntary HIV counseling and testing; treatment of minor ailments; first aid and wound
care; mental health (stress, burnout, child abuse, hazardous substances); community-based
rehabilitation; emergency preparedness and response; collaboration and coordination; contents
of the VHW kit; health promotion and education; teaching methods; communication network
and technology system; M&E and data management; and dental health promotion and hygiene.1

How Does Zimbabwe Supervise Its Village Health Workers?

At the national level, the MOHCW’s Director for Nursing Services oversees the VHW program.
Responsibilities are further delegated to the Provincial Nursing Officers, District Nursing
Officer, and finally to clinic staff (CHAI, personal communication). VHWs are directly
supervised by the Nurse-in-Charge at the rural health center within their ward. VHWs are also
supported by the ward health team at the community level.1 VHWs are expected to attend
monthly meetings at the rural health center.1

How Is the Community Health Assistant Program Financed?

The MOHCW provides funding to a small proportion of VHWs through support obtained from
the Global Fund to Fight AIDs, Tuberculosis and Malaria. This funding provides for three
weeks of VHW refresher trainings. As of 2010, development partners were supporting VHWs in
24 of Zimbabwe’s 60 rural districts. These partners include UNICEF, the WHO, the United
Nations Development Program, the Central Emergency Relief Fund of the United Nations, and
various NGOs including Merlin, World Vision International, Save the Children, and the
Zimbabwe Vitamin A for Mothers and Babies Project.1

The VHW role is not supposed to be one of “professionalized” full-time work. Rather, VHWs
should work part-time while remaining engaged in normal day-to-day family and village
activities.4 When the VHW program began, it was envisioned that the communities would take
over the responsibility of providing compensation to VHWs after one to two years, thereby
making the program more community owned and community driven.4 However, this has not
been the case, and compensation has generally come from the government or partners. During
2010, VHWs received a quarterly allowance of $42 from the MOHCW. Some VHWs also received
a bicycle provided through the Global Fund.1

What Are the Program’s Demonstrated Impact and Continuing Challenges?

Several evaluations of the VHW program were carried out in the early 1980s,4 but data on the
impact of the present-day VHW program are not available. Data on routine community
activities are maintained by VHWs in a domiciliary visit register. Information from this register
is periodically shared with the supervising health facility. Some community-based data are
included in the national health information system.1

Appendix A–96
The current number of VHWs is not documented. The goal of the VHW program is to achieve
national coverage with 15,000 VHWs.10 However, only an estimated 19% of villages have
currently active VHWs, and a 2009 household survey revealed that fewer than half of the
respondents had access to a VHW in their ward.9 The program faces many challenges. VHW
training programs have been closed down in many districts. Remuneration is inadequate and
irregular. And shortages of the drug supply are common.9

References
1. Zimbabwe MOHCW. The Village Health Worker Strategic Direction. Harare, Zimbabwe;
2010.
2. Sanders D. The potential and limits of health sector reform in Zimbabwe. In: Rohde J,
Chatterjee M, Morley D, eds. Reaching Health for All. New Delhi, India: Oxford University
Press; 1993:239-65.
3. Woelk G. Primary health care in Zimbabwe: Can it survive? Soc Sci Med 1994; 39(8): 1027–
1035.
4. Sanders D. The State and democratization in PHC: community participation and the village
health worker programme in Zimbabwe. In: Frankel S, ed. The Community Health Worker:
Effective Programmes for Developing Countries. New York, NY: Oxford University Press;
1992:178-219.
5. Osika J, Altman D, Ekbladh L, et al. Zimbabwe Health System Assessment 2010. Bethesda,
MD: Health Systems 20/20 Project, Abt Associates Inc.; 2011. Available at:
http://www.healthsystems2020.org/content/resource/detail/2812/.
6. WHO. Zimbabwe: Health Profile. 2012. Available at:
http://www.who.int/gho/countries/zwe.pdf?ua=1.
7. Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency, ICF International. Zimbabwe Demographic and
Health Survey 2010-11. Calverton, MD: ICF International; 2012. Available at:
http://www.measuredhs.com/pubs/pdf/FR254/FR254.pdf.
8. UNAIDS. Zimbabwe HIV and AIDS Estimates. 2012. Available at:
http://www.unaids.org/en/regionscountries/countries/zimbabwe/.
9. Zimbabwe MOHCW. The Zimbabwe Health Sector Investment Case (2010-2012):
Accelerating Progress towards the Millennium Development Goals. Harare, Zimbabwe; 2010.
Available at: http://www.unicef.org/esaro/Health_Investment_Case_Report1.pdf.
10. Mushavi A. Zimbabwe’s efforts to scale up and integrate community support with medical
services to end vertical transmission. In: Symposium on Closing the Gap: Ending Vertical
Transmission through Community Action. 2012. Available at: http://www.ccaba.org/wp-
content/uploads/Mushavi-Angela-Zimbabwe%E2%80%99s-Efforts-to-Scale-Up-and-
Integrate-Community-Support-With-Medical-Services-to-End-Vertical-Transmission.pdf.

Appendix A–97
Acknowledgments
IMAGES/PHOTOS
All global maps were created by others using Generic Mapping Tools
(http://gmt.soest.hawaii.edu/).
Many photos were obtained through the Photoshare website (http://www.photoshare.org/) or
WHO.

Afghanistan
Left: CHW Ozara Husseini (left) talks to Najiba, who has five children, about the advantages of
FP and Najiba’s decisions to start taking the pill at Najiba’s home in Katasank near Bamyan,
Afghanistan, on June 8, 2010.
Photo by Kate Holt, Jhpiego
Right: A CHW provides basic information on newborn care.
http://www.usaid.gov/results-data/success-stories/saving-newborns-rural-afghanistan (Accessed
March 14, 2014)

Bangladesh (BRAC)
Left: An SS leaving a home following a visit.
Right: In the Korail slum of Dhaka where BRAC CHWs are implementing a maternal, neonatal,
and child health program called Manoshi, an SS visits a mother at home.
Photographs by Henry Perry

Bangladesh (Government)
Left: HAs and FWAs learning how to counsel women in the household using a netbook with
digital resources.
Right: FWA with her daily logbook, used for recording health events of her clients.

Brazil
Left: In Ribeirao Preto, Brazil, a mother holds her infant child at a weekly breastfeeding class
held at a charity hospital. Social stigma and misinformation continue to plague efforts to
promote breastfeeding in Brazil. However, this class was slowly but surely educating and
empowering an entire community through the promotion of breastfeeding.
© 2000 Alex Zusman, Courtesy of Photoshare
Middle: Redençao Health Center, one of the clinics in Brazil that achieved accreditation in the
PROQUALI Project for reproductive health services.
© 1997 Center for Communication Programs, Courtesy of Photoshare
Right: Brazilian children learn about healthy lifestyles in a local church as part of a program
initiated by Lutheran World Relief to raise awareness about the vulnerability of women and
children to the AIDS epidemic.
© 1995 Lutheran World Relief, Courtesy of Photoshare

Ethiopia
Left: A CHV in Benishangul, Ethiopia, refers a child to a district health facility.
© 2011 Yolanda Barbera Lainez/IRC, Courtesy of Photoshare
Middle: A health worker holds up artemisinin-based combination therapy pills (ACTs) for
malaria treatment in Ethiopia.
© 2007 Bonnie Gillespie, Courtesy of Photoshare

Appendix A–98
Right: A young mother and her infant in her village near Shashememe in the Oromiya Region of
Ethiopia. She is attending a village gathering to discuss FP led by the local community leader,
who is also a community-based distribution agent.
© 2005 Virginia Lamprecht, Courtesy of Photoshare

India
Top left: An ANM helps a mother learn kangaroo mother care—important for newborn growth—
at District Hospital, Shivpuri district, Madhya Pradesh, India.
© 2012 Anil Gulati, Courtesy of Photoshare
Top right: An AWW feeds a group of children at an Integrated Child Development Services
Centre in Bagnan, India.
© 2012 PAB, Kolkata, Courtesy of Photoshare
Bottom left: Women in India work to become ASHAs.
© 2008 Meenakshi Dikshit, Courtesy of Photoshare
Bottom right: A group of ASHAs in India.
© 2008 Meenakshi Dikshit, Courtesy of Photoshare

Indonesia
Left: CHW counsels mother.
Aid in Action. http://ec.europa.eu/echo/aid/stories/asia13_en.htm. (Accessed March 14,
2014.)
Right: Brigida, a community volunteer, weighs 2-month old Mima at a health center
supported by Plan in Indonesia.
Plan in Indonesia. https://www.plan.org.au/Our-Work/Countries-we-work-
in/Asia/Indonesia.aspx#prettyPhoto[pp_gal]/1/. (Accessed March 14, 2014.)

Iran
Left: Javanparast S, Heidari G, Baum F. Contribution of Community Health Workers to the
implementation of Comprehensive Primary Health Care in rural settings. Poster presented at:
138th American Public Health Association Annual Meeting; November 2010; Denver, CO.
Available at:
http://www.globalhealthequity.ca/electronic%20library/Iran%20Poster%20English.pdf
Middle: How Obamacare Will Help Mississippi (and America) Implement Lessons Learned from
Iranian Health Care
http://thinkprogress.org/health/2012/07/29/602691/aca-mississippi-community-health-iran/
Right: Regular medical checkups by CHWs, Islamic Republic of Iran.
http://www.emro.who.int/cbi/information-resources/health-development-services.html

Nepal
Left: A CHW counts the respiratory rate of a young child in Dhanusha, Nepal.
© 2007 Dilip Chandra Poudel, Courtesy of Photoshare
Middle: Women in Nepal receive HIV prevention information.
© 2004 Rebecca Callahan, Courtesy of Photoshare
Right: An FCHV in Nepal counts the respiratory rate of a young child using ARI Sound Timer
to diagnose pneumonia.
© 2010 Dilip Chandra Poudel, Courtesy of Photoshare

Pakistan
Left: At a Basic Health Unit in Punjab province, Pakistan, 23-year-old Tahira Rashid receives
counseling from Dr. Fauzia Amin, a female medical officer.
© 2012 Derek Brown for USAID, Courtesy of Photoshare

Appendix A–99
Middle: A health worker attends to an infant at a free medical camp in a flood-affected area of
Larkana district, Sindh, Pakistan.
© 2010 Population Welfare Department Sindh, Courtesy of Photoshare
Right: Women attend a free IUD and medical camp at Udani village in Sindh, Pakistan.
© 2009 Population Welfare Department Sindh, Courtesy of Photoshare

Rwanda
Left: CHW assesses child for presence of malnutrition.
http://gadpcrwanda.blogspot.com/2012/07/community-health-workers-by-alma.html (Accessed
March 14, 2014)
Right: CHW records child nutrition information
Partners in Health. http://www.pih.org/priority-programs/community-health-workers/about.
(Accessed March 14, 2014.)

Zambia
Left: Two CHAs (blue coats) and one volunteer CHW (a malaria agent) at a health post in
western Zambia.
Photo by Katharine Shelley
Right: A CHW visits a client.
Poverty Action Lab.
http://www.povertyactionlab.org/sites/default/files/Recruiting_and_Motivating_CHWs_Zambia.p
ng?1368559148. (Accessed March 13, 2014.)

Zimbabwe
Left: CHWs from Zimbabwe.
Source: MCHIP/Jhpiego
Right: Community-based distribution workers review information in Zimbabwe.
© 2011 Center for Communication Programs, Courtesy of Photoshare

Appendix A–100
 Appendix B
Current Perspectives on Large-Scale
Community Health Worker Programs:
Summary of Findings from
Key Informant Opinions
Sharon Tsui, Elizabeth Salisbury-Afshar, Rose Zulliger, and Henry Perry
INTRODUCTION
There is currently a high level interest in Community Health Worker (CHW) programs from the
Secretary General of the United Nations to host-country governments to donor agencies and on
down. Some countries have recently launched new cadres of CHWs as part of the primary
health care system or are considering doing so. Other countries with mature CHW cadres in
national programs are faced with decisions about possible changes in these programs, such as
changing the selection criteria of CHWs, adding functions to existing CHW tasks, or modifying
compensation arrangements. The majority of available published literature on CHW program
effectiveness concerns smaller-scale CHW programs to improve population health.1 In contrast,
little is known about large-scale CHW programs. There is very little documentation on the
planning and implementation of these programs. Also, there is a dearth of empirical research on
the overall effectiveness of large-scale CHW programs on population health and on the
functioning of specific program components, such as financing, CHW retention, supervision, and
so forth.

PURPOSE
We explored the opinions of experienced technical advisors, program managers, and evaluators
to contribute knowledge on large-scale CHW programs. The specific objectives were to identify:
(1) key components of a successful large-scale CHW program, (2) key decisions that CHW
program planners must consider when developing a program, (3) common errors made in CHW
programs that compromise performance, and (4) areas where further research are needed. The
purpose of this exploration was to serve as a guide for planning a systematic assessment of
large-scale CHW programs, which is the subject of this guide.

METHODS
We conducted semi-structured in-depth interviews with 14 key informants in fall 2011 and
early 2012. Each informant had significant and intensive experience working with large-scale
CHW programs: each informant had five or more years of experience in working with one or
more national CHW programs and had served as a technical advisor, program manager, or
evaluator of a large-scale CHW program. The interviews were conducted one-on-one via
telephone or Skype by three of the authors (ES-A, RZ, and HP) and also by two members of the
study team—Steve Hodgins and Simon Lewin. See the interview guide in to the appendix of this
document. Detailed notes were taken on each interview to record informant responses. The
textual data were analyzed by identifying and summarizing a priori and emergent themes.

FINDINGS
Contextual Understanding Needed to Design Effective Large-Scale CHW Program
Expert informants emphasized there is no “one-size fits all” model to developing a successful
CHW program. The features of a successful program in one setting may not be appropriate in
another setting. Rather, informants pointed to the importance of understanding contextual
factors, such as cultural, social, political, religious, geographic, economic, and health system
factors, to designing an effective large-scale CHW program. Contextual factors can inform the
nature of linkages of the CHW program to other services, the scope of services provided by the
CHW, compensation, selection criteria, and processes for training and supervision. The
following examples highlight how contextual understanding can help design a more appropriate
and effective CHW program.

Appendix B–1
Example 1: CHW Recruitment Process
An appreciation of the cultural and political aspects of social structures and their hierarchy at
the village level can help a program designer decide whom to involve in the CHW recruitment
and selection process and discern how an applicant’s social position may influence his/her
effectiveness as a CHW. One key informant stated:

It is very important to look at the cultural and political aspects of a program. For
example, to look at whether you ask a village chief, a community clinic, or a village
committee to select a community health worker and what are the different
outcomes or implications.

A CHW must have a certain kind of standing within and ties with the community.
The person who has this type of standing and community ties may not be the same
type of person that the government wants to select as a CHW… the social position
of a CHW in the community affects their effectiveness.

Example 2: CHW Selection Criteria

Understanding cultural and geographic factors is especially important in the selection of CHWs.
Factors utilized in the selection of CHWs for large-scale CHW programs include age, gender,
literacy level, education attainment, marital status, and geographic location (e.g., living in a
particular area). Different socio-demographic characteristics are relevant in different
communities in the selection of appropriate CHWs. Some communities are more likely to ascribe
respect and trust to CHWs who are older and experienced as mothers. One key informant
stated: “It is exceedingly important that CHWs be responsive, accountable, respected, and
trusted. These attributes are often associated with age and children.” In other communities,
gender norms guide how CHWs interact with the community. For example, another key
informant stated: “Context is important here. In Afghanistan, only male and female pairs are
accepted because women can’t go outside of the home.” In another example, gender norms dictate
where women live after marriage, which can impact where female CHWs can work and their
retention. “Marriage [as a] criterion has pros and cons—women who are unmarried and later get
married are likely to leave the community,” reported one key informant.

Example 3: CHW Payment and Incentives

Informants emphasized the need to find pay and incentives that are relevant to the local
context. Varying types of incentives may appeal differently to different communities. Incentives
that have been used for large-scale CHW programs may be financial (e.g., transport
reimbursement), in-kind (e.g., bags, shirts, or badges), or social (e.g., a “CHW Day” to honor and
celebrate this cadre). Considering the CHW’s age and social standing within the country’s social
and economic contexts can also help the program designer identify an appropriate amount of
payment and appropriate types of incentives. One key informant stated:

I think that these issues are very contextual—are the CHWs young or old? High or
low class? Young people desire skills and want to show them off. Providing skills
might be enough to keep young people interested, but this may not be enough for
an older person with high status.

Example 4: CHW Roles and Responsibilities

A clear understanding of the national health system—particularly its stakeholders, how health
care is delivered, and its human resource needs—is needed to see where CHWs fit into the
larger health system and to clearly define their roles and responsibilities. For example, one key
informant noted, “It is important to understand the organization of the health care delivery in a

Appendix B–2
particular setting to be able to understand how and where the CHWs fit in.” Another asked,
“Where does the program situate itself in the bigger picture—how is it linked to the health
facility, district level, and the ministry of health? How are CHWs supported by the bigger formal
system?” Notably, an appreciation of the various formal and informal stakeholders and their
role in health service provision is necessary to ensure that CHWs have specific roles and do not
displace other sectors of workers. A commonly neglected stakeholder is drug sellers.

It is also necessary to understand what health services are valued by community members.
Several key informants said community members have a tendency to place greater value on
curative treatments than on preventive messages. Understanding this tendency is needed to
ensure CHWs are meeting some of these needs for them to gain credibility in the community.
For example, one key informant said, “In terms of public health impact, behavioral changes can
play a larger role; however, the community listens more when CHWs have some curative role. It
can be hard to get the community to listen to a CHW when the only messages are preventive.”
Similarly, another key informant stated, “It is important that the CHWs come with credible
skills. CHWs need to be seen as valuable to the community and as providing something that is
interesting. Being able to provide “quick fixes” is very valuable in gaining interest or credibility.”

Need for a Long-Term Vision and Planning to Support Large-Scale CHW Program
Functioning
Multiple key informants attributed an inadequate long-term vision and a lack of long-term
planning as a key reason why some large-scale CHW programs have not been successful. Some
informants noted that the lack of a long-term vision is often in response to demands from donors
who push ministries of health (MOHs) to focus only on short-term goals and outcomes that are
related to a particular funding cycle. This has resulted in inadequate preparation and planning
of the program components, such as government ownership of the program, commitment of
funds to support long-term costs, planning for a CHW career trajectory, and development of
data collection systems.

Example 5: Governance
Governance is a leadership process typically administered by a national government and relates
to defining expectations, granting power, and verifying performance. Key informants
emphasized how governance of a CHW program is developed over time through a political
process by nurturing relationships with relevant stakeholders, such as MOH officials, donors,
and opinion leaders. One key informant stated, “Our failures have been more political than
technical. We don’t put enough energy into the political side of it - both in terms of government
officials and donors.”

Informants have suggested different strategies to promote government ownership of a CHW

program. One strategy is for the implementing partner to involve the MOH delegate in program
planning as much as possible and develop an advocate for the program. For example, one
international organization that was an implementing partner of a new national CHW program
gave special attention to nurturing the position and involvement of certain MOH personnel
assigned to the CHW program. As a result of nurturing these relationships, the MOH assigned
personnel became the “biggest champions of CHWs in the country,” reported one key informant.
This same informant noted that it is important to keep up with personnel changes in the MOH:
“Any time there is a new leader, new emphasis needs to be placed on educating him or her about
what CHWs are capable of.” Another strategy is to appeal first to opinion leaders, such as
medical academics or a small group of decision-makers, before getting the MOH on board with
the proposed program. Allow opinion leaders to see the program first-hand through
dissemination workshops in the community and through site visits. This process can promote
awareness of CHW program benefits and address points of skepticism.

Appendix B–3
Example 6: Financing Large-Scale CHW Programs
Consideration of the long-term costs of program planning is often neglected. Inadequate
financing planning for a large-scale CHW program may be caused by donors who rush the
government to start a program. According to one key informant, “Many programs are developed
when donors push on the MOH and neither the government nor the donor approaches the new
cadre with a long-term perspective. So, activities continue for as long as external funds are
available and quickly wither away once the funding has come to an end.”

Also, there is a mistaken tendency for MOHs and donor agencies to assume that CHW programs
are low-cost options. As one key informant reported, “CHWs are not a low-cost alternative; they
are a high-cost alternative, but also a high-access alternative. The number one cause of failure [of
large-scale CHW programs] is that people consider this to be a low-cost option, and they don’t
factor in the high costs associated with high-level technical support and other support functions.”

In addition to funds needed to start a CHW program, long-term costs are required to provide
appropriate continuous training, supervision, incentives, and other support functions, all of
which are vital for an effective program. “There’s a mistaken idea that once the CHWs are
trained it is a free program. Regular meetings are important because they allow CHWs to get
together, learn from each other, engage in healthy competition, obtain additional education, and
so forth,” reported one key informant.

Careful long-term planning is needed to fund the types of training and continuing education
strategies that are more costly but are also needed for programs to be effective. For example,
one key informant stated:

My sense is that most of the training should be conducted in their work

environment. Of course, the problem with that is that it is very resource intensive
because you need quite a number of trainers, but I do think that is the best way.
One doesn’t expect CHWs to have very high theoretical skills but they should have
practical skills. Practical skills can only really be learned in practice so it seems
obvious to me that a lot of the training should occur in the community.

Careful long-term planning is also needed to provide appropriate incentives that will motivate
CHWs and at levels that can be sustained over time. Care should be taken to ensure that funds
provided at the start of the program are no more than the amount CHWs can expect for their
work over time. One key informant observed, “A lot of CHWs get paid very well during their
training because it involves three weeks of full-time training. Then they start “working” and they
get paid much less because they are not working as much. The full-time pay during training
increases their expectations.” Further, key informants indicated that they advised program
planners not to provide payments or incentives that cannot be sustained over time. One
informant said, for example, “If a program starts out paying CHWs, it would be very hard to
transition it into a volunteer program later. Sustainability is an important consideration with
respect to compensation.” One key informant recommended movement toward recognition over
compensation and salary because it is more sustainable financially.

Example 7: Training and Continuing Education for CHWs

As was mentioned briefly in Example 6, training and continuing education should be considered
in the long-term planning of CHW programs. A long-range perspective to CHW programs may
enable program planners to build a broader range of capacity among CHWs and ensure
retention of these skills. In the words of two key informants,

Appendix B–4
 The lack of time or attention to this reflects the fact that we are always in such a
hurry. Quite often it would be better if we were developing a multi-purpose type of
CHW that you would train slowly, over time, in a piece-by-piece fashion (e.g., train
them, let them practice it, train them on something else, let them practice it, etc.).
But instead, because we’re often in such a hurry, everything gets thrown into one
larger training, which isn’t as effective.

The approach to attaining and retaining skills is usually inadequate with initial
training that offers too little practicum exposure and little or no program effort to
confirm and ensure retention of skills.

Informants emphasized repeatedly the importance of using a slower but more rigorous and
phased approach to training. Respondents from two informants were as follows:

CHWs that go through a training for three or six months remember what they
learned in the last five days, and everything else is lost. One of my strongest
recommendations is training should be shorter but more often. Building Resources
across Communities (BRAC) has layered it on one task at a time.

Trying to do tons of messages all at once in one training doesn’t work as well. You
can’t go in with everything all at once. We found our programs were most effective
in doing things one step at a time. For example, start with family planning and
breastfeeding, then let them practice these messages, then train on other issues.

Also, a key informant highlighted how a phased approach to training can be more responsive to
community needs because the flexible training structure can allow the community to decide on
what health problems to address. This person said, “Let the community decide what they want to
work on and when. So if they choose diarrhea as a problem they want to address, then you teach
the diarrhea module, which includes hand washing and latrines, etc. I feel that very few
programs have done this, and those that do, have strong programs.

Example 8: Defining CHW Tasks and Integration with the Peripheral Health System
There is a tendency to add tasks to CHWs as the program progresses, resulting in overworked
CHWs, a lack of programmatic focus, and too many functions for a CHW to be effective. One key
informant referred to the experience in Pakistan: “More and more duties and functions have
been added to Lady Health Workers (LHWs) in Pakistan, including from sectors other than
health, with the result that their focus has become too diffused. More functional LHWs have been
rendered less effective in their core functions.” The addition of new functions to CHWs may
result from unrealistic expectations. Another key information observed, “There is an unrealistic
set of expectations in terms of what CHWs are capable of doing—they are often burdened with
doing too much and not being able to do anything well.”

Therefore, several informants emphasized the need for a long-term vision of CHW tasks.
Program designers need to prioritize key goals to be achieved by CHWs and set these
expectations and provide a guideline at the start of the program. One key informant
recommended the following:

“There is a tendency for more and more tasks to be added on once the program starts. It is
crucial to think about workload during the program development stage and create guidelines
and expectations prior to program start. The more it is structured prior to the program start,

Appendix B–5
the better off. Any optimal or prioritized sets of activities need to be defined before the program
starts. Any additional tasks that are suggested or proposed need to be weighed carefully against
the goals of the program and workload of the CHWs. It is also important to look at where that
task fits in the curricula and how it will affect the ability to address previously outlined
important tasks or goals.”

To avoid overloading existing CHWs with new tasks, some key informants favor the addition of
new cadres of CHWs. For example, one said, “As you expand the tasks you want CHWs to tend
to, it may work better to have multiple cadres of CHWs that can work together as a group—but
each working in a vertical manner with his or her specific program.” Other key informants feel
that multiple cadres of CHWs serving in the same catchment area may be confusing to the
community. One said, “It is confusing at the local level when there are different types of [CHW]
workers in the same place.” Also, clients may perceive CHWs from a vertical program to be too
limited to help them. Another key informant stated, “If it’s too vertical, the clients often feel the
CHW can’t help with much.”

Another consideration on tasks to be performed by CHWs is whether the assigned activities can
be readily supported by the local health system. One key informant noted, “Where does the
program situate itself in the bigger picture? How is it linked to the health facility, district level,
or MOH? How is the program supported by the bigger formal system?” For example, if CHWs are
expected to refer patients to health facilities, then they need the cooperation of health providers
at these facilities and the MOH. One key informant, referring to the Jamkhed Comprehensive
Rural Health Project (in central India) and the Barefoot Doctors in China, observed:

Without somewhere to refer people who have trauma or significant illnesses, then the program
is not as successful. The strength of Jamkhed and the strength of the Barefoot Doctors was their
connection to the public health system. CHWs should get feedback on their referrals after they
refer someone. CHWs should know what happened, what they diagnosis was, and what the
outcome was. Joining in meetings at the clinic is also important for them to feel integrated into
the system.

Although there was consensus that CHWs should be connected to the frontline health workers
in the local health system, key informants held varying perspectives on the level of integration
between the CHW program and the national health system. Some feel that integration of CHWs
into primary health care is necessary to ensure service delivery (to be able to refer patients,
obtain medications and supplies, etc.) and to provide supervision and accountability of CHW
performance. One key informant stated, “CHWs need to be integrated with the health system at
the most peripheral or local level—government needs a link to the frontline health workers to
ensure programs are delivered.” Others feel that if CHWs were fully integrated into a peripheral
health system that they would be misused. One key informant recommended “engagement” or
“active interface” with the peripheral health system over full integration. This informant
warned that CHWs would likely be misused because they are viewed as the lowest-level person
on the health team, and they would be given tasks that would take them away from their
identified scope or tasks as CHWs (e.g., told to clean rooms and latrines at the health facility).

Example 9: CHW Supervision and Career Trajectory

Supervision and long-term support for career advancement of CHWs constitute another
neglected program component that needs to be considered at the outset as part of program
planning. One key informant reported, “There is a failure of effective, institutionalized
supervision. Often, supervision is a complete afterthought. Initial program efforts consist of
developing a training manual, doing mass training and deployment, and then … nothing.”

Appendix B–6
Nurses or other health staff at a primary health care clinic have been the traditional
supervisors of CHWs. However, multiple informants have noted several challenges with this
supervision set up. First, supervision is assigned to a staff in the clinic without consideration of
whether this person has the time, skills, or desire to perform supervisory tasks. One key
informant reflected in the following way, “Our experience … has been that it is not enough just to
have people at health facilities overseeing CHWs as an additional task. We needed to seek out
new employees specifically to take on this task of overseeing CHWs. Overloading of supervisors
became a problem (e.g., trying to oversee the CHWs associated with 30-40 health posts was too
much).” Second, supervisors based in health facilities often lack means of transport or other
mechanisms (e.g., a cell phone for text messaging) to monitor the quality and performance of
CHWs. Finally, and most importantly, health providers were not in touch with the technical
needs and realities of CHWs, so their supervision was not very effective. One key informant
stated:

You have to have the right people to supervise and support CHWs - people who themselves are
well-oriented. I worry that in South Africa professional nurses will supervise CHWs. I don’t
think most professional nurses in South Africa have a very comprehensive approach. They don’t
know about health promotion, disease prevention, and getting communities involved, yet they
will be the direct supervisors of CHWs.”

Similarly, another key informant observed that in one program, “The supervisors often were not
as clinically savvy as many of the CHWs, so they were not able to effectively provide technical
assistance.” Yet another noted, “Checklist supervision is minimally effective, if at all. One of the
keys to effective programs is making sure that the supervisors or trainers are in touch with the
needs and realities of their workers.”

Several informants recommended “reverse supervision” (that is, having an experienced CHW be
a supervisor to newer CHWs) as a means to more effectively monitor quality, provide technical
support, and help problem solve issues on the ground. “Reverse supervision at monthly meetings
will allow CHWs to help each other solve problems,” claimed one key informant. Reverse
supervision can also be an incentive to retain and motivate CHWs, as it allows them to develop
their career. One key informant stated, “Career development and career mobility should exist. In
my experience, the best supervisors are those who have worked their way up and were once CHWs
themselves.” Similarly, another key informant about Pakistan’s LHW program, “By selecting the
best LHWs and allowing them to be a supervisor to other CHWs was an incentive for others to
work harder.”

Need for Relevant Data Collection System for Large-Scale CHW Program
Much of the available data on CHW programs comes from small pilot programs run by
nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). These findings may not be appropriate for
extrapolation to scaled-up national programs. Several key informants noted it would be helpful
to have some type of database where the basic features of large-scale programs are documented.
This database could include information such as:
• Number of households per CHW
• Scope of services being provided
• Compensation/incentives
• Selection criteria
• Selection process
• Training process

Appendix B–7
• Supervision process
• Degree and nature of integration with the primary health care system
• Management and evaluation systems
• Health outcomes measured

This database would allow governments to have a better understanding of what types of
programs have been implemented in other settings and perhaps allow for increased
collaboration during the planning phases.

Notably, several key informants pointed out the current top-down approach to monitoring and
evaluation leads often to situations in which CHWs collect data that are not relevant to their
work. One key informant emphasized, “CHWs who are collecting health information should be
able to use the data. If it’s not relevant to them or their work, then someone else should be
collecting it.”

Several key informants noted that there is a need for better documentation of the CHW
program decision-making process at the national level. Having information about how large-
scale programs are managed is seen as an important element for better understanding the
reasons for the degree of effectiveness of large-scale CHW programs. The key informants also
recognized that there is a lack of collaboration in the development of training materials,
particularly for illiterate CHWs. Each program seems to be creating its own materials and is
attempting to “recreate the wheel.”

CONCLUSION
Because of limited published information about the details of large-scale CHW programs, the
opinions of those who are knowledgeable about such programs is of value at this time, given the
rapidly growing interest in CHWs and the emerging commitments in a number of countries to
strengthen existing national CHW programs or to establish new ones. The findings from this
review of key informants suggests that as countries engage in these activities, the success of
their efforts will depend to an important degree on the quality of realistic planning that is
carried out initially, taking into account the real costs required for effective programming and
then developing monitoring and evaluation systems that will make it possible for these
programs to adjust to needs and problems as they emerge at the local level and at the various
levels of management.

Appendix B–8
Appendix: Interview Guide

Appendix B–9
Appendix B–10
Reference
1. Perry HB, Zulliger R. How Effective Are Community Health Workers? An Overview of
Current Evidence with Recommendations for Strengthening Community Health Worker
Programs to Accelerate Progress in Achieving the Health-Related Millennium Development
Goals. 2012. Available at:
http://www.coregroup.org/storage/Program_Learning/Community_Health_Workers/review%
20of%20chw%20effectiveness%20for%20mdgs-sept2012.pdf. Accessed January 9, 2013.

Appendix B–11
Appendix B–12
 Appendix C
Important Resources
Henry Perry
Important Resources
Here are some important resources that will be useful to program managers and policymakers.

GENERAL REFERENCES
Perry HB, Zulliger R, Rogers MM. Community health workers in low-, middle-, and high-income
countries: an overview of their history, recent evolution, and current effectiveness. Annu Rev
Public Health 2014; 35: 399-421.
Global Health Workforce Alliance. Synthesis Paper: Developed out of the Outcomes of Four
Consultations on Community Health Workers and Other Frontline Health Workers Held in
May/June 2012. 2013. Available at:
http://www.who.int/workforcealliance/knowledge/resources/synthesis_paper/en/.
Foster A, Tulenko K, Broughton E. Monitoring and Accountability Platform for National
Governments and Global Partners in Developing, Implementing, and Managing CHW Programs.
Geneva, Switzerland: Global Health Workforce Alliance; 2013. Available at:
http://www.who.int/workforcealliance/knowledge/resources/M_A_CHWs.pdf.
Tulenko K, Bailey R, Seifman R. International Scaling Up Health Worker Production:
The Bottlenecks and Best Buys Approach. Chapel Hill, NC: IntraHealth/CapacityPlus; 2013.
Available at: http://www.capacityplus.org/files/resources/scaling-up-health-worker-production-
bottlenecks-best-buys-approach.pdf.
Walker PR, Downey S, Crigler L, LeBan K. CHW “Principles of Practice:” Guiding Principles for
Non-Governmental Organizations and Their Partners for Coordinated National Scale-Up of
Community Health Worker Programmes. 2013. Available at:
http://www.coregroup.org/storage/Program_Learning/Community_Health_Workers/CHW_Princi
ples_of_Practice_Final.pdf.
World Health Organization (WHO). WHO Recommendations: Optimizing Health Worker Roles
to Improve Access to Key Maternal and Newborn Health Interventions through Task Shifting.
Geneva, Switzerland: WHO; 2012. Available at:
http://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/10665/77764/1/9789241504843_eng.pdf.
Kok M, Herschderfer K, de Koning K. Technical Consultation on the Role of Community-Based
Providers in Improving Maternal and Newborn Health. Royal Tropical Institute; 2012.
Available at: http://www.kit.nl/kit/Technical-consultation-community-based-providers.
Jaskiewicz W, Tulenko K. Increasing community health worker productivity and effectiveness:
a review of the influence of the work environment. Hum Resour Health 2012; 10(1): 38.
Singh P, Technical Task Force. One Million Community Health Workers: Technical Task Force
Report. 2012. Available at:
http://www.millenniumvillages.org/uploads/ReportPaper/1mCHW_TechnicalTaskForceReport.pdf.
Perry HB, Zulliger R. How Effective Are Community Health Workers? An Overview of Current
Evidence with Recommendations for Strengthening Community Health Worker Programs to
Accelerate Progress in Achieving the Health-Related Millennium Goals. 2012. Available at:
http://www.coregroup.org/storage/Program_Learning/Community_Health_Workers/review%20of
%20chw%20effectiveness%20for%20mdgs-sept2012.pdf.
“Special Supplement on Integrated Community Case Management.” Am J Trop Med Hyg 2012;
87(5 Suppl) contains articles about policy issues, operational issues, and effectiveness of
integrated community case management (iCCM) of childhood illness for pneumonia, diarrhea,
and malaria in Ghana, Malawi, Pakistan, Rwanda, Uganda, and Zambia.

Appendix C–1
Liu A, Sullivan S, Khan M, Sachs S, Singh P. Community health workers in global health: scale
and scalability. Mt Sinai J Med 2011; 78(3): 419-35.
Crigler L, Hill K, Furth R, Bjerregaard D. Community Health Worker Assessment and
Improvement Matrix (CHW AIM): A Toolkit for Improving CHW Programs and Services.
Washington, DC: Initiatives, Inc., University Research Co., LLC, USAID; 2011. Available at:
http://www.hciproject.org/sites/default/files/CHW%20AIM%20Toolkit_March2011.pdf.
Global Health Workforce Alliance. Integrating Community Health Workers in National Health
Workforce Plans. 2010. Available at:
http://www.who.int/workforcealliance/knowledge/resources/CHW_KeyMessages_English.pdf.
Bhutta ZA, Lassi ZS, Pariyo G, Huicho L. Global Experience of Community Health Workers for
Delivery of Health Related Millennium Development Goals: A Systematic Review, Country Case
Studies, and Recommendations for Integration into National Health Systems. Geneva,
Switzerland: World Health Organization, Global Health Workforce Alliance; 2010. Available at:
http://www.who.int/workforcealliance/knowledge/publications/alliance/Global_CHW_web.pdf.
Shakir FK. Community Health Worker Programs: A Review of Recent Literature. Washington,
DC: USAID Health Care Improvement Project; 2010. Available at:
http://www.hciproject.org/sites/default/files/CHW%20literature%20review_Jan2010_0.pdf.
The NGO BRAC is cited throughout this volume. More information about BRAC is available at
its website (www.brac.net) and in the following book: Smillie I. Freedom from Want: The
Remarkable Story of BRAC, the Global Grassroots Organization That’s Winning the Fight
Against Poverty. Sterling, Virginia: Kumarian Press; 2009.
Rifkin S. 2008. Community Health Workers. In: Kirch W, ed. Encyclopedia of Public Health.
Berlin, Germany: Springer Reference; 2008:773-81.
Haines A, Sanders D, Lehmann U, et al. Achieving child survival goals: potential contribution of
community health workers. Lancet 2007; 369(9579): 2121-31.
Lehmann U, Sanders D. Community health workers: What do we know about them? The state of
the evidence on programmes, activities, costs and impact on health outcomes of using community
health workers. Geneva, Switzerland: World Health Organization; 2007.
World Health Organization (WHO). Working Together for Health: The World Health Report
2006. Geneva, Switzerland: WHO; 2006.
Kahssay H, Taylor M, Berman P. Community Health Workers: The Way Forward. Geneva,
Switzerland: World Health Organization; 1998.
Frankel S, ed. The Community Health Worker: Effective Programmes for Developing Countries.
England: Oxford University Press; 1992.
Gilson L, Walt G, Heggenhougen K, et al. National community health worker programs: how
can they be strengthened? J Public Health Policy 1989; 10(4): 518-32.

WEB-BASED RESOURCES
University Research Corporation and USAID. Decision-Making Tool for CHW Programs.
(Designed to support national and local decision-makers through the design, planning, and scale-
up of Community Health Worker programs.) 2014.

CHW Central (http://chwcentral.org/) is a global resource for and about Community Health
Workers. Its vision is to improve and sustain a dynamic global web-based resource that
promotes and engages CHWs, enables the wide and rapid sharing of information about CHW
work and management, offers resources to help improve CHW programs and CHW

Appendix C–2
performance, and provides a forum for continuous and online discussions and exchanges among
CHWs, public health professionals, and program managers in the United States and across the
globe. It also has a listserv associated with it, along with a rich library of CHW resources.

The Community Health Systems Catalog (http://www.advancingpartners.org/resources/chsc) is

an innovative and interactive reference tool on country community health systems. The catalog
covers USAID-priority countries for population and reproductive health and countries with a
demonstrated interest in community-based family planning. This resource is intended for
ministries of health, program managers, researchers, and donors interested in learning more
about the current state of community health systems.

The 1 Million Community Health Workers Campaign (http://1millionhealthworkers.org/about-

us/) aims to expand and accelerate community health worker programs in sub-Saharan African
countries, scaling them up to district, regional, and national levels to meet the health-related
Millennium Development Goals. With the use of the latest communications technology and
diagnostic testing materials, these frontline workers link the rural poor to the broader health
care system of doctors, nurses, hospitals, and clinics. The website contains a rich array of
resources and current events related to the campaign and CHW programs more generally.

In 2010, the CORE Group, Save the Children, BASICS, and MCHIP collaborated to produce
Community Case Management Essentials: Treating Common Childhood Illnesses in the
Community; A Guide for Program Managers. This guide is available at:
http://www.coregroup.org/storage/documents/CCM/CCMbook-internet2.pdf.

In 2011, the USAID Health Care Improvement Project created the Community Health Worker
Assessment and Improvement Matrix (AIM) toolkit to help ministries, donors, and NGOs assess
and strengthen their CHW programs to improve their functionality. This toolkit is available at:
http://www.urc-chs.com/uploads/resourceFiles/Live/CHWAIMToolkitcomplete.pdf.

In 2012, the US Government hosted an international conference to review the evidence related
to CHW performance. Their report, entitled Community and Formal Health System Support for
Enhanced Community Health Worker Performance, is available at:
http://www.usaid.gov/sites/default/files/documents/1864/CHW-Evidence-Summit-Final-
Report.pdf.

Appendix C–3
Appendix C–4